Anaximander and Dr Dicks, 1970
By: O'Brien, Denis
Title Anaximander and Dr Dicks
Type Article
Language English
Date 1970
Journal The Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume 90
Pages 198-199
Categories no categories
Author(s) O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
I am sorry to have annoyed Dr. Dicks by criticizing two articles of his in one of my footnotes (D. R. Dicks, On Anaximander's Figures, JHS LXXXIX [1969] 120: the offending footnote is in JHS LXXXVIII [1968] 120 n. 44, referring to Dicks, CQ n.s. IX [1959] 294-309, especially 299 and 301, and JHS LXXXVI [1966] 26-40, especially 30 and 36). I limit myself to the four specific points raised, in the hope that Dr. Dicks may one day be kind enough to substantiate his more general criticisms. Pseudo-Galen Five separate doxographical sources attribute to Anaxagoras the statement that the sun is larger, or many times larger, than the Peloponnese. Galen, or pseudo-Galen, notes that Anaxagoras' sun is larger than the earth. I suggested that this second formula, although it may not misrepresent the substance of Anaxagoras' theory, was "probably in Galen simply a random error, arising from the fact that the preceding sentence, on Anaximander, twice makes a comparison of sun and earth" (JHS LXXXVIII [1968] 124 n. 62). It is hard to know what motivates Dr. Dicks to omit my reasoning and to stigmatize my conclusion as "curious" and "eccentric." Tannery Tannery offered three pairs of figures for the distances of the inner and outer diameters of the wheels of stars, moon, and sun in Anaximander's universe: 9 and 10, 18 and 19, 27 and 28 (Science Hellène 94-5). Of these, the figures 19, 27, and 28 are given in doxographical sources. The remaining figures, 9, 10, and 18, are conjectural. If one wishes to criticize Tannery's reconstruction, it makes little sense to isolate one half only of this series. It makes still less sense to isolate the half for which there is less evidence: 9, 18, and 27. But only by doing so is Dr. Dicks able to justify the sentence which I quoted from him: "only 27 in the series has any textual authority." I am sorry if the manner in which I quoted this sentence made it appear that Dr. Dicks had never even heard of the other two figures which appear in the sources, 19 and 28. But Dr. Dicks is wrong to criticize Tannery as though he had generated a single series of numbers from the one figure, 27, which would have been a very dubious procedure. Tannery produced a double series of numbers from the three figures, 19, 27, and 28. This is a very different argument, which has won the support of several scholars and which has recently fallen into disfavour only as the result of a number of misunderstandings, which I have tried to dispel in an article in The Classical Quarterly (n.s. XVII [1967] 423-32). Simplicius In these, and in other doxographical passages, statements are attributed to Anaximander about the sizes and distances of earth, stars, moon, and sun. In Simplicius, mention of megethê kai apostêmata is restricted, albeit loosely, to ta planômena: that the restriction in the context is a loose one anyone may verify who cares to turn up the original passage (De Caelo 470.29 ff = DK 12A19 in part). Because I suggest that Simplicius here may misrepresent Eudemus, whom Simplicius refers to at this point, Dr. Dicks attributes to me the principle that "Simplicius' words may be altered, excised, or transposed at will." In fact, my interpretation of this passage in Simplicius is no different from that implied by Zeller in his great work (Philosophie der Griechen I 1, 298-301) and in part by Tannery (Science Hellène 91). Theophrastus Finally, Dr. Dicks objects to my quotation of two claims: "The chances that the original works of the earlier Pre-Socratics were still readily available to his (sc. Aristotle's) pupils, such as Theophrastus and Eudemus... are extremely small." "There is, therefore, no justification whatsoever for supposing that very late commentators, such as Proclus (5th century A.D.) and Simplicius (6th century A.D.), can possibly possess more authentic information about the Pre-Socratics than the earlier epitomators and excerptors..." It was these two sentences which occasioned my footnote: for here an important principle is at stake. Dr. Dicks now explains that his remarks were intended to be limited to Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes. The reader could not have guessed that this was so: for the very paragraphs from which Dr. Dicks' judgment is quoted include references to Xenophanes and (indirectly) Heraclitus, while the paragraph immediately following the second sentence which I quoted (CQ n.s. IX [1959] 301) lists "Thales, Pythagoras, Heraclitus, and Empedocles" as "these early figures." Nonetheless, even if we restrict ourselves to Dr. Dicks' chosen trio, my point remains: there is evidence that Anaximander's work was known both to Apollodorus and to Theophrastus. (N.B. "Known to": for, as I remarked in my note, "I would not claim to distinguish between 'available' and 'readily available' in the case of Theophrastus and Eudemus".) Dr. Dicks ignores this simple refutation of both his earlier and his emended thesis. [the entire note]

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I limit myself to the four specific points raised, in the hope that Dr. Dicks may one day be kind enough to substantiate his more general criticisms.\r\nPseudo-Galen\r\n\r\nFive separate doxographical sources attribute to Anaxagoras the statement that the sun is larger, or many times larger, than the Peloponnese. Galen, or pseudo-Galen, notes that Anaxagoras' sun is larger than the earth. I suggested that this second formula, although it may not misrepresent the substance of Anaxagoras' theory, was \"probably in Galen simply a random error, arising from the fact that the preceding sentence, on Anaximander, twice makes a comparison of sun and earth\" (JHS LXXXVIII [1968] 124 n. 62). It is hard to know what motivates Dr. Dicks to omit my reasoning and to stigmatize my conclusion as \"curious\" and \"eccentric.\"\r\nTannery\r\n\r\nTannery offered three pairs of figures for the distances of the inner and outer diameters of the wheels of stars, moon, and sun in Anaximander's universe: 9 and 10, 18 and 19, 27 and 28 (Science Hell\u00e8ne 94-5). Of these, the figures 19, 27, and 28 are given in doxographical sources. The remaining figures, 9, 10, and 18, are conjectural.\r\n\r\nIf one wishes to criticize Tannery's reconstruction, it makes little sense to isolate one half only of this series. It makes still less sense to isolate the half for which there is less evidence: 9, 18, and 27. But only by doing so is Dr. Dicks able to justify the sentence which I quoted from him: \"only 27 in the series has any textual authority.\"\r\n\r\nI am sorry if the manner in which I quoted this sentence made it appear that Dr. Dicks had never even heard of the other two figures which appear in the sources, 19 and 28. But Dr. Dicks is wrong to criticize Tannery as though he had generated a single series of numbers from the one figure, 27, which would have been a very dubious procedure. Tannery produced a double series of numbers from the three figures, 19, 27, and 28. This is a very different argument, which has won the support of several scholars and which has recently fallen into disfavour only as the result of a number of misunderstandings, which I have tried to dispel in an article in The Classical Quarterly (n.s. XVII [1967] 423-32).\r\nSimplicius\r\n\r\nIn these, and in other doxographical passages, statements are attributed to Anaximander about the sizes and distances of earth, stars, moon, and sun. In Simplicius, mention of megeth\u00ea kai apost\u00eamata is restricted, albeit loosely, to ta plan\u00f4mena: that the restriction in the context is a loose one anyone may verify who cares to turn up the original passage (De Caelo 470.29 ff = DK 12A19 in part).\r\n\r\nBecause I suggest that Simplicius here may misrepresent Eudemus, whom Simplicius refers to at this point, Dr. Dicks attributes to me the principle that \"Simplicius' words may be altered, excised, or transposed at will.\" In fact, my interpretation of this passage in Simplicius is no different from that implied by Zeller in his great work (Philosophie der Griechen I 1, 298-301) and in part by Tannery (Science Hell\u00e8ne 91).\r\nTheophrastus\r\n\r\nFinally, Dr. Dicks objects to my quotation of two claims:\r\n\r\n \"The chances that the original works of the earlier Pre-Socratics were still readily available to his (sc. Aristotle's) pupils, such as Theophrastus and Eudemus... are extremely small.\"\r\n \"There is, therefore, no justification whatsoever for supposing that very late commentators, such as Proclus (5th century A.D.) and Simplicius (6th century A.D.), can possibly possess more authentic information about the Pre-Socratics than the earlier epitomators and excerptors...\"\r\n\r\nIt was these two sentences which occasioned my footnote: for here an important principle is at stake. Dr. Dicks now explains that his remarks were intended to be limited to Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes. The reader could not have guessed that this was so: for the very paragraphs from which Dr. Dicks' judgment is quoted include references to Xenophanes and (indirectly) Heraclitus, while the paragraph immediately following the second sentence which I quoted (CQ n.s. IX [1959] 301) lists \"Thales, Pythagoras, Heraclitus, and Empedocles\" as \"these early figures.\"\r\n\r\nNonetheless, even if we restrict ourselves to Dr. Dicks' chosen trio, my point remains: there is evidence that Anaximander's work was known both to Apollodorus and to Theophrastus. (N.B. \"Known to\": for, as I remarked in my note, \"I would not claim to distinguish between 'available' and 'readily available' in the case of Theophrastus and Eudemus\".)\r\n\r\nDr. Dicks ignores this simple refutation of both his earlier and his emended thesis. [the entire note]","btype":3,"date":"1970","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YpWmO3Tof91Vb3y","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":144,"full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1102,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Journal of Hellenic Studies","volume":"90","issue":"","pages":"198-199"}},"sort":[1970]}

Parmenides, B 8. 4, 1970
By: Wilson, John Richard
Title Parmenides, B 8. 4
Type Article
Language English
Date 1970
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 20
Issue 1
Pages 32-34
Categories no categories
Author(s) Wilson, John Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The text of Parmenides 8. 4 is unusually corrupt. [p. 32]

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Die Widerlegung des Manichäismus im Epiktetkommentar des Simplikios, 1969
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut
Title Die Widerlegung des Manichäismus im Epiktetkommentar des Simplikios
Type Article
Language German
Date 1969
Journal Archiv fur Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume 51
Issue 1
Pages 31-57
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Wir haben gesehen, dass Simplikios seiner kurzen Abhandlung über den Manichäismus einen durchaus kunstvollen Aufbau zu geben wusste. Obwohl sie in den großen Zusammenhang seines Epiktetkommentars eingebaut ist, bildet sie doch in sich ein abgerundetes Ganzes. Was die Art seiner Argumentation betrifft, so findet sich in ihr wohl kaum ein Gedanke, der sich nicht schon so oder ähnlich bei Alexander von Lykopolis, Titus von Bostra, Epiphanios oder Augustinus ausgedrückt fände. Das soll natürlich nicht unbedingt heißen, dass Simplikios einen von diesen Schriftstellern direkt benutzt hätte; vielmehr ist damit zu rechnen, dass sich sehr bald ein festes Schema antimanichäischer Polemik herausgebildet hatte – etwa so, wie es in hellenistischer Zeit bestimmte Argumentationsschemata gab, die zum Gemeingut der philosophischen Widerlegung von Epikureern und Stoikern geworden waren. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit verdient die kleine Abhandlung des Simplikios eher dadurch, dass sie Anspielungen auf Lehren der Manichäer enthält, deren Hintergrund, soweit ich sehe, bis heute nicht genügend erhellt ist. In welcher Umgebung hat man den manichäischen Weisen zu suchen, dem Simplikios seine Information über die manichäische Kosmogonie verdankt? Stammte diese Bekanntschaft aus der Zeit seiner Studien in Alexandrien, oder hatte Simplikios mit dem Manichäer anlässlich seines Aufenthaltes in Persien bei dem philosophisch interessierten König Chosrau sprechen können, der ja für seine Diskussionsveranstaltungen – unter anderem über die Frage, ob man ein oder zwei Prinzipien aller Dinge anzunehmen habe – bekannt war? Wie Prächter aus philosophisch-dogmatischen Gründen auf eine frühe, d. h. vor der Übersiedlung des Simplikios nach Athen gelegene Entstehungszeit des Epiktetkommentars schließt, besteht meines Erachtens kein Grund, da keineswegs wichtige Differenzen zwischen dem Neuplatonismus des Epiktetkommentars und dem der athenischen Schule bestehen. Im Gegenteil, stellenweise ist ein starker Einfluss des Proklos nachzuweisen. Aus der Bemerkung des Simplikios, dass ihm die Gelegenheit, Epiktet zu kommentieren, unter den gegenwärtigen Zeitumständen sehr willkommen gewesen sei, glaube ich eher auf eine nach dem Edikt Justinians gelegene Entstehungszeit schließen zu dürfen. Eine Begegnung mit manichäischen Lehren im asiatischen Bereich und deren Aufnahme in den Kommentar lagen somit immerhin im Bereich des Möglichen. Das Anliegen des vorliegenden Aufsatzes ist es daher, diese teilweise aus den textlichen Veränderungen noch deutlicher hervortretenden Probleme, auf die ich im Zusammenhang mit den Arbeiten zu einer Neuausgabe des Epiktetkommentars gestoßen bin, wieder einmal aufzuwerfen und, wenn möglich, dem Interesse der Fachleute dieses so schwierigen Gebietes zu empfehlen. [conclusion p. 56-57]

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Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unvergänglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12, 1969
By: Mau, Jürgen
Title Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unvergänglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12
Type Article
Language German
Date 1969
Journal Hermes
Volume 97
Issue 2
Pages 198-204
Categories no categories
Author(s) Mau, Jürgen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Das Thema für Kap. 11–12 ist am Schluss von Kap. 10 gegeben; 280a 28: „Einige vertreten die Ansicht, etwas dem Werden nicht Unterliegendes (ἀγένητον) könne vergehen, und etwas Entstandenes könne unvergänglich bestehen bleiben, wie im Timaios. Dort nämlich sagt (Platon), der Himmel sei zwar geworden, indessen werde er die übrige immerwährende Zeit existieren. Mit diesen haben wir uns bisher nur unter physikalischen Gesichtspunkten betreffs des Himmels auseinandergesetzt. Nachdem wir die Untersuchung aber allgemein über alles angestellt haben, wird auch hierüber Klarheit sein.“ Wir dürfen also eine Argumentation erwarten, der Form: „Wenn für jedes Subjekt gilt: Es kann nicht geworden und unvergänglich sein, dann gilt es auch für den Himmel. Nun gilt es für jedes, also auch für den Himmel.“ Dieser Beweis – besser: diese Beweise, denn es handelt sich nicht um eine Elementatio, wie Aristoteles sie für die Geometrie kannte und wie, aus Aristoteles schöpfend, 700 Jahre später Proklos sie für Physik und Theologie schrieb – finden sich in Kap. 12. Kap. 11 liefert die zum Beweisen notwendigen Definitionen für ἀγένητον (280b 6), γενητόν (280b 14), φθαρτόν (280b 20), ἄφθαρτον (280b 25), ἀδύνατον (280b 12) und ἀδύνατον-δυνατόν in eingeschränkter Bedeutung noch einmal in 281a 7–19. Der erste Beweis für die Unhaltbarkeit der Position Platons läuft von Kap. 12 Anfang (281a 28) bis 282a 25. Seine Konklusion lautet 282a 21: „Somit ist das Immerseiende weder dem Werden unterliegend (γενητόν) noch dem Vergehen, dasselbe gilt für das Immernichtseiende.“ Das folgende zweite Argument beweist, dass, wenn etwas ist und dem Werden bzw. Vergehen nicht unterliegt, es immerwährend ist. Da nach der Definition für ἀγένητον und ἄφθαρτον (282a 27) deren Konjunktion das Immerwährende einschließt, wird untersucht, ob γενητόν und φθαρτόν bzw. ἀγένητον und ἄφθαρτον sich gegenseitig implizieren (ἀκολουθεῖ ἀλλήλοις), ob also, wenn z. B. ἀγένητον gegeben ist, das αἰώνιον bereits mitgegeben ist. Der Beweis für Letzteres schließt mit der Konklusion 282b 23: „Es folgen also auseinander das dem Werden und dem Vergehen Unterliegende.“ Der auf Grund von Topik B 8. 113b 17ff. eigentlich einfache Beweis für die Äquivalenz der beiden Negate, also ἀγένητον = ἄφθαρτον, macht Aristoteles merkwürdigerweise Schwierigkeiten (282b 23–283a 3). Von 283a 4 bis zum Schluss des Buches werden weitere Möglichkeiten gezeigt, wie man in der Diskussion demjenigen antworten kann, der sagt: „Warum soll denn nicht etwas Gewordenes unvergänglich sein?“ Hier soll das Argument 1 analysiert werden. [introduction p. 198]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"994","_score":null,"_source":{"id":994,"authors_free":[{"id":1498,"entry_id":994,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":241,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mau, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Mau","norm_person":{"id":241,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Mau","full_name":"Mau,J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117747351","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unverg\u00e4nglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12","main_title":{"title":"Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unverg\u00e4nglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12"},"abstract":"Das Thema f\u00fcr Kap. 11\u201312 ist am Schluss von Kap. 10 gegeben; 280a 28:\r\n\u201eEinige vertreten die Ansicht, etwas dem Werden nicht Unterliegendes (\u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd) k\u00f6nne vergehen, und etwas Entstandenes k\u00f6nne unverg\u00e4nglich bestehen bleiben, wie im Timaios. Dort n\u00e4mlich sagt (Platon), der Himmel sei zwar geworden, indessen werde er die \u00fcbrige immerw\u00e4hrende Zeit existieren. Mit diesen haben wir uns bisher nur unter physikalischen Gesichtspunkten betreffs des Himmels auseinandergesetzt. Nachdem wir die Untersuchung aber allgemein \u00fcber alles angestellt haben, wird auch hier\u00fcber Klarheit sein.\u201c\r\n\r\nWir d\u00fcrfen also eine Argumentation erwarten, der Form: \u201eWenn f\u00fcr jedes Subjekt gilt: Es kann nicht geworden und unverg\u00e4nglich sein, dann gilt es auch f\u00fcr den Himmel. Nun gilt es f\u00fcr jedes, also auch f\u00fcr den Himmel.\u201c Dieser Beweis \u2013 besser: diese Beweise, denn es handelt sich nicht um eine Elementatio, wie Aristoteles sie f\u00fcr die Geometrie kannte und wie, aus Aristoteles sch\u00f6pfend, 700 Jahre sp\u00e4ter Proklos sie f\u00fcr Physik und Theologie schrieb \u2013 finden sich in Kap. 12. Kap. 11 liefert die zum Beweisen notwendigen Definitionen f\u00fcr \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (280b 6), \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd (280b 14), \u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd (280b 20), \u1f04\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (280b 25), \u1f00\u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (280b 12) und \u1f00\u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd-\u03b4\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd in eingeschr\u00e4nkter Bedeutung noch einmal in 281a 7\u201319.\r\n\r\nDer erste Beweis f\u00fcr die Unhaltbarkeit der Position Platons l\u00e4uft von Kap. 12 Anfang (281a 28) bis 282a 25. Seine Konklusion lautet 282a 21: \u201eSomit ist das Immerseiende weder dem Werden unterliegend (\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd) noch dem Vergehen, dasselbe gilt f\u00fcr das Immernichtseiende.\u201c Das folgende zweite Argument beweist, dass, wenn etwas ist und dem Werden bzw. Vergehen nicht unterliegt, es immerw\u00e4hrend ist. Da nach der Definition f\u00fcr \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd und \u1f04\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (282a 27) deren Konjunktion das Immerw\u00e4hrende einschlie\u00dft, wird untersucht, ob \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd und \u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd bzw. \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd und \u1f04\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd sich gegenseitig implizieren (\u1f00\u03ba\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03b8\u03b5\u1fd6 \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u03ae\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2), ob also, wenn z. B. \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd gegeben ist, das \u03b1\u1f30\u03ce\u03bd\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd bereits mitgegeben ist. Der Beweis f\u00fcr Letzteres schlie\u00dft mit der Konklusion 282b 23: \u201eEs folgen also auseinander das dem Werden und dem Vergehen Unterliegende.\u201c Der auf Grund von Topik B 8. 113b 17ff. eigentlich einfache Beweis f\u00fcr die \u00c4quivalenz der beiden Negate, also \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd = \u1f04\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd, macht Aristoteles merkw\u00fcrdigerweise Schwierigkeiten (282b 23\u2013283a 3).\r\n\r\nVon 283a 4 bis zum Schluss des Buches werden weitere M\u00f6glichkeiten gezeigt, wie man in der Diskussion demjenigen antworten kann, der sagt: \u201eWarum soll denn nicht etwas Gewordenes unverg\u00e4nglich sein?\u201c Hier soll das Argument 1 analysiert werden. [introduction p. 198]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/4HHd88Jx3Rv3qEZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":241,"full_name":"Mau,J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":994,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"97","issue":"2","pages":"198-204"}},"sort":[1969]}

Ancient Interpretations of Aristotle's Doctrine of Homonyma, 1969
By: Anton, John Peter
Title Ancient Interpretations of Aristotle's Doctrine of Homonyma
Type Article
Language English
Date 1969
Journal Journal of the History of Philosophy
Volume 7
Issue 1
Pages 1–18
Categories no categories
Author(s) Anton, John Peter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The main pourpose of this paper is to offer an exposition and a critical examination of the ancient interpretations of Aristotle's doctrine of homonymy. A circumlocution of what Aristotle means by homonymous things is given in Categories, Ch. 1, 1a. The ancient interpretations with which we are concerned in this paper are to be found in the extant commentaries on this treatise. Evidently, more commentaries had been written on the Categories than the vicissitudes of time allowed to survive, but we have only those of the following writers: Porphyrius (c. 233–303), Dexippus (fl. c. 350), Ammonius (fl. c. 485), Philoponus (c. 490–530), Olympiodorus (fl. c. 535), Simplicius (fl. c. 533), and Elias (fl. c. 550). One might add here the relevant writings of John Damascene (675–749), Photius (820–891), and Michael Psellus (1018–1079), which are useful paraphrases rather than full commentaries; for that reason, the interpretations they support are not discussed in this paper. The main body of this paper is given to a discussion of the interpretations which the ancient commentators offered and to an analysis of the assumptions which underlie them. It can be stated here, in anticipation of what follows, that the commentators often attached to Aristotle's meaning of homonymy aspects that were quite foreign to his views, and that by doing so, these commentators were taking extensive liberties with the text at hand. As we hope to show, the commentators brought into their discussions of this particular portion of the Categories issues and views that were far more relevant to their own ontologies and logical theories than to Aristotle's doctrines. In order to show how this is the case, we must first give a summary of what we believe our text permits us to say about the meaning of homonymy, as given in the opening chapter of the Categories. Suffice it to add at this point that the interpretations of the doctrine of homonymy with which we are concerned here are only those that are discussed exclusively in the relevant commentaries on this work. [introduction p. 1-2]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1003","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1003,"authors_free":[{"id":1508,"entry_id":1003,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":34,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Anton, John Peter","free_first_name":"John Peter","free_last_name":"Anton","norm_person":{"id":34,"first_name":"John Peter","last_name":"Anton","full_name":"Anton, John Peter","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/171952154","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ancient Interpretations of Aristotle's Doctrine of Homonyma","main_title":{"title":"Ancient Interpretations of Aristotle's Doctrine of Homonyma"},"abstract":"The main pourpose of this paper is to offer an exposition and a critical examination of the ancient interpretations of Aristotle's doctrine of homonymy. A circumlocution of what Aristotle means by homonymous things is given in Categories, Ch. 1, 1a. The ancient interpretations with which we are concerned in this paper are to be found in the extant commentaries on this treatise. Evidently, more commentaries had been written on the Categories than the vicissitudes of time allowed to survive, but we have only those of the following writers: Porphyrius (c. 233\u2013303), Dexippus (fl. c. 350), Ammonius (fl. c. 485), Philoponus (c. 490\u2013530), Olympiodorus (fl. c. 535), Simplicius (fl. c. 533), and Elias (fl. c. 550). One might add here the relevant writings of John Damascene (675\u2013749), Photius (820\u2013891), and Michael Psellus (1018\u20131079), which are useful paraphrases rather than full commentaries; for that reason, the interpretations they support are not discussed in this paper.\r\n\r\nThe main body of this paper is given to a discussion of the interpretations which the ancient commentators offered and to an analysis of the assumptions which underlie them. It can be stated here, in anticipation of what follows, that the commentators often attached to Aristotle's meaning of homonymy aspects that were quite foreign to his views, and that by doing so, these commentators were taking extensive liberties with the text at hand. As we hope to show, the commentators brought into their discussions of this particular portion of the Categories issues and views that were far more relevant to their own ontologies and logical theories than to Aristotle's doctrines. In order to show how this is the case, we must first give a summary of what we believe our text permits us to say about the meaning of homonymy, as given in the opening chapter of the Categories. Suffice it to add at this point that the interpretations of the doctrine of homonymy with which we are concerned here are only those that are discussed exclusively in the relevant commentaries on this work. [introduction p. 1-2]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1BGmQytPmPF1QPa","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":34,"full_name":"Anton, John Peter","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1003,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of the History of Philosophy","volume":"7","issue":"1","pages":"1\u201318"}},"sort":[1969]}

Simplicius’s Proof of Euclid’s Parallels Postulate, 1969
By: Sabra, A. I.
Title Simplicius’s Proof of Euclid’s Parallels Postulate
Type Article
Language English
Date 1969
Journal Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
Volume 32
Pages 1-24
Categories no categories
Author(s) Sabra, A. I.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
A commentary by Simplicius on the premises to Book I of Euclid’s Elements survives in an Arabic translation, of which the author and the exact date of execution are unknown. The translation is reproduced by the ninth-century mathematician al-Fadl ibn Hâtim al-Nayrîzî in the course of his own commentary on the Elements. Of Nayrîzî’s commentary, which is based on the earlier translation of the Elements by al-Hajjâj ibn Yûsuf ibn Matar, we have only one manuscript copy at Leiden and Gerard of Cremona’s Latin translation, both of which have been published. The passages quoted by Nayrîzî, owing to their extensiveness and consecutive order, would strongly lead one to assume that they together make up the whole of Simplicius’s text. In what follows, however, I shall argue that they suffer from at least one important omission: a proof by Simplicius himself of Euclid’s parallels postulate. Since the omission occurs both in the Leiden manuscript and in Gerard’s translation, it cannot simply be an accidental feature of the former. My argument will consist in (i) citing evidence (Document I) to the effect that such a proof was known to some Arabic mathematicians, and (ii) producing a hitherto unnoticed text (Document II), which, in the light of the evidence cited, may well be taken to be the missing proof. In addition, I shall show how Simplicius’s proof entered Arabic discussions on parallels, first, by being made subject to criticism (Document I), and then by being incorporated into a new proof, which was designed to take that criticism into account (Document III). The title of Simplicius’s work in question appears in the Arabic sources in slightly different forms. Nayrîzî concludes the last citation from that work with the following words: “There end the matters which Simplicius has put forward in the commentary to the musädara of Euclid for the first part of the book of Elements.” The word musädara has here something a little unexpected about it. Usually, as in translations of Euclid and Aristotle, it corresponds to the Greek αἴτημα (aitêma), and it is used in this sense in the body of Simplicius’s commentary itself. (The Arabic verb sädara appropriately means “to demand.” Musädara: demanding, or that [proposition] which is demanded.) But the commentary is not restricted to the αἰτήματα (postulates) at the beginning of the Elements, but also treats of the common notions (κοιναί ἔννοιαι: 'ulüm muta‘ärafa) and the definitions (ὅροι: hudüd). Could musädara be used here in a general sense that covers all three groups of Euclid’s premises? Such a hypothesis would derive at least partial support from a statement in Proclus that some ancient writers applied the term αἴτημα to axioms (or common notions) as well as to postulates. Proclus quotes Archimedes as an example. In agreement with this usage, the titles of at least two Arabic works on geometry employ the plural musädarät as a collective term for the axioms, definitions, and postulates. It was probably this sense that the eleventh-century scholar Abü cAbd Allah al-Khwarizmï had in mind when he gave the following explanation in his Keys of the Sciences: “al-musädara are those premises of the question which are put at the beginning of a book or chapter of geometry.” The tenth-century bibliographer Ibn al-Nadïm gives a somewhat different version of the title of Simplicius’s book: “A commentary on the sadr of the book of Euclid, which is the introduction to geometry.” Sadr means fore-part or front and is frequently used to refer to the introductory part of a book; it might have rendered the Greek προοίμιον (prooimion). The latter part in this version, “which is the introduction to geometry,” looks like a description of the book supplied, perhaps, by Ibn al-Nadïm himself, but it may also have been an alternative title of the book. Nayrîzî’s version of the title agrees with Khwarizmï’s definition in applying the singular musädara to a multitude of premises, but we shall see that the thirteenth-century author of Document I cites the same title with musädarät in the plural. Simplicius prefaces his comments on the individual postulates of Euclid with a long passage on the meaning and function of postulates in general. It will be useful to quote this passage here in full, since it is one of the channels through which Greek discussions of mathematical methodology were transmitted to the Islamic world—particularly discussions connected with the question of parallels. [introduction p. 1-2]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1055","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1055,"authors_free":[{"id":1602,"entry_id":1055,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":396,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sabra, A. I.","free_first_name":"A. I.","free_last_name":"Sabra","norm_person":{"id":396,"first_name":"A. I.","last_name":"Sabra","full_name":"Sabra, A. I.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1023667843","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius\u2019s Proof of Euclid\u2019s Parallels Postulate","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius\u2019s Proof of Euclid\u2019s Parallels Postulate"},"abstract":"A commentary by Simplicius on the premises to Book I of Euclid\u2019s Elements survives in an Arabic translation, of which the author and the exact date of execution are unknown. The translation is reproduced by the ninth-century mathematician al-Fadl ibn H\u00e2tim al-Nayr\u00eez\u00ee in the course of his own commentary on the Elements. Of Nayr\u00eez\u00ee\u2019s commentary, which is based on the earlier translation of the Elements by al-Hajj\u00e2j ibn Y\u00fbsuf ibn Matar, we have only one manuscript copy at Leiden and Gerard of Cremona\u2019s Latin translation, both of which have been published.\r\n\r\nThe passages quoted by Nayr\u00eez\u00ee, owing to their extensiveness and consecutive order, would strongly lead one to assume that they together make up the whole of Simplicius\u2019s text. In what follows, however, I shall argue that they suffer from at least one important omission: a proof by Simplicius himself of Euclid\u2019s parallels postulate. Since the omission occurs both in the Leiden manuscript and in Gerard\u2019s translation, it cannot simply be an accidental feature of the former. My argument will consist in (i) citing evidence (Document I) to the effect that such a proof was known to some Arabic mathematicians, and (ii) producing a hitherto unnoticed text (Document II), which, in the light of the evidence cited, may well be taken to be the missing proof. In addition, I shall show how Simplicius\u2019s proof entered Arabic discussions on parallels, first, by being made subject to criticism (Document I), and then by being incorporated into a new proof, which was designed to take that criticism into account (Document III).\r\n\r\nThe title of Simplicius\u2019s work in question appears in the Arabic sources in slightly different forms. Nayr\u00eez\u00ee concludes the last citation from that work with the following words: \u201cThere end the matters which Simplicius has put forward in the commentary to the mus\u00e4dara of Euclid for the first part of the book of Elements.\u201d The word mus\u00e4dara has here something a little unexpected about it. Usually, as in translations of Euclid and Aristotle, it corresponds to the Greek \u03b1\u1f34\u03c4\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1 (ait\u00eama), and it is used in this sense in the body of Simplicius\u2019s commentary itself. (The Arabic verb s\u00e4dara appropriately means \u201cto demand.\u201d Mus\u00e4dara: demanding, or that [proposition] which is demanded.) But the commentary is not restricted to the \u03b1\u1f30\u03c4\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 (postulates) at the beginning of the Elements, but also treats of the common notions (\u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u03af \u1f14\u03bd\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1\u03b9: 'ul\u00fcm muta\u2018\u00e4rafa) and the definitions (\u1f45\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9: hud\u00fcd). Could mus\u00e4dara be used here in a general sense that covers all three groups of Euclid\u2019s premises?\r\n\r\nSuch a hypothesis would derive at least partial support from a statement in Proclus that some ancient writers applied the term \u03b1\u1f34\u03c4\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1 to axioms (or common notions) as well as to postulates. Proclus quotes Archimedes as an example. In agreement with this usage, the titles of at least two Arabic works on geometry employ the plural mus\u00e4dar\u00e4t as a collective term for the axioms, definitions, and postulates. It was probably this sense that the eleventh-century scholar Ab\u00fc cAbd Allah al-Khwarizm\u00ef had in mind when he gave the following explanation in his Keys of the Sciences: \u201cal-mus\u00e4dara are those premises of the question which are put at the beginning of a book or chapter of geometry.\u201d\r\n\r\nThe tenth-century bibliographer Ibn al-Nad\u00efm gives a somewhat different version of the title of Simplicius\u2019s book: \u201cA commentary on the sadr of the book of Euclid, which is the introduction to geometry.\u201d Sadr means fore-part or front and is frequently used to refer to the introductory part of a book; it might have rendered the Greek \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03bf\u03af\u03bc\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd (prooimion). The latter part in this version, \u201cwhich is the introduction to geometry,\u201d looks like a description of the book supplied, perhaps, by Ibn al-Nad\u00efm himself, but it may also have been an alternative title of the book. Nayr\u00eez\u00ee\u2019s version of the title agrees with Khwarizm\u00ef\u2019s definition in applying the singular mus\u00e4dara to a multitude of premises, but we shall see that the thirteenth-century author of Document I cites the same title with mus\u00e4dar\u00e4t in the plural.\r\n\r\nSimplicius prefaces his comments on the individual postulates of Euclid with a long passage on the meaning and function of postulates in general. It will be useful to quote this passage here in full, since it is one of the channels through which Greek discussions of mathematical methodology were transmitted to the Islamic world\u2014particularly discussions connected with the question of parallels. [introduction p. 1-2]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DNibNx7ADIjjT3W","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":396,"full_name":"Sabra, A. I.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1055,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes","volume":"32","issue":"","pages":"1-24"}},"sort":[1969]}

Die Neuplatonischen Aristoteleskommentatoren über die Ursachen der Pseudepigraphie, 1969
By: Müller, Carl Werner
Title Die Neuplatonischen Aristoteleskommentatoren über die Ursachen der Pseudepigraphie
Type Article
Language German
Date 1969
Journal Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume 112
Issue 2
Pages 120-126
Categories no categories
Author(s) Müller, Carl Werner
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Die ausführliche Darbietung des Materials und der eingehende Vergleich der einzelnen Zeugnisse waren notwendig, um zu zeigen, dass der Fortschritt, der sich bei den Neuplatonikern gegenüber Galen in der Bewältigung des Problems der literarischen Fälschung feststellen lässt, nicht auf einer älteren oder vollständigeren Tradition basiert. Vielmehr liegt eine Entwicklung vor, die – von der Aristoteleskommentierung des Ammonios ausgehend – sich innerhalb der Schule von Alexandrien vollzieht und deren verschiedene Stadien noch deutlich erkennbar sind. Es ist ferner kein Zufall, dass gerade die pythagoreischen Schriften auf diese Weise vor dem Verdikt der Fälschung aus „niederen Motiven“ gerettet werden. Zugleich aber blieb der alexandrinische Neuplatonismus kritisch genug, die Pythagoras-Schwärmerei der Platoniker auf ein philologisch-historisch vertretbares Maß herabzustimmen, indem er die pythagoreischen Schriften nicht als von Pythagoras verfasst, sondern als Manifestationen der Wirkungsgeschichte des großen Mannes verstand. [conclusion p. 125-126]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"950","_score":null,"_source":{"id":950,"authors_free":[{"id":1426,"entry_id":950,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":273,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"M\u00fcller, Carl Werner","free_first_name":"Carl Werner","free_last_name":"M\u00fcller","norm_person":{"id":273,"first_name":"Carl Werner","last_name":"M\u00fcller","full_name":"M\u00fcller, Carl Werner","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/11944027X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Neuplatonischen Aristoteleskommentatoren \u00fcber die Ursachen der Pseudepigraphie","main_title":{"title":"Die Neuplatonischen Aristoteleskommentatoren \u00fcber die Ursachen der Pseudepigraphie"},"abstract":"Die ausf\u00fchrliche Darbietung des Materials und der eingehende Vergleich der einzelnen Zeugnisse waren notwendig, um zu zeigen, dass der Fortschritt, der sich bei den Neuplatonikern gegen\u00fcber Galen in der Bew\u00e4ltigung des Problems der literarischen F\u00e4lschung feststellen l\u00e4sst, nicht auf einer \u00e4lteren oder vollst\u00e4ndigeren Tradition basiert. Vielmehr liegt eine Entwicklung vor, die \u2013 von der Aristoteleskommentierung des Ammonios ausgehend \u2013 sich innerhalb der Schule von Alexandrien vollzieht und deren verschiedene Stadien noch deutlich erkennbar sind.\r\n\r\nEs ist ferner kein Zufall, dass gerade die pythagoreischen Schriften auf diese Weise vor dem Verdikt der F\u00e4lschung aus \u201eniederen Motiven\u201c gerettet werden. Zugleich aber blieb der alexandrinische Neuplatonismus kritisch genug, die Pythagoras-Schw\u00e4rmerei der Platoniker auf ein philologisch-historisch vertretbares Ma\u00df herabzustimmen, indem er die pythagoreischen Schriften nicht als von Pythagoras verfasst, sondern als Manifestationen der Wirkungsgeschichte des gro\u00dfen Mannes verstand. [conclusion p. 125-126]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yDXuCvfx6f6Eun7","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":273,"full_name":"M\u00fcller, Carl Werner","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":950,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rheinisches Museum f\u00fcr Philologie","volume":"112","issue":"2","pages":"120-126"}},"sort":[1969]}

John Philoponus as a Source of Medieval Islamic and Jewish Proofs of Creation, 1969
By: Davidson, Herbert A.
Title John Philoponus as a Source of Medieval Islamic and Jewish Proofs of Creation
Type Article
Language English
Date 1969
Journal Journal of the American Oriental Society
Volume 89
Issue 2
Pages 357-391
Categories no categories
Author(s) Davidson, Herbert A.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Information from a number of sources has established that John Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem, a refutation of Aristotle's proofs of the eternity of the world, was at least partially available to the Arabic philosophers in the Middle Ages. The present article shows that the Arabic Jewish writer Sacadia used a set of proofs of creation ultimately deriving from Philoponus. With the aid of this result the following further conclusions are also drawn: Kindi too used a set of proofs of creation ultimately deriving from Philoponus; a variety of medieval arguments from the impossibility of an infinite are to be traced to Philoponus; the standard Kalām proof of creation, the proof from "accidents," originated as a reformulation of one of Philoponus' arguments. [Author's abstract]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1295","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1295,"authors_free":[{"id":1888,"entry_id":1295,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":84,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Davidson, Herbert A.","free_first_name":"Herbert A.","free_last_name":"Davidson","norm_person":{"id":84,"first_name":"Herbert A.","last_name":"Davidson","full_name":"Davidson, Herbert A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/15814743X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"John Philoponus as a Source of Medieval Islamic and Jewish Proofs of Creation","main_title":{"title":"John Philoponus as a Source of Medieval Islamic and Jewish Proofs of Creation"},"abstract":"Information from a number of sources has established that John Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem, a refutation of Aristotle's proofs of the eternity of the world, was at least partially available to the Arabic philosophers in the Middle Ages. The present article shows that the Arabic Jewish writer Sacadia used a set of proofs of creation ultimately deriving from Philoponus. With the aid of this result the following further conclusions are also drawn: Kindi too used a set of proofs of creation ultimately deriving from Philoponus; a variety of medieval arguments from the impossibility of an infinite are to be traced to Philoponus; the standard Kal\u0101m proof of creation, the proof from \"accidents,\" originated as a reformulation of one of Philoponus' arguments. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yI5rGQdubzcVxPL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":84,"full_name":"Davidson, Herbert A.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1295,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of the American Oriental Society","volume":"89","issue":"2","pages":"357-391"}},"sort":[1969]}

Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik, 1969
By: Tsouyopoulos, Nelly
Title Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik
Type Article
Language German
Date 1969
Journal Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume 13
Pages 7-33
Categories no categories
Author(s) Tsouyopoulos, Nelly
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Die Methoden, welche in den neoplatonischen Schulen zum Aufbau eines metaphysischen Systems entwickelt wurden, erwiesen sich sehr geeignet für die Überwindung mancher Vorurteile der traditionellen griechischen Wis­ senschaft und zugleich für eine Neuorientierung des naturwissenschaft­ lichen Denkens. Unter den vielen Faktoren, welche die Entwicklung in dieser Richtung positiv beeinflußt haben, sei zunächst die große Bedeut- tung erwähnt, welche alle Neoplatoniker der Mathematik beigemessen haben. Vorab ihre Überzeugung, daß die μαθηματικοί λόγοι auf eindeutige Weise die gesamte Wirklichkeit bestimmen und das Definierbare in den theoretischen und empirischen Wissenschaften darstellen. Die Neigung dann zur Mystik, die Beschäftigung mit den Orakeln, das Praktizieren der Theurgie und die ganze Auseinandersetzung mit dem orientalischen Kult, welche neben dem Hineinbringen irrationaler Elemente in die her­ kömmlichen Denkweisen auch ein anderes Resultat hatten: Die Umwand­ lung des Erfahrungsbegriffs und des ganzen Modus des Begreifens der Phänomene, was die traditionelle Wissenschaft dringend benötigte. Die Be­ grenzung der Erfahrung auf das sinnliche Bewußtsein und die Wahrneh­ mung, die vor allem die peripatetische Schule charakterisierte, brachte all­ mählich das naturwissenschaftliche Denken zur Stagnation, indem sie eine quantitative Erfassung nicht direkt gegebener Größen wie Masse, Träg­ heit, Energie unmöglich machte. Es ist also keine Paradoxie, wenn Gedan­ ken und Methoden aus der neoplatonischen Tradition den Weg der wis­ senschaftlichen Abstraktion bahnten, indem sie das Bemühen um Erklärung der Phänomene gleichermaßen von der bloßen Spekulation wie vom primitiven Realismus abzubringen vermochten. Im folgenden wird der Versuch unternommen, an gewissen Beispielen diese Entwicklung zu demonstrieren. [introduction p. 7]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"457","_score":null,"_source":{"id":457,"authors_free":[{"id":614,"entry_id":457,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":410,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tsouyopoulos, Nelly","free_first_name":"Nelly","free_last_name":"Tsouyopoulos","norm_person":{"id":410,"first_name":" Nelly ","last_name":"Tsouyopoulos","full_name":"Tsouyopoulos, Nelly ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik","main_title":{"title":"Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik"},"abstract":"Die Methoden, welche in den neoplatonischen Schulen zum Aufbau eines \r\nmetaphysischen Systems entwickelt wurden, erwiesen sich sehr geeignet f\u00fcr \r\ndie \u00dcberwindung mancher Vorurteile der traditionellen griechischen Wis\u00ad\r\nsenschaft und zugleich f\u00fcr eine Neuorientierung des naturwissenschaft\u00ad\r\nlichen Denkens. Unter den vielen Faktoren, welche die Entwicklung in \r\ndieser Richtung positiv beeinflu\u00dft haben, sei zun\u00e4chst die gro\u00dfe Bedeut- \r\ntung erw\u00e4hnt, welche alle Neoplatoniker der Mathematik beigemessen \r\nhaben. Vorab ihre \u00dcberzeugung, da\u00df die \u03bc\u03b1\u03b8\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03bf\u03af \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03b9 auf eindeutige \r\nWeise die gesamte Wirklichkeit bestimmen und das Definierbare in den \r\ntheoretischen und empirischen Wissenschaften darstellen. Die Neigung \r\ndann zur Mystik, die Besch\u00e4ftigung mit den Orakeln, das Praktizieren \r\nder Theurgie und die ganze Auseinandersetzung mit dem orientalischen \r\nKult, welche neben dem Hineinbringen irrationaler Elemente in die her\u00ad\r\nk\u00f6mmlichen Denkweisen auch ein anderes Resultat hatten: Die Umwand\u00ad\r\nlung des Erfahrungsbegriffs und des ganzen Modus des Begreifens der \r\nPh\u00e4nomene, was die traditionelle Wissenschaft dringend ben\u00f6tigte. Die Be\u00ad\r\ngrenzung der Erfahrung auf das sinnliche Bewu\u00dftsein und die Wahrneh\u00ad\r\nmung, die vor allem die peripatetische Schule charakterisierte, brachte all\u00ad\r\nm\u00e4hlich das naturwissenschaftliche Denken zur Stagnation, indem sie eine \r\nquantitative Erfassung nicht direkt gegebener Gr\u00f6\u00dfen wie Masse, Tr\u00e4g\u00ad\r\nheit, Energie unm\u00f6glich machte. Es ist also keine Paradoxie, wenn Gedan\u00ad\r\nken und Methoden aus der neoplatonischen Tradition den Weg der wis\u00ad\r\nsenschaftlichen Abstraktion bahnten, indem sie das Bem\u00fchen um Erkl\u00e4rung \r\nder Ph\u00e4nomene gleicherma\u00dfen von der blo\u00dfen Spekulation wie vom \r\nprimitiven Realismus abzubringen vermochten. Im folgenden wird der \r\nVersuch unternommen, an gewissen Beispielen diese Entwicklung zu \r\ndemonstrieren. [introduction p. 7]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tStPtUxNAaSBrFw","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":410,"full_name":"Tsouyopoulos, Nelly ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":457,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archiv f\u00fcr Begriffsgeschichte","volume":"13","issue":"","pages":"7-33"}},"sort":[1969]}

Parmenides, Fragment 10, 1968
By: Bicknell, Peter J.
Title Parmenides, Fragment 10
Type Article
Language English
Date 1968
Journal Hermes
Volume 96
Issue 4
Pages 629-631
Categories no categories
Author(s) Bicknell, Peter J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This text is a critical analysis of the location of two fragments of the work of the ancient Greek philosopher Parmenides. The author of the text suggests that the two fragments, VS 28 B 10 (Clement, Strom. 5, I38) and VS 28 B 11 (Simplicius, de Caelo 559, 20), are incorrectly placed together in Parmenides' Way of Seeming. The author argues that there is no evidence to suggest that the two fragments were meant to be together, and that they do not fit into the context of Parmenides' work. The author also suggests that VS 28 B 10 may not be Parmenidean at all, and discusses its possible attribution to Empedocles. The text concludes by considering the language and style of the two fragments, and their relationship to Parmenides' other works. [summary of the whole text]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1124","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1124,"authors_free":[{"id":1700,"entry_id":1124,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":399,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","free_first_name":"Peter J.","free_last_name":"Bicknell","norm_person":{"id":399,"first_name":"Peter J.","last_name":"Bicknell","full_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1162157143","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Parmenides, Fragment 10","main_title":{"title":"Parmenides, Fragment 10"},"abstract":"This text is a critical analysis of the location of two fragments of the work of the ancient Greek philosopher Parmenides. The author of the text suggests that the two fragments, VS 28 B 10 (Clement, Strom. 5, I38) and VS 28 B 11 (Simplicius, de Caelo 559, 20), are incorrectly placed together in Parmenides' Way of Seeming. The author argues that there is no evidence to suggest that the two fragments were meant to be together, and that they do not fit into the context of Parmenides' work. The author also suggests that VS 28 B 10 may not be Parmenidean at all, and discusses its possible attribution to Empedocles. The text concludes by considering the language and style of the two fragments, and their relationship to Parmenides' other works. [summary of the whole text]","btype":3,"date":"1968","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/sgGCDPcG5fRkeId","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":399,"full_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1124,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"96","issue":"4","pages":"629-631"}},"sort":[1968]}

War Platons Vorlesung "das Gute" einmalig?, 1968
By: Merlan, Philip
Title War Platons Vorlesung "das Gute" einmalig?
Type Article
Language German
Date 1968
Journal Hermes
Volume 96
Issue 5
Pages 705-709
Categories no categories
Author(s) Merlan, Philip
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Die Frage wurde kürzlich von Krämer auf Grundlage einer Sprachanalyse der nunmehr wohl jedem an griechischer Philosophie Interessierten bekannten Aristoxenos-Stelle verneint. Im Folgenden wird versucht, zu beweisen, dass die Frage zu bejahen ist. Wie Krämer die Aristoxenos-Stelle versteht, lässt sich am besten durch eine Art Paraphrase darstellen: „Ich werde lieber, so sagt Aristoxenos, im Vorhinein den Gang meiner Untersuchung angeben, damit es uns nicht geht wie nach einer von Aristoteles oft erzählten Geschichte den meisten Hörern des platonischen Vorlesungskurses Das Gute. So oft er denselben ansagte, ging jeder hin in der Annahme, er werde etwas über Dinge hören, die üblicherweise für menschliche Güter gehalten werden, wie Reichtum, Gesundheit und Stärke, und in der Hauptsache über irgendein Glück wundersamster Art. Als aber die Auseinandersetzung immer wieder auf Mathematisches, Zahlen, Geometrie und Astronomie hinauslief, kam es ihnen—ich glaub’s schon—höchst absonderlich vor. In der Folge war das Ende des Kurses immer wieder, dass ein Teil der Hörer das ganze Ding für bedeutungslos ansah, ein anderer es nachteilig kritisierte. Und warum? Weil sie, statt sich zu erkundigen, um was es sich handeln würde, mit offenen Mündern hinzugehen pflegten, indem sie nur das Wort 'gut' aufgeschnappt hatten.“ Hat meine Paraphrase den Sinn der krämerschen Interpretation richtig getroffen, so hätte also Aristoxenos berichten wollen, dass, so oft Platon seinen Vorlesungskursus Das Gute anzusagen pflegte, sich immer wieder dasselbe ergab: Vom Titel Das Gute (der immer wiederholt wurde) angezogen, finden sich Hörer ein, von denen dann die meisten sich enttäuscht oder getäuscht fühlen. Ich will nicht sagen, dass dies unmöglich ist; aber es werden doch viele empfinden, dass das ganze Geschichtchen seinen Sinn verliert, wenn es sich nicht um ein einmaliges Ereignis handelt. [introduction p. 44-45]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"976","_score":null,"_source":{"id":976,"authors_free":[{"id":1475,"entry_id":976,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":258,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Merlan, Philip","free_first_name":"Philip","free_last_name":"Merlan","norm_person":{"id":258,"first_name":"Philip","last_name":"Merlan","full_name":"Merlan, Philip","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/128860502","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"War Platons Vorlesung \"das Gute\" einmalig?","main_title":{"title":"War Platons Vorlesung \"das Gute\" einmalig?"},"abstract":"Die Frage wurde k\u00fcrzlich von Kr\u00e4mer auf Grundlage einer Sprachanalyse der nunmehr wohl jedem an griechischer Philosophie Interessierten bekannten Aristoxenos-Stelle verneint. Im Folgenden wird versucht, zu beweisen, dass die Frage zu bejahen ist.\r\n\r\nWie Kr\u00e4mer die Aristoxenos-Stelle versteht, l\u00e4sst sich am besten durch eine Art Paraphrase darstellen:\r\n\r\n\u201eIch werde lieber, so sagt Aristoxenos, im Vorhinein den Gang meiner Untersuchung angeben, damit es uns nicht geht wie nach einer von Aristoteles oft erz\u00e4hlten Geschichte den meisten H\u00f6rern des platonischen Vorlesungskurses Das Gute. So oft er denselben ansagte, ging jeder hin in der Annahme, er werde etwas \u00fcber Dinge h\u00f6ren, die \u00fcblicherweise f\u00fcr menschliche G\u00fcter gehalten werden, wie Reichtum, Gesundheit und St\u00e4rke, und in der Hauptsache \u00fcber irgendein Gl\u00fcck wundersamster Art.\r\n\r\nAls aber die Auseinandersetzung immer wieder auf Mathematisches, Zahlen, Geometrie und Astronomie hinauslief, kam es ihnen\u2014ich glaub\u2019s schon\u2014h\u00f6chst absonderlich vor. In der Folge war das Ende des Kurses immer wieder, dass ein Teil der H\u00f6rer das ganze Ding f\u00fcr bedeutungslos ansah, ein anderer es nachteilig kritisierte. Und warum? Weil sie, statt sich zu erkundigen, um was es sich handeln w\u00fcrde, mit offenen M\u00fcndern hinzugehen pflegten, indem sie nur das Wort 'gut' aufgeschnappt hatten.\u201c\r\n\r\nHat meine Paraphrase den Sinn der kr\u00e4merschen Interpretation richtig getroffen, so h\u00e4tte also Aristoxenos berichten wollen, dass, so oft Platon seinen Vorlesungskursus Das Gute anzusagen pflegte, sich immer wieder dasselbe ergab: Vom Titel Das Gute (der immer wiederholt wurde) angezogen, finden sich H\u00f6rer ein, von denen dann die meisten sich entt\u00e4uscht oder get\u00e4uscht f\u00fchlen.\r\n\r\nIch will nicht sagen, dass dies unm\u00f6glich ist; aber es werden doch viele empfinden, dass das ganze Geschichtchen seinen Sinn verliert, wenn es sich nicht um ein einmaliges Ereignis handelt. [introduction p. 44-45]","btype":3,"date":"1968","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1i5nYpcy51Bvdbu","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":258,"full_name":"Merlan, Philip","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":976,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"96","issue":"5","pages":"705-709"}},"sort":[1968]}

The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv, 1968
By: Coxon, Allan D.
Title The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv
Type Article
Language English
Date 1968
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 18
Issue 1
Pages 70-75
Categories no categories
Author(s) Coxon, Allan D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The critical text of the first four books of Simplicius’ commentary on the Physics, which was published by Diels in Berlin in 1882 and serves as the foundation for the text of many fragments of the Presocratics, was based on collations by Vitelli of three manuscripts (DEF) and of a fragment of Book I in a copy made by the scribe of E, which Diels refers to as Ea. Besides these, Diels lists a considerable number of later manuscripts, which I have examined and found justifiably ignored in his critical apparatus. The total number of manuscripts listed by Diels of some part of Books I-VIII is 44; a further 25 not mentioned by Diels are listed in A. Wartelle’s "Inventaire des manuscrits grecs d’Aristote et de ses commentateurs" (Belles Lettres, 1963). I shall argue that Diels seriously underrated both the value of F and the probability of contamination between his manuscripts, and consequently, his text of some fragments of the Presocratics rests on a false foundation. However, it should be said at the outset that Diels’s understanding of Presocratic thought prevented him from going far wrong in the readings he adopted and printed. [Introduction, p. 70]

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Aristote, «De la prière», 1967
By: Pépin, Jean
Title Aristote, «De la prière»
Type Article
Language French
Date 1967
Journal Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume 157
Pages 59-70
Categories no categories
Author(s) Pépin, Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Au nombre des Aristotelis fragmenta figure un bref témoignage de Simplicius, selon lequel Aristote, sur la fin de son livre Περ ευχής, aurait dit que Dieu est ou bien intellect, ou bien quelque chose au-delà de l'intellect, ὃτι ό θεός ή νους εστίν ή καΐ έπέκεινά τι του νου. Simplicius est le seul auteur à rapporter cette surprenante doxographie, et même à évoquer le contenu de cet écrit aristotélicien. Son témoignage étant ainsi l'unique point de départ, on doit avant tout l'examiner de très près, en lui adjoignant les quelques lignes qui le précèdent. Cette investigation permettra peut-être d'en évaluer les chances d'authenticité. Il restera alors à s'interroger sur le sens exact de la doctrine ainsi rapportée à Aristote. [Introduction, p. 59]

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Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication, 1967
By: Bicknell, Peter J.
Title Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication
Type Article
Language English
Date 1967
Journal Phronesis
Volume 12
Issue 1
Pages 1-5
Categories no categories
Author(s) Bicknell, Peter J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
It is commonly maintained that Melissus was the major forerunner of atomism. This has been argued on a number of grounds, one of these being that Leucippus reacted to a Melissean rather than a Parmenidean refutation of locomotion. In the following short paper I shall challenge this view and point out that not only is one other argument for Melissus' influence on atomism insecure, but that Theo- phrastus, our most important witness, unequivocally states that Leucippus opposed a pre-Melissean eleaticism. [p. 1]

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Empedocles' Cosmic Cycle, 1967
By: O'Brien, Denis
Title Empedocles' Cosmic Cycle
Type Article
Language English
Date 1967
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 17
Issue 1
Pages 29-40
Categories no categories
Author(s) O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Hitherto reconstructions of Empedocles’ cosmic cycle have usually been offered as part of a larger work, a complete history of Presocratic thought, or a complete study of Empedocles. Consequently there has perhaps been a lack of thoroughness in collecting and sifting evidence that relates exclusively to the main features of the cosmic cycle. There is in fact probably more evidence for Empedocles’ main views than for those of any other Presocratic except Parmenides in his Way of Truth. From a close examination of the fragments and of the secondary sources, principally Aristotle, Plutarch, and Simplicius, there can be formed a reasonably complete picture of the main temporal and spatial features of Empedocles’ cosmic cycle. [Introduction, p. 29]

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The End of the Ancient Universities, 1966
By: Cameron, Alan
Title The End of the Ancient Universities
Type Article
Language English
Date 1966
Journal Journal of World History
Volume 10
Pages 653-673
Categories no categories
Author(s) Cameron, Alan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Strictliy speaking, there were no universities in the Ancient World,if by university we understand a corporate institution offering avariety of courses and granting degrees in the way modern univer­ sities do. There were, however, university towns, Rome, Constantinople, Athens, Alexandria, Bordeaux, with established chairs, where the leading teachers of the day lectured to classes drawn from all over the Empire. And so many of the ideas we associate with a university were both present and fostered in this atmosphere, that it would clearly he pedantic to avoid using the term. But there were significant differences nonetheless.Not least, each professor in these university towns was independent of, and indeed a rival of, every other professor there. In every city of the Empire except Constantinople, and not there till 425, it was possible for freelance teachers to set up in opposition lo holders of the established chairs (and sometimes entice away their pupils, too). Even holders of the chairs competed with each other for pupils. It was normal for students to sign on with just one professor, and attend his courses alone. Indeed, the rivalry between professors was transmitted to their pupils. Up to a point competion was natural and healthy enough. But by the period that forms the subject of this paper, the fourth to sixth centuries A.D., it far exceeded that point, and cannot but have impaired both the proficiency and the standing of the profession. [Introduction, pp. 653 f.]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1048","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1048,"authors_free":[{"id":1593,"entry_id":1048,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":20,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cameron, Alan","free_first_name":"Alan","free_last_name":"Cameron","norm_person":{"id":20,"first_name":"Alan","last_name":"Cameron","full_name":"Cameron, Alan ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/143568914","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The End of the Ancient Universities","main_title":{"title":"The End of the Ancient Universities"},"abstract":"Strictliy speaking, there were no universities in the Ancient World,if by university we understand a corporate institution offering avariety of courses and granting degrees in the way modern univer\u00ad\r\nsities do.\r\nThere were, however, university towns, Rome, Constantinople, \r\nAthens, Alexandria, Bordeaux, with established chairs, where the leading \r\nteachers of the day lectured to classes drawn from all over the Empire. \r\nAnd so many of the ideas we associate with a university were both present \r\nand fostered in this atmosphere, that it would clearly he pedantic to avoid \r\nusing the term. But there were significant differences nonetheless.Not least, each professor in these university towns was independent \r\nof, and indeed a rival of, every other professor there. In every city of the \r\nEmpire except Constantinople, and not there till 425, it was possible for \r\nfreelance teachers to set up in opposition lo holders of the established \r\nchairs (and sometimes entice away their pupils, too). Even holders of the \r\nchairs competed with each other for pupils. It was normal for students to \r\nsign on with just one professor, and attend his courses alone. Indeed, the \r\nrivalry between professors was transmitted to their pupils. Up to a point competion was natural and healthy enough. But by the period that\r\nforms the subject of this paper, the fourth to sixth centuries A.D., it\r\nfar exceeded that point, and cannot but have impaired both the \r\nproficiency and the standing of the profession. [Introduction, pp. 653 f.]","btype":3,"date":"1966","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NfGl20qhKYCdDTy","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":20,"full_name":"Cameron, Alan ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1048,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of World History","volume":"10","issue":"","pages":"653-673"}},"sort":[1966]}

A Lost Passage from Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem in Arabic Translation, 1965
By: Kraemer, Joel L.
Title A Lost Passage from Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem in Arabic Translation
Type Article
Language English
Date 1965
Journal Journal of the American Oriental Society
Volume 85
Issue 3
Pages 318-327
Categories no categories
Author(s) Kraemer, Joel L.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
A comparison of the Arabic text with the excerpt of Simplicius shows that he, being concerned only with the gist of the argument, did not quote Philoponus' passage in its entirety. He reproduced only the second part of it, in which Philoponus referred to the Greeks and the barbarians, that is, those whose consensus was invoked by Aristotle and who were, for Aristotle, exhaustive of mankind. Simplicius omitted the first part of the passage, in which Philoponus spoke of those who believe in creation, among whom he certainly included Christians ("the people of our time"), a category of mankind unknown to Aristotle. There was no need for him to quote the last part of the passage, in which Philoponus gave his own interpretation of the common belief that the divine is associated with heaven. That the excerpt by Simplicius is not a direct quote, and the Arabic text an expansion of the original passage, is confirmed by the fact that some of the detail in the Arabic rendition, which is missing in Simplicius' excerpt, nevertheless appears in his discussion of Philoponus' argument. The passage before us, a response to a rhetorical argument, is not on a par with the technical aspects of Philoponus' critique of Aristotle, but it is no less appealing or significant for that reason. The last part of it conveys, in a lyrical way, the religious sentiment of the author in a tone that prefigures the devotional pages of the De opificio mundi. There, he returns to the question of the designation of heaven as the seat of the divine. "What wonder," he writes, "if [people] set apart the noblest and purest of bodily existents, heaven, for God, and, while praying, extend their hands to it." He adds that through the physical act of raising the hands and eyes to heaven, the mind is raised to God. Heaven is a symbol of the majesty of the Creator. Philoponus obliterates the pagan-Aristotelian distinction between the divine, eternal heavens and the transitory sublunar world. But it is not quite precise to say that he abrogates the superiority of heaven. Heaven and earth are placed in the same order, but heaven ranks higher than earth. That heaven ranks higher than earth and is more closely associated with the divine is part of his Christian heritage. The light metaphor and the idea that all things receive the divine illumination and do so according to their capacity are reflections from Neo-Platonism, but they appear to have been integrated into his Christian vision. The idea that all things are filled with God is not inconsistent with the biblical view that the whole earth is filled with His presence. [conclusion p. 326-327]

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Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology, 1965
By: Solmsen, Friedrich
Title Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology
Type Article
Language English
Date 1965
Journal Phronesis
Volume 10
Issue 2
Pages 109-148
Categories no categories
Author(s) Solmsen, Friedrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In Heraclitus and Parmenides, assumptions which form the basis of our interpretation are subject to frequent reexaminations and revisions. With Empedocles, matters are different. Here, large hypotheses have for a long time remained unchallenged and are now near the point of hardening into dogmas. In particular, the reconstruction of a dual cosmogony in his "cycle," originally a theory which had to contend with others, is now often regarded as established, treated as though it were a fact, and used as a premise for further inferences. The only full-scale interpretation of the evidence which backs up this theory is Ettore Bignone's Empedocle; yet, whatever the merits of this book, it can hardly be denied that in the fifty years since its publication we have learned many new lessons regarding the relative value of testimonies and fragments, the trustworthiness of Aristotle's reports on his precursors, and other questions of vital bearing on the reconstruction of a Presocratic system. A recent textbook which seeks to fit the material into the framework of two cosmogonies does not, in my opinion, succeed in strengthening this position; on the contrary, it may be said that difficulties which were less apparent as long as the discussion confined itself to individual fragments or groups of fragments become more visible when the entire scheme is worked out and presented. Perhaps the wisest course would be to admit ignorance on crucial points. If I, nevertheless, prefer to offer an alternative reconstruction— in essential aspects a revival of von Arnim's—my hope is that, whether right or wrong, it will serve a good purpose if it shows that opinions currently accepted are not firmly grounded in the evidence at our disposal. I have made no methodical commitment except to keep the Καθαρμοί out of the discussion of Περὶ φύσεως. Similar or identical motifs, like the fundamental importance of Love and Strife, the kinship of all living beings, are clearly present in both poems, but to argue from recurring motifs to an identity or similarity of doctrine is nothing less than a petitio. There are too many unknown factors. The time interval may have been long or short. The question of priority has not been settled. We cannot assume that Empedocles' mind was of a rigidly dogmatic cast incapable of responding to new experiences and impressions (nor can we know what these experiences may have been). What we do see is that his attitude to "reality" differs in the two works. Surely, the place for a comparison is after the reconstruction of the poems, not prior to or in the course of it. [introduction p. 109-110]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"846","_score":null,"_source":{"id":846,"authors_free":[{"id":1250,"entry_id":846,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":316,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","free_first_name":"Friedrich","free_last_name":"Solmsen","norm_person":{"id":316,"first_name":"Friedrich","last_name":"Solmsen","full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117754641","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology","main_title":{"title":"Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology"},"abstract":"In Heraclitus and Parmenides, assumptions which form the basis of our interpretation are subject to frequent reexaminations and revisions. With Empedocles, matters are different. Here, large hypotheses have for a long time remained unchallenged and are now near the point of hardening into dogmas. In particular, the reconstruction of a dual cosmogony in his \"cycle,\" originally a theory which had to contend with others, is now often regarded as established, treated as though it were a fact, and used as a premise for further inferences.\r\n\r\nThe only full-scale interpretation of the evidence which backs up this theory is Ettore Bignone's Empedocle; yet, whatever the merits of this book, it can hardly be denied that in the fifty years since its publication we have learned many new lessons regarding the relative value of testimonies and fragments, the trustworthiness of Aristotle's reports on his precursors, and other questions of vital bearing on the reconstruction of a Presocratic system. A recent textbook which seeks to fit the material into the framework of two cosmogonies does not, in my opinion, succeed in strengthening this position; on the contrary, it may be said that difficulties which were less apparent as long as the discussion confined itself to individual fragments or groups of fragments become more visible when the entire scheme is worked out and presented.\r\n\r\nPerhaps the wisest course would be to admit ignorance on crucial points. If I, nevertheless, prefer to offer an alternative reconstruction\u2014 in essential aspects a revival of von Arnim's\u2014my hope is that, whether right or wrong, it will serve a good purpose if it shows that opinions currently accepted are not firmly grounded in the evidence at our disposal. I have made no methodical commitment except to keep the \u039a\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03bf\u03af out of the discussion of \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2. Similar or identical motifs, like the fundamental importance of Love and Strife, the kinship of all living beings, are clearly present in both poems, but to argue from recurring motifs to an identity or similarity of doctrine is nothing less than a petitio.\r\n\r\nThere are too many unknown factors. The time interval may have been long or short. The question of priority has not been settled. We cannot assume that Empedocles' mind was of a rigidly dogmatic cast incapable of responding to new experiences and impressions (nor can we know what these experiences may have been). What we do see is that his attitude to \"reality\" differs in the two works. Surely, the place for a comparison is after the reconstruction of the poems, not prior to or in the course of it. [introduction p. 109-110]","btype":3,"date":"1965","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/S9osco1gJvTdfSD","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":316,"full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":846,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"10","issue":"2","pages":"109-148"}},"sort":[1965]}

Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachprüfung der Empedokles-Doxographie, 1965
By: Hölscher, Uvo
Title Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachprüfung der Empedokles-Doxographie
Type Article
Language German
Date 1965
Journal Hermes
Volume 93
Issue 1
Pages 7-33
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hölscher, Uvo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Über die Periodenlehre des Empedokles hat sich bislang noch keine Einigkeit hergestellt. Zwar darin stimmen alle überein, dass nach der Vorstellung des Empedokles die Welt einem periodischen Entstehen und Vergehen unterworfen sei, doch wie das im Einzelnen gedacht war, ist umstritten. Die verbreitetere Auffassung scheint sich am engsten an Aristoteles anzulehnen. Nach ihr würde sich der Kreislauf in vier Phasen abspielen: zwei Zeiten der Bewegung, getrennt je durch Zeiten der Ruhe. Ausgehend von der vollkommenen Einheit der Elemente im Sphairos (I), würde man mit einer Phase der allmählichen Scheidung zu rechnen haben (II), die in einer völligen Trennung der Elemente ihre zeitweilige Ruhe fände (III), bis diese durch eine neue Phase der Wiedervereinigung (IV) in die Einheit des Sphairos zurückkehrten. In jeder der beiden Bewegungsphasen würde sich eine Welt bilden. Aber schon die Frage, in welcher der beiden: auf dem Wege zur Trennung oder auf der Rückkehr zur Einheit, wir mit unserer jetzigen Welt uns befinden, lässt sich offenbar durch einfache Berufung auf Aristoteles nicht entscheiden. Das Missliche bleibt nämlich, dass die beiden Bewegungen in je nur einer Richtung laufen, in fortschreitender Trennung oder fortschreitender Einigung, jede ausgeführte Kosmogonie aber auf beides angewiesen scheint, indem die Weltordnung im Großen zwar durch Trennung geschehen kann, aber die Bildung des Lebens nur durch Verbindung. Alle Versuche, sich eine ganze Welt bloß aus zunehmender Scheidung – oder Verbindung – der Elemente entstehend zu denken, enden in Ungereimtheiten. So ist man genötigt, die Bewegungen in sich wiederum zu teilen: in eine Zeit, in der noch die Kraft der Einigung, und eine andere, in der schon die Kraft der Trennung vorherrschte – und umgekehrt –, sodass aus den vier Phasen im Grunde sechs werden. Aber auch damit gewinnt man kein Bild, das einen überzeugen könnte. Denn da immerhin die Kosmogonie, als die Sonderung der großen Weltteile, der Zoogonie, als der Verbindung der Elemente im Kleinen, vorausgehen musste, wäre sie, im Verlauf der fortschreitenden Trennung, gerade einer ersten Phase zuzuschreiben, in der die Kraft der Trennung noch schwach ist, dagegen die Erzeugung des Lebens der anderen Phase, in der sie die Oberhand gewinnt – was offenbar widersinnig ist. Versucht man aber, sich die Möglichkeiten in der rückläufigen Bewegung auszudenken, so werden die Schwierigkeiten noch größer: die Kraft der Trennung, allmählich abnehmend, würde in einer Phase wirken, in der sie die Elemente bereits getrennt vorfände; die kosmische Verteilung der Massen wäre als ein Vorgang der Vereinigung zu erklären, der in einer Phase stattfände, wo die Kraft der Vereinigung noch gering ist, während ihre wachsende Übermacht die von ihr selbst geschaffene Verteilung wieder zerstören würde. Auch dies ist nicht weniger widersinnig als das erste, und es kann nur als eine Ausrede erscheinen, wenn uns versichert wird, eine Welt bilde sich eben jeweils in dem mittleren Punkt der Bewegungen, wo die beiden Kräfte einander das Gleichgewicht halten. Es war darum ein entscheidender Gewinn, als v. Arnim sich von der Vierphasentheorie trennte. Tatsächlich gibt es kein Zeugnis, das uns die Annahme eines Ruhezustands der getrennten Elemente sicherte. Verzichtet man auf ihn, so rücken die beiden Phasen der wachsenden Trennung und der wachsenden Mischung der Elemente zusammen, und man wird in der ersten die Kosmogonie, in der zweiten die Zoogonie beschrieben finden. Indessen bringt auch diese Auffassung manche Misslichkeit mit sich. Aristoteles unterscheidet zwischen zwei Weltzeiten, einer der Liebe und einer des Streites, und die Zeit des Streites ist die unsere, während die der Liebe zurückliegt. Das Schema nach v. Arnim würde das Umgekehrte zeigen. Freilich könnte man, obschon künstlich genug, auch von der Zeit der Trennung aus, über den Ruhezustand im Sphairos rückwärts, auf den Endzustand der vorigen Welt als die Zeit der Liebe zurückblicken; aber man würde sich in der Zeit der Scheidung von Himmel und Erde, nicht in der des organischen Lebens befinden. Und kann Aristoteles die gesamte Weltzeit, von der Entstehung aus dem Sphairos bis zum Untergang im Sphairos, so in zwei Hälften teilen, dass er – in dieser Reihenfolge – von der Vereinigung des Vielen zu Einem durch die Liebe und „dann wieder“ Trennung des Einen in Vieles durch den Streit redet, und von den Ruhezuständen dazwischen? Als ob der Übergang von der Kosmogonie zur Entstehung des Lebens ein größerer Einschnitt wäre als die völlige Weltvernichtung im Sphairos? Kann er sagen – wie er es tut –: Empedokles lässt die Kosmogonie durch Liebe aus? Als ob eine solche, neben der Kosmogonie durch den Streit, von der Konsequenz des Systems eigentlich gefordert wäre? Ich halte es auch hier für einen Fehler, dass man zu geradewegs auf die Rekonstruktion des empedokleischen Systems aus war und dazu Zeugnisse und Fragmente, wie es sich bot, verwendete und zu vereinigen trachtete, anstatt bei den Zwischenfragen zu verweilen: Was hat sich Aristoteles, was seine Kommentatoren vorgestellt, und welches waren die Zeugnisse, die ihnen zur Hand waren? Auf die eigenen Auffassungen der Letzteren kann allerdings auch hier nur so weit eingegangen werden, als sie der Klärung der aristotelischen dienen – obschon Simplikios wichtig genug wäre, da seine neuplatonische Deutung des Sphairos und des Kosmos, als die intelligible und die sinnliche Welt, die Anschauung des Periodischen im Grunde ausschließt. Aber die Äußerungen des Aristoteles verdienen neu geprüft zu werden. [introduction p. 7-9]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1353","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1353,"authors_free":[{"id":2027,"entry_id":1353,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":198,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"H\u00f6lscher, Uvo","free_first_name":"Uvo","free_last_name":"H\u00f6lscher","norm_person":{"id":198,"first_name":"Uvo","last_name":"H\u00f6lscher","full_name":"H\u00f6lscher, Uvo","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118705571","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachpr\u00fcfung der Empedokles-Doxographie","main_title":{"title":"Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachpr\u00fcfung der Empedokles-Doxographie"},"abstract":"\u00dcber die Periodenlehre des Empedokles hat sich bislang noch keine Einigkeit hergestellt. Zwar darin stimmen alle \u00fcberein, dass nach der Vorstellung des Empedokles die Welt einem periodischen Entstehen und Vergehen unterworfen sei, doch wie das im Einzelnen gedacht war, ist umstritten.\r\n\r\nDie verbreitetere Auffassung scheint sich am engsten an Aristoteles anzulehnen. Nach ihr w\u00fcrde sich der Kreislauf in vier Phasen abspielen: zwei Zeiten der Bewegung, getrennt je durch Zeiten der Ruhe. Ausgehend von der vollkommenen Einheit der Elemente im Sphairos (I), w\u00fcrde man mit einer Phase der allm\u00e4hlichen Scheidung zu rechnen haben (II), die in einer v\u00f6lligen Trennung der Elemente ihre zeitweilige Ruhe f\u00e4nde (III), bis diese durch eine neue Phase der Wiedervereinigung (IV) in die Einheit des Sphairos zur\u00fcckkehrten. In jeder der beiden Bewegungsphasen w\u00fcrde sich eine Welt bilden. Aber schon die Frage, in welcher der beiden: auf dem Wege zur Trennung oder auf der R\u00fcckkehr zur Einheit, wir mit unserer jetzigen Welt uns befinden, l\u00e4sst sich offenbar durch einfache Berufung auf Aristoteles nicht entscheiden.\r\n\r\nDas Missliche bleibt n\u00e4mlich, dass die beiden Bewegungen in je nur einer Richtung laufen, in fortschreitender Trennung oder fortschreitender Einigung, jede ausgef\u00fchrte Kosmogonie aber auf beides angewiesen scheint, indem die Weltordnung im Gro\u00dfen zwar durch Trennung geschehen kann, aber die Bildung des Lebens nur durch Verbindung. Alle Versuche, sich eine ganze Welt blo\u00df aus zunehmender Scheidung \u2013 oder Verbindung \u2013 der Elemente entstehend zu denken, enden in Ungereimtheiten. So ist man gen\u00f6tigt, die Bewegungen in sich wiederum zu teilen: in eine Zeit, in der noch die Kraft der Einigung, und eine andere, in der schon die Kraft der Trennung vorherrschte \u2013 und umgekehrt \u2013, sodass aus den vier Phasen im Grunde sechs werden. Aber auch damit gewinnt man kein Bild, das einen \u00fcberzeugen k\u00f6nnte. Denn da immerhin die Kosmogonie, als die Sonderung der gro\u00dfen Weltteile, der Zoogonie, als der Verbindung der Elemente im Kleinen, vorausgehen musste, w\u00e4re sie, im Verlauf der fortschreitenden Trennung, gerade einer ersten Phase zuzuschreiben, in der die Kraft der Trennung noch schwach ist, dagegen die Erzeugung des Lebens der anderen Phase, in der sie die Oberhand gewinnt \u2013 was offenbar widersinnig ist.\r\n\r\nVersucht man aber, sich die M\u00f6glichkeiten in der r\u00fcckl\u00e4ufigen Bewegung auszudenken, so werden die Schwierigkeiten noch gr\u00f6\u00dfer: die Kraft der Trennung, allm\u00e4hlich abnehmend, w\u00fcrde in einer Phase wirken, in der sie die Elemente bereits getrennt vorf\u00e4nde; die kosmische Verteilung der Massen w\u00e4re als ein Vorgang der Vereinigung zu erkl\u00e4ren, der in einer Phase stattf\u00e4nde, wo die Kraft der Vereinigung noch gering ist, w\u00e4hrend ihre wachsende \u00dcbermacht die von ihr selbst geschaffene Verteilung wieder zerst\u00f6ren w\u00fcrde. Auch dies ist nicht weniger widersinnig als das erste, und es kann nur als eine Ausrede erscheinen, wenn uns versichert wird, eine Welt bilde sich eben jeweils in dem mittleren Punkt der Bewegungen, wo die beiden Kr\u00e4fte einander das Gleichgewicht halten.\r\n\r\nEs war darum ein entscheidender Gewinn, als v. Arnim sich von der Vierphasentheorie trennte. Tats\u00e4chlich gibt es kein Zeugnis, das uns die Annahme eines Ruhezustands der getrennten Elemente sicherte. Verzichtet man auf ihn, so r\u00fccken die beiden Phasen der wachsenden Trennung und der wachsenden Mischung der Elemente zusammen, und man wird in der ersten die Kosmogonie, in der zweiten die Zoogonie beschrieben finden.\r\n\r\nIndessen bringt auch diese Auffassung manche Misslichkeit mit sich. Aristoteles unterscheidet zwischen zwei Weltzeiten, einer der Liebe und einer des Streites, und die Zeit des Streites ist die unsere, w\u00e4hrend die der Liebe zur\u00fcckliegt. Das Schema nach v. Arnim w\u00fcrde das Umgekehrte zeigen. Freilich k\u00f6nnte man, obschon k\u00fcnstlich genug, auch von der Zeit der Trennung aus, \u00fcber den Ruhezustand im Sphairos r\u00fcckw\u00e4rts, auf den Endzustand der vorigen Welt als die Zeit der Liebe zur\u00fcckblicken; aber man w\u00fcrde sich in der Zeit der Scheidung von Himmel und Erde, nicht in der des organischen Lebens befinden. Und kann Aristoteles die gesamte Weltzeit, von der Entstehung aus dem Sphairos bis zum Untergang im Sphairos, so in zwei H\u00e4lften teilen, dass er \u2013 in dieser Reihenfolge \u2013 von der Vereinigung des Vielen zu Einem durch die Liebe und \u201edann wieder\u201c Trennung des Einen in Vieles durch den Streit redet, und von den Ruhezust\u00e4nden dazwischen? Als ob der \u00dcbergang von der Kosmogonie zur Entstehung des Lebens ein gr\u00f6\u00dferer Einschnitt w\u00e4re als die v\u00f6llige Weltvernichtung im Sphairos? Kann er sagen \u2013 wie er es tut \u2013: Empedokles l\u00e4sst die Kosmogonie durch Liebe aus? Als ob eine solche, neben der Kosmogonie durch den Streit, von der Konsequenz des Systems eigentlich gefordert w\u00e4re?\r\n\r\nIch halte es auch hier f\u00fcr einen Fehler, dass man zu geradewegs auf die Rekonstruktion des empedokleischen Systems aus war und dazu Zeugnisse und Fragmente, wie es sich bot, verwendete und zu vereinigen trachtete, anstatt bei den Zwischenfragen zu verweilen: Was hat sich Aristoteles, was seine Kommentatoren vorgestellt, und welches waren die Zeugnisse, die ihnen zur Hand waren? Auf die eigenen Auffassungen der Letzteren kann allerdings auch hier nur so weit eingegangen werden, als sie der Kl\u00e4rung der aristotelischen dienen \u2013 obschon Simplikios wichtig genug w\u00e4re, da seine neuplatonische Deutung des Sphairos und des Kosmos, als die intelligible und die sinnliche Welt, die Anschauung des Periodischen im Grunde ausschlie\u00dft. Aber die \u00c4u\u00dferungen des Aristoteles verdienen neu gepr\u00fcft zu werden. [introduction p. 7-9]","btype":3,"date":"1965","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/R2gNRYN2KFgYLw8","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":198,"full_name":"H\u00f6lscher, Uvo","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1353,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"93","issue":"1","pages":"7-33"}},"sort":[1965]}

Empedocles fr. 35. 14-15, 1965
By: O'Brien, Denis
Title Empedocles fr. 35. 14-15
Type Article
Language English
Date 1965
Journal The Classical Review
Volume 15
Issue 1
Pages 1-4
Categories no categories
Author(s) O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This text discusses the interpretation of the word "zôros" in a couplet attributed to Empedocles, as quoted by various ancient authors such as Plutarch, Simplicius, Theophrastus, Aristotle, Athenaeus, and Eustathius. The author considers the different meanings attributed to the word, including mixed and unmixed, and argues that the context and source of the quotations must be considered in interpreting the couplet. [introduction]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1376","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1376,"authors_free":[{"id":2120,"entry_id":1376,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":144,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"O'Brien, Denis","free_first_name":"Denis","free_last_name":"O'Brien","norm_person":{"id":144,"first_name":"Denis","last_name":"O'Brien","full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134134079","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Empedocles fr. 35. 14-15","main_title":{"title":"Empedocles fr. 35. 14-15"},"abstract":"This text discusses the interpretation of the word \"z\u00f4ros\" in a couplet attributed to Empedocles, as quoted by various ancient authors such as Plutarch, Simplicius, Theophrastus, Aristotle, Athenaeus, and Eustathius. The author considers the different meanings attributed to the word, including mixed and unmixed, and argues that the context and source of the quotations must be considered in interpreting the couplet. [introduction]","btype":3,"date":"1965","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/cxFblbRQPGH3efy","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":144,"full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1376,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"15","issue":"1","pages":"1-4"}},"sort":[1965]}

Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken, 1964
By: Schwabl, Hans
Title Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken
Type Article
Language German
Date 1964
Journal Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume 9
Pages 59-72
Categories no categories
Author(s) Schwabl, Hans
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Die alten Milesier können erst nach einiger kritischer Vorarbeit Gegenstand begriffsgeschichtlicher Forschung sein. Der Anfang der griechischen Philosophie ist uns ja nur durch die Berichte späterer Autoren überliefert und aus dem Blickwinkel einer Problemstellung, die nicht mehr die der ersten Philosophen ist. So scheint der Versuch, die Eigenart der milesischen Philosophie zu bestimmen, zunächst so gut wie aussichtslos, insbesondere wenn man bedenkt, dass nicht einmal die eigentliche Quelle unserer Nachrichten, das Werk Theophrasts, uns als solche überkommen ist, sondern dass wir auch hier erst rekonstruieren müssen. Der Anfang muss also sein, zu erforschen, was Theophrast gesagt und gemeint hat. Erst dann stellt sich die Aufgabe einer Rückübersetzung seiner Berichte ins Archaische. Diese Rückübersetzung ist nur möglich innerhalb einer entwicklungsgeschichtlichen Linie, die von den Früheren zu den Milesiern und von diesen wieder zu den späteren Vorsokratikern zu ziehen ist. In unserer kurzen Skizze kann das dafür schon Geleistete bzw. noch zu Leistende nur angedeutet werden. Wir beschränken uns außerdem auf Anaximander, einmal wegen der besonderen Stellung, die ihm zukommt, dann aber auch wegen der Quellenlage, die, wenn man sie nur recht einzuschätzen weiß, doch einigermaßen tragfähige Schlüsse auf den Ansatzpunkt und die Eigenart dieses frühen Denkers gestattet. [introduction p. 59-60]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1031","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1031,"authors_free":[{"id":1561,"entry_id":1031,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":288,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Schwabl, Hans","free_first_name":"Hans","free_last_name":"Schwabl","norm_person":{"id":288,"first_name":"Hans","last_name":"Schwabl","full_name":"Schwabl, Hans","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107871211","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken","main_title":{"title":"Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken"},"abstract":"Die alten Milesier k\u00f6nnen erst nach einiger kritischer Vorarbeit Gegenstand begriffsgeschichtlicher Forschung sein. Der Anfang der griechischen Philosophie ist uns ja nur durch die Berichte sp\u00e4terer Autoren \u00fcberliefert und aus dem Blickwinkel einer Problemstellung, die nicht mehr die der ersten Philosophen ist. So scheint der Versuch, die Eigenart der milesischen Philosophie zu bestimmen, zun\u00e4chst so gut wie aussichtslos, insbesondere wenn man bedenkt, dass nicht einmal die eigentliche Quelle unserer Nachrichten, das Werk Theophrasts, uns als solche \u00fcberkommen ist, sondern dass wir auch hier erst rekonstruieren m\u00fcssen.\r\n\r\nDer Anfang muss also sein, zu erforschen, was Theophrast gesagt und gemeint hat. Erst dann stellt sich die Aufgabe einer R\u00fcck\u00fcbersetzung seiner Berichte ins Archaische. Diese R\u00fcck\u00fcbersetzung ist nur m\u00f6glich innerhalb einer entwicklungsgeschichtlichen Linie, die von den Fr\u00fcheren zu den Milesiern und von diesen wieder zu den sp\u00e4teren Vorsokratikern zu ziehen ist.\r\n\r\nIn unserer kurzen Skizze kann das daf\u00fcr schon Geleistete bzw. noch zu Leistende nur angedeutet werden. Wir beschr\u00e4nken uns au\u00dferdem auf Anaximander, einmal wegen der besonderen Stellung, die ihm zukommt, dann aber auch wegen der Quellenlage, die, wenn man sie nur recht einzusch\u00e4tzen wei\u00df, doch einigerma\u00dfen tragf\u00e4hige Schl\u00fcsse auf den Ansatzpunkt und die Eigenart dieses fr\u00fchen Denkers gestattet. [introduction p. 59-60]","btype":3,"date":"1964","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/MqdT9PDIArLqpNc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":288,"full_name":"Schwabl, Hans","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1031,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archiv f\u00fcr Begriffsgeschichte","volume":"9","issue":"","pages":"59-72"}},"sort":[1964]}

Empedocles, fr. 35. 12-15, 1962
By: Arundel, Maureen Rosemary
Title Empedocles, fr. 35. 12-15
Type Article
Language English
Date 1962
Journal The Classical Review
Volume 12
Issue 2
Pages 109-111
Categories no categories
Author(s) Arundel, Maureen Rosemary
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This text discusses the interpretation and translation of a fragment of Theophrastus and Plutarch. The word "zôros" is of particular concern, as there is difficulty in determining its meaning, with some suggesting it means "mixed" while others argue it means "undiluted." The author suggests that the reading of the Empedocles line should be restored to "zôra" meaning "undiluted" and that the modern interpretation of "mixed" is unjustifiable. The text also examines the use of "zôra" in Philumenus' work and argues that there is no occurrence in which it means "mixed." [derived from the whole text]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1262","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1262,"authors_free":[{"id":1848,"entry_id":1262,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":36,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Arundel, Maureen Rosemary","free_first_name":"Maureen Rosemary","free_last_name":"Arundel","norm_person":{"id":36,"first_name":"Maureen Rosemary","last_name":"Arundel","full_name":"Arundel, Maureen Rosemary","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Empedocles, fr. 35. 12-15","main_title":{"title":"Empedocles, fr. 35. 12-15"},"abstract":"This text discusses the interpretation and translation of a fragment of Theophrastus and Plutarch. The word \"z\u00f4ros\" is of particular concern, as there is difficulty in determining its meaning, with some suggesting it means \"mixed\" while others argue it means \"undiluted.\" The author suggests that the reading of the Empedocles line should be restored to \"z\u00f4ra\" meaning \"undiluted\" and that the modern interpretation of \"mixed\" is unjustifiable. The text also examines the use of \"z\u00f4ra\" in Philumenus' work and argues that there is no occurrence in which it means \"mixed.\" [derived from the whole text]","btype":3,"date":"1962","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KKhE3Xs36JAl2Ut","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":36,"full_name":"Arundel, Maureen Rosemary","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1262,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"12","issue":"2","pages":"109-111"}},"sort":[1962]}

The Neoplatonic One and Plato’s Parmenides, 1962
By: Rist, John M.
Title The Neoplatonic One and Plato’s Parmenides
Type Article
Language English
Date 1962
Journal Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association
Volume 93
Pages 389–401
Categories no categories
Author(s) Rist, John M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
As long ago as 1928, Professor E. R. Dodds demonstrated the dependence of the One of Plotinus on an interpretation of the first hypothesis of the Parmenides. His demonstration has been universally accepted. But Dodds not only showed the dependence of Plotinus on the Parmenides but also offered an account of the history of the doctrine of the One between the late fourth century B.C. and the third century A.D. His view is that the first three hypotheses of the Parmenides were already treated in what we should call a Neoplatonic fashion by Moderatus, a Neopythagorean of the second half of the first century A.D.; further, that Moderatus was not the originator of this interpretation, whose origins can, in fact, be traced back through Eudorus (ca. 25 B.C.) and the Neopythagoreans of his day to the Old Academy. Though Dodds is somewhat unclear at this point, he seems to suggest that already before the time of Eudorus, the Parmenides was being interpreted in Neopythagorean fashion. In order to check this derivation, we should look at the three stages of it in detail. These stages are the Neopythagoreanism of Moderatus, the theories of Eudorus, and those of Speusippus and the Old Academy in general. In opposition to Professor A. H. Armstrong, who used to hold that the One of Speusippus was less than Being, rather than "beyond Being," Dr. Ph. Merlan has recently shown that the Aristotelian texts on which Armstrong's account was based are better interpreted in the light of chapter four of Iamblichus' De communi mathematica scientia. Merlan shows that the system of Speusippus is not an "evolutionary" one, and that Speusippus' One is beyond Being. Yet the system of Speusippus is a dualism; his One is not the cause of all and is thus, as we shall see, unlike the Neopythagorean One which Dodds regards as proto-Neoplatonic. We may therefore leave Speusippus aside. His One can have affected Neoplatonism only very indirectly, if at all. [introduction p. 389-390]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1058","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1058,"authors_free":[{"id":1607,"entry_id":1058,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":303,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rist, John M.","free_first_name":"John M.","free_last_name":"Rist","norm_person":{"id":303,"first_name":"John M.","last_name":"Rist","full_name":"Rist, John M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137060440","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Neoplatonic One and Plato\u2019s Parmenides","main_title":{"title":"The Neoplatonic One and Plato\u2019s Parmenides"},"abstract":"As long ago as 1928, Professor E. R. Dodds demonstrated the dependence of the One of Plotinus on an interpretation of the first hypothesis of the Parmenides. His demonstration has been universally accepted. But Dodds not only showed the dependence of Plotinus on the Parmenides but also offered an account of the history of the doctrine of the One between the late fourth century B.C. and the third century A.D. His view is that the first three hypotheses of the Parmenides were already treated in what we should call a Neoplatonic fashion by Moderatus, a Neopythagorean of the second half of the first century A.D.; further, that Moderatus was not the originator of this interpretation, whose origins can, in fact, be traced back through Eudorus (ca. 25 B.C.) and the Neopythagoreans of his day to the Old Academy.\r\n\r\nThough Dodds is somewhat unclear at this point, he seems to suggest that already before the time of Eudorus, the Parmenides was being interpreted in Neopythagorean fashion. In order to check this derivation, we should look at the three stages of it in detail. These stages are the Neopythagoreanism of Moderatus, the theories of Eudorus, and those of Speusippus and the Old Academy in general.\r\n\r\nIn opposition to Professor A. H. Armstrong, who used to hold that the One of Speusippus was less than Being, rather than \"beyond Being,\" Dr. Ph. Merlan has recently shown that the Aristotelian texts on which Armstrong's account was based are better interpreted in the light of chapter four of Iamblichus' De communi mathematica scientia. Merlan shows that the system of Speusippus is not an \"evolutionary\" one, and that Speusippus' One is beyond Being. Yet the system of Speusippus is a dualism; his One is not the cause of all and is thus, as we shall see, unlike the Neopythagorean One which Dodds regards as proto-Neoplatonic.\r\n\r\nWe may therefore leave Speusippus aside. His One can have affected Neoplatonism only very indirectly, if at all. [introduction p. 389-390]","btype":3,"date":"1962","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/n0sauehAwynXB03","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":303,"full_name":"Rist, John M.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1058,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association","volume":"93","issue":"","pages":"389\u2013401"}},"sort":[1962]}

The Problem of the Souls of the Spheres. From the Byzantine Commentaries on Aristotle through the Arabs and St. Thomas to Kepler, 1962
By: Wolfson, Harry Austryn
Title The Problem of the Souls of the Spheres. From the Byzantine Commentaries on Aristotle through the Arabs and St. Thomas to Kepler
Type Article
Language English
Date 1962
Journal Dumbarton Oaks Papers
Volume 16
Pages 65-93
Categories no categories
Author(s) Wolfson, Harry Austryn
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Kepler, who, as we all know, lived under the new heaven created by Copernicus, discusses the question whether the planets are moved by Intelligences or by souls or by nature. His consideration of Intelligences as possible movers of the planets refers to a view held by those who in the Middle Ages lived under the old Ptolemaic heaven, the term Intelligences being, by a complexity of miscegenation, a descendant of what Aristotle describes as incorporeal substances. His consideration of souls or nature as possible movers of the planets touches upon a topic which was made into a problem b y the Byzantine Greek commentators of Aristotle.In this paper I shall try to show how the Byzantine commentators, in their study of the text of Aristotle, were confronted with a certain problem, how they solved that problem, and how their solution of that problem led to other problems and solutions, all of which lingered in philosophic literature down to Kepler. [Author's abstract]

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The Framework of Greek Cosmology, 1961
By: Robinson, John
Title The Framework of Greek Cosmology
Type Article
Language English
Date 1961
Journal The Review of Metaphysics
Volume 14
Issue 4
Pages 676-684
Categories no categories
Author(s) Robinson, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
A striking phenomenon of recent years (and one not without its significance for the historian of contemporary philosophy) has been the appearance of a substantial body of work on the early Greek philosophers. Most of this work is characterized by a new approach to the subject, an approach marked on the one hand by greater attention to the fragments themselves as opposed to the doxographic materials, and on the other hand by a more vigorous analysis of the relation of the language of the fragments to the wider non-philosophic context from which it was in so many instances borrowed. Charles Kahn's recent study, beautifully printed and bound by the Columbia University Press, is a worthy contribution to this growing body of literature and bears the impress of its characteristic method. The single remaining fragment of Anaximander is not discussed until it has been firmly fixed in its historical context by a thoroughgoing consideration of the classical conception of the four elements; and one of the most striking features of this consideration is the use made by the author of the extensive body of Greek medical writings known as the Hippocratic Corpus. It was W. A. Heidel who first called attention to the extraordinary value of these writings—the only complete scientific treatises to have come down to us from the early period—for the elucidation of Greek thought. Since then, this material has been referred to more and more frequently by students of the early Greek philosophers, and the tendency is strikingly evidenced in the present study. The use of this material is not without its difficulties. The treatises which form the Hippocratic Corpus are not the work of a single individual, and there is abundant evidence that they were written over a period of at least two hundred years. It is, therefore, essential, in attempting to reconstruct the scientific worldview of the early period, that we rely so far as possible on treatises belonging to this period. Unfortunately, in the present state of Hippocratic studies, it is impossible to date these works with any exactitude. On the other hand, certain of them belong pretty clearly to the fifth century; and it seems fairly well established that the view of the constitution of man which most of them assume dates from the time of Alcmaeon, who flourished around the turn of the century. Since this view is based upon an analogy between microcosm and macrocosm, the processes involved in sickness and health reflect on a small scale the greater processes which constitute the life of the cosmos as a whole; thus, indirectly, these treatises illuminate in striking ways aspects of the larger worldview implicit in the fragments of the early cosmologists, but obscured by the fewness of these fragments and the imperfect state in which they have been preserved. In the present study, they are used to illuminate just such obscurities. [introduction p. 676-677]

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A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras, 1960
By: Wasserstein, Abraham
Title A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras
Type Article
Language English
Date 1960
Journal The Classical Review
Volume 10
Issue 1
Pages 4-5
Categories no categories
Author(s) Wasserstein, Abraham
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Παντάπασι δ' οὐδὲν ἀποκρίνεται οὐδὲ διακρίνεται ἕτερον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἑτέρου εἰ μὴ ὁ νοῦς· νοῦς δέ ἐστι καθαρὸς ἐκ πάντων καὶ εὐλαβῶν. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων οὐδὲν οὐδὲν διακρίνεται ἑτέρῳ ὅμοιον οὐδὲ ἔστιν ἑτέρου κατὰ φύσιν ὅμοιον, ἀλλ' ἑκάστῳ τῶν ἄλλων ἐν ἑκάστῳ τούτων καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἄρα τί ἐστι καθαρὸν ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων· καὶ τὸ μὲν εὐκρᾶτον καὶ εὐδιακριτὸν τῶν ἄλλων νοῦς τῶν πάντων διαφέρει. These are the last few lines of fragment 12 of Anaxagoras as printed in Diels-Kranz6, ii. 39: D.-K. follow closely, with only a minor modification, the Berlin text of Simplicius in Phys., p. 157, which is the source of our knowledge of this fragment. It seems to me necessary, or at any rate highly desirable, that any interpretation of this passage should, inter alia, satisfy the following three conditions: ὁμοῖος should have the same meaning when applied to νοῦς and when applied to ἕτερον in the next line. The clause ἕτερον δὲ οὐδὲν ... should contain a contrast to the clause νοῦς δέ ..., i.e. we should be able to understand that something is true of νοῦς that is not true of anything other (ἕτερον) than νοῦς. The clause ἀλλ’ ... should follow naturally on the preceding two clauses. This set of conditions is not satisfied by any interpretation that I know. Here are the translations of Diels, Tannery, Burnet: Diels (loc. cit.): "Geist aber ist allemal von gleicher Art, der größere wie der kleinere. Sonst aber ist nichts dem anderen gleichartig, sondern wovon am meisten in einem Dinge enthalten ist, dies als das deutlichst Erkennbare ist und war das eine Einzelding." Tannery (Pour l’histoire de la science hellénique, p. 311): "Tout le noas est semblable, le plus grand et le plus petit; il n'y a, par ailleurs, aucune chose qui soit semblable à aucune autre, mais chacune est pour l'apparence ce dont elle contient le plus." Burnet: "And all Nous is alike, both the greater and the smaller; while nothing else is like anything else, but each single thing is and was most manifestly those things of which it has most in it." It will be seen at once that all these translation-interpretations involve us in a number of difficulties: In all three cases ὁμοῖος, which, when applied to νοῦς, quite naturally (and, surely, inevitably) means something like "homogeneous" (i.e. ὁμοῖος κατὰ φύσιν), is understood in a different sense and construed in a different way when it is used again in the same sentence. For what is, according to these interpretations, denied in the clause ἕτερον δὲ ... is that any other thing is "like" (gleichartig, semblable) anything else, not that they are "homogeneous," which had been asserted of νοῦς. But if that is right, there is no immediately obvious contrast between νοῦς and anything other than νοῦς. Such a contrast is obviously intended; at any rate, a comparison between νοῦς and other things is made in terms of being ὁμοῖος; but such a comparison loses all point if ὁμοῖος is used in two different senses. It is further to be observed that in all these interpretations there is no real point in the third clause ἀλλ’ .... What is ἀλλὰ supposed to mean here? But? ("sondern"? "mais"?) How is this clause related to what precedes? All these difficulties can be removed very easily. I propose that οὐδενί be excised. Read: νοῦς δὲ ἰσαῖς μέτροις ὅμοιος· ἕτερον δὲ οὐδὲν ὅμοιον· ἀλλὰ τῶν πλεῖστων εἶναι τὰ φαινόμενα ἔνθα καὶ ἦν. And interpret: "Nous is all homogeneous, both the greater and the smaller; nothing else is homogeneous; but [the apparent homogeneity of other things like, e.g., gold, is due to the fact that] each thing is (or appears to be) most manifestly that of which there is most in it." Thus, if we excise οὐδενί, ὁμοῖος has the same sense ("homogeneous") both as applied to νοῦς and as applied to ἕτερον. There is a pointed comparison between νοῦς and other things: something is true of νοῦς that is not true of other things. The last clause follows naturally on the earlier statements; for, after making the comparison, Anaxagoras goes on to remove a possible objection: "But is not gold, or iron, or anything else like that, also homogeneous?" "No, it is not; it only looks as if it were, because everything looks like that of which it has most in it." This statement is, of course, immediately intelligible in the light of other statements about ὁμοίως φαίνεσθαι, such as ἐν παντὶ παντός μορφὴ ἐνέστηκε (frg. 11); or the beginning of our fragment 12: τὰ ἐν παντὶ πλείω μετέχει κτλ. (Cf. also Simplicius, in Phys., p. 27, where frg. 11 is quoted together with τῶν πλείστων εἶναι κτλ.). Lest it be thought that the excision of οὐδενί is altogether too radical an expedient, I may mention one other point: Simplicius is capable of extending his quotations by the addition of his own words; that is to say, he could add words to explain what he took to be the meaning of a passage he quoted. Thus, if he misunderstood this statement of Anaxagoras in a sense which made the addition of οὐδενί seem natural, he may well, without even noticing it himself, have added it. We know that elsewhere, quoting this very same sentence, he adds a few words of his own. He writes (in Phys., p. 165, 13): καὶ εἰς τὸν ἕτερον ὁμοιομέρειαν Ἀναξαγόρας ὑπέθετο λέγειν, ὃς δ’ ἐστὶν πλεῖστον αὐτῷ ἐπιπεπτῶκεν. Now, the words ἐπιπεπτῶκεν are generally thought to be not part of the quotation but an explanatory addition by Simplicius; the quotation marks after οὐδενί here are, of course, Diels’s, not Simplicius’s; perhaps we ought to put them before οὐδενί and make that too part of the (mistaken) explanation of Simplicius? If Simplicius could add (as seems to be admitted by all scholars with the one exception of Schorn) the words πλεῖστον αὐτῷ ἐπιπεπτῶκεν, he may also have added οὐδενί. [the whole text]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"444","_score":null,"_source":{"id":444,"authors_free":[{"id":596,"entry_id":444,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":356,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wasserstein, Abraham","free_first_name":"Abraham","free_last_name":"Wasserstein","norm_person":{"id":356,"first_name":"Abraham","last_name":"Wasserstein","full_name":"Wasserstein, Abraham","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119380102","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras","main_title":{"title":"A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras"},"abstract":"\u03a0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03ac\u03c0\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9 \u03b4' \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03c1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03c1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f11\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b5\u1f30 \u03bc\u1f74 \u1f41 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2\u00b7 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ad \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f10\u03ba \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b5\u1f50\u03bb\u03b1\u03b2\u1ff6\u03bd. \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03c1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f11\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u1ff3 \u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72 \u1f14\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd \u1f11\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd, \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb' \u1f11\u03ba\u03ac\u03c3\u03c4\u1ff3 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u1f11\u03ba\u03ac\u03c3\u03c4\u1ff3 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8' \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f04\u03c1\u03b1 \u03c4\u03af \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd\u00b7 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03b5\u1f50\u03ba\u03c1\u1fb6\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b5\u1f50\u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03c1\u03b9\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03c6\u03ad\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9.\r\n\r\nThese are the last few lines of fragment 12 of Anaxagoras as printed in Diels-Kranz6, ii. 39: D.-K. follow closely, with only a minor modification, the Berlin text of Simplicius in Phys., p. 157, which is the source of our knowledge of this fragment.\r\n\r\nIt seems to me necessary, or at any rate highly desirable, that any interpretation of this passage should, inter alia, satisfy the following three conditions:\r\n\r\n \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 should have the same meaning when applied to \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and when applied to \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd in the next line.\r\n\r\n The clause \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd ... should contain a contrast to the clause \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ad ..., i.e. we should be able to understand that something is true of \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 that is not true of anything other (\u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd) than \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2.\r\n\r\n The clause \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u2019 ... should follow naturally on the preceding two clauses.\r\n\r\nThis set of conditions is not satisfied by any interpretation that I know. Here are the translations of Diels, Tannery, Burnet:\r\n\r\n Diels (loc. cit.): \"Geist aber ist allemal von gleicher Art, der gr\u00f6\u00dfere wie der kleinere. Sonst aber ist nichts dem anderen gleichartig, sondern wovon am meisten in einem Dinge enthalten ist, dies als das deutlichst Erkennbare ist und war das eine Einzelding.\"\r\n Tannery (Pour l\u2019histoire de la science hell\u00e9nique, p. 311): \"Tout le noas est semblable, le plus grand et le plus petit; il n'y a, par ailleurs, aucune chose qui soit semblable \u00e0 aucune autre, mais chacune est pour l'apparence ce dont elle contient le plus.\"\r\n Burnet: \"And all Nous is alike, both the greater and the smaller; while nothing else is like anything else, but each single thing is and was most manifestly those things of which it has most in it.\"\r\n\r\nIt will be seen at once that all these translation-interpretations involve us in a number of difficulties:\r\n\r\n In all three cases \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2, which, when applied to \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2, quite naturally (and, surely, inevitably) means something like \"homogeneous\" (i.e. \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd), is understood in a different sense and construed in a different way when it is used again in the same sentence. For what is, according to these interpretations, denied in the clause \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 ... is that any other thing is \"like\" (gleichartig, semblable) anything else, not that they are \"homogeneous,\" which had been asserted of \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2.\r\n\r\n But if that is right, there is no immediately obvious contrast between \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and anything other than \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2. Such a contrast is obviously intended; at any rate, a comparison between \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and other things is made in terms of being \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2; but such a comparison loses all point if \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 is used in two different senses.\r\n\r\n It is further to be observed that in all these interpretations there is no real point in the third clause \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u2019 .... What is \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 supposed to mean here? But? (\"sondern\"? \"mais\"?) How is this clause related to what precedes?\r\n\r\nAll these difficulties can be removed very easily. I propose that \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af be excised. Read:\r\n\r\n\u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f30\u03c3\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ad\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2\u00b7 \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u00b7 \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c6\u03b1\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1 \u1f14\u03bd\u03b8\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f26\u03bd.\r\n\r\nAnd interpret:\r\n\"Nous is all homogeneous, both the greater and the smaller; nothing else is homogeneous; but [the apparent homogeneity of other things like, e.g., gold, is due to the fact that] each thing is (or appears to be) most manifestly that of which there is most in it.\"\r\n\r\nThus, if we excise \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af,\r\n\r\n \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 has the same sense (\"homogeneous\") both as applied to \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and as applied to \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd.\r\n\r\n There is a pointed comparison between \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and other things: something is true of \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 that is not true of other things.\r\n\r\n The last clause follows naturally on the earlier statements; for, after making the comparison, Anaxagoras goes on to remove a possible objection: \"But is not gold, or iron, or anything else like that, also homogeneous?\" \"No, it is not; it only looks as if it were, because everything looks like that of which it has most in it.\" This statement is, of course, immediately intelligible in the light of other statements about \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03af\u03c9\u03c2 \u03c6\u03b1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9, such as \u1f10\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03cc\u03c2 \u03bc\u03bf\u03c1\u03c6\u1f74 \u1f10\u03bd\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03ba\u03b5 (frg. 11); or the beginning of our fragment 12: \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u1f76 \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03c9 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9 \u03ba\u03c4\u03bb. (Cf. also Simplicius, in Phys., p. 27, where frg. 11 is quoted together with \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03ba\u03c4\u03bb.).\r\n\r\nLest it be thought that the excision of \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af is altogether too radical an expedient, I may mention one other point: Simplicius is capable of extending his quotations by the addition of his own words; that is to say, he could add words to explain what he took to be the meaning of a passage he quoted. Thus, if he misunderstood this statement of Anaxagoras in a sense which made the addition of \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af seem natural, he may well, without even noticing it himself, have added it. We know that elsewhere, quoting this very same sentence, he adds a few words of his own. He writes (in Phys., p. 165, 13): \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1\u03bd \u1f08\u03bd\u03b1\u03be\u03b1\u03b3\u03cc\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u03ad\u03b8\u03b5\u03c4\u03bf \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, \u1f43\u03c2 \u03b4\u2019 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u1f76\u03bd \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03c4\u1ff6\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd. Now, the words \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03c4\u1ff6\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd are generally thought to be not part of the quotation but an explanatory addition by Simplicius; the quotation marks after \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af here are, of course, Diels\u2019s, not Simplicius\u2019s; perhaps we ought to put them before \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af and make that too part of the (mistaken) explanation of Simplicius? If Simplicius could add (as seems to be admitted by all scholars with the one exception of Schorn) the words \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03c4\u1ff6\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd, he may also have added \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af. [the whole text]","btype":3,"date":"1960","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/0UZZOhtjCwUNKOl","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":356,"full_name":"Wasserstein, Abraham","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":444,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"10","issue":"1","pages":"4-5"}},"sort":[1960]}

Did Melissus Believe in Incorporeal Being?, 1958
By: Booth, N. B.
Title Did Melissus Believe in Incorporeal Being?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1958
Journal The American Journal of Philology
Volume 79
Issue 1
Pages 61-65
Categories no categories
Author(s) Booth, N. B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
These questions are difficult to answer; but I think that the difficulty of answering them shows that we should not be too dogmatic about the general interpretation of the fragment. It looks to me—and apparently it looked to Burnet and Zeller also—as if the argument is in the form of a dialectical refutation of pluralist assumptions. Vlastos and Raven see it in a different light; they are entitled to their opinion, but it should be clearly realized that it is an opinion, and not a certainty. [conclusion p. 65]

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Were Zeno's Arguments a Reply to Attacks upon Parmenides?, 1957
By: Booth, N.B.
Title Were Zeno's Arguments a Reply to Attacks upon Parmenides?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1957
Journal Phronesis
Volume 2
Issue 1
Pages 1-9
Categories no categories
Author(s) Booth, N.B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This article by N. B. Booth examines whether Zeno's arguments were a response to criticisms of Parmenides's principle „the One“. Despite evidence that Zeno was concerned with defending Parmenides's „One“, his arguments about plurality seem to refute the "ones" of a plurality. One possible explanation is that Zeno's arguments were used to counter criticisms of Parmenides's „One“ before he produced them. Plato's Parmenides includes a passage in which "Zeno" apologizes for his book on plurality, which has been interpreted as an answer to criticisms of Parmenides's theory, but Booth notes that Plato's characters are idealized and it is not certain that Zeno's arguments were a response to attacks. Booth looks at the arguments themselves for evidence and suggests that if some of Zeno's arguments against plural "ones" were valid against Parmenides's „One“, it would be fair to infer that they were used by hostile critics and Zeno was throwing them back in their faces. [introduction]

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Boethius and Andronicus of Rhodes, 1957
By: Shiel, James
Title Boethius and Andronicus of Rhodes
Type Article
Language English
Date 1957
Journal Vigiliae Christianae
Volume 11
Issue 3
Pages 179-185
Categories no categories
Author(s) Shiel, James
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
G. Pfligersdorffer has recently described the attitude of the ancient editor, Andronicus of Rhodes, towards the final notes in Aristotle's Categories on opposites, simultaneity, priority, motion, and possession—what the medievals called the postpraedicamenta. The scholar has based his intricate arguments on a passage of Boethius' commentary on the Categories, and as this passage in the printed editions is syntactically unintelligible, he has suggested an emended text of it. Here is the passage as printed, with his emendations alongside and a list of variants beneath. [introduction p. 179]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"853","_score":null,"_source":{"id":853,"authors_free":[{"id":1257,"entry_id":853,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":315,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Shiel, James","free_first_name":"James","free_last_name":"Shiel","norm_person":{"id":315,"first_name":"James","last_name":"Shiel","full_name":"Shiel, James","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131572202","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Boethius and Andronicus of Rhodes","main_title":{"title":"Boethius and Andronicus of Rhodes"},"abstract":"G. Pfligersdorffer has recently described the attitude of the ancient editor, Andronicus of Rhodes, towards the final notes in Aristotle's Categories on opposites, simultaneity, priority, motion, and possession\u2014what the medievals called the postpraedicamenta. The scholar has based his intricate arguments on a passage of Boethius' commentary on the Categories, and as this passage in the printed editions is syntactically unintelligible, he has suggested an emended text of it. Here is the passage as printed, with his emendations alongside and a list of variants beneath. [introduction p. 179]","btype":3,"date":"1957","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Z3seGeZGEaA8j5E","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":315,"full_name":"Shiel, James","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":853,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Vigiliae Christianae","volume":"11","issue":"3","pages":"179-185"}},"sort":[1957]}

Der Platoniker Ptolemaios, 1957
By: Dihle, Albrecht
Title Der Platoniker Ptolemaios
Type Article
Language German
Date 1957
Journal Hermes
Volume 85
Issue 3
Pages 314-325
Categories no categories
Author(s) Dihle, Albrecht
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In den philosophischen Texten der späten Kaiserzeit stößt man zuweilen auf den Namen Ptolemaios, ohne daß dabei an einen Lagiden oder an den berühmten Astronomen zu denken wäre. Wie jene Zitate auf einen oder mehrere Träger dieses Namens zu verteilen seien, war eine einst viel diskutierte Frage, die dann allerdings im Anschluß an eine Vermutung W. v. Christs durch das Buch von A. Chatzis (Der Philosoph und Grammatiker Ptolemaios Chennos I = Stud. z Gesch. u. Kult. d. Altert. VII 2, Paderborn 1914) endgültig dahin beantwortet schien, es handele sich bei all diesen Ptolemaioi immer wieder um Ptolemaios Chennos aus der Zeit um 100 n. Chr., der uns durch den Auszug des Photios aus seiner καινὴ ἱστορία (cod. 190) recht gut bekannt ist. Diese Frage soll hier einer erneuten Prüfung unterzogen werden. [introduction, p. 314]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1305","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1305,"authors_free":[{"id":1929,"entry_id":1305,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":93,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dihle, Albrecht","free_first_name":"Albrecht","free_last_name":"Dihle","norm_person":{"id":93,"first_name":"Albrecht","last_name":"Dihle","full_name":"Dihle, Albrecht","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119194503","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Der Platoniker Ptolemaios","main_title":{"title":"Der Platoniker Ptolemaios"},"abstract":"In den philosophischen Texten der sp\u00e4ten Kaiserzeit st\u00f6\u00dft man zuweilen auf den Namen Ptolemaios, ohne da\u00df dabei an einen Lagiden oder an den ber\u00fchmten Astronomen zu denken w\u00e4re. Wie jene Zitate auf einen oder mehrere Tr\u00e4ger dieses Namens zu verteilen seien, war eine einst viel diskutierte Frage, die dann allerdings im Anschlu\u00df an eine Vermutung W. v. Christs durch das Buch von A. Chatzis (Der Philosoph und Grammatiker Ptolemaios Chennos I = Stud. z Gesch. u. Kult. d. Altert. VII 2, Paderborn 1914) endg\u00fcltig dahin beantwortet schien, es handele sich bei all diesen Ptolemaioi immer wieder um Ptolemaios Chennos aus der Zeit um 100 n. Chr., der uns durch den Auszug des Photios aus seiner \u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03bd\u1f74 \u1f31\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u1f77\u03b1 (cod. 190) recht gut bekannt ist. Diese Frage soll hier einer erneuten Pr\u00fcfung unterzogen werden. [introduction, p. 314]","btype":3,"date":"1957","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/51yflky3RQtCRmc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":93,"full_name":"Dihle, Albrecht","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1305,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"85","issue":"3","pages":"314-325"}},"sort":[1957]}

Heraklit zitiert Anaximander, 1956
By: Bröcker, Walter
Title Heraklit zitiert Anaximander
Type Article
Language German
Date 1956
Journal Hermes
Volume 84
Issue 3
Pages 382-384
Categories no categories
Author(s) Bröcker, Walter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Note on a quote of Heraclitus Diels B 126

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Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?, 1956
By: Valckenaere de, Erik
Title Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?
Type Article
Language Dutch
Date 1956
Journal L'Antiquité Classique
Volume 25
Issue 2
Pages 351-385
Categories no categories
Author(s) Valckenaere de, Erik
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Ons onderzoek van de bronnen resumerend, komen we tot de volgende besluiten: Volgens Herakleides bevindt de aarde zich in het midden van het heelal (Simplikios: fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: fragment 2; Chalcidius: fragment 7). De aarde draait om haar eigen as. In de meeste fragmenten vinden we zelfs de specificatie van deze aswenteling: de aarde draait in 24 uur (Simplikios: fragment 5; Aetios: fragment 4) van west naar oost (Simplikios: fragment 5, 6; Aetios: fragment 4) ter verklaring van de dagelijkse beweging der hemellichamen. De zon draait jaarlijks rond de aarde van oost naar west (Simplikios: fragment 5; Chalcidius: fragment 7). De binnenplaneten Venus en naar alle waarschijnlijkheid ook Mercurius draaien rond de zon (Chalcidius: fragment 7). De meest voor de hand liggende hypothese is dat de buitenplaneten Mars, Jupiter en Saturnus, zoals de zon, eenvoudig rond de aarde draaien ter verklaring van hun jaarlijkse beweging (Simplikios: fragment 5). De vaste sterren staan stil. Voor zover ons onderzoek het uitwees, zijn de getuigenissen niet alleen niet contradictorisch, maar vullen ze elkaar zelfs op een gelukkige wijze aan. Op de vraag dus, die wij ons in het begin gesteld hebben, of er positieve redenen bestonden om aan te nemen, op grond van de ons overgeleverde teksten, dat Herakleides Pontikos vóór Aristarchos een soort van heliocentrisme zou hebben geleerd, menen we beslist negatief te mogen antwoorden. Twee grote onwaarschijnlijkheden, namelijk dat de Oudheid ons niets duidelijks zou hebben bericht over de werkelijke ontdekker van het heliocentrisme en dat één man zonder voorlopers en voorafgaande ontdekkingen het heliocentrisme zou hebben uitgedacht, worden aldus opgeheven als we ons houden aan wat de bronnen werkelijk melden. [conclusion p. 384-385] Übersetzung: Unserer Untersuchung der Quellen zusammenfassend, kommen wir zu den folgenden Schlussfolgerungen: Laut Herakleides befindet sich die Erde im Zentrum des Universums (Simplikios: Fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: Fragment 2; Chalcidius: Fragment 7). Die Erde dreht sich um ihre eigene Achse. In den meisten Fragmenten finden wir sogar die genaue Spezifikation dieser Achsendrehung: Die Erde dreht sich in 24 Stunden (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Aetios: Fragment 4) von Westen nach Osten (Simplikios: Fragment 5, 6; Aetios: Fragment 4), um die tägliche Bewegung der Himmelskörper zu erklären. Die Sonne dreht sich jährlich von Osten nach Westen um die Erde (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Chalcidius: Fragment 7). Die inneren Planeten Venus und höchstwahrscheinlich auch Merkur drehen sich um die Sonne (Chalcidius: Fragment 7). Die naheliegendste Hypothese ist, dass die äußeren Planeten Mars, Jupiter und Saturn, wie die Sonne, einfach um die Erde kreisen, um ihre jährliche Bewegung zu erklären (Simplikios: Fragment 5). Die Fixsterne bleiben unbewegt. Soweit unsere Untersuchung zeigt, sind die Zeugnisse nicht nur nicht widersprüchlich, sondern ergänzen sich sogar auf glückliche Weise. Auf die Frage, die wir uns zu Beginn gestellt haben, ob es positive Gründe gibt, aufgrund der uns überlieferten Texte anzunehmen, dass Herakleides Pontikos vor Aristarchos eine Art von Heliozentrismus gelehrt hat, meinen wir, mit Sicherheit verneinen zu können. Zwei große Unwahrscheinlichkeiten – nämlich, dass die Antike uns nichts Klareres über den tatsächlichen Entdecker des Heliozentrismus berichtet hätte, und dass ein einzelner Mensch ohne Vorgänger und vorherige Entdeckungen den Heliozentrismus erdacht hätte – werden damit ausgeräumt, wenn wir uns an das halten, was die Quellen tatsächlich überliefern.

{"_index":"sire","_id":"836","_score":null,"_source":{"id":836,"authors_free":[{"id":1240,"entry_id":836,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":343,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Valckenaere de, Erik","free_first_name":"Erik","free_last_name":"Valckenaere de","norm_person":{"id":343,"first_name":"Erik","last_name":"Valckenaere de","full_name":"Valckenaere de, Erik","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?","main_title":{"title":"Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?"},"abstract":"Ons onderzoek van de bronnen resumerend, komen we tot de volgende besluiten:\r\n\r\n Volgens Herakleides bevindt de aarde zich in het midden van het heelal (Simplikios: fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: fragment 2; Chalcidius: fragment 7).\r\n De aarde draait om haar eigen as. In de meeste fragmenten vinden we zelfs de specificatie van deze aswenteling: de aarde draait in 24 uur (Simplikios: fragment 5; Aetios: fragment 4) van west naar oost (Simplikios: fragment 5, 6; Aetios: fragment 4) ter verklaring van de dagelijkse beweging der hemellichamen.\r\n De zon draait jaarlijks rond de aarde van oost naar west (Simplikios: fragment 5; Chalcidius: fragment 7).\r\n De binnenplaneten Venus en naar alle waarschijnlijkheid ook Mercurius draaien rond de zon (Chalcidius: fragment 7).\r\n De meest voor de hand liggende hypothese is dat de buitenplaneten Mars, Jupiter en Saturnus, zoals de zon, eenvoudig rond de aarde draaien ter verklaring van hun jaarlijkse beweging (Simplikios: fragment 5).\r\n De vaste sterren staan stil.\r\n\r\nVoor zover ons onderzoek het uitwees, zijn de getuigenissen niet alleen niet contradictorisch, maar vullen ze elkaar zelfs op een gelukkige wijze aan.\r\n\r\nOp de vraag dus, die wij ons in het begin gesteld hebben, of er positieve redenen bestonden om aan te nemen, op grond van de ons overgeleverde teksten, dat Herakleides Pontikos v\u00f3\u00f3r Aristarchos een soort van heliocentrisme zou hebben geleerd, menen we beslist negatief te mogen antwoorden. Twee grote onwaarschijnlijkheden, namelijk dat de Oudheid ons niets duidelijks zou hebben bericht over de werkelijke ontdekker van het heliocentrisme en dat \u00e9\u00e9n man zonder voorlopers en voorafgaande ontdekkingen het heliocentrisme zou hebben uitgedacht, worden aldus opgeheven als we ons houden aan wat de bronnen werkelijk melden. [conclusion p. 384-385] \u00dcbersetzung: Unserer Untersuchung der Quellen zusammenfassend, kommen wir zu den folgenden Schlussfolgerungen:\r\n\r\n Laut Herakleides befindet sich die Erde im Zentrum des Universums (Simplikios: Fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: Fragment 2; Chalcidius: Fragment 7).\r\n Die Erde dreht sich um ihre eigene Achse. In den meisten Fragmenten finden wir sogar die genaue Spezifikation dieser Achsendrehung: Die Erde dreht sich in 24 Stunden (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Aetios: Fragment 4) von Westen nach Osten (Simplikios: Fragment 5, 6; Aetios: Fragment 4), um die t\u00e4gliche Bewegung der Himmelsk\u00f6rper zu erkl\u00e4ren.\r\n Die Sonne dreht sich j\u00e4hrlich von Osten nach Westen um die Erde (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Chalcidius: Fragment 7).\r\n Die inneren Planeten Venus und h\u00f6chstwahrscheinlich auch Merkur drehen sich um die Sonne (Chalcidius: Fragment 7).\r\n Die naheliegendste Hypothese ist, dass die \u00e4u\u00dferen Planeten Mars, Jupiter und Saturn, wie die Sonne, einfach um die Erde kreisen, um ihre j\u00e4hrliche Bewegung zu erkl\u00e4ren (Simplikios: Fragment 5).\r\n Die Fixsterne bleiben unbewegt.\r\n\r\nSoweit unsere Untersuchung zeigt, sind die Zeugnisse nicht nur nicht widerspr\u00fcchlich, sondern erg\u00e4nzen sich sogar auf gl\u00fcckliche Weise.\r\n\r\nAuf die Frage, die wir uns zu Beginn gestellt haben, ob es positive Gr\u00fcnde gibt, aufgrund der uns \u00fcberlieferten Texte anzunehmen, dass Herakleides Pontikos vor Aristarchos eine Art von Heliozentrismus gelehrt hat, meinen wir, mit Sicherheit verneinen zu k\u00f6nnen. Zwei gro\u00dfe Unwahrscheinlichkeiten \u2013 n\u00e4mlich, dass die Antike uns nichts Klareres \u00fcber den tats\u00e4chlichen Entdecker des Heliozentrismus berichtet h\u00e4tte, und dass ein einzelner Mensch ohne Vorg\u00e4nger und vorherige Entdeckungen den Heliozentrismus erdacht h\u00e4tte \u2013 werden damit ausger\u00e4umt, wenn wir uns an das halten, was die Quellen tats\u00e4chlich \u00fcberliefern.","btype":3,"date":"1956","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/e00zJf5ufXc0B6a","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":343,"full_name":"Valckenaere de, Erik","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":836,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"L'Antiquit\u00e9 Classique","volume":"25","issue":"2","pages":"351-385"}},"sort":[1956]}

Some Problems in Anaximander, 1955
By: Kirk, G.S.
Title Some Problems in Anaximander
Type Article
Language English
Date 1955
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 5
Issue 1/2
Pages 21-38
Categories no categories
Author(s) Kirk, G.S.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
These considerations indicate that we are not entitled to automatically assume that prose works written in Ionia in the sixth or early fifth century were still available in their entirety to Theophrastus. In the case of Anaximander, I would suggest that what Theophrastus might have had in front of him was not a complete book but a collection of extracts, in which emphasis was laid upon astronomy, meteorology, and anthropogony rather than upon the nature and significance of to apeiron, which might always have seemed confusing. In respect to his arche, indeed, Anaximander must assuredly have been considered obsolete and unimportant by the end of the fifth century. The extant fragment could be quoted by Theophrastus, of course, because it really came among the cosmological-meteorological extracts. [introduction p. 38]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"737","_score":null,"_source":{"id":737,"authors_free":[{"id":1100,"entry_id":737,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":216,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kirk, G.S.","free_first_name":"G.S.","free_last_name":"Kirk","norm_person":{"id":216,"first_name":"G. S.","last_name":"Kirk","full_name":"Kirk, G. S.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Some Problems in Anaximander","main_title":{"title":"Some Problems in Anaximander"},"abstract":"These considerations indicate that we are not entitled to automatically assume that prose works written in Ionia in the sixth or early fifth century were still available in their entirety to Theophrastus. In the case of Anaximander, I would suggest that what Theophrastus might have had in front of him was not a complete book but a collection of extracts, in which emphasis was laid upon astronomy, meteorology, and anthropogony rather than upon the nature and significance of to apeiron, which might always have seemed confusing.\r\n\r\nIn respect to his arche, indeed, Anaximander must assuredly have been considered obsolete and unimportant by the end of the fifth century. The extant fragment could be quoted by Theophrastus, of course, because it really came among the cosmological-meteorological extracts. [introduction p. 38]","btype":3,"date":"1955","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2A18YiMysdkpynh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":216,"full_name":"Kirk, G. S.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":737,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"5","issue":"1\/2","pages":"21-38"}},"sort":[1955]}

Der Bericht des Theophrast über Heraklit, 1955
By: Kerschensteiner, Jula
Title Der Bericht des Theophrast über Heraklit
Type Article
Language German
Date 1955
Journal Hermes
Volume 83
Issue 4
Pages 385-411
Categories no categories
Author(s) Kerschensteiner, Jula
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Die Hauptquelle für die Darstellung der Lehren Heraklits, die Theophrast in seinen Phusikôn doxai gab, ist der Bericht bei Diogenes Laertius 9, 7-II. Er zerfällt in zwei Teile, eine knappe Übersicht (im folgenden DL1) und ein ausführliches Referat (im folgenden DL2). Nach DIELS stammt DL1 aus einer Mittelquelle biographischer Tradition, auf die auch der Einschub mit den Zitaten und die Bemerkung über Heraklits Stil zurückgehe, der zweite Teil dagegen direkt aus Theophrast (Doxographi Graeci I63 f., vgl. auch I80). Dagegen hat K. DEICHGRABER, Bemerkungen zu Diogenes' Bericht fiber Heraklit (Philol. 93, I938, I2ff.) 23ff., zu zeigen versucht, daB es sich nicht um zwei verschiedene Fassungen derselben Vorlage handelt, sondern daß die beiden Teile schon urspruinglich zusammengehören und aufeinander abgestimmt seien, nur durch den spateren Einschub unterbrochen: der Aufbau entspreche der Gewohnheit Theophrasts, den Einzeldarlegungen eine allgemeine Übersicht vorauszuschicken. Eine Klärung des Problems wird sich im folgenden ergeben. [introduction, p. 25]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1368","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1368,"authors_free":[{"id":2061,"entry_id":1368,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":233,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kerschensteiner, Jula","free_first_name":"Jula","free_last_name":"Kerschensteiner","norm_person":{"id":233,"first_name":"Jula","last_name":"Kerschensteiner","full_name":"Kerschensteiner, Jula","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116142448","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Der Bericht des Theophrast \u00fcber Heraklit","main_title":{"title":"Der Bericht des Theophrast \u00fcber Heraklit"},"abstract":"Die Hauptquelle f\u00fcr die Darstellung der Lehren Heraklits, die Theophrast in seinen Phusik\u00f4n doxai gab, ist der Bericht bei Diogenes Laertius 9, 7-II. Er zerf\u00e4llt in zwei Teile, eine knappe \u00dcbersicht (im folgenden DL1) und ein ausf\u00fchrliches Referat (im folgenden DL2). Nach DIELS stammt DL1 aus einer Mittelquelle biographischer Tradition, auf die auch der Einschub mit den Zitaten und die Bemerkung \u00fcber Heraklits Stil zur\u00fcckgehe, der zweite Teil dagegen direkt aus Theophrast (Doxographi Graeci I63 f., vgl. auch I80). Dagegen hat K. DEICHGRABER, Bemerkungen zu Diogenes' Bericht fiber Heraklit (Philol. 93, I938, I2ff.) 23ff., zu zeigen versucht, daB es sich nicht um zwei verschiedene Fassungen derselben Vorlage handelt, sondern da\u00df die beiden Teile schon urspruinglich zusammengeh\u00f6ren und aufeinander abgestimmt seien, nur durch den spateren Einschub unterbrochen: der Aufbau entspreche der Gewohnheit Theophrasts, den Einzeldarlegungen eine allgemeine \u00dcbersicht vorauszuschicken. Eine Kl\u00e4rung des Problems wird sich im folgenden ergeben. [introduction, p. 25]","btype":3,"date":"1955","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/iEKNcdvLqiTOzaT","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":233,"full_name":"Kerschensteiner, Jula","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1368,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"83","issue":"4","pages":"385-411"}},"sort":[1955]}

Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote, 1954
By: Moraux, Paul
Title Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote
Type Article
Language French
Date 1954
Journal Hermes
Volume 82
Issue 2
Pages 145-182
Categories no categories
Author(s) Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Nous en revenons ainsi à une constatation formulée dans les premières pages de cette étude : la tradition manuscrite d'Aristote accessible aux commentateurs était incomparablement plus riche ou, du moins, plus diversifiée que notre tradition médiévale. Plusieurs rameaux de cette tradition sont morts sans quasi laisser de traces ; d'autres ne semblent plus avoir de descendants directs, mais certains de leurs éléments ont été sauvés, en partie grâce à des codices mixti, en partie grâce aux yqépexat et aux variantes des commentateurs. La tradition médiévale, avec son unité relative, semble donc bien représenter, par rapport à la richesse antérieure, un réel appauvrissement. Une sélection, accidentelle ou voulue, doit avoir rétréci, dans des proportions considérables, la variété des manuscrits en cours à l'époque de Simplicius. Quand, comment et pourquoi cette sélection s'est-elle opérée ? À combien d'ancêtres réels remontent nos manuscrits médiévaux ? Ce sont là des questions auxquelles je ne puis répondre, et je crois qu’on n’y pourra répondre avant d'avoir mené à bien, avec toutes les ressources de la paléographie, de la critique et de la codicologie, l'étude systématique de la tradition directe. [conclusion p. 182]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1208","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1208,"authors_free":[{"id":1789,"entry_id":1208,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":137,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Moraux, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Moraux","norm_person":{"id":137,"first_name":"Paul ","last_name":"Moraux","full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117755591","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote"},"abstract":"Nous en revenons ainsi \u00e0 une constatation formul\u00e9e dans les premi\u00e8res pages de cette \u00e9tude : la tradition manuscrite d'Aristote accessible aux commentateurs \u00e9tait incomparablement plus riche ou, du moins, plus diversifi\u00e9e que notre tradition m\u00e9di\u00e9vale. Plusieurs rameaux de cette tradition sont morts sans quasi laisser de traces ; d'autres ne semblent plus avoir de descendants directs, mais certains de leurs \u00e9l\u00e9ments ont \u00e9t\u00e9 sauv\u00e9s, en partie gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 des codices mixti, en partie gr\u00e2ce aux yq\u00e9pexat et aux variantes des commentateurs.\r\n\r\nLa tradition m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, avec son unit\u00e9 relative, semble donc bien repr\u00e9senter, par rapport \u00e0 la richesse ant\u00e9rieure, un r\u00e9el appauvrissement. Une s\u00e9lection, accidentelle ou voulue, doit avoir r\u00e9tr\u00e9ci, dans des proportions consid\u00e9rables, la vari\u00e9t\u00e9 des manuscrits en cours \u00e0 l'\u00e9poque de Simplicius.\r\n\r\nQuand, comment et pourquoi cette s\u00e9lection s'est-elle op\u00e9r\u00e9e ? \u00c0 combien d'anc\u00eatres r\u00e9els remontent nos manuscrits m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux ? Ce sont l\u00e0 des questions auxquelles je ne puis r\u00e9pondre, et je crois qu\u2019on n\u2019y pourra r\u00e9pondre avant d'avoir men\u00e9 \u00e0 bien, avec toutes les ressources de la pal\u00e9ographie, de la critique et de la codicologie, l'\u00e9tude syst\u00e9matique de la tradition directe. [conclusion p. 182]","btype":3,"date":"1954","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1cq99waVOBFt3tw","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":137,"full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1208,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"82","issue":"2","pages":"145-182"}},"sort":[1954]}

Le chrétien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'École d'Alexandrie au VIe siècle, 1954
By: Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Title Le chrétien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'École d'Alexandrie au VIe siècle
Type Article
Language French
Date 1954
Journal Revue des Études Grecques
Volume 67
Issue 316-318
Pages 396-410
Categories no categories
Author(s) Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Ammonias, bien que païen et élève de Proclus, avait su, dès la fin du Ve siècle, faire à l'Église les concessionsnécessaires pour que fût toléré son enseignement officiel à Alexandrie. Mais il convient de reconnaître le rôle capital quedut jouer, quelque vingt à trente ans plus tard, un de ses élèves chrétiens, Jean le grammairien, philoponos dans l'Églised'Alexandrie : il couvrit son maître, et en éditant sous son nom à lui ses rédactions des commentaires à Aristote exposésoralement par Ammonius, et en publiant, dans l'année critique 529, son propre ouvrage De aeternitate mundi ContraProclum, qui détachait opportunément de l'École d'Athènes l'École d'Alexandrie. [Author's abstract]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"401","_score":null,"_source":{"id":401,"authors_free":[{"id":536,"entry_id":401,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":228,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","free_first_name":"Henri Dominique","free_last_name":"Saffrey","norm_person":{"id":228,"first_name":"Henri Dominique","last_name":"Saffrey","full_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130160059","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le chr\u00e9tien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'\u00c9cole d'Alexandrie au VIe si\u00e8cle","main_title":{"title":"Le chr\u00e9tien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'\u00c9cole d'Alexandrie au VIe si\u00e8cle"},"abstract":"Ammonias, bien que pa\u00efen et \u00e9l\u00e8ve de Proclus, avait su, d\u00e8s la fin du Ve si\u00e8cle, faire \u00e0 l'\u00c9glise les concessionsn\u00e9cessaires pour que f\u00fbt tol\u00e9r\u00e9 son enseignement officiel \u00e0 Alexandrie. Mais il convient de reconna\u00eetre le r\u00f4le capital quedut jouer, quelque vingt \u00e0 trente ans plus tard, un de ses \u00e9l\u00e8ves chr\u00e9tiens, Jean le grammairien, philoponos dans l'\u00c9glised'Alexandrie : il couvrit son ma\u00eetre, et en \u00e9ditant sous son nom \u00e0 lui ses r\u00e9dactions des commentaires \u00e0 Aristote expos\u00e9soralement par Ammonius, et en publiant, dans l'ann\u00e9e critique 529, son propre ouvrage De aeternitate mundi ContraProclum, qui d\u00e9tachait opportun\u00e9ment de l'\u00c9cole d'Ath\u00e8nes l'\u00c9cole d'Alexandrie. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1954","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Q5nhmaN1gcPD9Ls","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":228,"full_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":401,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue des \u00c9tudes Grecques","volume":"67","issue":"316-318","pages":"396-410"}},"sort":[1954]}

Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes, 1953
By: McDiarmid, John B.
Title Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes
Type Article
Language English
Date 1953
Journal Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
Volume 61
Pages 85-156
Categories no categories
Author(s) McDiarmid, John B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In sum, the fragments considered disclose no evidence that Theophrastus employed his knowledge of the Presocratics in such a way as to exercise independent judgment about them. Despite his apparent investigation of the original texts, his accounts are in all essentials simply repetitions of some of the interpretations that he found in Aristotle and have, therefore, the same deficiencies. Further, by his method of selection and adaptation, he has frequently misrepresented his source and has exaggerated the faults present in it. It must be concluded that, with regard to the Presocratic causes at least, he is a thoroughly biased witness and is even less trustworthy than Aristotle. [conclusion p. 133]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"991","_score":null,"_source":{"id":991,"authors_free":[{"id":1492,"entry_id":991,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":251,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"McDiarmid, John B.","free_first_name":"John B.","free_last_name":"McDiarmid","norm_person":{"id":251,"first_name":"John B.","last_name":"McDiarmid","full_name":"McDiarmid, John B.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1200165888","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes","main_title":{"title":"Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes"},"abstract":"In sum, the fragments considered disclose no evidence that Theophrastus employed his knowledge of the Presocratics in such a way as to exercise independent judgment about them. Despite his apparent investigation of the original texts, his accounts are in all essentials simply repetitions of some of the interpretations that he found in Aristotle and have, therefore, the same deficiencies. Further, by his method of selection and adaptation, he has frequently misrepresented his source and has exaggerated the faults present in it. It must be concluded that, with regard to the Presocratic causes at least, he is a thoroughly biased witness and is even less trustworthy than Aristotle. [conclusion p. 133]","btype":3,"date":"1953","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/EubtCOWFaqns9Pq","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":251,"full_name":"McDiarmid, John B.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":991,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Harvard Studies in Classical Philology","volume":"61","issue":"","pages":"85-156"}},"sort":[1953]}

Andronikos von Rhodos und die Postprädikamente bei Boethius, 1953
By: Pfligersdorffer, Georg
Title Andronikos von Rhodos und die Postprädikamente bei Boethius
Type Article
Language German
Date 1953
Journal Vigiliae Christianae
Volume 7
Issue 2
Pages 98-115
Categories no categories
Author(s) Pfligersdorffer, Georg
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In der Erläuterungsschrift des Boethius zu den Kategorien des Aristoteles ist nach Absolvierung der einzelnen Kategorien das vierte Buch der Besprechung der sogenannten Postprädikamente 1 eingeräumt (Migne PL 64, 263-294), wozu freilich gleich auch gesagt werden musz, dasz die handschriftliche Überlieferung vielfach die Abtrennung eines vierten Buches nicht aufweist, sondern die uns geläufigen Bücher III und IV zu einem zusammenfaszt2, worauf hier jedoch nicht weiter eingegangen werden soll. Mit diesem Sachverhalt scheint zusammenzuhängen, dasz — soweit ich bis jetzt sagen kann — die Handschriften C(odex) l(atinus) m(ona- censis) 6403 und 14516, Bern. 265, Paris. B. N. lat. 11129 sowie die Sangallenses 817 und 821 gegenüber der Ausgabe von Migne das Aristoteles-Lemma de oppositis (Kateg. 10, 11b 16 ff.) vor die Kommentar-Partie 263 B-264 B Migne (Expeditis . . . ) treten lassen. [...] Die Zweifel, die sich an die Stelle 263 B M. knüpfen, möchte ich im folgenden, um einschlägige Arbeiten anderer nicht indirekt zu hemmen, schon vor meiner Ausgabe möglichst einschränken und vielleicht auch beheben. [pp. 98 f.]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"776","_score":null,"_source":{"id":776,"authors_free":[{"id":1140,"entry_id":776,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":290,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Pfligersdorffer, Georg","free_first_name":"Georg","free_last_name":"Pfligersdorffer","norm_person":{"id":290,"first_name":"Georg","last_name":"Pfligersdorffer","full_name":"Pfligersdorffer, Georg","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118911864","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Andronikos von Rhodos und die Postpr\u00e4dikamente bei Boethius","main_title":{"title":"Andronikos von Rhodos und die Postpr\u00e4dikamente bei Boethius"},"abstract":"In der Erl\u00e4uterungsschrift des Boethius zu den Kategorien des \r\nAristoteles ist nach Absolvierung der einzelnen Kategorien das \r\nvierte Buch der Besprechung der sogenannten Postpr\u00e4dikamente 1 \r\neinger\u00e4umt (Migne PL 64, 263-294), wozu freilich gleich auch \r\ngesagt werden musz, dasz die handschriftliche \u00dcberlieferung vielfach \r\ndie Abtrennung eines vierten Buches nicht aufweist, sondern die \r\nuns gel\u00e4ufigen B\u00fccher III und IV zu einem zusammenfaszt2, \r\nworauf hier jedoch nicht weiter eingegangen werden soll. Mit \r\ndiesem Sachverhalt scheint zusammenzuh\u00e4ngen, dasz \u2014 soweit ich \r\nbis jetzt sagen kann \u2014 die Handschriften C(odex) l(atinus) m(ona- \r\ncensis) 6403 und 14516, Bern. 265, Paris. B. N. lat. 11129 sowie \r\ndie Sangallenses 817 und 821 gegen\u00fcber der Ausgabe von Migne \r\ndas Aristoteles-Lemma de oppositis (Kateg. 10, 11b 16 ff.) vor die \r\nKommentar-Partie 263 B-264 B Migne (Expeditis . . . ) treten \r\nlassen. [...] Die Zweifel, die sich an die Stelle 263 B M. kn\u00fcpfen, m\u00f6chte ich \r\nim folgenden, um einschl\u00e4gige Arbeiten anderer nicht indirekt zu hemmen, schon vor meiner Ausgabe m\u00f6glichst einschr\u00e4nken und \r\nvielleicht auch beheben. [pp. 98 f.]","btype":3,"date":"1953","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PbVU1hqwXwhd1ee","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":290,"full_name":"Pfligersdorffer, Georg","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":776,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Vigiliae Christianae","volume":"7","issue":"2","pages":"98-115"}},"sort":[1953]}

Les convictions religieuses de Jean Philopon et la date de son Commentaire aux «Météorologiques», 1953
By: Evrard, Étienne
Title Les convictions religieuses de Jean Philopon et la date de son Commentaire aux «Météorologiques»
Type Article
Language French
Date 1953
Journal Bulletin de la classe des lettres, sciences morales et politiques de l'Académie Royale de Belgique
Volume 5e Série, Tome 39
Pages 299–357
Categories no categories
Author(s) Evrard, Étienne
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Philopon était probablement un chrétien de naissance. Rien en tout cas n’indique qu'il ait jamais été païen. Dès le début de son activité littéraire, il manifeste son christianisme en interprétant Aristote d’une manière favorable à l’immortalité de l'âme humaine et en le critiquant à propos de la création du monde et de l’éternité du mouvement. Il fut peut-être séduit un instant par les idées d’Origène, mais les abandonna bientôt. La fermeture de l’école d’Athènes a sans doute produit sur son esprit une assez forte impression. Il est remarquable en tout cas que son Contre Proclus est l’exact contemporain de cet événement. Peut-être la mesure de Justinien fut-elle difficilement admise dans les cercles philoso­phiques d'Alexandrie, où païens et chrétiens semblent avoir fait un effort pour harmoniser leurs points de vue. Philopon aurait alors voulu montrer qu’elle atteignait les disciples d’un philosophe dont l’enseignement était fort criticable et qui n’avait consenti aucune concession au christianisme. C’est peut-être pour la même raison qu’un peu après, dans son Commentaire aux Météorologiques, il attaqua à plusieurs reprises Damascius, qui dirigeait l’école d'Athènes au moment de sa fermeture. A ce moment encore, il prit apparemment une conscience plus nette des contradictions entre les doctrines des païen’s et sa religion. C’est en effet dans le Contre Proclus qu’apparaît pour la première fois la critique de la cinquième essence. Un ouvrage postérieur que nous ne possédons plus y ajoutait une réfutation de la théorie du mouvement surnaturel du feu. On peut penser que Philopon craignait dans ces doctrines une certaine divinisation du ciel dans laquelle il voyait une atteinte à la majesté de Dieu. Le Com­mentaire aux Météorologiques, composé après 529, révèle une accentuation de cette attitude. On y voit en plus apparaître la critique de l’astrologie. Enfin le Contre Aristote constitue comme une somme des griefs de Philopon contre le système péripatéticien. Dans le De Opificio mundi, postérieur au Contre Aristote et écrit après 557, la philosophie n’apparaît plus qu’indirectement et cède la place à la théologie et à l’exégèse biblique.Seule une étude exhaustive des œuvres de Philopon révélerait le degré d'exactitude de cette reconstitution provisoire. Celle-ci me semble du moins respecter plus complètement que celle de Gudeman les indications sur lesquelles j’ai attiré l’attention. Elle permet en outre de mieux comprendre les répercussions des événements de la première moitié du VIe siècle sur l'esprit de Philopon. [conclusion, p. 356-357]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"553","_score":null,"_source":{"id":553,"authors_free":[{"id":782,"entry_id":553,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":92,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Evrard, \u00c9tienne ","free_first_name":"\u00c9tienne ","free_last_name":"Evrard","norm_person":{"id":92,"first_name":"\u00c9tienne ","last_name":"Evrard","full_name":"Evrard, \u00c9tienne ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118945750","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les convictions religieuses de Jean Philopon et la date de son Commentaire aux \u00abM\u00e9t\u00e9orologiques\u00bb","main_title":{"title":"Les convictions religieuses de Jean Philopon et la date de son Commentaire aux \u00abM\u00e9t\u00e9orologiques\u00bb"},"abstract":"Philopon \u00e9tait probablement un chr\u00e9tien de naissance. Rien en tout cas n\u2019indique qu'il ait jamais \u00e9t\u00e9 pa\u00efen. D\u00e8s le d\u00e9but de son activit\u00e9 litt\u00e9raire, il manifeste son christianisme en interpr\u00e9tant Aristote d\u2019une mani\u00e8re favorable \u00e0 l\u2019immortalit\u00e9 de l'\u00e2me humaine et en le \r\ncritiquant \u00e0 propos de la cr\u00e9ation du monde et de l\u2019\u00e9ternit\u00e9 du mouvement. Il fut peut-\u00eatre s\u00e9duit un instant par les id\u00e9es d\u2019Orig\u00e8ne, mais les abandonna bient\u00f4t. La fermeture de l\u2019\u00e9cole \r\nd\u2019Ath\u00e8nes a sans doute produit sur son esprit une assez forte impression. Il est remarquable en tout cas que son Contre Proclus est l\u2019exact contemporain de cet \u00e9v\u00e9nement. Peut-\u00eatre la mesure de Justinien fut-elle difficilement admise dans les cercles philoso\u00adphiques d'Alexandrie, o\u00f9 pa\u00efens et chr\u00e9tiens semblent avoir \r\nfait un effort pour harmoniser leurs points de vue. Philopon aurait alors voulu montrer qu\u2019elle atteignait les disciples d\u2019un philosophe dont l\u2019enseignement \u00e9tait fort criticable et qui n\u2019avait \r\nconsenti aucune concession au christianisme. C\u2019est peut-\u00eatre pour la m\u00eame raison qu\u2019un peu apr\u00e8s, dans son Commentaire aux M\u00e9t\u00e9orologiques, il attaqua \u00e0 plusieurs reprises Damascius, qui dirigeait l\u2019\u00e9cole d'Ath\u00e8nes au moment de sa fermeture. A ce moment encore, il prit apparemment une conscience plus nette \r\ndes contradictions entre les doctrines des pa\u00efen\u2019s et sa religion. C\u2019est en effet dans le Contre Proclus qu\u2019appara\u00eet pour la premi\u00e8re fois la critique de la cinqui\u00e8me essence. Un ouvrage post\u00e9rieur \r\nque nous ne poss\u00e9dons plus y ajoutait une r\u00e9futation de la th\u00e9orie du mouvement surnaturel du feu. On peut penser que Philopon craignait dans ces doctrines une certaine divinisation du ciel dans laquelle il voyait une atteinte \u00e0 la majest\u00e9 de Dieu. Le Com\u00admentaire aux M\u00e9t\u00e9orologiques, compos\u00e9 apr\u00e8s 529, r\u00e9v\u00e8le une accentuation de cette attitude. On y voit en plus appara\u00eetre la \r\ncritique de l\u2019astrologie. Enfin le Contre Aristote constitue comme une somme des griefs de Philopon contre le syst\u00e8me p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticien. Dans le De Opificio mundi, post\u00e9rieur au Contre Aristote \r\net \u00e9crit apr\u00e8s 557, la philosophie n\u2019appara\u00eet plus qu\u2019indirectement et c\u00e8de la place \u00e0 la th\u00e9ologie et \u00e0 l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se biblique.Seule une \u00e9tude exhaustive des \u0153uvres de Philopon r\u00e9v\u00e9lerait le degr\u00e9 d'exactitude de cette reconstitution provisoire. Celle-ci me semble du moins respecter plus compl\u00e8tement que celle de Gudeman les indications sur lesquelles j\u2019ai attir\u00e9 l\u2019attention. \r\nElle permet en outre de mieux comprendre les r\u00e9percussions des \u00e9v\u00e9nements de la premi\u00e8re moiti\u00e9 du VIe si\u00e8cle sur l'esprit \r\nde Philopon. [conclusion, p. 356-357]","btype":3,"date":"1953","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/spYKKnIJSQ8Wyan","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":92,"full_name":"Evrard, \u00c9tienne ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":553,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Bulletin de la classe des lettres, sciences morales et politiques de l'Acad\u00e9mie Royale de Belgique","volume":"5e S\u00e9rie, Tome 39","issue":"","pages":"299\u2013357"}},"sort":[1953]}

Anaximander und die Anfänge der Philosophie, 1953
By: Hölscher, Uvo
Title Anaximander und die Anfänge der Philosophie
Type Article
Language German
Date 1953
Journal Hermes
Volume 81
Issue 3
Pages 257-277
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hölscher, Uvo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Der Satz HERMANN FRANKELS, daß alle doxographischen Berichte solange unbestimmt sind, als nicht originaler Wortlaut hinzukommt, gilt in gewissem Sinne auch umgekehrt. Denn obwohl jener Satz gerade auch mit Rücksicht auf Anaximander gesagt worden ist, hat doch die Diskussion des Anaximanderfragments gezeigt, wie vieldeutig ein Satzbruchstück bleibt, wenn man es für sich betrachtet, aber auch, wieviel Hilfe aus der Analyse der Überlieferung kommen kann. Aus dieser wird noch einiges herangezogen, ohne daß hinlänglich gefragt würde, wo es herrührt. Sofern es sich im folgenden noch einmal um die Lehre von den Gegensatzen handelt, kommt es mir weniger darauf an, dem einzelnen Placitum sein Recht zu bestreiten, als etwas von der Weise dieses schwer zugänglichen Denkens zu erkennen. Es wird dabei zunächst in einer Untersuchung fortgefahren werden, die sich schon ausgewiesen hat: der Kritik der aristotelischen Berichte. Im zweiten Teil soll dagegen versucht werden, jene Denkform von den Voraussetzungen her zu bestimmen, aus denen Anaximander seine Konzeption des Ursprungs entwickelt hat. [introduction p. 17]

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  • PAGE 1 OF 1
A Lost Passage from Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem in Arabic Translation, 1965
By: Kraemer, Joel L.
Title A Lost Passage from Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem in Arabic Translation
Type Article
Language English
Date 1965
Journal Journal of the American Oriental Society
Volume 85
Issue 3
Pages 318-327
Categories no categories
Author(s) Kraemer, Joel L.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
A comparison of the Arabic text with the excerpt of Simplicius shows that he, being concerned only with the gist of the argument, did not quote Philoponus' passage in its entirety. He reproduced only the second part of it, in which Philoponus referred to the Greeks and the barbarians, that is, those whose consensus was invoked by Aristotle and who were, for Aristotle, exhaustive of mankind. Simplicius omitted the first part of the passage, in which Philoponus spoke of those who believe in creation, among whom he certainly included Christians ("the people of our time"), a category of mankind unknown to Aristotle. There was no need for him to quote the last part of the passage, in which Philoponus gave his own interpretation of the common belief that the divine is associated with heaven. That the excerpt by Simplicius is not a direct quote, and the Arabic text an expansion of the original passage, is confirmed by the fact that some of the detail in the Arabic rendition, which is missing in Simplicius' excerpt, nevertheless appears in his discussion of Philoponus' argument.

The passage before us, a response to a rhetorical argument, is not on a par with the technical aspects of Philoponus' critique of Aristotle, but it is no less appealing or significant for that reason. The last part of it conveys, in a lyrical way, the religious sentiment of the author in a tone that prefigures the devotional pages of the De opificio mundi. There, he returns to the question of the designation of heaven as the seat of the divine. "What wonder," he writes, "if [people] set apart the noblest and purest of bodily existents, heaven, for God, and, while praying, extend their hands to it." He adds that through the physical act of raising the hands and eyes to heaven, the mind is raised to God. Heaven is a symbol of the majesty of the Creator.

Philoponus obliterates the pagan-Aristotelian distinction between the divine, eternal heavens and the transitory sublunar world. But it is not quite precise to say that he abrogates the superiority of heaven. Heaven and earth are placed in the same order, but heaven ranks higher than earth. That heaven ranks higher than earth and is more closely associated with the divine is part of his Christian heritage. The light metaphor and the idea that all things receive the divine illumination and do so according to their capacity are reflections from Neo-Platonism, but they appear to have been integrated into his Christian vision. The idea that all things are filled with God is not inconsistent with the biblical view that the whole earth is filled with His presence. [conclusion p. 326-327]

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A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras, 1960
By: Wasserstein, Abraham
Title A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras
Type Article
Language English
Date 1960
Journal The Classical Review
Volume 10
Issue 1
Pages 4-5
Categories no categories
Author(s) Wasserstein, Abraham
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Παντάπασι δ' οὐδὲν ἀποκρίνεται οὐδὲ διακρίνεται ἕτερον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἑτέρου εἰ μὴ ὁ νοῦς· νοῦς δέ ἐστι καθαρὸς ἐκ πάντων καὶ εὐλαβῶν. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων οὐδὲν οὐδὲν διακρίνεται ἑτέρῳ ὅμοιον οὐδὲ ἔστιν ἑτέρου κατὰ φύσιν ὅμοιον, ἀλλ' ἑκάστῳ τῶν ἄλλων ἐν ἑκάστῳ τούτων καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἄρα τί ἐστι καθαρὸν ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων· καὶ τὸ μὲν εὐκρᾶτον καὶ εὐδιακριτὸν τῶν ἄλλων νοῦς τῶν πάντων διαφέρει.

These are the last few lines of fragment 12 of Anaxagoras as printed in Diels-Kranz6, ii. 39: D.-K. follow closely, with only a minor modification, the Berlin text of Simplicius in Phys., p. 157, which is the source of our knowledge of this fragment.

It seems to me necessary, or at any rate highly desirable, that any interpretation of this passage should, inter alia, satisfy the following three conditions:

    ὁμοῖος should have the same meaning when applied to νοῦς and when applied to ἕτερον in the next line.

    The clause ἕτερον δὲ οὐδὲν ... should contain a contrast to the clause νοῦς δέ ..., i.e. we should be able to understand that something is true of νοῦς that is not true of anything other (ἕτερον) than νοῦς.

    The clause ἀλλ’ ... should follow naturally on the preceding two clauses.

This set of conditions is not satisfied by any interpretation that I know. Here are the translations of Diels, Tannery, Burnet:

    Diels (loc. cit.): "Geist aber ist allemal von gleicher Art, der größere wie der kleinere. Sonst aber ist nichts dem anderen gleichartig, sondern wovon am meisten in einem Dinge enthalten ist, dies als das deutlichst Erkennbare ist und war das eine Einzelding."
    Tannery (Pour l’histoire de la science hellénique, p. 311): "Tout le noas est semblable, le plus grand et le plus petit; il n'y a, par ailleurs, aucune chose qui soit semblable à aucune autre, mais chacune est pour l'apparence ce dont elle contient le plus."
    Burnet: "And all Nous is alike, both the greater and the smaller; while nothing else is like anything else, but each single thing is and was most manifestly those things of which it has most in it."

It will be seen at once that all these translation-interpretations involve us in a number of difficulties:

    In all three cases ὁμοῖος, which, when applied to νοῦς, quite naturally (and, surely, inevitably) means something like "homogeneous" (i.e. ὁμοῖος κατὰ φύσιν), is understood in a different sense and construed in a different way when it is used again in the same sentence. For what is, according to these interpretations, denied in the clause ἕτερον δὲ ... is that any other thing is "like" (gleichartig, semblable) anything else, not that they are "homogeneous," which had been asserted of νοῦς.

    But if that is right, there is no immediately obvious contrast between νοῦς and anything other than νοῦς. Such a contrast is obviously intended; at any rate, a comparison between νοῦς and other things is made in terms of being ὁμοῖος; but such a comparison loses all point if ὁμοῖος is used in two different senses.

    It is further to be observed that in all these interpretations there is no real point in the third clause ἀλλ’ .... What is ἀλλὰ supposed to mean here? But? ("sondern"? "mais"?) How is this clause related to what precedes?

All these difficulties can be removed very easily. I propose that οὐδενί be excised. Read:

νοῦς δὲ ἰσαῖς μέτροις ὅμοιος· ἕτερον δὲ οὐδὲν ὅμοιον· ἀλλὰ τῶν πλεῖστων εἶναι τὰ φαινόμενα ἔνθα καὶ ἦν.

And interpret:
"Nous is all homogeneous, both the greater and the smaller; nothing else is homogeneous; but [the apparent homogeneity of other things like, e.g., gold, is due to the fact that] each thing is (or appears to be) most manifestly that of which there is most in it."

Thus, if we excise οὐδενί,

    ὁμοῖος has the same sense ("homogeneous") both as applied to νοῦς and as applied to ἕτερον.

    There is a pointed comparison between νοῦς and other things: something is true of νοῦς that is not true of other things.

    The last clause follows naturally on the earlier statements; for, after making the comparison, Anaxagoras goes on to remove a possible objection: "But is not gold, or iron, or anything else like that, also homogeneous?" "No, it is not; it only looks as if it were, because everything looks like that of which it has most in it." This statement is, of course, immediately intelligible in the light of other statements about ὁμοίως φαίνεσθαι, such as ἐν παντὶ παντός μορφὴ ἐνέστηκε (frg. 11); or the beginning of our fragment 12: τὰ ἐν παντὶ πλείω μετέχει κτλ. (Cf. also Simplicius, in Phys., p. 27, where frg. 11 is quoted together with τῶν πλείστων εἶναι κτλ.).

Lest it be thought that the excision of οὐδενί is altogether too radical an expedient, I may mention one other point: Simplicius is capable of extending his quotations by the addition of his own words; that is to say, he could add words to explain what he took to be the meaning of a passage he quoted. Thus, if he misunderstood this statement of Anaxagoras in a sense which made the addition of οὐδενί seem natural, he may well, without even noticing it himself, have added it. We know that elsewhere, quoting this very same sentence, he adds a few words of his own. He writes (in Phys., p. 165, 13): καὶ εἰς τὸν ἕτερον ὁμοιομέρειαν Ἀναξαγόρας ὑπέθετο λέγειν, ὃς δ’ ἐστὶν πλεῖστον αὐτῷ ἐπιπεπτῶκεν. Now, the words ἐπιπεπτῶκεν are generally thought to be not part of the quotation but an explanatory addition by Simplicius; the quotation marks after οὐδενί here are, of course, Diels’s, not Simplicius’s; perhaps we ought to put them before οὐδενί and make that too part of the (mistaken) explanation of Simplicius? If Simplicius could add (as seems to be admitted by all scholars with the one exception of Schorn) the words πλεῖστον αὐτῷ ἐπιπεπτῶκεν, he may also have added οὐδενί. [the whole text]

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Here are the translations of Diels, Tannery, Burnet:\r\n\r\n Diels (loc. cit.): \"Geist aber ist allemal von gleicher Art, der gr\u00f6\u00dfere wie der kleinere. Sonst aber ist nichts dem anderen gleichartig, sondern wovon am meisten in einem Dinge enthalten ist, dies als das deutlichst Erkennbare ist und war das eine Einzelding.\"\r\n Tannery (Pour l\u2019histoire de la science hell\u00e9nique, p. 311): \"Tout le noas est semblable, le plus grand et le plus petit; il n'y a, par ailleurs, aucune chose qui soit semblable \u00e0 aucune autre, mais chacune est pour l'apparence ce dont elle contient le plus.\"\r\n Burnet: \"And all Nous is alike, both the greater and the smaller; while nothing else is like anything else, but each single thing is and was most manifestly those things of which it has most in it.\"\r\n\r\nIt will be seen at once that all these translation-interpretations involve us in a number of difficulties:\r\n\r\n In all three cases \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2, which, when applied to \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2, quite naturally (and, surely, inevitably) means something like \"homogeneous\" (i.e. \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd), is understood in a different sense and construed in a different way when it is used again in the same sentence. For what is, according to these interpretations, denied in the clause \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 ... is that any other thing is \"like\" (gleichartig, semblable) anything else, not that they are \"homogeneous,\" which had been asserted of \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2.\r\n\r\n But if that is right, there is no immediately obvious contrast between \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and anything other than \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2. Such a contrast is obviously intended; at any rate, a comparison between \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and other things is made in terms of being \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2; but such a comparison loses all point if \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 is used in two different senses.\r\n\r\n It is further to be observed that in all these interpretations there is no real point in the third clause \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u2019 .... What is \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 supposed to mean here? But? (\"sondern\"? \"mais\"?) How is this clause related to what precedes?\r\n\r\nAll these difficulties can be removed very easily. I propose that \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af be excised. Read:\r\n\r\n\u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f30\u03c3\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ad\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2\u00b7 \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u00b7 \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c6\u03b1\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1 \u1f14\u03bd\u03b8\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f26\u03bd.\r\n\r\nAnd interpret:\r\n\"Nous is all homogeneous, both the greater and the smaller; nothing else is homogeneous; but [the apparent homogeneity of other things like, e.g., gold, is due to the fact that] each thing is (or appears to be) most manifestly that of which there is most in it.\"\r\n\r\nThus, if we excise \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af,\r\n\r\n \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 has the same sense (\"homogeneous\") both as applied to \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and as applied to \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd.\r\n\r\n There is a pointed comparison between \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and other things: something is true of \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 that is not true of other things.\r\n\r\n The last clause follows naturally on the earlier statements; for, after making the comparison, Anaxagoras goes on to remove a possible objection: \"But is not gold, or iron, or anything else like that, also homogeneous?\" \"No, it is not; it only looks as if it were, because everything looks like that of which it has most in it.\" This statement is, of course, immediately intelligible in the light of other statements about \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03af\u03c9\u03c2 \u03c6\u03b1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9, such as \u1f10\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03cc\u03c2 \u03bc\u03bf\u03c1\u03c6\u1f74 \u1f10\u03bd\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03ba\u03b5 (frg. 11); or the beginning of our fragment 12: \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u1f76 \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03c9 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9 \u03ba\u03c4\u03bb. (Cf. also Simplicius, in Phys., p. 27, where frg. 11 is quoted together with \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03ba\u03c4\u03bb.).\r\n\r\nLest it be thought that the excision of \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af is altogether too radical an expedient, I may mention one other point: Simplicius is capable of extending his quotations by the addition of his own words; that is to say, he could add words to explain what he took to be the meaning of a passage he quoted. Thus, if he misunderstood this statement of Anaxagoras in a sense which made the addition of \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af seem natural, he may well, without even noticing it himself, have added it. We know that elsewhere, quoting this very same sentence, he adds a few words of his own. He writes (in Phys., p. 165, 13): \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1\u03bd \u1f08\u03bd\u03b1\u03be\u03b1\u03b3\u03cc\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u03ad\u03b8\u03b5\u03c4\u03bf \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, \u1f43\u03c2 \u03b4\u2019 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u1f76\u03bd \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03c4\u1ff6\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd. Now, the words \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03c4\u1ff6\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd are generally thought to be not part of the quotation but an explanatory addition by Simplicius; the quotation marks after \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af here are, of course, Diels\u2019s, not Simplicius\u2019s; perhaps we ought to put them before \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af and make that too part of the (mistaken) explanation of Simplicius? If Simplicius could add (as seems to be admitted by all scholars with the one exception of Schorn) the words \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03c4\u1ff6\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd, he may also have added \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af. [the whole text]","btype":3,"date":"1960","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/0UZZOhtjCwUNKOl","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":356,"full_name":"Wasserstein, Abraham","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":444,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"10","issue":"1","pages":"4-5"}},"sort":["A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras"]}

Anaximander and Dr Dicks, 1970
By: O'Brien, Denis
Title Anaximander and Dr Dicks
Type Article
Language English
Date 1970
Journal The Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume 90
Pages 198-199
Categories no categories
Author(s) O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
I am sorry to have annoyed Dr. Dicks by criticizing two articles of his in one of my footnotes (D. R. Dicks, On Anaximander's Figures, JHS LXXXIX [1969] 120: the offending footnote is in JHS LXXXVIII [1968] 120 n. 44, referring to Dicks, CQ n.s. IX [1959] 294-309, especially 299 and 301, and JHS LXXXVI [1966] 26-40, especially 30 and 36). I limit myself to the four specific points raised, in the hope that Dr. Dicks may one day be kind enough to substantiate his more general criticisms.
Pseudo-Galen

Five separate doxographical sources attribute to Anaxagoras the statement that the sun is larger, or many times larger, than the Peloponnese. Galen, or pseudo-Galen, notes that Anaxagoras' sun is larger than the earth. I suggested that this second formula, although it may not misrepresent the substance of Anaxagoras' theory, was "probably in Galen simply a random error, arising from the fact that the preceding sentence, on Anaximander, twice makes a comparison of sun and earth" (JHS LXXXVIII [1968] 124 n. 62). It is hard to know what motivates Dr. Dicks to omit my reasoning and to stigmatize my conclusion as "curious" and "eccentric."
Tannery

Tannery offered three pairs of figures for the distances of the inner and outer diameters of the wheels of stars, moon, and sun in Anaximander's universe: 9 and 10, 18 and 19, 27 and 28 (Science Hellène 94-5). Of these, the figures 19, 27, and 28 are given in doxographical sources. The remaining figures, 9, 10, and 18, are conjectural.

If one wishes to criticize Tannery's reconstruction, it makes little sense to isolate one half only of this series. It makes still less sense to isolate the half for which there is less evidence: 9, 18, and 27. But only by doing so is Dr. Dicks able to justify the sentence which I quoted from him: "only 27 in the series has any textual authority."

I am sorry if the manner in which I quoted this sentence made it appear that Dr. Dicks had never even heard of the other two figures which appear in the sources, 19 and 28. But Dr. Dicks is wrong to criticize Tannery as though he had generated a single series of numbers from the one figure, 27, which would have been a very dubious procedure. Tannery produced a double series of numbers from the three figures, 19, 27, and 28. This is a very different argument, which has won the support of several scholars and which has recently fallen into disfavour only as the result of a number of misunderstandings, which I have tried to dispel in an article in The Classical Quarterly (n.s. XVII [1967] 423-32).
Simplicius

In these, and in other doxographical passages, statements are attributed to Anaximander about the sizes and distances of earth, stars, moon, and sun. In Simplicius, mention of megethê kai apostêmata is restricted, albeit loosely, to ta planômena: that the restriction in the context is a loose one anyone may verify who cares to turn up the original passage (De Caelo 470.29 ff = DK 12A19 in part).

Because I suggest that Simplicius here may misrepresent Eudemus, whom Simplicius refers to at this point, Dr. Dicks attributes to me the principle that "Simplicius' words may be altered, excised, or transposed at will." In fact, my interpretation of this passage in Simplicius is no different from that implied by Zeller in his great work (Philosophie der Griechen I 1, 298-301) and in part by Tannery (Science Hellène 91).
Theophrastus

Finally, Dr. Dicks objects to my quotation of two claims:

    "The chances that the original works of the earlier Pre-Socratics were still readily available to his (sc. Aristotle's) pupils, such as Theophrastus and Eudemus... are extremely small."
    "There is, therefore, no justification whatsoever for supposing that very late commentators, such as Proclus (5th century A.D.) and Simplicius (6th century A.D.), can possibly possess more authentic information about the Pre-Socratics than the earlier epitomators and excerptors..."

It was these two sentences which occasioned my footnote: for here an important principle is at stake. Dr. Dicks now explains that his remarks were intended to be limited to Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes. The reader could not have guessed that this was so: for the very paragraphs from which Dr. Dicks' judgment is quoted include references to Xenophanes and (indirectly) Heraclitus, while the paragraph immediately following the second sentence which I quoted (CQ n.s. IX [1959] 301) lists "Thales, Pythagoras, Heraclitus, and Empedocles" as "these early figures."

Nonetheless, even if we restrict ourselves to Dr. Dicks' chosen trio, my point remains: there is evidence that Anaximander's work was known both to Apollodorus and to Theophrastus. (N.B. "Known to": for, as I remarked in my note, "I would not claim to distinguish between 'available' and 'readily available' in the case of Theophrastus and Eudemus".)

Dr. Dicks ignores this simple refutation of both his earlier and his emended thesis. [the entire note]

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I limit myself to the four specific points raised, in the hope that Dr. Dicks may one day be kind enough to substantiate his more general criticisms.\r\nPseudo-Galen\r\n\r\nFive separate doxographical sources attribute to Anaxagoras the statement that the sun is larger, or many times larger, than the Peloponnese. Galen, or pseudo-Galen, notes that Anaxagoras' sun is larger than the earth. I suggested that this second formula, although it may not misrepresent the substance of Anaxagoras' theory, was \"probably in Galen simply a random error, arising from the fact that the preceding sentence, on Anaximander, twice makes a comparison of sun and earth\" (JHS LXXXVIII [1968] 124 n. 62). It is hard to know what motivates Dr. Dicks to omit my reasoning and to stigmatize my conclusion as \"curious\" and \"eccentric.\"\r\nTannery\r\n\r\nTannery offered three pairs of figures for the distances of the inner and outer diameters of the wheels of stars, moon, and sun in Anaximander's universe: 9 and 10, 18 and 19, 27 and 28 (Science Hell\u00e8ne 94-5). Of these, the figures 19, 27, and 28 are given in doxographical sources. The remaining figures, 9, 10, and 18, are conjectural.\r\n\r\nIf one wishes to criticize Tannery's reconstruction, it makes little sense to isolate one half only of this series. It makes still less sense to isolate the half for which there is less evidence: 9, 18, and 27. But only by doing so is Dr. Dicks able to justify the sentence which I quoted from him: \"only 27 in the series has any textual authority.\"\r\n\r\nI am sorry if the manner in which I quoted this sentence made it appear that Dr. Dicks had never even heard of the other two figures which appear in the sources, 19 and 28. But Dr. Dicks is wrong to criticize Tannery as though he had generated a single series of numbers from the one figure, 27, which would have been a very dubious procedure. Tannery produced a double series of numbers from the three figures, 19, 27, and 28. This is a very different argument, which has won the support of several scholars and which has recently fallen into disfavour only as the result of a number of misunderstandings, which I have tried to dispel in an article in The Classical Quarterly (n.s. XVII [1967] 423-32).\r\nSimplicius\r\n\r\nIn these, and in other doxographical passages, statements are attributed to Anaximander about the sizes and distances of earth, stars, moon, and sun. In Simplicius, mention of megeth\u00ea kai apost\u00eamata is restricted, albeit loosely, to ta plan\u00f4mena: that the restriction in the context is a loose one anyone may verify who cares to turn up the original passage (De Caelo 470.29 ff = DK 12A19 in part).\r\n\r\nBecause I suggest that Simplicius here may misrepresent Eudemus, whom Simplicius refers to at this point, Dr. Dicks attributes to me the principle that \"Simplicius' words may be altered, excised, or transposed at will.\" In fact, my interpretation of this passage in Simplicius is no different from that implied by Zeller in his great work (Philosophie der Griechen I 1, 298-301) and in part by Tannery (Science Hell\u00e8ne 91).\r\nTheophrastus\r\n\r\nFinally, Dr. Dicks objects to my quotation of two claims:\r\n\r\n \"The chances that the original works of the earlier Pre-Socratics were still readily available to his (sc. Aristotle's) pupils, such as Theophrastus and Eudemus... are extremely small.\"\r\n \"There is, therefore, no justification whatsoever for supposing that very late commentators, such as Proclus (5th century A.D.) and Simplicius (6th century A.D.), can possibly possess more authentic information about the Pre-Socratics than the earlier epitomators and excerptors...\"\r\n\r\nIt was these two sentences which occasioned my footnote: for here an important principle is at stake. Dr. Dicks now explains that his remarks were intended to be limited to Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes. The reader could not have guessed that this was so: for the very paragraphs from which Dr. Dicks' judgment is quoted include references to Xenophanes and (indirectly) Heraclitus, while the paragraph immediately following the second sentence which I quoted (CQ n.s. IX [1959] 301) lists \"Thales, Pythagoras, Heraclitus, and Empedocles\" as \"these early figures.\"\r\n\r\nNonetheless, even if we restrict ourselves to Dr. Dicks' chosen trio, my point remains: there is evidence that Anaximander's work was known both to Apollodorus and to Theophrastus. (N.B. \"Known to\": for, as I remarked in my note, \"I would not claim to distinguish between 'available' and 'readily available' in the case of Theophrastus and Eudemus\".)\r\n\r\nDr. Dicks ignores this simple refutation of both his earlier and his emended thesis. [the entire note]","btype":3,"date":"1970","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YpWmO3Tof91Vb3y","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":144,"full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1102,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Journal of Hellenic Studies","volume":"90","issue":"","pages":"198-199"}},"sort":["Anaximander and Dr Dicks"]}

Anaximander und die Anfänge der Philosophie, 1953
By: Hölscher, Uvo
Title Anaximander und die Anfänge der Philosophie
Type Article
Language German
Date 1953
Journal Hermes
Volume 81
Issue 3
Pages 257-277
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hölscher, Uvo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Der Satz HERMANN FRANKELS, daß alle doxographischen Berichte solange unbestimmt sind, als nicht originaler Wortlaut hinzukommt, gilt in gewissem Sinne auch umgekehrt. Denn obwohl jener Satz gerade auch mit Rücksicht auf Anaximander gesagt worden ist, hat doch die Diskussion des Anaximanderfragments gezeigt, wie vieldeutig ein Satzbruchstück bleibt, wenn man es für sich betrachtet, aber auch, wieviel Hilfe aus der Analyse der Überlieferung kommen kann. Aus dieser wird noch einiges herangezogen, ohne daß hinlänglich gefragt würde, wo es herrührt. Sofern es sich im folgenden noch einmal um die Lehre von den Gegensatzen handelt, kommt es mir weniger darauf an, dem einzelnen Placitum sein Recht zu bestreiten, als etwas von der Weise dieses schwer zugänglichen Denkens zu erkennen. Es wird dabei zunächst in einer Untersuchung fortgefahren werden, die sich schon ausgewiesen hat: der Kritik der aristotelischen Berichte. Im zweiten Teil soll dagegen versucht werden, jene Denkform von den Voraussetzungen her zu bestimmen, aus denen Anaximander seine Konzeption des Ursprungs entwickelt hat. [introduction p. 17]

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Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken, 1964
By: Schwabl, Hans
Title Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken
Type Article
Language German
Date 1964
Journal Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume 9
Pages 59-72
Categories no categories
Author(s) Schwabl, Hans
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Die alten Milesier können erst nach einiger kritischer Vorarbeit Gegenstand begriffsgeschichtlicher Forschung sein. Der Anfang der griechischen Philosophie ist uns ja nur durch die Berichte späterer Autoren überliefert und aus dem Blickwinkel einer Problemstellung, die nicht mehr die der ersten Philosophen ist. So scheint der Versuch, die Eigenart der milesischen Philosophie zu bestimmen, zunächst so gut wie aussichtslos, insbesondere wenn man bedenkt, dass nicht einmal die eigentliche Quelle unserer Nachrichten, das Werk Theophrasts, uns als solche überkommen ist, sondern dass wir auch hier erst rekonstruieren müssen.

Der Anfang muss also sein, zu erforschen, was Theophrast gesagt und gemeint hat. Erst dann stellt sich die Aufgabe einer Rückübersetzung seiner Berichte ins Archaische. Diese Rückübersetzung ist nur möglich innerhalb einer entwicklungsgeschichtlichen Linie, die von den Früheren zu den Milesiern und von diesen wieder zu den späteren Vorsokratikern zu ziehen ist.

In unserer kurzen Skizze kann das dafür schon Geleistete bzw. noch zu Leistende nur angedeutet werden. Wir beschränken uns außerdem auf Anaximander, einmal wegen der besonderen Stellung, die ihm zukommt, dann aber auch wegen der Quellenlage, die, wenn man sie nur recht einzuschätzen weiß, doch einigermaßen tragfähige Schlüsse auf den Ansatzpunkt und die Eigenart dieses frühen Denkers gestattet. [introduction p. 59-60]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1031","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1031,"authors_free":[{"id":1561,"entry_id":1031,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":288,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Schwabl, Hans","free_first_name":"Hans","free_last_name":"Schwabl","norm_person":{"id":288,"first_name":"Hans","last_name":"Schwabl","full_name":"Schwabl, Hans","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107871211","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken","main_title":{"title":"Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken"},"abstract":"Die alten Milesier k\u00f6nnen erst nach einiger kritischer Vorarbeit Gegenstand begriffsgeschichtlicher Forschung sein. Der Anfang der griechischen Philosophie ist uns ja nur durch die Berichte sp\u00e4terer Autoren \u00fcberliefert und aus dem Blickwinkel einer Problemstellung, die nicht mehr die der ersten Philosophen ist. So scheint der Versuch, die Eigenart der milesischen Philosophie zu bestimmen, zun\u00e4chst so gut wie aussichtslos, insbesondere wenn man bedenkt, dass nicht einmal die eigentliche Quelle unserer Nachrichten, das Werk Theophrasts, uns als solche \u00fcberkommen ist, sondern dass wir auch hier erst rekonstruieren m\u00fcssen.\r\n\r\nDer Anfang muss also sein, zu erforschen, was Theophrast gesagt und gemeint hat. Erst dann stellt sich die Aufgabe einer R\u00fcck\u00fcbersetzung seiner Berichte ins Archaische. Diese R\u00fcck\u00fcbersetzung ist nur m\u00f6glich innerhalb einer entwicklungsgeschichtlichen Linie, die von den Fr\u00fcheren zu den Milesiern und von diesen wieder zu den sp\u00e4teren Vorsokratikern zu ziehen ist.\r\n\r\nIn unserer kurzen Skizze kann das daf\u00fcr schon Geleistete bzw. noch zu Leistende nur angedeutet werden. Wir beschr\u00e4nken uns au\u00dferdem auf Anaximander, einmal wegen der besonderen Stellung, die ihm zukommt, dann aber auch wegen der Quellenlage, die, wenn man sie nur recht einzusch\u00e4tzen wei\u00df, doch einigerma\u00dfen tragf\u00e4hige Schl\u00fcsse auf den Ansatzpunkt und die Eigenart dieses fr\u00fchen Denkers gestattet. [introduction p. 59-60]","btype":3,"date":"1964","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/MqdT9PDIArLqpNc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":288,"full_name":"Schwabl, Hans","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1031,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archiv f\u00fcr Begriffsgeschichte","volume":"9","issue":"","pages":"59-72"}},"sort":["Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken"]}

Ancient Interpretations of Aristotle's Doctrine of Homonyma, 1969
By: Anton, John Peter
Title Ancient Interpretations of Aristotle's Doctrine of Homonyma
Type Article
Language English
Date 1969
Journal Journal of the History of Philosophy
Volume 7
Issue 1
Pages 1–18
Categories no categories
Author(s) Anton, John Peter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The main pourpose of this paper is to offer an exposition and a critical examination of the ancient interpretations of Aristotle's doctrine of homonymy. A circumlocution of what Aristotle means by homonymous things is given in Categories, Ch. 1, 1a. The ancient interpretations with which we are concerned in this paper are to be found in the extant commentaries on this treatise. Evidently, more commentaries had been written on the Categories than the vicissitudes of time allowed to survive, but we have only those of the following writers: Porphyrius (c. 233–303), Dexippus (fl. c. 350), Ammonius (fl. c. 485), Philoponus (c. 490–530), Olympiodorus (fl. c. 535), Simplicius (fl. c. 533), and Elias (fl. c. 550). One might add here the relevant writings of John Damascene (675–749), Photius (820–891), and Michael Psellus (1018–1079), which are useful paraphrases rather than full commentaries; for that reason, the interpretations they support are not discussed in this paper.

The main body of this paper is given to a discussion of the interpretations which the ancient commentators offered and to an analysis of the assumptions which underlie them. It can be stated here, in anticipation of what follows, that the commentators often attached to Aristotle's meaning of homonymy aspects that were quite foreign to his views, and that by doing so, these commentators were taking extensive liberties with the text at hand. As we hope to show, the commentators brought into their discussions of this particular portion of the Categories issues and views that were far more relevant to their own ontologies and logical theories than to Aristotle's doctrines. In order to show how this is the case, we must first give a summary of what we believe our text permits us to say about the meaning of homonymy, as given in the opening chapter of the Categories. Suffice it to add at this point that the interpretations of the doctrine of homonymy with which we are concerned here are only those that are discussed exclusively in the relevant commentaries on this work. [introduction p. 1-2]

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Andronikos von Rhodos und die Postprädikamente bei Boethius, 1953
By: Pfligersdorffer, Georg
Title Andronikos von Rhodos und die Postprädikamente bei Boethius
Type Article
Language German
Date 1953
Journal Vigiliae Christianae
Volume 7
Issue 2
Pages 98-115
Categories no categories
Author(s) Pfligersdorffer, Georg
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In  der  Erläuterungsschrift  des  Boethius  zu  den  Kategorien  des 
Aristoteles  ist  nach  Absolvierung  der  einzelnen  Kategorien  das 
vierte  Buch  der  Besprechung  der  sogenannten  Postprädikamente 1 
eingeräumt  (Migne  PL  64,  263-294),  wozu  freilich  gleich  auch 
gesagt werden musz, dasz die handschriftliche Überlieferung vielfach 
die  Abtrennung  eines  vierten  Buches  nicht  aufweist,  sondern  die 
uns  geläufigen  Bücher  III  und  IV  zu  einem  zusammenfaszt2, 
worauf  hier  jedoch  nicht  weiter  eingegangen  werden  soll.  Mit 
diesem Sachverhalt scheint zusammenzuhängen,  dasz —  soweit ich 
bis  jetzt  sagen  kann  —   die Handschriften C(odex) l(atinus) m(ona- 
censis)  6403  und  14516,  Bern.  265,  Paris.  B.  N.  lat.  11129  sowie 
die  Sangallenses  817  und  821  gegenüber  der  Ausgabe  von  Migne 
das  Aristoteles-Lemma de oppositis  (Kateg.  10,  11b  16  ff.)  vor die 
Kommentar-Partie  263  B-264  B  Migne  (Expeditis  .  .  .  )  treten 
lassen. [...] Die  Zweifel,  die sich  an  die  Stelle  263  B  M.  knüpfen,  möchte ich 
im  folgenden,  um  einschlägige  Arbeiten  anderer  nicht  indirekt  zu hemmen,  schon  vor  meiner  Ausgabe  möglichst  einschränken  und 
vielleicht  auch  beheben. [pp. 98 f.]

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Aristote, «De la prière», 1967
By: Pépin, Jean
Title Aristote, «De la prière»
Type Article
Language French
Date 1967
Journal Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume 157
Pages 59-70
Categories no categories
Author(s) Pépin, Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Au nombre des Aristotelis fragmenta figure un bref témoignage de Simplicius, selon lequel Aristote, sur la fin de son livre Περ ευχής, aurait dit que Dieu est ou bien intellect, ou bien quelque chose au-delà de l'intellect, ὃτι ό θεός ή νους εστίν ή καΐ έπέκεινά τι του νου. Simplicius est le seul auteur à rapporter cette surprenante doxographie, et même à évoquer le contenu de cet écrit aristotélicien. Son témoignage étant ainsi l'unique point de départ, on doit avant tout l'examiner de très près, en lui adjoignant les quelques lignes qui le précèdent. Cette investigation permettra peut-être d'en évaluer les chances d'authenticité. Il restera alors à s'interroger sur le sens exact de la doctrine ainsi rapportée à Aristote. [Introduction, p. 59]

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Boethius and Andronicus of Rhodes, 1957
By: Shiel, James
Title Boethius and Andronicus of Rhodes
Type Article
Language English
Date 1957
Journal Vigiliae Christianae
Volume 11
Issue 3
Pages 179-185
Categories no categories
Author(s) Shiel, James
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
G. Pfligersdorffer has recently described the attitude of the ancient editor, Andronicus of Rhodes, towards the final notes in Aristotle's Categories on opposites, simultaneity, priority, motion, and possession—what the medievals called the postpraedicamenta. The scholar has based his intricate arguments on a passage of Boethius' commentary on the Categories, and as this passage in the printed editions is syntactically unintelligible, he has suggested an emended text of it. Here is the passage as printed, with his emendations alongside and a list of variants beneath. [introduction p. 179]

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Der Bericht des Theophrast über Heraklit, 1955
By: Kerschensteiner, Jula
Title Der Bericht des Theophrast über Heraklit
Type Article
Language German
Date 1955
Journal Hermes
Volume 83
Issue 4
Pages 385-411
Categories no categories
Author(s) Kerschensteiner, Jula
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Die Hauptquelle für die Darstellung der Lehren Heraklits, die Theophrast in seinen Phusikôn doxai gab, ist der Bericht bei Diogenes Laertius 9, 7-II. Er zerfällt in zwei Teile, eine knappe Übersicht (im folgenden DL1) und ein ausführliches Referat (im folgenden DL2). Nach DIELS stammt DL1 aus einer Mittelquelle biographischer Tradition, auf die auch der Einschub mit den Zitaten und die Bemerkung über Heraklits Stil zurückgehe, der zweite Teil dagegen direkt aus Theophrast (Doxographi Graeci I63 f., vgl. auch I80). Dagegen hat K. DEICHGRABER, Bemerkungen zu Diogenes' Bericht fiber Heraklit (Philol. 93, I938, I2ff.) 23ff., zu zeigen versucht, daB es sich nicht um zwei verschiedene Fassungen derselben Vorlage handelt, sondern daß die beiden Teile schon urspruinglich zusammengehören und aufeinander abgestimmt seien, nur durch den spateren Einschub unterbrochen: der Aufbau entspreche der Gewohnheit Theophrasts, den Einzeldarlegungen eine allgemeine Übersicht vorauszuschicken. Eine Klärung des Problems wird sich im folgenden ergeben. [introduction, p. 25]

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Der Platoniker Ptolemaios, 1957
By: Dihle, Albrecht
Title Der Platoniker Ptolemaios
Type Article
Language German
Date 1957
Journal Hermes
Volume 85
Issue 3
Pages 314-325
Categories no categories
Author(s) Dihle, Albrecht
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In den philosophischen Texten der späten Kaiserzeit stößt man zuweilen auf den Namen Ptolemaios, ohne daß dabei an einen Lagiden oder an den berühmten Astronomen zu denken wäre. Wie jene Zitate auf einen oder mehrere Träger dieses Namens zu verteilen seien, war eine einst viel diskutierte Frage, die dann allerdings im Anschluß an eine Vermutung W. v. Christs durch das Buch von A. Chatzis (Der Philosoph und Grammatiker Ptolemaios Chennos I = Stud. z Gesch. u. Kult. d. Altert. VII 2, Paderborn 1914) endgültig dahin beantwortet schien, es handele sich bei all diesen Ptolemaioi immer wieder um Ptolemaios Chennos aus der Zeit um 100 n. Chr., der uns durch den Auszug des Photios aus seiner καινὴ ἱστορία (cod. 190) recht gut bekannt ist. Diese Frage soll hier einer erneuten Prüfung unterzogen werden. [introduction, p. 314]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1305","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1305,"authors_free":[{"id":1929,"entry_id":1305,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":93,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dihle, Albrecht","free_first_name":"Albrecht","free_last_name":"Dihle","norm_person":{"id":93,"first_name":"Albrecht","last_name":"Dihle","full_name":"Dihle, Albrecht","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119194503","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Der Platoniker Ptolemaios","main_title":{"title":"Der Platoniker Ptolemaios"},"abstract":"In den philosophischen Texten der sp\u00e4ten Kaiserzeit st\u00f6\u00dft man zuweilen auf den Namen Ptolemaios, ohne da\u00df dabei an einen Lagiden oder an den ber\u00fchmten Astronomen zu denken w\u00e4re. Wie jene Zitate auf einen oder mehrere Tr\u00e4ger dieses Namens zu verteilen seien, war eine einst viel diskutierte Frage, die dann allerdings im Anschlu\u00df an eine Vermutung W. v. Christs durch das Buch von A. Chatzis (Der Philosoph und Grammatiker Ptolemaios Chennos I = Stud. z Gesch. u. Kult. d. Altert. VII 2, Paderborn 1914) endg\u00fcltig dahin beantwortet schien, es handele sich bei all diesen Ptolemaioi immer wieder um Ptolemaios Chennos aus der Zeit um 100 n. Chr., der uns durch den Auszug des Photios aus seiner \u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03bd\u1f74 \u1f31\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u1f77\u03b1 (cod. 190) recht gut bekannt ist. Diese Frage soll hier einer erneuten Pr\u00fcfung unterzogen werden. [introduction, p. 314]","btype":3,"date":"1957","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/51yflky3RQtCRmc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":93,"full_name":"Dihle, Albrecht","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1305,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"85","issue":"3","pages":"314-325"}},"sort":["Der Platoniker Ptolemaios"]}

Did Melissus Believe in Incorporeal Being?, 1958
By: Booth, N. B.
Title Did Melissus Believe in Incorporeal Being?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1958
Journal The American Journal of Philology
Volume 79
Issue 1
Pages 61-65
Categories no categories
Author(s) Booth, N. B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
These questions are difficult to answer; but I think that the difficulty of answering them shows that we should not be too dogmatic about the general interpretation of the fragment. It looks to me—and apparently it looked to Burnet and Zeller also—as if the argument is in the form of a dialectical refutation of pluralist assumptions. Vlastos and Raven see it in a different light; they are entitled to their opinion, but it should be clearly realized that it is an opinion, and not a certainty. [conclusion p. 65]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"769","_score":null,"_source":{"id":769,"authors_free":[{"id":1133,"entry_id":769,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":10,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Booth, N. B.","free_first_name":"N. B.","free_last_name":"Booth","norm_person":{"id":10,"first_name":"N. B.","last_name":"Booth","full_name":"Booth, N. B.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Did Melissus Believe in Incorporeal Being?","main_title":{"title":"Did Melissus Believe in Incorporeal Being?"},"abstract":"These questions are difficult to answer; but I think that the difficulty of answering them shows that we should not be too dogmatic about the general interpretation of the fragment. It looks to me\u2014and apparently it looked to Burnet and Zeller also\u2014as if the argument is in the form of a dialectical refutation of pluralist assumptions. Vlastos and Raven see it in a different light; they are entitled to their opinion, but it should be clearly realized that it is an opinion, and not a certainty. [conclusion p. 65]","btype":3,"date":"1958","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vYpN7DrahtfkniN","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":10,"full_name":"Booth, N. B.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":769,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The American Journal of Philology","volume":"79","issue":"1","pages":"61-65"}},"sort":["Did Melissus Believe in Incorporeal Being?"]}

Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik, 1969
By: Tsouyopoulos, Nelly
Title Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik
Type Article
Language German
Date 1969
Journal Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume 13
Pages 7-33
Categories no categories
Author(s) Tsouyopoulos, Nelly
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Die Methoden,  welche in  den neoplatonischen Schulen  zum Aufbau  eines 
metaphysischen  Systems  entwickelt  wurden,  erwiesen  sich  sehr  geeignet  für 
die  Überwindung  mancher  Vorurteile  der  traditionellen  griechischen  Wis­
senschaft  und  zugleich  für  eine  Neuorientierung  des  naturwissenschaft­
lichen  Denkens.  Unter  den  vielen  Faktoren,  welche  die  Entwicklung  in 
dieser  Richtung  positiv  beeinflußt  haben,  sei  zunächst  die  große  Bedeut- 
tung  erwähnt,  welche  alle  Neoplatoniker  der  Mathematik  beigemessen 
haben.  Vorab  ihre  Überzeugung,  daß  die  μαθηματικοί  λόγοι  auf  eindeutige 
Weise  die  gesamte  Wirklichkeit  bestimmen  und  das  Definierbare  in  den 
theoretischen  und  empirischen  Wissenschaften  darstellen.  Die  Neigung 
dann  zur  Mystik,  die  Beschäftigung  mit  den  Orakeln,  das  Praktizieren 
der  Theurgie  und  die  ganze  Auseinandersetzung  mit  dem  orientalischen 
Kult,  welche  neben  dem  Hineinbringen  irrationaler  Elemente  in  die  her­
kömmlichen  Denkweisen  auch  ein  anderes  Resultat  hatten:  Die  Umwand­
lung  des  Erfahrungsbegriffs  und  des  ganzen  Modus  des  Begreifens  der 
Phänomene,  was die traditionelle Wissenschaft  dringend benötigte.  Die Be­
grenzung  der  Erfahrung  auf  das  sinnliche  Bewußtsein  und  die  Wahrneh­
mung,  die  vor  allem  die  peripatetische  Schule  charakterisierte,  brachte  all­
mählich  das  naturwissenschaftliche  Denken  zur  Stagnation,  indem  sie  eine 
quantitative  Erfassung  nicht  direkt  gegebener  Größen  wie  Masse,  Träg­
heit,  Energie  unmöglich machte.  Es  ist  also  keine  Paradoxie,  wenn  Gedan­
ken  und  Methoden  aus  der  neoplatonischen  Tradition  den  Weg  der  wis­
senschaftlichen Abstraktion bahnten, indem sie das Bemühen um Erklärung 
der  Phänomene  gleichermaßen  von  der  bloßen  Spekulation  wie  vom 
primitiven  Realismus  abzubringen  vermochten.  Im  folgenden  wird  der 
Versuch  unternommen,  an  gewissen  Beispielen  diese  Entwicklung  zu 
demonstrieren. [introduction p. 7]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"457","_score":null,"_source":{"id":457,"authors_free":[{"id":614,"entry_id":457,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":410,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tsouyopoulos, Nelly","free_first_name":"Nelly","free_last_name":"Tsouyopoulos","norm_person":{"id":410,"first_name":" Nelly ","last_name":"Tsouyopoulos","full_name":"Tsouyopoulos, Nelly ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik","main_title":{"title":"Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik"},"abstract":"Die Methoden, welche in den neoplatonischen Schulen zum Aufbau eines \r\nmetaphysischen Systems entwickelt wurden, erwiesen sich sehr geeignet f\u00fcr \r\ndie \u00dcberwindung mancher Vorurteile der traditionellen griechischen Wis\u00ad\r\nsenschaft und zugleich f\u00fcr eine Neuorientierung des naturwissenschaft\u00ad\r\nlichen Denkens. Unter den vielen Faktoren, welche die Entwicklung in \r\ndieser Richtung positiv beeinflu\u00dft haben, sei zun\u00e4chst die gro\u00dfe Bedeut- \r\ntung erw\u00e4hnt, welche alle Neoplatoniker der Mathematik beigemessen \r\nhaben. Vorab ihre \u00dcberzeugung, da\u00df die \u03bc\u03b1\u03b8\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03bf\u03af \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03b9 auf eindeutige \r\nWeise die gesamte Wirklichkeit bestimmen und das Definierbare in den \r\ntheoretischen und empirischen Wissenschaften darstellen. Die Neigung \r\ndann zur Mystik, die Besch\u00e4ftigung mit den Orakeln, das Praktizieren \r\nder Theurgie und die ganze Auseinandersetzung mit dem orientalischen \r\nKult, welche neben dem Hineinbringen irrationaler Elemente in die her\u00ad\r\nk\u00f6mmlichen Denkweisen auch ein anderes Resultat hatten: Die Umwand\u00ad\r\nlung des Erfahrungsbegriffs und des ganzen Modus des Begreifens der \r\nPh\u00e4nomene, was die traditionelle Wissenschaft dringend ben\u00f6tigte. Die Be\u00ad\r\ngrenzung der Erfahrung auf das sinnliche Bewu\u00dftsein und die Wahrneh\u00ad\r\nmung, die vor allem die peripatetische Schule charakterisierte, brachte all\u00ad\r\nm\u00e4hlich das naturwissenschaftliche Denken zur Stagnation, indem sie eine \r\nquantitative Erfassung nicht direkt gegebener Gr\u00f6\u00dfen wie Masse, Tr\u00e4g\u00ad\r\nheit, Energie unm\u00f6glich machte. Es ist also keine Paradoxie, wenn Gedan\u00ad\r\nken und Methoden aus der neoplatonischen Tradition den Weg der wis\u00ad\r\nsenschaftlichen Abstraktion bahnten, indem sie das Bem\u00fchen um Erkl\u00e4rung \r\nder Ph\u00e4nomene gleicherma\u00dfen von der blo\u00dfen Spekulation wie vom \r\nprimitiven Realismus abzubringen vermochten. Im folgenden wird der \r\nVersuch unternommen, an gewissen Beispielen diese Entwicklung zu \r\ndemonstrieren. [introduction p. 7]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tStPtUxNAaSBrFw","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":410,"full_name":"Tsouyopoulos, Nelly ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":457,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archiv f\u00fcr Begriffsgeschichte","volume":"13","issue":"","pages":"7-33"}},"sort":["Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik"]}

Die Neuplatonischen Aristoteleskommentatoren über die Ursachen der Pseudepigraphie, 1969
By: Müller, Carl Werner
Title Die Neuplatonischen Aristoteleskommentatoren über die Ursachen der Pseudepigraphie
Type Article
Language German
Date 1969
Journal Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume 112
Issue 2
Pages 120-126
Categories no categories
Author(s) Müller, Carl Werner
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Die ausführliche Darbietung des Materials und der eingehende Vergleich der einzelnen Zeugnisse waren notwendig, um zu zeigen, dass der Fortschritt, der sich bei den Neuplatonikern gegenüber Galen in der Bewältigung des Problems der literarischen Fälschung feststellen lässt, nicht auf einer älteren oder vollständigeren Tradition basiert. Vielmehr liegt eine Entwicklung vor, die – von der Aristoteleskommentierung des Ammonios ausgehend – sich innerhalb der Schule von Alexandrien vollzieht und deren verschiedene Stadien noch deutlich erkennbar sind.

Es ist ferner kein Zufall, dass gerade die pythagoreischen Schriften auf diese Weise vor dem Verdikt der Fälschung aus „niederen Motiven“ gerettet werden. Zugleich aber blieb der alexandrinische Neuplatonismus kritisch genug, die Pythagoras-Schwärmerei der Platoniker auf ein philologisch-historisch vertretbares Maß herabzustimmen, indem er die pythagoreischen Schriften nicht als von Pythagoras verfasst, sondern als Manifestationen der Wirkungsgeschichte des großen Mannes verstand. [conclusion p. 125-126]

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Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unvergänglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12, 1969
By: Mau, Jürgen
Title Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unvergänglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12
Type Article
Language German
Date 1969
Journal Hermes
Volume 97
Issue 2
Pages 198-204
Categories no categories
Author(s) Mau, Jürgen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Das Thema für Kap. 11–12 ist am Schluss von Kap. 10 gegeben; 280a 28:
„Einige vertreten die Ansicht, etwas dem Werden nicht Unterliegendes (ἀγένητον) könne vergehen, und etwas Entstandenes könne unvergänglich bestehen bleiben, wie im Timaios. Dort nämlich sagt (Platon), der Himmel sei zwar geworden, indessen werde er die übrige immerwährende Zeit existieren. Mit diesen haben wir uns bisher nur unter physikalischen Gesichtspunkten betreffs des Himmels auseinandergesetzt. Nachdem wir die Untersuchung aber allgemein über alles angestellt haben, wird auch hierüber Klarheit sein.“

Wir dürfen also eine Argumentation erwarten, der Form: „Wenn für jedes Subjekt gilt: Es kann nicht geworden und unvergänglich sein, dann gilt es auch für den Himmel. Nun gilt es für jedes, also auch für den Himmel.“ Dieser Beweis – besser: diese Beweise, denn es handelt sich nicht um eine Elementatio, wie Aristoteles sie für die Geometrie kannte und wie, aus Aristoteles schöpfend, 700 Jahre später Proklos sie für Physik und Theologie schrieb – finden sich in Kap. 12. Kap. 11 liefert die zum Beweisen notwendigen Definitionen für ἀγένητον (280b 6), γενητόν (280b 14), φθαρτόν (280b 20), ἄφθαρτον (280b 25), ἀδύνατον (280b 12) und ἀδύνατον-δυνατόν in eingeschränkter Bedeutung noch einmal in 281a 7–19.

Der erste Beweis für die Unhaltbarkeit der Position Platons läuft von Kap. 12 Anfang (281a 28) bis 282a 25. Seine Konklusion lautet 282a 21: „Somit ist das Immerseiende weder dem Werden unterliegend (γενητόν) noch dem Vergehen, dasselbe gilt für das Immernichtseiende.“ Das folgende zweite Argument beweist, dass, wenn etwas ist und dem Werden bzw. Vergehen nicht unterliegt, es immerwährend ist. Da nach der Definition für ἀγένητον und ἄφθαρτον (282a 27) deren Konjunktion das Immerwährende einschließt, wird untersucht, ob γενητόν und φθαρτόν bzw. ἀγένητον und ἄφθαρτον sich gegenseitig implizieren (ἀκολουθεῖ ἀλλήλοις), ob also, wenn z. B. ἀγένητον gegeben ist, das αἰώνιον bereits mitgegeben ist. Der Beweis für Letzteres schließt mit der Konklusion 282b 23: „Es folgen also auseinander das dem Werden und dem Vergehen Unterliegende.“ Der auf Grund von Topik B 8. 113b 17ff. eigentlich einfache Beweis für die Äquivalenz der beiden Negate, also ἀγένητον = ἄφθαρτον, macht Aristoteles merkwürdigerweise Schwierigkeiten (282b 23–283a 3).

Von 283a 4 bis zum Schluss des Buches werden weitere Möglichkeiten gezeigt, wie man in der Diskussion demjenigen antworten kann, der sagt: „Warum soll denn nicht etwas Gewordenes unvergänglich sein?“ Hier soll das Argument 1 analysiert werden. [introduction p. 198]

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Dort n\u00e4mlich sagt (Platon), der Himmel sei zwar geworden, indessen werde er die \u00fcbrige immerw\u00e4hrende Zeit existieren. Mit diesen haben wir uns bisher nur unter physikalischen Gesichtspunkten betreffs des Himmels auseinandergesetzt. Nachdem wir die Untersuchung aber allgemein \u00fcber alles angestellt haben, wird auch hier\u00fcber Klarheit sein.\u201c\r\n\r\nWir d\u00fcrfen also eine Argumentation erwarten, der Form: \u201eWenn f\u00fcr jedes Subjekt gilt: Es kann nicht geworden und unverg\u00e4nglich sein, dann gilt es auch f\u00fcr den Himmel. Nun gilt es f\u00fcr jedes, also auch f\u00fcr den Himmel.\u201c Dieser Beweis \u2013 besser: diese Beweise, denn es handelt sich nicht um eine Elementatio, wie Aristoteles sie f\u00fcr die Geometrie kannte und wie, aus Aristoteles sch\u00f6pfend, 700 Jahre sp\u00e4ter Proklos sie f\u00fcr Physik und Theologie schrieb \u2013 finden sich in Kap. 12. Kap. 11 liefert die zum Beweisen notwendigen Definitionen f\u00fcr \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (280b 6), \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd (280b 14), \u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd (280b 20), \u1f04\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (280b 25), \u1f00\u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (280b 12) und \u1f00\u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd-\u03b4\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd in eingeschr\u00e4nkter Bedeutung noch einmal in 281a 7\u201319.\r\n\r\nDer erste Beweis f\u00fcr die Unhaltbarkeit der Position Platons l\u00e4uft von Kap. 12 Anfang (281a 28) bis 282a 25. Seine Konklusion lautet 282a 21: \u201eSomit ist das Immerseiende weder dem Werden unterliegend (\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd) noch dem Vergehen, dasselbe gilt f\u00fcr das Immernichtseiende.\u201c Das folgende zweite Argument beweist, dass, wenn etwas ist und dem Werden bzw. Vergehen nicht unterliegt, es immerw\u00e4hrend ist. Da nach der Definition f\u00fcr \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd und \u1f04\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (282a 27) deren Konjunktion das Immerw\u00e4hrende einschlie\u00dft, wird untersucht, ob \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd und \u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd bzw. \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd und \u1f04\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd sich gegenseitig implizieren (\u1f00\u03ba\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03b8\u03b5\u1fd6 \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u03ae\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2), ob also, wenn z. B. \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd gegeben ist, das \u03b1\u1f30\u03ce\u03bd\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd bereits mitgegeben ist. Der Beweis f\u00fcr Letzteres schlie\u00dft mit der Konklusion 282b 23: \u201eEs folgen also auseinander das dem Werden und dem Vergehen Unterliegende.\u201c Der auf Grund von Topik B 8. 113b 17ff. eigentlich einfache Beweis f\u00fcr die \u00c4quivalenz der beiden Negate, also \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd = \u1f04\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd, macht Aristoteles merkw\u00fcrdigerweise Schwierigkeiten (282b 23\u2013283a 3).\r\n\r\nVon 283a 4 bis zum Schluss des Buches werden weitere M\u00f6glichkeiten gezeigt, wie man in der Diskussion demjenigen antworten kann, der sagt: \u201eWarum soll denn nicht etwas Gewordenes unverg\u00e4nglich sein?\u201c Hier soll das Argument 1 analysiert werden. [introduction p. 198]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/4HHd88Jx3Rv3qEZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":241,"full_name":"Mau,J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":994,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"97","issue":"2","pages":"198-204"}},"sort":["Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unverg\u00e4nglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12"]}

Die Widerlegung des Manichäismus im Epiktetkommentar des Simplikios, 1969
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut
Title Die Widerlegung des Manichäismus im Epiktetkommentar des Simplikios
Type Article
Language German
Date 1969
Journal Archiv fur Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume 51
Issue 1
Pages 31-57
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Wir haben gesehen, dass Simplikios seiner kurzen Abhandlung über den Manichäismus einen durchaus kunstvollen Aufbau zu geben wusste. Obwohl sie in den großen Zusammenhang seines Epiktetkommentars eingebaut ist, bildet sie doch in sich ein abgerundetes Ganzes. Was die Art seiner Argumentation betrifft, so findet sich in ihr wohl kaum ein Gedanke, der sich nicht schon so oder ähnlich bei Alexander von Lykopolis, Titus von Bostra, Epiphanios oder Augustinus ausgedrückt fände. Das soll natürlich nicht unbedingt heißen, dass Simplikios einen von diesen Schriftstellern direkt benutzt hätte; vielmehr ist damit zu rechnen, dass sich sehr bald ein festes Schema antimanichäischer Polemik herausgebildet hatte – etwa so, wie es in hellenistischer Zeit bestimmte Argumentationsschemata gab, die zum Gemeingut der philosophischen Widerlegung von Epikureern und Stoikern geworden waren.

Besondere Aufmerksamkeit verdient die kleine Abhandlung des Simplikios eher dadurch, dass sie Anspielungen auf Lehren der Manichäer enthält, deren Hintergrund, soweit ich sehe, bis heute nicht genügend erhellt ist. In welcher Umgebung hat man den manichäischen Weisen zu suchen, dem Simplikios seine Information über die manichäische Kosmogonie verdankt? Stammte diese Bekanntschaft aus der Zeit seiner Studien in Alexandrien, oder hatte Simplikios mit dem Manichäer anlässlich seines Aufenthaltes in Persien bei dem philosophisch interessierten König Chosrau sprechen können, der ja für seine Diskussionsveranstaltungen – unter anderem über die Frage, ob man ein oder zwei Prinzipien aller Dinge anzunehmen habe – bekannt war?

Wie Prächter aus philosophisch-dogmatischen Gründen auf eine frühe, d. h. vor der Übersiedlung des Simplikios nach Athen gelegene Entstehungszeit des Epiktetkommentars schließt, besteht meines Erachtens kein Grund, da keineswegs wichtige Differenzen zwischen dem Neuplatonismus des Epiktetkommentars und dem der athenischen Schule bestehen. Im Gegenteil, stellenweise ist ein starker Einfluss des Proklos nachzuweisen. Aus der Bemerkung des Simplikios, dass ihm die Gelegenheit, Epiktet zu kommentieren, unter den gegenwärtigen Zeitumständen sehr willkommen gewesen sei, glaube ich eher auf eine nach dem Edikt Justinians gelegene Entstehungszeit schließen zu dürfen. Eine Begegnung mit manichäischen Lehren im asiatischen Bereich und deren Aufnahme in den Kommentar lagen somit immerhin im Bereich des Möglichen.

Das Anliegen des vorliegenden Aufsatzes ist es daher, diese teilweise aus den textlichen Veränderungen noch deutlicher hervortretenden Probleme, auf die ich im Zusammenhang mit den Arbeiten zu einer Neuausgabe des Epiktetkommentars gestoßen bin, wieder einmal aufzuwerfen und, wenn möglich, dem Interesse der Fachleute dieses so schwierigen Gebietes zu empfehlen. [conclusion p. 56-57]

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Empedocles fr. 35. 14-15, 1965
By: O'Brien, Denis
Title Empedocles fr. 35. 14-15
Type Article
Language English
Date 1965
Journal The Classical Review
Volume 15
Issue 1
Pages 1-4
Categories no categories
Author(s) O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This text discusses the interpretation of the word "zôros" in a couplet attributed to Empedocles, as quoted by various ancient authors such as Plutarch, Simplicius, Theophrastus, Aristotle, Athenaeus, and Eustathius. The author considers the different meanings attributed to the word, including mixed and unmixed, and argues that the context and source of the quotations must be considered in interpreting the couplet.  [introduction]

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Empedocles' Cosmic Cycle, 1967
By: O'Brien, Denis
Title Empedocles' Cosmic Cycle
Type Article
Language English
Date 1967
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 17
Issue 1
Pages 29-40
Categories no categories
Author(s) O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Hitherto reconstructions of Empedocles’ cosmic cycle have usually been offered as part of a larger work, a complete history of Presocratic thought, or 
a complete study of Empedocles. Consequently there has perhaps been a lack of thoroughness in collecting and sifting evidence that relates exclusively to the main features of the cosmic cycle. There is in fact probably more evidence 
for Empedocles’ main views than for those of any other Presocratic except Parmenides in his Way of Truth. From a close examination of the fragments 
and of the secondary sources, principally Aristotle, Plutarch, and Simplicius, there can be formed a reasonably complete picture of the main temporal and spatial features of Empedocles’ cosmic cycle. [Introduction, p. 29]

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Empedocles, fr. 35. 12-15, 1962
By: Arundel, Maureen Rosemary
Title Empedocles, fr. 35. 12-15
Type Article
Language English
Date 1962
Journal The Classical Review
Volume 12
Issue 2
Pages 109-111
Categories no categories
Author(s) Arundel, Maureen Rosemary
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This text discusses the interpretation and translation of a fragment of Theophrastus and Plutarch. The word "zôros" is of particular concern, as there is difficulty in determining its meaning, with some suggesting it means "mixed" while others argue it means "undiluted." The author suggests that the reading of the Empedocles line should be restored to "zôra" meaning "undiluted" and that the modern interpretation of "mixed" is unjustifiable. The text also examines the use of "zôra" in Philumenus' work and argues that there is no occurrence in which it means "mixed." [derived from the whole text]

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Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?, 1956
By: Valckenaere de, Erik
Title Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?
Type Article
Language Dutch
Date 1956
Journal L'Antiquité Classique
Volume 25
Issue 2
Pages 351-385
Categories no categories
Author(s) Valckenaere de, Erik
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Ons onderzoek van de bronnen resumerend, komen we tot de volgende besluiten:

    Volgens Herakleides bevindt de aarde zich in het midden van het heelal (Simplikios: fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: fragment 2; Chalcidius: fragment 7).
    De aarde draait om haar eigen as. In de meeste fragmenten vinden we zelfs de specificatie van deze aswenteling: de aarde draait in 24 uur (Simplikios: fragment 5; Aetios: fragment 4) van west naar oost (Simplikios: fragment 5, 6; Aetios: fragment 4) ter verklaring van de dagelijkse beweging der hemellichamen.
    De zon draait jaarlijks rond de aarde van oost naar west (Simplikios: fragment 5; Chalcidius: fragment 7).
    De binnenplaneten Venus en naar alle waarschijnlijkheid ook Mercurius draaien rond de zon (Chalcidius: fragment 7).
    De meest voor de hand liggende hypothese is dat de buitenplaneten Mars, Jupiter en Saturnus, zoals de zon, eenvoudig rond de aarde draaien ter verklaring van hun jaarlijkse beweging (Simplikios: fragment 5).
    De vaste sterren staan stil.

Voor zover ons onderzoek het uitwees, zijn de getuigenissen niet alleen niet contradictorisch, maar vullen ze elkaar zelfs op een gelukkige wijze aan.

Op de vraag dus, die wij ons in het begin gesteld hebben, of er positieve redenen bestonden om aan te nemen, op grond van de ons overgeleverde teksten, dat Herakleides Pontikos vóór Aristarchos een soort van heliocentrisme zou hebben geleerd, menen we beslist negatief te mogen antwoorden. Twee grote onwaarschijnlijkheden, namelijk dat de Oudheid ons niets duidelijks zou hebben bericht over de werkelijke ontdekker van het heliocentrisme en dat één man zonder voorlopers en voorafgaande ontdekkingen het heliocentrisme zou hebben uitgedacht, worden aldus opgeheven als we ons houden aan wat de bronnen werkelijk melden. [conclusion p. 384-385] Übersetzung: Unserer Untersuchung der Quellen zusammenfassend, kommen wir zu den folgenden Schlussfolgerungen:

    Laut Herakleides befindet sich die Erde im Zentrum des Universums (Simplikios: Fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: Fragment 2; Chalcidius: Fragment 7).
    Die Erde dreht sich um ihre eigene Achse. In den meisten Fragmenten finden wir sogar die genaue Spezifikation dieser Achsendrehung: Die Erde dreht sich in 24 Stunden (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Aetios: Fragment 4) von Westen nach Osten (Simplikios: Fragment 5, 6; Aetios: Fragment 4), um die tägliche Bewegung der Himmelskörper zu erklären.
    Die Sonne dreht sich jährlich von Osten nach Westen um die Erde (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Chalcidius: Fragment 7).
    Die inneren Planeten Venus und höchstwahrscheinlich auch Merkur drehen sich um die Sonne (Chalcidius: Fragment 7).
    Die naheliegendste Hypothese ist, dass die äußeren Planeten Mars, Jupiter und Saturn, wie die Sonne, einfach um die Erde kreisen, um ihre jährliche Bewegung zu erklären (Simplikios: Fragment 5).
    Die Fixsterne bleiben unbewegt.

Soweit unsere Untersuchung zeigt, sind die Zeugnisse nicht nur nicht widersprüchlich, sondern ergänzen sich sogar auf glückliche Weise.

Auf die Frage, die wir uns zu Beginn gestellt haben, ob es positive Gründe gibt, aufgrund der uns überlieferten Texte anzunehmen, dass Herakleides Pontikos vor Aristarchos eine Art von Heliozentrismus gelehrt hat, meinen wir, mit Sicherheit verneinen zu können. Zwei große Unwahrscheinlichkeiten – nämlich, dass die Antike uns nichts Klareres über den tatsächlichen Entdecker des Heliozentrismus berichtet hätte, und dass ein einzelner Mensch ohne Vorgänger und vorherige Entdeckungen den Heliozentrismus erdacht hätte – werden damit ausgeräumt, wenn wir uns an das halten, was die Quellen tatsächlich überliefern.

{"_index":"sire","_id":"836","_score":null,"_source":{"id":836,"authors_free":[{"id":1240,"entry_id":836,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":343,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Valckenaere de, Erik","free_first_name":"Erik","free_last_name":"Valckenaere de","norm_person":{"id":343,"first_name":"Erik","last_name":"Valckenaere de","full_name":"Valckenaere de, Erik","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?","main_title":{"title":"Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?"},"abstract":"Ons onderzoek van de bronnen resumerend, komen we tot de volgende besluiten:\r\n\r\n Volgens Herakleides bevindt de aarde zich in het midden van het heelal (Simplikios: fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: fragment 2; Chalcidius: fragment 7).\r\n De aarde draait om haar eigen as. In de meeste fragmenten vinden we zelfs de specificatie van deze aswenteling: de aarde draait in 24 uur (Simplikios: fragment 5; Aetios: fragment 4) van west naar oost (Simplikios: fragment 5, 6; Aetios: fragment 4) ter verklaring van de dagelijkse beweging der hemellichamen.\r\n De zon draait jaarlijks rond de aarde van oost naar west (Simplikios: fragment 5; Chalcidius: fragment 7).\r\n De binnenplaneten Venus en naar alle waarschijnlijkheid ook Mercurius draaien rond de zon (Chalcidius: fragment 7).\r\n De meest voor de hand liggende hypothese is dat de buitenplaneten Mars, Jupiter en Saturnus, zoals de zon, eenvoudig rond de aarde draaien ter verklaring van hun jaarlijkse beweging (Simplikios: fragment 5).\r\n De vaste sterren staan stil.\r\n\r\nVoor zover ons onderzoek het uitwees, zijn de getuigenissen niet alleen niet contradictorisch, maar vullen ze elkaar zelfs op een gelukkige wijze aan.\r\n\r\nOp de vraag dus, die wij ons in het begin gesteld hebben, of er positieve redenen bestonden om aan te nemen, op grond van de ons overgeleverde teksten, dat Herakleides Pontikos v\u00f3\u00f3r Aristarchos een soort van heliocentrisme zou hebben geleerd, menen we beslist negatief te mogen antwoorden. Twee grote onwaarschijnlijkheden, namelijk dat de Oudheid ons niets duidelijks zou hebben bericht over de werkelijke ontdekker van het heliocentrisme en dat \u00e9\u00e9n man zonder voorlopers en voorafgaande ontdekkingen het heliocentrisme zou hebben uitgedacht, worden aldus opgeheven als we ons houden aan wat de bronnen werkelijk melden. [conclusion p. 384-385] \u00dcbersetzung: Unserer Untersuchung der Quellen zusammenfassend, kommen wir zu den folgenden Schlussfolgerungen:\r\n\r\n Laut Herakleides befindet sich die Erde im Zentrum des Universums (Simplikios: Fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: Fragment 2; Chalcidius: Fragment 7).\r\n Die Erde dreht sich um ihre eigene Achse. In den meisten Fragmenten finden wir sogar die genaue Spezifikation dieser Achsendrehung: Die Erde dreht sich in 24 Stunden (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Aetios: Fragment 4) von Westen nach Osten (Simplikios: Fragment 5, 6; Aetios: Fragment 4), um die t\u00e4gliche Bewegung der Himmelsk\u00f6rper zu erkl\u00e4ren.\r\n Die Sonne dreht sich j\u00e4hrlich von Osten nach Westen um die Erde (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Chalcidius: Fragment 7).\r\n Die inneren Planeten Venus und h\u00f6chstwahrscheinlich auch Merkur drehen sich um die Sonne (Chalcidius: Fragment 7).\r\n Die naheliegendste Hypothese ist, dass die \u00e4u\u00dferen Planeten Mars, Jupiter und Saturn, wie die Sonne, einfach um die Erde kreisen, um ihre j\u00e4hrliche Bewegung zu erkl\u00e4ren (Simplikios: Fragment 5).\r\n Die Fixsterne bleiben unbewegt.\r\n\r\nSoweit unsere Untersuchung zeigt, sind die Zeugnisse nicht nur nicht widerspr\u00fcchlich, sondern erg\u00e4nzen sich sogar auf gl\u00fcckliche Weise.\r\n\r\nAuf die Frage, die wir uns zu Beginn gestellt haben, ob es positive Gr\u00fcnde gibt, aufgrund der uns \u00fcberlieferten Texte anzunehmen, dass Herakleides Pontikos vor Aristarchos eine Art von Heliozentrismus gelehrt hat, meinen wir, mit Sicherheit verneinen zu k\u00f6nnen. Zwei gro\u00dfe Unwahrscheinlichkeiten \u2013 n\u00e4mlich, dass die Antike uns nichts Klareres \u00fcber den tats\u00e4chlichen Entdecker des Heliozentrismus berichtet h\u00e4tte, und dass ein einzelner Mensch ohne Vorg\u00e4nger und vorherige Entdeckungen den Heliozentrismus erdacht h\u00e4tte \u2013 werden damit ausger\u00e4umt, wenn wir uns an das halten, was die Quellen tats\u00e4chlich \u00fcberliefern.","btype":3,"date":"1956","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/e00zJf5ufXc0B6a","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":343,"full_name":"Valckenaere de, Erik","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":836,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"L'Antiquit\u00e9 Classique","volume":"25","issue":"2","pages":"351-385"}},"sort":["Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?"]}

Heraklit zitiert Anaximander, 1956
By: Bröcker, Walter
Title Heraklit zitiert Anaximander
Type Article
Language German
Date 1956
Journal Hermes
Volume 84
Issue 3
Pages 382-384
Categories no categories
Author(s) Bröcker, Walter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Note on a quote of Heraclitus Diels B 126

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John Philoponus as a Source of Medieval Islamic and Jewish Proofs of Creation, 1969
By: Davidson, Herbert A.
Title John Philoponus as a Source of Medieval Islamic and Jewish Proofs of Creation
Type Article
Language English
Date 1969
Journal Journal of the American Oriental Society
Volume 89
Issue 2
Pages 357-391
Categories no categories
Author(s) Davidson, Herbert A.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Information from a number of sources has established that John Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem, a refutation of Aristotle's proofs of the eternity of the world, was at least partially available to the Arabic philosophers in the Middle Ages. The present article shows that the Arabic Jewish writer Sacadia used a set of proofs of creation ultimately deriving from Philoponus. With the aid of this result the following further conclusions are also drawn: Kindi too used a set of proofs of creation ultimately deriving from Philoponus; a variety of medieval arguments from the impossibility of an infinite are to be traced to Philoponus; the standard Kalām proof of creation, the proof from "accidents," originated as a reformulation of one of Philoponus' arguments. [Author's abstract]

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Le chrétien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'École d'Alexandrie au VIe siècle, 1954
By: Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Title Le chrétien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'École d'Alexandrie au VIe siècle
Type Article
Language French
Date 1954
Journal Revue des Études Grecques
Volume 67
Issue 316-318
Pages 396-410
Categories no categories
Author(s) Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Ammonias, bien que païen et élève de Proclus, avait su, dès la fin du Ve siècle, faire à l'Église les concessionsnécessaires pour que fût toléré son enseignement officiel à Alexandrie. Mais il convient de reconnaître le rôle capital quedut jouer, quelque vingt à trente ans plus tard, un de ses élèves chrétiens, Jean le grammairien, philoponos dans l'Églised'Alexandrie : il couvrit son maître, et en éditant sous son nom à lui ses rédactions des commentaires à Aristote exposésoralement par Ammonius, et en publiant, dans l'année critique 529, son propre ouvrage De aeternitate mundi ContraProclum, qui détachait opportunément de l'École d'Athènes l'École d'Alexandrie. [Author's abstract]

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Les convictions religieuses de Jean Philopon et la date de son Commentaire aux «Météorologiques», 1953
By: Evrard, Étienne
Title Les convictions religieuses de Jean Philopon et la date de son Commentaire aux «Météorologiques»
Type Article
Language French
Date 1953
Journal Bulletin de la classe des lettres, sciences morales et politiques de l'Académie Royale de Belgique
Volume 5e Série, Tome 39
Pages 299–357
Categories no categories
Author(s) Evrard, Étienne
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Philopon  était probablement un chrétien de naissance. Rien en tout cas n’indique qu'il ait jamais été païen. Dès le début de son activité littéraire, il  manifeste  son  christianisme  en  interprétant  Aristote  d’une manière  favorable  à  l’immortalité  de  l'âme  humaine  et  en  le 
critiquant à propos de la création du monde et de l’éternité du mouvement.  Il  fut  peut-être  séduit  un  instant  par les  idées d’Origène,  mais les abandonna bientôt.  La fermeture de l’école 
d’Athènes a  sans doute  produit sur  son esprit une assez  forte impression. Il est remarquable en tout cas que son Contre Proclus est l’exact contemporain de cet événement. Peut-être la mesure de Justinien fut-elle difficilement admise dans les cercles philoso­phiques  d'Alexandrie,  où  païens  et  chrétiens  semblent  avoir 
fait  un  effort  pour  harmoniser  leurs  points  de  vue.  Philopon aurait  alors voulu montrer qu’elle atteignait  les  disciples d’un philosophe dont l’enseignement était fort criticable et qui n’avait 
consenti  aucune  concession  au  christianisme.  C’est  peut-être pour la même  raison  qu’un  peu  après,  dans  son  Commentaire aux  Météorologiques,  il attaqua à plusieurs reprises Damascius, qui  dirigeait  l’école  d'Athènes au moment  de sa fermeture.  A ce moment encore, il prit apparemment une conscience plus nette 
des contradictions entre les doctrines des païen’s et sa religion. C’est en effet dans le Contre Proclus qu’apparaît pour la première fois la critique de la cinquième essence.  Un ouvrage postérieur 
que nous ne possédons plus y ajoutait une réfutation de la théorie du mouvement surnaturel du feu. On peut penser que Philopon craignait  dans  ces  doctrines  une  certaine  divinisation  du  ciel dans laquelle il voyait une atteinte à la majesté de Dieu. Le Com­mentaire  aux  Météorologiques,  composé  après  529,  révèle  une accentuation de cette attitude. On y voit en plus apparaître la 
critique de l’astrologie. Enfin le Contre Aristote constitue comme une somme des griefs de  Philopon  contre le système  péripatéticien. Dans le De  Opificio  mundi, postérieur au Contre  Aristote 
et écrit après 557, la philosophie n’apparaît plus qu’indirectement et cède la place à la théologie et à l’exégèse biblique.Seule une étude exhaustive des œuvres de Philopon révélerait le degré d'exactitude de cette reconstitution provisoire.  Celle-ci me semble du moins respecter plus complètement  que celle de Gudeman  les  indications  sur  lesquelles  j’ai  attiré  l’attention. 
Elle  permet  en  outre  de  mieux  comprendre  les  répercussions des événements de la première moitié du VIe siècle sur l'esprit 
de Philopon. [conclusion, p. 356-357]

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Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology, 1965
By: Solmsen, Friedrich
Title Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology
Type Article
Language English
Date 1965
Journal Phronesis
Volume 10
Issue 2
Pages 109-148
Categories no categories
Author(s) Solmsen, Friedrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In Heraclitus and Parmenides, assumptions which form the basis of our interpretation are subject to frequent reexaminations and revisions. With Empedocles, matters are different. Here, large hypotheses have for a long time remained unchallenged and are now near the point of hardening into dogmas. In particular, the reconstruction of a dual cosmogony in his "cycle," originally a theory which had to contend with others, is now often regarded as established, treated as though it were a fact, and used as a premise for further inferences.

The only full-scale interpretation of the evidence which backs up this theory is Ettore Bignone's Empedocle; yet, whatever the merits of this book, it can hardly be denied that in the fifty years since its publication we have learned many new lessons regarding the relative value of testimonies and fragments, the trustworthiness of Aristotle's reports on his precursors, and other questions of vital bearing on the reconstruction of a Presocratic system. A recent textbook which seeks to fit the material into the framework of two cosmogonies does not, in my opinion, succeed in strengthening this position; on the contrary, it may be said that difficulties which were less apparent as long as the discussion confined itself to individual fragments or groups of fragments become more visible when the entire scheme is worked out and presented.

Perhaps the wisest course would be to admit ignorance on crucial points. If I, nevertheless, prefer to offer an alternative reconstruction— in essential aspects a revival of von Arnim's—my hope is that, whether right or wrong, it will serve a good purpose if it shows that opinions currently accepted are not firmly grounded in the evidence at our disposal. I have made no methodical commitment except to keep the Καθαρμοί out of the discussion of Περὶ φύσεως. Similar or identical motifs, like the fundamental importance of Love and Strife, the kinship of all living beings, are clearly present in both poems, but to argue from recurring motifs to an identity or similarity of doctrine is nothing less than a petitio.

There are too many unknown factors. The time interval may have been long or short. The question of priority has not been settled. We cannot assume that Empedocles' mind was of a rigidly dogmatic cast incapable of responding to new experiences and impressions (nor can we know what these experiences may have been). What we do see is that his attitude to "reality" differs in the two works. Surely, the place for a comparison is after the reconstruction of the poems, not prior to or in the course of it. [introduction p. 109-110]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"846","_score":null,"_source":{"id":846,"authors_free":[{"id":1250,"entry_id":846,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":316,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","free_first_name":"Friedrich","free_last_name":"Solmsen","norm_person":{"id":316,"first_name":"Friedrich","last_name":"Solmsen","full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117754641","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology","main_title":{"title":"Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology"},"abstract":"In Heraclitus and Parmenides, assumptions which form the basis of our interpretation are subject to frequent reexaminations and revisions. With Empedocles, matters are different. Here, large hypotheses have for a long time remained unchallenged and are now near the point of hardening into dogmas. In particular, the reconstruction of a dual cosmogony in his \"cycle,\" originally a theory which had to contend with others, is now often regarded as established, treated as though it were a fact, and used as a premise for further inferences.\r\n\r\nThe only full-scale interpretation of the evidence which backs up this theory is Ettore Bignone's Empedocle; yet, whatever the merits of this book, it can hardly be denied that in the fifty years since its publication we have learned many new lessons regarding the relative value of testimonies and fragments, the trustworthiness of Aristotle's reports on his precursors, and other questions of vital bearing on the reconstruction of a Presocratic system. A recent textbook which seeks to fit the material into the framework of two cosmogonies does not, in my opinion, succeed in strengthening this position; on the contrary, it may be said that difficulties which were less apparent as long as the discussion confined itself to individual fragments or groups of fragments become more visible when the entire scheme is worked out and presented.\r\n\r\nPerhaps the wisest course would be to admit ignorance on crucial points. If I, nevertheless, prefer to offer an alternative reconstruction\u2014 in essential aspects a revival of von Arnim's\u2014my hope is that, whether right or wrong, it will serve a good purpose if it shows that opinions currently accepted are not firmly grounded in the evidence at our disposal. I have made no methodical commitment except to keep the \u039a\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03bf\u03af out of the discussion of \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2. Similar or identical motifs, like the fundamental importance of Love and Strife, the kinship of all living beings, are clearly present in both poems, but to argue from recurring motifs to an identity or similarity of doctrine is nothing less than a petitio.\r\n\r\nThere are too many unknown factors. The time interval may have been long or short. The question of priority has not been settled. We cannot assume that Empedocles' mind was of a rigidly dogmatic cast incapable of responding to new experiences and impressions (nor can we know what these experiences may have been). What we do see is that his attitude to \"reality\" differs in the two works. Surely, the place for a comparison is after the reconstruction of the poems, not prior to or in the course of it. [introduction p. 109-110]","btype":3,"date":"1965","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/S9osco1gJvTdfSD","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":316,"full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":846,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"10","issue":"2","pages":"109-148"}},"sort":["Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology"]}

Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote, 1954
By: Moraux, Paul
Title Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote
Type Article
Language French
Date 1954
Journal Hermes
Volume 82
Issue 2
Pages 145-182
Categories no categories
Author(s) Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Nous en revenons ainsi à une constatation formulée dans les premières pages de cette étude : la tradition manuscrite d'Aristote accessible aux commentateurs était incomparablement plus riche ou, du moins, plus diversifiée que notre tradition médiévale. Plusieurs rameaux de cette tradition sont morts sans quasi laisser de traces ; d'autres ne semblent plus avoir de descendants directs, mais certains de leurs éléments ont été sauvés, en partie grâce à des codices mixti, en partie grâce aux yqépexat et aux variantes des commentateurs.

La tradition médiévale, avec son unité relative, semble donc bien représenter, par rapport à la richesse antérieure, un réel appauvrissement. Une sélection, accidentelle ou voulue, doit avoir rétréci, dans des proportions considérables, la variété des manuscrits en cours à l'époque de Simplicius.

Quand, comment et pourquoi cette sélection s'est-elle opérée ? À combien d'ancêtres réels remontent nos manuscrits médiévaux ? Ce sont là des questions auxquelles je ne puis répondre, et je crois qu’on n’y pourra répondre avant d'avoir mené à bien, avec toutes les ressources de la paléographie, de la critique et de la codicologie, l'étude systématique de la tradition directe. [conclusion p. 182]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1208","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1208,"authors_free":[{"id":1789,"entry_id":1208,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":137,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Moraux, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Moraux","norm_person":{"id":137,"first_name":"Paul ","last_name":"Moraux","full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117755591","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote"},"abstract":"Nous en revenons ainsi \u00e0 une constatation formul\u00e9e dans les premi\u00e8res pages de cette \u00e9tude : la tradition manuscrite d'Aristote accessible aux commentateurs \u00e9tait incomparablement plus riche ou, du moins, plus diversifi\u00e9e que notre tradition m\u00e9di\u00e9vale. Plusieurs rameaux de cette tradition sont morts sans quasi laisser de traces ; d'autres ne semblent plus avoir de descendants directs, mais certains de leurs \u00e9l\u00e9ments ont \u00e9t\u00e9 sauv\u00e9s, en partie gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 des codices mixti, en partie gr\u00e2ce aux yq\u00e9pexat et aux variantes des commentateurs.\r\n\r\nLa tradition m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, avec son unit\u00e9 relative, semble donc bien repr\u00e9senter, par rapport \u00e0 la richesse ant\u00e9rieure, un r\u00e9el appauvrissement. Une s\u00e9lection, accidentelle ou voulue, doit avoir r\u00e9tr\u00e9ci, dans des proportions consid\u00e9rables, la vari\u00e9t\u00e9 des manuscrits en cours \u00e0 l'\u00e9poque de Simplicius.\r\n\r\nQuand, comment et pourquoi cette s\u00e9lection s'est-elle op\u00e9r\u00e9e ? \u00c0 combien d'anc\u00eatres r\u00e9els remontent nos manuscrits m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux ? Ce sont l\u00e0 des questions auxquelles je ne puis r\u00e9pondre, et je crois qu\u2019on n\u2019y pourra r\u00e9pondre avant d'avoir men\u00e9 \u00e0 bien, avec toutes les ressources de la pal\u00e9ographie, de la critique et de la codicologie, l'\u00e9tude syst\u00e9matique de la tradition directe. [conclusion p. 182]","btype":3,"date":"1954","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1cq99waVOBFt3tw","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":137,"full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1208,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"82","issue":"2","pages":"145-182"}},"sort":["Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote"]}

Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication, 1967
By: Bicknell, Peter J.
Title Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication
Type Article
Language English
Date 1967
Journal Phronesis
Volume 12
Issue 1
Pages 1-5
Categories no categories
Author(s) Bicknell, Peter J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
It  is  commonly maintained that  Melissus was the  major forerunner 
of  atomism. This  has  been  argued  on  a  number  of  grounds,  one  of 
these  being  that Leucippus reacted to  a  Melissean  rather  than a 
Parmenidean refutation of  locomotion. In  the  following short  paper  I 
shall challenge this view and point out that not only is one other 
argument  for  Melissus'  influence  on  atomism  insecure,  but  that  Theo- 
phrastus, our most important witness, unequivocally states that 
Leucippus  opposed  a pre-Melissean  eleaticism. [p. 1]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"772","_score":null,"_source":{"id":772,"authors_free":[{"id":1136,"entry_id":772,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":399,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","free_first_name":"Peter J.","free_last_name":"Bicknell","norm_person":{"id":399,"first_name":"Peter J.","last_name":"Bicknell","full_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1162157143","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication","main_title":{"title":"Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication"},"abstract":"It is commonly maintained that Melissus was the major forerunner \r\nof atomism. This has been argued on a number of grounds, one of \r\nthese being that Leucippus reacted to a Melissean rather than a \r\nParmenidean refutation of locomotion. In the following short paper I \r\nshall challenge this view and point out that not only is one other \r\nargument for Melissus' influence on atomism insecure, but that Theo- \r\nphrastus, our most important witness, unequivocally states that \r\nLeucippus opposed a pre-Melissean eleaticism. [p. 1]","btype":3,"date":"1967","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ueYDjNWacYJ6N22","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":399,"full_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":772,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"12","issue":"1","pages":"1-5"}},"sort":["Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication"]}

Parmenides, B 8. 4, 1970
By: Wilson, John Richard
Title Parmenides, B 8. 4
Type Article
Language English
Date 1970
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 20
Issue 1
Pages 32-34
Categories no categories
Author(s) Wilson, John Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The text of Parmenides 8. 4 is unusually corrupt. [p. 32]

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Parmenides, Fragment 10, 1968
By: Bicknell, Peter J.
Title Parmenides, Fragment 10
Type Article
Language English
Date 1968
Journal Hermes
Volume 96
Issue 4
Pages 629-631
Categories no categories
Author(s) Bicknell, Peter J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This text is a critical analysis of the location of two fragments of the work of the ancient Greek philosopher Parmenides. The author of the text suggests that the two fragments, VS 28 B 10 (Clement, Strom. 5, I38) and VS 28 B 11 (Simplicius, de Caelo 559, 20), are incorrectly placed together in Parmenides' Way of Seeming. The author argues that there is no evidence to suggest that the two fragments were meant to be together, and that they do not fit into the context of Parmenides' work. The author also suggests that VS 28 B 10 may not be Parmenidean at all, and discusses its possible attribution to Empedocles. The text concludes by considering the language and style of the two fragments, and their relationship to Parmenides' other works. [summary of the whole text]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1124","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1124,"authors_free":[{"id":1700,"entry_id":1124,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":399,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","free_first_name":"Peter J.","free_last_name":"Bicknell","norm_person":{"id":399,"first_name":"Peter J.","last_name":"Bicknell","full_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1162157143","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Parmenides, Fragment 10","main_title":{"title":"Parmenides, Fragment 10"},"abstract":"This text is a critical analysis of the location of two fragments of the work of the ancient Greek philosopher Parmenides. The author of the text suggests that the two fragments, VS 28 B 10 (Clement, Strom. 5, I38) and VS 28 B 11 (Simplicius, de Caelo 559, 20), are incorrectly placed together in Parmenides' Way of Seeming. The author argues that there is no evidence to suggest that the two fragments were meant to be together, and that they do not fit into the context of Parmenides' work. The author also suggests that VS 28 B 10 may not be Parmenidean at all, and discusses its possible attribution to Empedocles. The text concludes by considering the language and style of the two fragments, and their relationship to Parmenides' other works. [summary of the whole text]","btype":3,"date":"1968","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/sgGCDPcG5fRkeId","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":399,"full_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1124,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"96","issue":"4","pages":"629-631"}},"sort":["Parmenides, Fragment 10"]}

Simplicius’s Proof of Euclid’s Parallels Postulate, 1969
By: Sabra, A. I.
Title Simplicius’s Proof of Euclid’s Parallels Postulate
Type Article
Language English
Date 1969
Journal Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
Volume 32
Pages 1-24
Categories no categories
Author(s) Sabra, A. I.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
A commentary by Simplicius on the premises to Book I of Euclid’s Elements survives in an Arabic translation, of which the author and the exact date of execution are unknown. The translation is reproduced by the ninth-century mathematician al-Fadl ibn Hâtim al-Nayrîzî in the course of his own commentary on the Elements. Of Nayrîzî’s commentary, which is based on the earlier translation of the Elements by al-Hajjâj ibn Yûsuf ibn Matar, we have only one manuscript copy at Leiden and Gerard of Cremona’s Latin translation, both of which have been published.

The passages quoted by Nayrîzî, owing to their extensiveness and consecutive order, would strongly lead one to assume that they together make up the whole of Simplicius’s text. In what follows, however, I shall argue that they suffer from at least one important omission: a proof by Simplicius himself of Euclid’s parallels postulate. Since the omission occurs both in the Leiden manuscript and in Gerard’s translation, it cannot simply be an accidental feature of the former. My argument will consist in (i) citing evidence (Document I) to the effect that such a proof was known to some Arabic mathematicians, and (ii) producing a hitherto unnoticed text (Document II), which, in the light of the evidence cited, may well be taken to be the missing proof. In addition, I shall show how Simplicius’s proof entered Arabic discussions on parallels, first, by being made subject to criticism (Document I), and then by being incorporated into a new proof, which was designed to take that criticism into account (Document III).

The title of Simplicius’s work in question appears in the Arabic sources in slightly different forms. Nayrîzî concludes the last citation from that work with the following words: “There end the matters which Simplicius has put forward in the commentary to the musädara of Euclid for the first part of the book of Elements.” The word musädara has here something a little unexpected about it. Usually, as in translations of Euclid and Aristotle, it corresponds to the Greek αἴτημα (aitêma), and it is used in this sense in the body of Simplicius’s commentary itself. (The Arabic verb sädara appropriately means “to demand.” Musädara: demanding, or that [proposition] which is demanded.) But the commentary is not restricted to the αἰτήματα (postulates) at the beginning of the Elements, but also treats of the common notions (κοιναί ἔννοιαι: 'ulüm muta‘ärafa) and the definitions (ὅροι: hudüd). Could musädara be used here in a general sense that covers all three groups of Euclid’s premises?

Such a hypothesis would derive at least partial support from a statement in Proclus that some ancient writers applied the term αἴτημα to axioms (or common notions) as well as to postulates. Proclus quotes Archimedes as an example. In agreement with this usage, the titles of at least two Arabic works on geometry employ the plural musädarät as a collective term for the axioms, definitions, and postulates. It was probably this sense that the eleventh-century scholar Abü cAbd Allah al-Khwarizmï had in mind when he gave the following explanation in his Keys of the Sciences: “al-musädara are those premises of the question which are put at the beginning of a book or chapter of geometry.”

The tenth-century bibliographer Ibn al-Nadïm gives a somewhat different version of the title of Simplicius’s book: “A commentary on the sadr of the book of Euclid, which is the introduction to geometry.” Sadr means fore-part or front and is frequently used to refer to the introductory part of a book; it might have rendered the Greek προοίμιον (prooimion). The latter part in this version, “which is the introduction to geometry,” looks like a description of the book supplied, perhaps, by Ibn al-Nadïm himself, but it may also have been an alternative title of the book. Nayrîzî’s version of the title agrees with Khwarizmï’s definition in applying the singular musädara to a multitude of premises, but we shall see that the thirteenth-century author of Document I cites the same title with musädarät in the plural.

Simplicius prefaces his comments on the individual postulates of Euclid with a long passage on the meaning and function of postulates in general. It will be useful to quote this passage here in full, since it is one of the channels through which Greek discussions of mathematical methodology were transmitted to the Islamic world—particularly discussions connected with the question of parallels. [introduction p. 1-2]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1055","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1055,"authors_free":[{"id":1602,"entry_id":1055,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":396,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sabra, A. I.","free_first_name":"A. I.","free_last_name":"Sabra","norm_person":{"id":396,"first_name":"A. I.","last_name":"Sabra","full_name":"Sabra, A. I.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1023667843","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius\u2019s Proof of Euclid\u2019s Parallels Postulate","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius\u2019s Proof of Euclid\u2019s Parallels Postulate"},"abstract":"A commentary by Simplicius on the premises to Book I of Euclid\u2019s Elements survives in an Arabic translation, of which the author and the exact date of execution are unknown. The translation is reproduced by the ninth-century mathematician al-Fadl ibn H\u00e2tim al-Nayr\u00eez\u00ee in the course of his own commentary on the Elements. Of Nayr\u00eez\u00ee\u2019s commentary, which is based on the earlier translation of the Elements by al-Hajj\u00e2j ibn Y\u00fbsuf ibn Matar, we have only one manuscript copy at Leiden and Gerard of Cremona\u2019s Latin translation, both of which have been published.\r\n\r\nThe passages quoted by Nayr\u00eez\u00ee, owing to their extensiveness and consecutive order, would strongly lead one to assume that they together make up the whole of Simplicius\u2019s text. In what follows, however, I shall argue that they suffer from at least one important omission: a proof by Simplicius himself of Euclid\u2019s parallels postulate. Since the omission occurs both in the Leiden manuscript and in Gerard\u2019s translation, it cannot simply be an accidental feature of the former. My argument will consist in (i) citing evidence (Document I) to the effect that such a proof was known to some Arabic mathematicians, and (ii) producing a hitherto unnoticed text (Document II), which, in the light of the evidence cited, may well be taken to be the missing proof. In addition, I shall show how Simplicius\u2019s proof entered Arabic discussions on parallels, first, by being made subject to criticism (Document I), and then by being incorporated into a new proof, which was designed to take that criticism into account (Document III).\r\n\r\nThe title of Simplicius\u2019s work in question appears in the Arabic sources in slightly different forms. Nayr\u00eez\u00ee concludes the last citation from that work with the following words: \u201cThere end the matters which Simplicius has put forward in the commentary to the mus\u00e4dara of Euclid for the first part of the book of Elements.\u201d The word mus\u00e4dara has here something a little unexpected about it. Usually, as in translations of Euclid and Aristotle, it corresponds to the Greek \u03b1\u1f34\u03c4\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1 (ait\u00eama), and it is used in this sense in the body of Simplicius\u2019s commentary itself. (The Arabic verb s\u00e4dara appropriately means \u201cto demand.\u201d Mus\u00e4dara: demanding, or that [proposition] which is demanded.) But the commentary is not restricted to the \u03b1\u1f30\u03c4\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 (postulates) at the beginning of the Elements, but also treats of the common notions (\u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u03af \u1f14\u03bd\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1\u03b9: 'ul\u00fcm muta\u2018\u00e4rafa) and the definitions (\u1f45\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9: hud\u00fcd). Could mus\u00e4dara be used here in a general sense that covers all three groups of Euclid\u2019s premises?\r\n\r\nSuch a hypothesis would derive at least partial support from a statement in Proclus that some ancient writers applied the term \u03b1\u1f34\u03c4\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1 to axioms (or common notions) as well as to postulates. Proclus quotes Archimedes as an example. In agreement with this usage, the titles of at least two Arabic works on geometry employ the plural mus\u00e4dar\u00e4t as a collective term for the axioms, definitions, and postulates. It was probably this sense that the eleventh-century scholar Ab\u00fc cAbd Allah al-Khwarizm\u00ef had in mind when he gave the following explanation in his Keys of the Sciences: \u201cal-mus\u00e4dara are those premises of the question which are put at the beginning of a book or chapter of geometry.\u201d\r\n\r\nThe tenth-century bibliographer Ibn al-Nad\u00efm gives a somewhat different version of the title of Simplicius\u2019s book: \u201cA commentary on the sadr of the book of Euclid, which is the introduction to geometry.\u201d Sadr means fore-part or front and is frequently used to refer to the introductory part of a book; it might have rendered the Greek \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03bf\u03af\u03bc\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd (prooimion). The latter part in this version, \u201cwhich is the introduction to geometry,\u201d looks like a description of the book supplied, perhaps, by Ibn al-Nad\u00efm himself, but it may also have been an alternative title of the book. Nayr\u00eez\u00ee\u2019s version of the title agrees with Khwarizm\u00ef\u2019s definition in applying the singular mus\u00e4dara to a multitude of premises, but we shall see that the thirteenth-century author of Document I cites the same title with mus\u00e4dar\u00e4t in the plural.\r\n\r\nSimplicius prefaces his comments on the individual postulates of Euclid with a long passage on the meaning and function of postulates in general. It will be useful to quote this passage here in full, since it is one of the channels through which Greek discussions of mathematical methodology were transmitted to the Islamic world\u2014particularly discussions connected with the question of parallels. [introduction p. 1-2]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DNibNx7ADIjjT3W","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":396,"full_name":"Sabra, A. I.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1055,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes","volume":"32","issue":"","pages":"1-24"}},"sort":["Simplicius\u2019s Proof of Euclid\u2019s Parallels Postulate"]}

Some Problems in Anaximander, 1955
By: Kirk, G.S.
Title Some Problems in Anaximander
Type Article
Language English
Date 1955
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 5
Issue 1/2
Pages 21-38
Categories no categories
Author(s) Kirk, G.S.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
These considerations indicate that we are not entitled to automatically assume that prose works written in Ionia in the sixth or early fifth century were still available in their entirety to Theophrastus. In the case of Anaximander, I would suggest that what Theophrastus might have had in front of him was not a complete book but a collection of extracts, in which emphasis was laid upon astronomy, meteorology, and anthropogony rather than upon the nature and significance of to apeiron, which might always have seemed confusing.

In respect to his arche, indeed, Anaximander must assuredly have been considered obsolete and unimportant by the end of the fifth century. The extant fragment could be quoted by Theophrastus, of course, because it really came among the cosmological-meteorological extracts. [introduction p. 38]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"737","_score":null,"_source":{"id":737,"authors_free":[{"id":1100,"entry_id":737,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":216,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kirk, G.S.","free_first_name":"G.S.","free_last_name":"Kirk","norm_person":{"id":216,"first_name":"G. S.","last_name":"Kirk","full_name":"Kirk, G. S.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Some Problems in Anaximander","main_title":{"title":"Some Problems in Anaximander"},"abstract":"These considerations indicate that we are not entitled to automatically assume that prose works written in Ionia in the sixth or early fifth century were still available in their entirety to Theophrastus. In the case of Anaximander, I would suggest that what Theophrastus might have had in front of him was not a complete book but a collection of extracts, in which emphasis was laid upon astronomy, meteorology, and anthropogony rather than upon the nature and significance of to apeiron, which might always have seemed confusing.\r\n\r\nIn respect to his arche, indeed, Anaximander must assuredly have been considered obsolete and unimportant by the end of the fifth century. The extant fragment could be quoted by Theophrastus, of course, because it really came among the cosmological-meteorological extracts. [introduction p. 38]","btype":3,"date":"1955","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2A18YiMysdkpynh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":216,"full_name":"Kirk, G. S.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":737,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"5","issue":"1\/2","pages":"21-38"}},"sort":["Some Problems in Anaximander"]}

The End of the Ancient Universities, 1966
By: Cameron, Alan
Title The End of the Ancient Universities
Type Article
Language English
Date 1966
Journal Journal of World History
Volume 10
Pages 653-673
Categories no categories
Author(s) Cameron, Alan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Strictliy speaking, there  were  no  universities  in  the  Ancient World,if by  university we  understand a  corporate  institution  offering  avariety of courses and granting degrees in the way  modern  univer­
sities do.
There were, however, university towns, Rome, Constantinople, 
Athens, Alexandria, Bordeaux, with established chairs, where the leading 
teachers of the  day  lectured  to  classes  drawn  from  all  over the  Empire. 
And so many of the ideas we associate with a university were both present 
and fostered in this atmosphere, that it would clearly he pedantic to avoid 
using the  term.  But  there were significant  differences nonetheless.Not  least,  each  professor  in  these  university  towns  was independent 
of, and indeed a rival of, every other professor there. In every city of the 
Empire except Constantinople, and not there till 425, it was possible for 
freelance  teachers  to  set  up  in  opposition  lo  holders  of the  established 
chairs (and sometimes entice away their pupils, too). Even holders of the 
chairs competed with each other for pupils.  It was normal for students to 
sign on with just one professor, and attend his courses alone. Indeed, the 
rivalry between professors was transmitted to their pupils.  Up to a point competion  was  natural  and  healthy  enough.  But  by  the  period that
forms  the  subject  of this paper,  the fourth to sixth centuries A.D., it
far  exceeded  that  point, and  cannot  but  have  impaired both the 
proficiency and  the standing of the  profession. [Introduction, pp. 653 f.]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1048","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1048,"authors_free":[{"id":1593,"entry_id":1048,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":20,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cameron, Alan","free_first_name":"Alan","free_last_name":"Cameron","norm_person":{"id":20,"first_name":"Alan","last_name":"Cameron","full_name":"Cameron, Alan ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/143568914","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The End of the Ancient Universities","main_title":{"title":"The End of the Ancient Universities"},"abstract":"Strictliy speaking, there were no universities in the Ancient World,if by university we understand a corporate institution offering avariety of courses and granting degrees in the way modern univer\u00ad\r\nsities do.\r\nThere were, however, university towns, Rome, Constantinople, \r\nAthens, Alexandria, Bordeaux, with established chairs, where the leading \r\nteachers of the day lectured to classes drawn from all over the Empire. \r\nAnd so many of the ideas we associate with a university were both present \r\nand fostered in this atmosphere, that it would clearly he pedantic to avoid \r\nusing the term. But there were significant differences nonetheless.Not least, each professor in these university towns was independent \r\nof, and indeed a rival of, every other professor there. In every city of the \r\nEmpire except Constantinople, and not there till 425, it was possible for \r\nfreelance teachers to set up in opposition lo holders of the established \r\nchairs (and sometimes entice away their pupils, too). Even holders of the \r\nchairs competed with each other for pupils. It was normal for students to \r\nsign on with just one professor, and attend his courses alone. Indeed, the \r\nrivalry between professors was transmitted to their pupils. Up to a point competion was natural and healthy enough. But by the period that\r\nforms the subject of this paper, the fourth to sixth centuries A.D., it\r\nfar exceeded that point, and cannot but have impaired both the \r\nproficiency and the standing of the profession. [Introduction, pp. 653 f.]","btype":3,"date":"1966","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NfGl20qhKYCdDTy","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":20,"full_name":"Cameron, Alan ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1048,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of World History","volume":"10","issue":"","pages":"653-673"}},"sort":["The End of the Ancient Universities"]}

The Framework of Greek Cosmology, 1961
By: Robinson, John
Title The Framework of Greek Cosmology
Type Article
Language English
Date 1961
Journal The Review of Metaphysics
Volume 14
Issue 4
Pages 676-684
Categories no categories
Author(s) Robinson, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
A striking phenomenon of recent years (and one not without its significance for the historian of contemporary philosophy) has been the appearance of a substantial body of work on the early Greek philosophers. Most of this work is characterized by a new approach to the subject, an approach marked on the one hand by greater attention to the fragments themselves as opposed to the doxographic materials, and on the other hand by a more vigorous analysis of the relation of the language of the fragments to the wider non-philosophic context from which it was in so many instances borrowed. Charles Kahn's recent study, beautifully printed and bound by the Columbia University Press, is a worthy contribution to this growing body of literature and bears the impress of its characteristic method.

The single remaining fragment of Anaximander is not discussed until it has been firmly fixed in its historical context by a thoroughgoing consideration of the classical conception of the four elements; and one of the most striking features of this consideration is the use made by the author of the extensive body of Greek medical writings known as the Hippocratic Corpus. It was W. A. Heidel who first called attention to the extraordinary value of these writings—the only complete scientific treatises to have come down to us from the early period—for the elucidation of Greek thought. Since then, this material has been referred to more and more frequently by students of the early Greek philosophers, and the tendency is strikingly evidenced in the present study.

The use of this material is not without its difficulties. The treatises which form the Hippocratic Corpus are not the work of a single individual, and there is abundant evidence that they were written over a period of at least two hundred years. It is, therefore, essential, in attempting to reconstruct the scientific worldview of the early period, that we rely so far as possible on treatises belonging to this period. Unfortunately, in the present state of Hippocratic studies, it is impossible to date these works with any exactitude. On the other hand, certain of them belong pretty clearly to the fifth century; and it seems fairly well established that the view of the constitution of man which most of them assume dates from the time of Alcmaeon, who flourished around the turn of the century.

Since this view is based upon an analogy between microcosm and macrocosm, the processes involved in sickness and health reflect on a small scale the greater processes which constitute the life of the cosmos as a whole; thus, indirectly, these treatises illuminate in striking ways aspects of the larger worldview implicit in the fragments of the early cosmologists, but obscured by the fewness of these fragments and the imperfect state in which they have been preserved. In the present study, they are used to illuminate just such obscurities. [introduction p. 676-677]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"857","_score":null,"_source":{"id":857,"authors_free":[{"id":1261,"entry_id":857,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":304,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Robinson, John","free_first_name":"John","free_last_name":"Robinson","norm_person":{"id":304,"first_name":"John","last_name":"Robinson","full_name":"Robinson, John","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Framework of Greek Cosmology","main_title":{"title":"The Framework of Greek Cosmology"},"abstract":"A striking phenomenon of recent years (and one not without its significance for the historian of contemporary philosophy) has been the appearance of a substantial body of work on the early Greek philosophers. Most of this work is characterized by a new approach to the subject, an approach marked on the one hand by greater attention to the fragments themselves as opposed to the doxographic materials, and on the other hand by a more vigorous analysis of the relation of the language of the fragments to the wider non-philosophic context from which it was in so many instances borrowed. Charles Kahn's recent study, beautifully printed and bound by the Columbia University Press, is a worthy contribution to this growing body of literature and bears the impress of its characteristic method.\r\n\r\nThe single remaining fragment of Anaximander is not discussed until it has been firmly fixed in its historical context by a thoroughgoing consideration of the classical conception of the four elements; and one of the most striking features of this consideration is the use made by the author of the extensive body of Greek medical writings known as the Hippocratic Corpus. It was W. A. Heidel who first called attention to the extraordinary value of these writings\u2014the only complete scientific treatises to have come down to us from the early period\u2014for the elucidation of Greek thought. Since then, this material has been referred to more and more frequently by students of the early Greek philosophers, and the tendency is strikingly evidenced in the present study.\r\n\r\nThe use of this material is not without its difficulties. The treatises which form the Hippocratic Corpus are not the work of a single individual, and there is abundant evidence that they were written over a period of at least two hundred years. It is, therefore, essential, in attempting to reconstruct the scientific worldview of the early period, that we rely so far as possible on treatises belonging to this period. Unfortunately, in the present state of Hippocratic studies, it is impossible to date these works with any exactitude. On the other hand, certain of them belong pretty clearly to the fifth century; and it seems fairly well established that the view of the constitution of man which most of them assume dates from the time of Alcmaeon, who flourished around the turn of the century.\r\n\r\nSince this view is based upon an analogy between microcosm and macrocosm, the processes involved in sickness and health reflect on a small scale the greater processes which constitute the life of the cosmos as a whole; thus, indirectly, these treatises illuminate in striking ways aspects of the larger worldview implicit in the fragments of the early cosmologists, but obscured by the fewness of these fragments and the imperfect state in which they have been preserved. In the present study, they are used to illuminate just such obscurities. [introduction p. 676-677]","btype":3,"date":"1961","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/hN9oPATyWj4WjP6","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":304,"full_name":"Robinson, John","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":857,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Review of Metaphysics","volume":"14","issue":"4","pages":"676-684"}},"sort":["The Framework of Greek Cosmology"]}

The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv, 1968
By: Coxon, Allan D.
Title The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv
Type Article
Language English
Date 1968
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 18
Issue 1
Pages 70-75
Categories no categories
Author(s) Coxon, Allan D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The critical text of the first four books of Simplicius’ commentary on the Physics, which was published by Diels in Berlin in 1882 and serves as the foundation for the text of many fragments of the Presocratics, was based on collations by Vitelli of three manuscripts (DEF) and of a fragment of Book I in a copy made by the scribe of E, which Diels refers to as Ea. Besides these, Diels lists a considerable number of later manuscripts, which I have examined and found justifiably ignored in his critical apparatus. The total number of manuscripts listed by Diels of some part of Books I-VIII is 44; a further 25 not mentioned by Diels are listed in A. Wartelle’s "Inventaire des manuscrits grecs d’Aristote et de ses commentateurs" (Belles Lettres, 1963). I shall argue that Diels seriously underrated both the value of F and the probability of contamination between his manuscripts, and consequently, his text of some fragments of the Presocratics rests on a false foundation. However, it should be said at the outset that Diels’s understanding of Presocratic thought prevented him from going far wrong in the readings he adopted and printed. [Introduction, p. 70]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1283","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1283,"authors_free":[{"id":1872,"entry_id":1283,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":57,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Coxon, Allan D.","free_first_name":"Allan D. ","free_last_name":"Coxon","norm_person":{"id":57,"first_name":"Allan D.","last_name":"Coxon","full_name":"Coxon, Allan D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1053041829","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv","main_title":{"title":"The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv"},"abstract":"The critical text of the first four books of Simplicius\u2019 commentary on the Physics, which was published by Diels in Berlin in 1882 and serves as the foundation for the text of many fragments of the Presocratics, was based on collations by Vitelli of three manuscripts (DEF) and of a fragment of Book I in a copy made by the scribe of E, which Diels refers to as Ea. Besides these, Diels lists a considerable number of later manuscripts, which I have examined and found justifiably ignored in his critical apparatus. The total number of manuscripts listed by Diels of some part of Books I-VIII is 44; a further 25 not mentioned by Diels are listed in A. Wartelle\u2019s \"Inventaire des manuscrits grecs d\u2019Aristote et de ses commentateurs\" (Belles Lettres, 1963). I shall argue that Diels seriously underrated both the value of F and the probability of contamination between his manuscripts, and consequently, his text of some fragments of the Presocratics rests on a false foundation. However, it should be said at the outset that Diels\u2019s understanding of Presocratic thought prevented him from going far wrong in the readings he adopted and printed. [Introduction, p. 70]","btype":3,"date":"1968","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/SYzieZXh14vSvjP","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":57,"full_name":"Coxon, Allan D.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1283,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"18","issue":"1","pages":"70-75 "}},"sort":["The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv"]}

The Neoplatonic One and Plato’s Parmenides, 1962
By: Rist, John M.
Title The Neoplatonic One and Plato’s Parmenides
Type Article
Language English
Date 1962
Journal Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association
Volume 93
Pages 389–401
Categories no categories
Author(s) Rist, John M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
As long ago as 1928, Professor E. R. Dodds demonstrated the dependence of the One of Plotinus on an interpretation of the first hypothesis of the Parmenides. His demonstration has been universally accepted. But Dodds not only showed the dependence of Plotinus on the Parmenides but also offered an account of the history of the doctrine of the One between the late fourth century B.C. and the third century A.D. His view is that the first three hypotheses of the Parmenides were already treated in what we should call a Neoplatonic fashion by Moderatus, a Neopythagorean of the second half of the first century A.D.; further, that Moderatus was not the originator of this interpretation, whose origins can, in fact, be traced back through Eudorus (ca. 25 B.C.) and the Neopythagoreans of his day to the Old Academy.

Though Dodds is somewhat unclear at this point, he seems to suggest that already before the time of Eudorus, the Parmenides was being interpreted in Neopythagorean fashion. In order to check this derivation, we should look at the three stages of it in detail. These stages are the Neopythagoreanism of Moderatus, the theories of Eudorus, and those of Speusippus and the Old Academy in general.

In opposition to Professor A. H. Armstrong, who used to hold that the One of Speusippus was less than Being, rather than "beyond Being," Dr. Ph. Merlan has recently shown that the Aristotelian texts on which Armstrong's account was based are better interpreted in the light of chapter four of Iamblichus' De communi mathematica scientia. Merlan shows that the system of Speusippus is not an "evolutionary" one, and that Speusippus' One is beyond Being. Yet the system of Speusippus is a dualism; his One is not the cause of all and is thus, as we shall see, unlike the Neopythagorean One which Dodds regards as proto-Neoplatonic.

We may therefore leave Speusippus aside. His One can have affected Neoplatonism only very indirectly, if at all. [introduction p. 389-390]

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The Problem of the Souls of the Spheres. From the Byzantine Commentaries on Aristotle through the Arabs and St. Thomas to Kepler, 1962
By: Wolfson, Harry Austryn
Title The Problem of the Souls of the Spheres. From the Byzantine Commentaries on Aristotle through the Arabs and St. Thomas to Kepler
Type Article
Language English
Date 1962
Journal Dumbarton Oaks Papers
Volume 16
Pages 65-93
Categories no categories
Author(s) Wolfson, Harry Austryn
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Kepler,  who,  as  we  all  know,  lived  under  the  new  heaven  created  by Copernicus,  discusses  the  question  whether  the  planets  are  moved  by Intelligences or by souls or by nature. His consideration of Intelligences 
as  possible  movers  of  the  planets  refers  to  a  view  held  by  those  who  in  the Middle Ages lived under the  old Ptolemaic heaven, the term Intelligences being, by  a  complexity  of  miscegenation,  a  descendant  of  what  Aristotle  describes  as 
incorporeal  substances.  His  consideration  of  souls  or  nature  as possible  movers of  the  planets  touches  upon  a  topic  which  was  made  into  a  problem  b y  the 
Byzantine  Greek  commentators  of  Aristotle.In  this  paper  I  shall  try  to  show  how  the  Byzantine  commentators,  in  their study  of  the  text  of  Aristotle,  were  confronted  with  a  certain  problem,  how they  solved  that  problem,  and  how  their  solution  of  that  problem  led  to  other 
problems  and  solutions,  all  of  which  lingered  in  philosophic literature  down  to Kepler. [Author's abstract]

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Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes, 1953
By: McDiarmid, John B.
Title Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes
Type Article
Language English
Date 1953
Journal Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
Volume 61
Pages 85-156
Categories no categories
Author(s) McDiarmid, John B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In sum, the fragments considered disclose no evidence that Theophrastus employed his knowledge of the Presocratics in such a way as to exercise independent judgment about them. Despite his apparent investigation of the original texts, his accounts are in all essentials simply repetitions of some of the interpretations that he found in Aristotle and have, therefore, the same deficiencies. Further, by his method of selection and adaptation, he has frequently misrepresented his source and has exaggerated the faults present in it. It must be concluded that, with regard to the Presocratic causes at least, he is a thoroughly biased witness and is even less trustworthy than Aristotle. [conclusion p. 133]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"991","_score":null,"_source":{"id":991,"authors_free":[{"id":1492,"entry_id":991,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":251,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"McDiarmid, John B.","free_first_name":"John B.","free_last_name":"McDiarmid","norm_person":{"id":251,"first_name":"John B.","last_name":"McDiarmid","full_name":"McDiarmid, John B.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1200165888","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes","main_title":{"title":"Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes"},"abstract":"In sum, the fragments considered disclose no evidence that Theophrastus employed his knowledge of the Presocratics in such a way as to exercise independent judgment about them. Despite his apparent investigation of the original texts, his accounts are in all essentials simply repetitions of some of the interpretations that he found in Aristotle and have, therefore, the same deficiencies. Further, by his method of selection and adaptation, he has frequently misrepresented his source and has exaggerated the faults present in it. It must be concluded that, with regard to the Presocratic causes at least, he is a thoroughly biased witness and is even less trustworthy than Aristotle. [conclusion p. 133]","btype":3,"date":"1953","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/EubtCOWFaqns9Pq","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":251,"full_name":"McDiarmid, John B.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":991,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Harvard Studies in Classical Philology","volume":"61","issue":"","pages":"85-156"}},"sort":["Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes"]}

War Platons Vorlesung "das Gute" einmalig?, 1968
By: Merlan, Philip
Title War Platons Vorlesung "das Gute" einmalig?
Type Article
Language German
Date 1968
Journal Hermes
Volume 96
Issue 5
Pages 705-709
Categories no categories
Author(s) Merlan, Philip
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Die Frage wurde kürzlich von Krämer auf Grundlage einer Sprachanalyse der nunmehr wohl jedem an griechischer Philosophie Interessierten bekannten Aristoxenos-Stelle verneint. Im Folgenden wird versucht, zu beweisen, dass die Frage zu bejahen ist.

Wie Krämer die Aristoxenos-Stelle versteht, lässt sich am besten durch eine Art Paraphrase darstellen:

„Ich werde lieber, so sagt Aristoxenos, im Vorhinein den Gang meiner Untersuchung angeben, damit es uns nicht geht wie nach einer von Aristoteles oft erzählten Geschichte den meisten Hörern des platonischen Vorlesungskurses Das Gute. So oft er denselben ansagte, ging jeder hin in der Annahme, er werde etwas über Dinge hören, die üblicherweise für menschliche Güter gehalten werden, wie Reichtum, Gesundheit und Stärke, und in der Hauptsache über irgendein Glück wundersamster Art.

Als aber die Auseinandersetzung immer wieder auf Mathematisches, Zahlen, Geometrie und Astronomie hinauslief, kam es ihnen—ich glaub’s schon—höchst absonderlich vor. In der Folge war das Ende des Kurses immer wieder, dass ein Teil der Hörer das ganze Ding für bedeutungslos ansah, ein anderer es nachteilig kritisierte. Und warum? Weil sie, statt sich zu erkundigen, um was es sich handeln würde, mit offenen Mündern hinzugehen pflegten, indem sie nur das Wort 'gut' aufgeschnappt hatten.“

Hat meine Paraphrase den Sinn der krämerschen Interpretation richtig getroffen, so hätte also Aristoxenos berichten wollen, dass, so oft Platon seinen Vorlesungskursus Das Gute anzusagen pflegte, sich immer wieder dasselbe ergab: Vom Titel Das Gute (der immer wiederholt wurde) angezogen, finden sich Hörer ein, von denen dann die meisten sich enttäuscht oder getäuscht fühlen.

Ich will nicht sagen, dass dies unmöglich ist; aber es werden doch viele empfinden, dass das ganze Geschichtchen seinen Sinn verliert, wenn es sich nicht um ein einmaliges Ereignis handelt. [introduction p. 44-45]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"976","_score":null,"_source":{"id":976,"authors_free":[{"id":1475,"entry_id":976,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":258,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Merlan, Philip","free_first_name":"Philip","free_last_name":"Merlan","norm_person":{"id":258,"first_name":"Philip","last_name":"Merlan","full_name":"Merlan, Philip","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/128860502","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"War Platons Vorlesung \"das Gute\" einmalig?","main_title":{"title":"War Platons Vorlesung \"das Gute\" einmalig?"},"abstract":"Die Frage wurde k\u00fcrzlich von Kr\u00e4mer auf Grundlage einer Sprachanalyse der nunmehr wohl jedem an griechischer Philosophie Interessierten bekannten Aristoxenos-Stelle verneint. Im Folgenden wird versucht, zu beweisen, dass die Frage zu bejahen ist.\r\n\r\nWie Kr\u00e4mer die Aristoxenos-Stelle versteht, l\u00e4sst sich am besten durch eine Art Paraphrase darstellen:\r\n\r\n\u201eIch werde lieber, so sagt Aristoxenos, im Vorhinein den Gang meiner Untersuchung angeben, damit es uns nicht geht wie nach einer von Aristoteles oft erz\u00e4hlten Geschichte den meisten H\u00f6rern des platonischen Vorlesungskurses Das Gute. So oft er denselben ansagte, ging jeder hin in der Annahme, er werde etwas \u00fcber Dinge h\u00f6ren, die \u00fcblicherweise f\u00fcr menschliche G\u00fcter gehalten werden, wie Reichtum, Gesundheit und St\u00e4rke, und in der Hauptsache \u00fcber irgendein Gl\u00fcck wundersamster Art.\r\n\r\nAls aber die Auseinandersetzung immer wieder auf Mathematisches, Zahlen, Geometrie und Astronomie hinauslief, kam es ihnen\u2014ich glaub\u2019s schon\u2014h\u00f6chst absonderlich vor. In der Folge war das Ende des Kurses immer wieder, dass ein Teil der H\u00f6rer das ganze Ding f\u00fcr bedeutungslos ansah, ein anderer es nachteilig kritisierte. Und warum? Weil sie, statt sich zu erkundigen, um was es sich handeln w\u00fcrde, mit offenen M\u00fcndern hinzugehen pflegten, indem sie nur das Wort 'gut' aufgeschnappt hatten.\u201c\r\n\r\nHat meine Paraphrase den Sinn der kr\u00e4merschen Interpretation richtig getroffen, so h\u00e4tte also Aristoxenos berichten wollen, dass, so oft Platon seinen Vorlesungskursus Das Gute anzusagen pflegte, sich immer wieder dasselbe ergab: Vom Titel Das Gute (der immer wiederholt wurde) angezogen, finden sich H\u00f6rer ein, von denen dann die meisten sich entt\u00e4uscht oder get\u00e4uscht f\u00fchlen.\r\n\r\nIch will nicht sagen, dass dies unm\u00f6glich ist; aber es werden doch viele empfinden, dass das ganze Geschichtchen seinen Sinn verliert, wenn es sich nicht um ein einmaliges Ereignis handelt. [introduction p. 44-45]","btype":3,"date":"1968","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1i5nYpcy51Bvdbu","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":258,"full_name":"Merlan, Philip","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":976,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"96","issue":"5","pages":"705-709"}},"sort":["War Platons Vorlesung \"das Gute\" einmalig?"]}

Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachprüfung der Empedokles-Doxographie, 1965
By: Hölscher, Uvo
Title Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachprüfung der Empedokles-Doxographie
Type Article
Language German
Date 1965
Journal Hermes
Volume 93
Issue 1
Pages 7-33
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hölscher, Uvo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Über die Periodenlehre des Empedokles hat sich bislang noch keine Einigkeit hergestellt. Zwar darin stimmen alle überein, dass nach der Vorstellung des Empedokles die Welt einem periodischen Entstehen und Vergehen unterworfen sei, doch wie das im Einzelnen gedacht war, ist umstritten.

Die verbreitetere Auffassung scheint sich am engsten an Aristoteles anzulehnen. Nach ihr würde sich der Kreislauf in vier Phasen abspielen: zwei Zeiten der Bewegung, getrennt je durch Zeiten der Ruhe. Ausgehend von der vollkommenen Einheit der Elemente im Sphairos (I), würde man mit einer Phase der allmählichen Scheidung zu rechnen haben (II), die in einer völligen Trennung der Elemente ihre zeitweilige Ruhe fände (III), bis diese durch eine neue Phase der Wiedervereinigung (IV) in die Einheit des Sphairos zurückkehrten. In jeder der beiden Bewegungsphasen würde sich eine Welt bilden. Aber schon die Frage, in welcher der beiden: auf dem Wege zur Trennung oder auf der Rückkehr zur Einheit, wir mit unserer jetzigen Welt uns befinden, lässt sich offenbar durch einfache Berufung auf Aristoteles nicht entscheiden.

Das Missliche bleibt nämlich, dass die beiden Bewegungen in je nur einer Richtung laufen, in fortschreitender Trennung oder fortschreitender Einigung, jede ausgeführte Kosmogonie aber auf beides angewiesen scheint, indem die Weltordnung im Großen zwar durch Trennung geschehen kann, aber die Bildung des Lebens nur durch Verbindung. Alle Versuche, sich eine ganze Welt bloß aus zunehmender Scheidung – oder Verbindung – der Elemente entstehend zu denken, enden in Ungereimtheiten. So ist man genötigt, die Bewegungen in sich wiederum zu teilen: in eine Zeit, in der noch die Kraft der Einigung, und eine andere, in der schon die Kraft der Trennung vorherrschte – und umgekehrt –, sodass aus den vier Phasen im Grunde sechs werden. Aber auch damit gewinnt man kein Bild, das einen überzeugen könnte. Denn da immerhin die Kosmogonie, als die Sonderung der großen Weltteile, der Zoogonie, als der Verbindung der Elemente im Kleinen, vorausgehen musste, wäre sie, im Verlauf der fortschreitenden Trennung, gerade einer ersten Phase zuzuschreiben, in der die Kraft der Trennung noch schwach ist, dagegen die Erzeugung des Lebens der anderen Phase, in der sie die Oberhand gewinnt – was offenbar widersinnig ist.

Versucht man aber, sich die Möglichkeiten in der rückläufigen Bewegung auszudenken, so werden die Schwierigkeiten noch größer: die Kraft der Trennung, allmählich abnehmend, würde in einer Phase wirken, in der sie die Elemente bereits getrennt vorfände; die kosmische Verteilung der Massen wäre als ein Vorgang der Vereinigung zu erklären, der in einer Phase stattfände, wo die Kraft der Vereinigung noch gering ist, während ihre wachsende Übermacht die von ihr selbst geschaffene Verteilung wieder zerstören würde. Auch dies ist nicht weniger widersinnig als das erste, und es kann nur als eine Ausrede erscheinen, wenn uns versichert wird, eine Welt bilde sich eben jeweils in dem mittleren Punkt der Bewegungen, wo die beiden Kräfte einander das Gleichgewicht halten.

Es war darum ein entscheidender Gewinn, als v. Arnim sich von der Vierphasentheorie trennte. Tatsächlich gibt es kein Zeugnis, das uns die Annahme eines Ruhezustands der getrennten Elemente sicherte. Verzichtet man auf ihn, so rücken die beiden Phasen der wachsenden Trennung und der wachsenden Mischung der Elemente zusammen, und man wird in der ersten die Kosmogonie, in der zweiten die Zoogonie beschrieben finden.

Indessen bringt auch diese Auffassung manche Misslichkeit mit sich. Aristoteles unterscheidet zwischen zwei Weltzeiten, einer der Liebe und einer des Streites, und die Zeit des Streites ist die unsere, während die der Liebe zurückliegt. Das Schema nach v. Arnim würde das Umgekehrte zeigen. Freilich könnte man, obschon künstlich genug, auch von der Zeit der Trennung aus, über den Ruhezustand im Sphairos rückwärts, auf den Endzustand der vorigen Welt als die Zeit der Liebe zurückblicken; aber man würde sich in der Zeit der Scheidung von Himmel und Erde, nicht in der des organischen Lebens befinden. Und kann Aristoteles die gesamte Weltzeit, von der Entstehung aus dem Sphairos bis zum Untergang im Sphairos, so in zwei Hälften teilen, dass er – in dieser Reihenfolge – von der Vereinigung des Vielen zu Einem durch die Liebe und „dann wieder“ Trennung des Einen in Vieles durch den Streit redet, und von den Ruhezuständen dazwischen? Als ob der Übergang von der Kosmogonie zur Entstehung des Lebens ein größerer Einschnitt wäre als die völlige Weltvernichtung im Sphairos? Kann er sagen – wie er es tut –: Empedokles lässt die Kosmogonie durch Liebe aus? Als ob eine solche, neben der Kosmogonie durch den Streit, von der Konsequenz des Systems eigentlich gefordert wäre?

Ich halte es auch hier für einen Fehler, dass man zu geradewegs auf die Rekonstruktion des empedokleischen Systems aus war und dazu Zeugnisse und Fragmente, wie es sich bot, verwendete und zu vereinigen trachtete, anstatt bei den Zwischenfragen zu verweilen: Was hat sich Aristoteles, was seine Kommentatoren vorgestellt, und welches waren die Zeugnisse, die ihnen zur Hand waren? Auf die eigenen Auffassungen der Letzteren kann allerdings auch hier nur so weit eingegangen werden, als sie der Klärung der aristotelischen dienen – obschon Simplikios wichtig genug wäre, da seine neuplatonische Deutung des Sphairos und des Kosmos, als die intelligible und die sinnliche Welt, die Anschauung des Periodischen im Grunde ausschließt. Aber die Äußerungen des Aristoteles verdienen neu geprüft zu werden. [introduction p. 7-9]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1353","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1353,"authors_free":[{"id":2027,"entry_id":1353,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":198,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"H\u00f6lscher, Uvo","free_first_name":"Uvo","free_last_name":"H\u00f6lscher","norm_person":{"id":198,"first_name":"Uvo","last_name":"H\u00f6lscher","full_name":"H\u00f6lscher, Uvo","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118705571","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachpr\u00fcfung der Empedokles-Doxographie","main_title":{"title":"Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachpr\u00fcfung der Empedokles-Doxographie"},"abstract":"\u00dcber die Periodenlehre des Empedokles hat sich bislang noch keine Einigkeit hergestellt. Zwar darin stimmen alle \u00fcberein, dass nach der Vorstellung des Empedokles die Welt einem periodischen Entstehen und Vergehen unterworfen sei, doch wie das im Einzelnen gedacht war, ist umstritten.\r\n\r\nDie verbreitetere Auffassung scheint sich am engsten an Aristoteles anzulehnen. Nach ihr w\u00fcrde sich der Kreislauf in vier Phasen abspielen: zwei Zeiten der Bewegung, getrennt je durch Zeiten der Ruhe. Ausgehend von der vollkommenen Einheit der Elemente im Sphairos (I), w\u00fcrde man mit einer Phase der allm\u00e4hlichen Scheidung zu rechnen haben (II), die in einer v\u00f6lligen Trennung der Elemente ihre zeitweilige Ruhe f\u00e4nde (III), bis diese durch eine neue Phase der Wiedervereinigung (IV) in die Einheit des Sphairos zur\u00fcckkehrten. In jeder der beiden Bewegungsphasen w\u00fcrde sich eine Welt bilden. Aber schon die Frage, in welcher der beiden: auf dem Wege zur Trennung oder auf der R\u00fcckkehr zur Einheit, wir mit unserer jetzigen Welt uns befinden, l\u00e4sst sich offenbar durch einfache Berufung auf Aristoteles nicht entscheiden.\r\n\r\nDas Missliche bleibt n\u00e4mlich, dass die beiden Bewegungen in je nur einer Richtung laufen, in fortschreitender Trennung oder fortschreitender Einigung, jede ausgef\u00fchrte Kosmogonie aber auf beides angewiesen scheint, indem die Weltordnung im Gro\u00dfen zwar durch Trennung geschehen kann, aber die Bildung des Lebens nur durch Verbindung. Alle Versuche, sich eine ganze Welt blo\u00df aus zunehmender Scheidung \u2013 oder Verbindung \u2013 der Elemente entstehend zu denken, enden in Ungereimtheiten. So ist man gen\u00f6tigt, die Bewegungen in sich wiederum zu teilen: in eine Zeit, in der noch die Kraft der Einigung, und eine andere, in der schon die Kraft der Trennung vorherrschte \u2013 und umgekehrt \u2013, sodass aus den vier Phasen im Grunde sechs werden. Aber auch damit gewinnt man kein Bild, das einen \u00fcberzeugen k\u00f6nnte. Denn da immerhin die Kosmogonie, als die Sonderung der gro\u00dfen Weltteile, der Zoogonie, als der Verbindung der Elemente im Kleinen, vorausgehen musste, w\u00e4re sie, im Verlauf der fortschreitenden Trennung, gerade einer ersten Phase zuzuschreiben, in der die Kraft der Trennung noch schwach ist, dagegen die Erzeugung des Lebens der anderen Phase, in der sie die Oberhand gewinnt \u2013 was offenbar widersinnig ist.\r\n\r\nVersucht man aber, sich die M\u00f6glichkeiten in der r\u00fcckl\u00e4ufigen Bewegung auszudenken, so werden die Schwierigkeiten noch gr\u00f6\u00dfer: die Kraft der Trennung, allm\u00e4hlich abnehmend, w\u00fcrde in einer Phase wirken, in der sie die Elemente bereits getrennt vorf\u00e4nde; die kosmische Verteilung der Massen w\u00e4re als ein Vorgang der Vereinigung zu erkl\u00e4ren, der in einer Phase stattf\u00e4nde, wo die Kraft der Vereinigung noch gering ist, w\u00e4hrend ihre wachsende \u00dcbermacht die von ihr selbst geschaffene Verteilung wieder zerst\u00f6ren w\u00fcrde. Auch dies ist nicht weniger widersinnig als das erste, und es kann nur als eine Ausrede erscheinen, wenn uns versichert wird, eine Welt bilde sich eben jeweils in dem mittleren Punkt der Bewegungen, wo die beiden Kr\u00e4fte einander das Gleichgewicht halten.\r\n\r\nEs war darum ein entscheidender Gewinn, als v. Arnim sich von der Vierphasentheorie trennte. Tats\u00e4chlich gibt es kein Zeugnis, das uns die Annahme eines Ruhezustands der getrennten Elemente sicherte. Verzichtet man auf ihn, so r\u00fccken die beiden Phasen der wachsenden Trennung und der wachsenden Mischung der Elemente zusammen, und man wird in der ersten die Kosmogonie, in der zweiten die Zoogonie beschrieben finden.\r\n\r\nIndessen bringt auch diese Auffassung manche Misslichkeit mit sich. Aristoteles unterscheidet zwischen zwei Weltzeiten, einer der Liebe und einer des Streites, und die Zeit des Streites ist die unsere, w\u00e4hrend die der Liebe zur\u00fcckliegt. Das Schema nach v. Arnim w\u00fcrde das Umgekehrte zeigen. Freilich k\u00f6nnte man, obschon k\u00fcnstlich genug, auch von der Zeit der Trennung aus, \u00fcber den Ruhezustand im Sphairos r\u00fcckw\u00e4rts, auf den Endzustand der vorigen Welt als die Zeit der Liebe zur\u00fcckblicken; aber man w\u00fcrde sich in der Zeit der Scheidung von Himmel und Erde, nicht in der des organischen Lebens befinden. Und kann Aristoteles die gesamte Weltzeit, von der Entstehung aus dem Sphairos bis zum Untergang im Sphairos, so in zwei H\u00e4lften teilen, dass er \u2013 in dieser Reihenfolge \u2013 von der Vereinigung des Vielen zu Einem durch die Liebe und \u201edann wieder\u201c Trennung des Einen in Vieles durch den Streit redet, und von den Ruhezust\u00e4nden dazwischen? Als ob der \u00dcbergang von der Kosmogonie zur Entstehung des Lebens ein gr\u00f6\u00dferer Einschnitt w\u00e4re als die v\u00f6llige Weltvernichtung im Sphairos? Kann er sagen \u2013 wie er es tut \u2013: Empedokles l\u00e4sst die Kosmogonie durch Liebe aus? Als ob eine solche, neben der Kosmogonie durch den Streit, von der Konsequenz des Systems eigentlich gefordert w\u00e4re?\r\n\r\nIch halte es auch hier f\u00fcr einen Fehler, dass man zu geradewegs auf die Rekonstruktion des empedokleischen Systems aus war und dazu Zeugnisse und Fragmente, wie es sich bot, verwendete und zu vereinigen trachtete, anstatt bei den Zwischenfragen zu verweilen: Was hat sich Aristoteles, was seine Kommentatoren vorgestellt, und welches waren die Zeugnisse, die ihnen zur Hand waren? Auf die eigenen Auffassungen der Letzteren kann allerdings auch hier nur so weit eingegangen werden, als sie der Kl\u00e4rung der aristotelischen dienen \u2013 obschon Simplikios wichtig genug w\u00e4re, da seine neuplatonische Deutung des Sphairos und des Kosmos, als die intelligible und die sinnliche Welt, die Anschauung des Periodischen im Grunde ausschlie\u00dft. Aber die \u00c4u\u00dferungen des Aristoteles verdienen neu gepr\u00fcft zu werden. [introduction p. 7-9]","btype":3,"date":"1965","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/R2gNRYN2KFgYLw8","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":198,"full_name":"H\u00f6lscher, Uvo","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1353,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"93","issue":"1","pages":"7-33"}},"sort":["Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachpr\u00fcfung der Empedokles-Doxographie"]}

Were Zeno's Arguments a Reply to Attacks upon Parmenides?, 1957
By: Booth, N.B.
Title Were Zeno's Arguments a Reply to Attacks upon Parmenides?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1957
Journal Phronesis
Volume 2
Issue 1
Pages 1-9
Categories no categories
Author(s) Booth, N.B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This article by N. B. Booth examines whether Zeno's arguments were a response to criticisms of Parmenides's principle „the One“. Despite evidence that Zeno was concerned with defending Parmenides's „One“, his arguments about plurality seem to refute the "ones" of a plurality. One possible explanation is that Zeno's arguments were used to counter criticisms of Parmenides's „One“ before he produced them. Plato's Parmenides includes a passage in which "Zeno" apologizes for his book on plurality, which has been interpreted as an answer to criticisms of Parmenides's theory, but Booth notes that Plato's characters are idealized and it is not certain that Zeno's arguments were a response to attacks. Booth looks at the arguments themselves for evidence and suggests that if some of Zeno's arguments against plural "ones" were valid against Parmenides's „One“, it would be fair to infer that they were used by hostile critics and Zeno was throwing them back in their faces. [introduction]

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