| Title | The Will and its Freedom: Epictetus and Simplicius on what is up to us |
| Type | Book Section |
| Language | English |
| Date | 2014 |
| Published in | What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy |
| Pages | 329-350 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | Destrée, Pierre , Zingano, Marco |
| Translator(s) |
| The text explores the historical development of the concept of free will, drawing parallels with the evolution of understanding projectile motion. Three distinct periods are identified: an initial stage marked by a misunderstanding of projectile motion, where objects were thought to require continuous external motion; a second stage where the concept of "impetus" was introduced to explain forced motion at a distance; and a final stage, ushered in by Galileo, Descartes, and Newton, where the correct understanding of inertia emerged. The discovery of free will is compared to the discovery of the will as a distinct human faculty in late antiquity. Similar to the concept of impetus, the will is depicted as capable of being strong or weak and has significant influence over human actions. The philosophical discussion surrounding free will is likened to the debates on projectile motion, with various perspectives on its existence and nature. Some argue for the existence of free will, while others contend that it is unnecessary and incoherent. The text concludes by pointing out the need for a deeper understanding of the historical context and metaphysical assumptions underlying the concept of free will. It suggests that the concept of free will is a remnant of past intellectual certainty about metaphysical truths and may not be as morally neutral as commonly believed. The modern discussion on free will is encouraged to consider its historical development and potential implications more carefully. [introduction] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mOZ7OMN3pKwTAfd |
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Three distinct periods are identified: an initial stage marked by a misunderstanding of projectile motion, where objects were thought to require continuous external motion; a second stage where the concept of \"impetus\" was introduced to explain forced motion at a distance; and a final stage, ushered in by Galileo, Descartes, and Newton, where the correct understanding of inertia emerged. The discovery of free will is compared to the discovery of the will as a distinct human faculty in late antiquity. Similar to the concept of impetus, the will is depicted as capable of being strong or weak and has significant influence over human actions. The philosophical discussion surrounding free will is likened to the debates on projectile motion, with various perspectives on its existence and nature. Some argue for the existence of free will, while others contend that it is unnecessary and incoherent. The text concludes by pointing out the need for a deeper understanding of the historical context and metaphysical assumptions underlying the concept of free will. It suggests that the concept of free will is a remnant of past intellectual certainty about metaphysical truths and may not be as morally neutral as commonly believed. The modern discussion on free will is encouraged to consider its historical development and potential implications more carefully. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mOZ7OMN3pKwTAfd","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":90,"full_name":"Destr\u00e9e, Pierre ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":472,"full_name":"Zingano, Marco","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":427,"section_of":329,"pages":"329-350","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":329,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Destr\u00e9e2014","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2014","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2014","abstract":"The problem of responsibility in moral philosophy has been lively debated in the last decades, especially since the publication of Harry Frankfurt's seminal paper, 'Alternate possibilities and moral responsibility' (1969). Compatibilists - also known as 'soft' determinists - and, on the other side, incompatibilists - libertarians and 'hard' determinists - are the main contenders in this major academic controversy. The debate goes back to Antiquity. After Aristotle, compatibilists, and especially the Stoics, debated this issue with the incompatibilists, notably Epicurus (though his classification as an incompatibilist has been disputed in modern scholarship), Alexander of Aphrodisias and Plutarch.\r\n\r\nThe problem debated at that time and the problem debated nowadays are fundamentally the same, even though the terms and the concepts evolved over the centuries. In Antiquity, the central notion was that of 'what is up to us', or 'what depends on us'. The present volume brings together twenty contributions devoted to examining the problem of moral responsibility as it arises in Antiquity in direct connection with the concept of what is up to us - to eph' h\u00eamin, in Greek, or in nostra potestate and in nobis, in its Latin counterparts, aiming to promote classical scholarship, and to shed some light on the contemporary issues as well.\r\n\r\nWith contributions by Marcelo D. Boeri, Mauro Bonazzi, Susanne Bobzien, Pierre Destr\u00e9e, Javier Eche\u00f1ique, Dorothea Frede, Michael Frede, Lloyd P. Gerson, Laura Liliana G\u00f3mez, Jean-Baptiste Gourinat, Christoph Horn, Monte Ransom Johnson, Stefano Maso, Susan Sauv\u00e9 Meyer, Pierre-Marie Morel, Ricardo Salles, Carlos Steel, Daniela Patrizia Taormina, Emmanuele Vimercati, Katja Maria Vogt, Christian Wildberg and Marco Zingano. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/WCz3sdLMsMTkFmE","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":329,"pubplace":"Sankt Augustin","publisher":"Academia Verlag","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2014]}
| Title | Philosophy in the Age of Justinian |
| Type | Book Section |
| Language | English |
| Date | 2005 |
| Published in | The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian |
| Pages | 316-340 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | Maas, Michael |
| Translator(s) |
| In order to bring some clarity to the sometimes confusing list of names of nowadays little-known philosophers active during the period in ques tion, it is necessary to begin with a short prosopography. A history of philosophy in the Age ofjustinian must include an account of two tow ering but very different figures, Damascius (c. 460-540) and Ammonius, (c. 440-517 or 526). The philosophical activities of both these men oc cur well before the accession ofjustinian, but through their pupils they shaped the views and methods of their philosophical successors in the period that concerns us. [p. 318] To illustrate the point that commentaries were not written to elucidate otherwise obscure texts but were the preferred genre of discourse to establish, negotiate, and criticize substantive philosophical claims, we now turn to some of the controversies that were discussed in a more or less open fashion. In an influential article, Karl Praechter once argued that one can distinguish clearly between different schools and directions within the broader Neoplatonic movement in late antiquity.23 In partic ular, Praechter argued that the salient difference between the two major schools, the Athenian and the Alexandrian branch, lay in their differ ent exegetical methods. Whereas the Athenian school (represented by Syrianus, Proclus, Damascius, and Simplicius) was heavily influenced, broadly speaking, by Iamblichuss tendency to bring out in any text, as far as possible, the understanding it offers of the intelligible world, the Alexandrian School (represented by Hierocles in the fifth century, and by Ammonius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus, Elias, and David in the sixth) tended toward a more sober and less metaphysical technique of interpretation. Praechter connected these observations with two socio cultural differences separating the schools: Alexandria had traditionally been a center of learning in the exact sciences (hence the preference for Aristotle) and possessed a large Christian intellectual community attending the Alexandrian philosophers’ lectures and classes (which would temper the propagation of Platonism as an antigospel). Thus, as compared to the Athenians, the Alexandrian Neoplatonists were less of a sect (hairesis) and more of a collegium of higher education. [p. 323-324] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5eGVb60bqhLTv0z |
{"_index":"sire","_id":"428","_score":null,"_source":{"id":428,"authors_free":[{"id":577,"entry_id":428,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":360,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wildberg, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Wildberg","norm_person":{"id":360,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Wildberg","full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139018964","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":578,"entry_id":428,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":471,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Maas, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Maas","norm_person":{"id":471,"first_name":"Michael","last_name":"Maas","full_name":"Maas, Michael","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/12626094X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Philosophy in the Age of Justinian","main_title":{"title":"Philosophy in the Age of Justinian"},"abstract":"In order to bring some clarity to the sometimes confusing list of names \r\nof nowadays little-known philosophers active during the period in ques\u00ad\r\ntion, it is necessary to begin with a short prosopography. A history of \r\nphilosophy in the Age ofjustinian must include an account of two tow\u00ad\r\nering but very different figures, Damascius (c. 460-540) and Ammonius, \r\n(c. 440-517 or 526). The philosophical activities of both these men oc\u00ad\r\ncur well before the accession ofjustinian, but through their pupils they \r\nshaped the views and methods of their philosophical successors in the \r\nperiod that concerns us. [p. 318] \r\nTo illustrate the point that commentaries were not written to elucidate \r\notherwise obscure texts but were the preferred genre of discourse to \r\nestablish, negotiate, and criticize substantive philosophical claims, we \r\nnow turn to some of the controversies that were discussed in a more or \r\nless open fashion. In an influential article, Karl Praechter once argued \r\nthat one can distinguish clearly between different schools and directions \r\nwithin the broader Neoplatonic movement in late antiquity.23 In partic\u00ad\r\nular, Praechter argued that the salient difference between the two major \r\nschools, the Athenian and the Alexandrian branch, lay in their differ\u00ad\r\nent exegetical methods. Whereas the Athenian school (represented by \r\nSyrianus, Proclus, Damascius, and Simplicius) was heavily influenced, \r\nbroadly speaking, by Iamblichuss tendency to bring out in any text, \r\nas far as possible, the understanding it offers of the intelligible world, \r\nthe Alexandrian School (represented by Hierocles in the fifth century, \r\nand by Ammonius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus, Elias, and David in the \r\nsixth) tended toward a more sober and less metaphysical technique of \r\ninterpretation. Praechter connected these observations with two socio\u00ad\r\ncultural differences separating the schools: Alexandria had traditionally \r\nbeen a center of learning in the exact sciences (hence the preference for Aristotle) and possessed a large Christian intellectual community \r\nattending the Alexandrian philosophers\u2019 lectures and classes (which \r\nwould temper the propagation of Platonism as an antigospel). Thus, \r\nas compared to the Athenians, the Alexandrian Neoplatonists were less \r\nof a sect (hairesis) and more of a collegium of higher education. [p. 323-324]","btype":2,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5eGVb60bqhLTv0z","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":471,"full_name":"Maas, Michael","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":428,"section_of":17,"pages":"316-340","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":17,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Maas2005","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2005","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2005","abstract":"This book introduces the Age of Justinian, the last Roman century and the first flowering of Byzantine culture. Dominated by the policies and personality of emperor Justinian I (527\u2013565), this period of grand achievements and far-reaching failures witnessed the transformation of the Mediterranean world. In this volume, twenty specialists explore the most important aspects of the age including the mechanics and theory of empire, warfare, urbanism, and economy. It also discusses the impact of the great plague, the codification of Roman law, and the many religious upheavals taking place at the time. Consideration is given to imperial relations with the papacy, northern barbarians, the Persians, and other eastern peoples, shedding new light on a dramatic and highly significant historical period. [a.a]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VO13SyosuR7rCEZ","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":17,"pubplace":"Cambridge \u2013 New York","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2005]}
| Title | Impetus Theory and the Hermeneutics of Science in Simplicius and Philoponus |
| Type | Article |
| Language | English |
| Date | 1999 |
| Journal | Hyperboreus |
| Volume | 5 |
| Issue | 1 |
| Pages | 107–124 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | |
| Translator(s) |
| Let me come to a conclusion: In the first part of this paper I claimed that historians o f science do and should inquire into the context o f origin of past philosophical theories, not only into the context of the validity (1). Three different attempts to explain the innovative character o f John Philoponus' philosophy were discussed; all were flawed by the fact that they sought an explanation by means o f external historiography: in religion, biography and economic circumstances (II). In the main part o f this paper attention was drawn to the striking difference between the presuppositions at work in Simplicius’ and Philoponus' respective hermeneutics o f science (111). I have argued that Philoponus was able to liberate his mind in an unprecedented way from the constraints of the Neoplatonists' commitment to harmony, authority and salvation through philosophy. Philoponus’ alternative heuristic method, termed constructive criticism, was then identified as perhaps the most im portant driving force behind his scientific innovations (IV). I should like to conclude with the general recommendation that anyone who is interested in elucidating the origin o f philosophical-scientific ideas and controversies, be it o f the sixth century or at any other time, might find it more fruitful to study carefully the methodological presuppositions involved, be they hermeneutic, empirical, or speculative, rather than to gesture all too readily to external parameters like religion, anecdotes, or the socio-economics of the market place. [conclusion p. 123-124] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H1d8bA0zFyyKAUN |
{"_index":"sire","_id":"429","_score":null,"_source":{"id":429,"authors_free":[{"id":579,"entry_id":429,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":360,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wildberg, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Wildberg","norm_person":{"id":360,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Wildberg","full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139018964","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Impetus Theory and the Hermeneutics of Science in Simplicius and Philoponus","main_title":{"title":"Impetus Theory and the Hermeneutics of Science in Simplicius and Philoponus"},"abstract":"Let me come to a conclusion: In the first part of this paper I claimed that \r\nhistorians o f science do and should inquire into the context o f origin of past \r\nphilosophical theories, not only into the context of the validity (1). Three \r\ndifferent attempts to explain the innovative character o f John Philoponus' \r\nphilosophy were discussed; all were flawed by the fact that they sought an \r\nexplanation by means o f external historiography: in religion, biography and \r\neconomic circumstances (II). In the main part o f this paper attention was drawn to the striking difference between the presuppositions at work in \r\nSimplicius\u2019 and Philoponus' respective hermeneutics o f science (111). I have \r\nargued that Philoponus was able to liberate his mind in an unprecedented way \r\nfrom the constraints of the Neoplatonists' commitment to harmony, authority \r\nand salvation through philosophy. Philoponus\u2019 alternative heuristic method, \r\ntermed constructive criticism, was then identified as perhaps the most im\u00ad\r\nportant driving force behind his scientific innovations (IV). I should like to \r\nconclude with the general recommendation that anyone who is interested in \r\nelucidating the origin o f philosophical-scientific ideas and controversies, be \r\nit o f the sixth century or at any other time, might find it more fruitful to study \r\ncarefully the methodological presuppositions involved, be they hermeneutic, \r\nempirical, or speculative, rather than to gesture all too readily to external \r\nparameters like religion, anecdotes, or the socio-economics of the market \r\nplace. [conclusion p. 123-124]","btype":3,"date":"1999","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/H1d8bA0zFyyKAUN","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":429,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hyperboreus","volume":"5","issue":"1","pages":"107\u2013124"}},"sort":[1999]}
| Title | Simplicius (fl. first half of 6th century AD) |
| Type | Book Section |
| Language | English |
| Date | 1998 |
| Published in | Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 8) |
| Pages | 788-791 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | Craig, Edward |
| Translator(s) |
| Simplicius of Cilicia, a Greek Neoplatonic philosopher and polymath, lived in the eastern part of the Roman Empire. He is the author of the most learned commentaries on Aristotle produced in antiquity, works which rest upon the accumulated accomplishments of ancient Greek philosophy and science. In them he gives numerous illuminating references and explanations that not only lead to a fuller understanding of Aristotle, but also allow one to reconstruct the history of the interpretation and criticism of Aristotelian doctrines in antiquity. The main principle that guides Simplicius’ exegesis is the conviction that most Greek philosophers, including some Presocratics, can be brought into agreement with Neoplatonism. Simplicius adduces copious quotations to prove his point, thereby supplying us with substantial fragments from lost works of thinkers like Parmenides, Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Eudemus and the Stoics. A devout pagan, Simplicius sought to defend traditional Greek religion and philosophy against the oppressive dominance of Christianity. His commentaries have influenced the reception and interpretation of Aristotle’s philosophy ever since. [Author’s abstract] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XZqDDiQkn8uEw2C |
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| Title | Simplicius und das Zitat. Zur Überlieferung des Anführungszeichens |
| Type | Book Section |
| Language | German |
| Date | 1993 |
| Published in | Symbolae Berolinenses. Für Dieter Harlfinger |
| Pages | 187-199 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | Berger, Friederike , Brockmann, Christian , De Gregorio, Giuseppe , Ghisu, Maria Irene , Kotzabassi, Sofia , Noack, Beate |
| Translator(s) |
| Gewiss, ein lückenloser Beweis der Ursprünglichkeit der Anführungszeichen im Mardanus 226, geschweige denn für die Zeichensetzung im Allgemeinen, ist hiermit nicht gelungen und war in Anbetracht der Quellenlage auch gar nicht möglich. Dennoch, die aus diesen Beobachtungen zu ziehende Schlussfolgerung ist, dass die in mittelalterlichen Handschriften so häufigen und eindeutigen Anführungszeichen keineswegs im Namen der Textkritik ignoriert werden sollten. Möglicherweise ließe sich dieselbe Forderung mit ähnlicher Berechtigung auch für andere Zeichen geltend machen. Jedenfalls sollte man ernsthaft in Betracht ziehen, dass gerade in Abschriften aus Texten spätantiker Zeit Zeichen überliefert sein können, die nicht nur für das korrekte Verständnis eines Textes unverzichtbar sind, sondern auch dem Autor selbst, und nicht irgendeinem gelehrten Schreiber viel späterer Zeit, zu verdanken sind. Es sei daher abschließend an dieser Stelle und achtzig Jahre nach dem Erscheinen der Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde an einen ganz ähnlichen Hinweis Ulrich Wilckens erinnert: "Einige Interpunktionszeichen wird man in den Urkunden selten finden ... Dagegen war es von den frühesten Zeiten an eine weitverbreitete Sitte, Sätze oder Satzteile oder gar Wörter durch größere oder kleinere Spatien zu trennen. Auf diese in den Editionen noch viel zu wenig zum Ausdruck kommende Interpunktion möchte ich die Papyrusleser ganz besonders aufmerksam machen, da durch sie uns oft die authentische Interpretation des Schreibers an die Hand gegeben wird." [conclusion p. 196-197] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cjMqjU5dghJg6Mi |
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Zur \u00dcberlieferung des Anf\u00fchrungszeichens","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius und das Zitat. Zur \u00dcberlieferung des Anf\u00fchrungszeichens"},"abstract":"Gewiss, ein l\u00fcckenloser Beweis der Urspr\u00fcnglichkeit der Anf\u00fchrungszeichen im Mardanus 226, geschweige denn f\u00fcr die Zeichensetzung im Allgemeinen, ist hiermit nicht gelungen und war in Anbetracht der Quellenlage auch gar nicht m\u00f6glich. Dennoch, die aus diesen Beobachtungen zu ziehende Schlussfolgerung ist, dass die in mittelalterlichen Handschriften so h\u00e4ufigen und eindeutigen Anf\u00fchrungszeichen keineswegs im Namen der Textkritik ignoriert werden sollten. M\u00f6glicherweise lie\u00dfe sich dieselbe Forderung mit \u00e4hnlicher Berechtigung auch f\u00fcr andere Zeichen geltend machen.\r\n\r\nJedenfalls sollte man ernsthaft in Betracht ziehen, dass gerade in Abschriften aus Texten sp\u00e4tantiker Zeit Zeichen \u00fcberliefert sein k\u00f6nnen, die nicht nur f\u00fcr das korrekte Verst\u00e4ndnis eines Textes unverzichtbar sind, sondern auch dem Autor selbst, und nicht irgendeinem gelehrten Schreiber viel sp\u00e4terer Zeit, zu verdanken sind. Es sei daher abschlie\u00dfend an dieser Stelle und achtzig Jahre nach dem Erscheinen der Grundz\u00fcge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde an einen ganz \u00e4hnlichen Hinweis Ulrich Wilckens erinnert:\r\n\r\n\"Einige Interpunktionszeichen wird man in den Urkunden selten finden ... Dagegen war es von den fr\u00fchesten Zeiten an eine weitverbreitete Sitte, S\u00e4tze oder Satzteile oder gar W\u00f6rter durch gr\u00f6\u00dfere oder kleinere Spatien zu trennen. Auf diese in den Editionen noch viel zu wenig zum Ausdruck kommende Interpunktion m\u00f6chte ich die Papyrusleser ganz besonders aufmerksam machen, da durch sie uns oft die authentische Interpretation des Schreibers an die Hand gegeben wird.\" [conclusion p. 196-197]","btype":2,"date":"1993","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/cjMqjU5dghJg6Mi","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":361,"full_name":"Berger, Friederike","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":473,"full_name":"Brockmann, Christian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":474,"full_name":"De Gregorio, Giuseppe","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":475,"full_name":"Ghisu, Maria Irene","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":476,"full_name":"Kotzabassi, Sofia","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":477,"full_name":"Noack, Beate","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":722,"section_of":353,"pages":"187-199","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":353,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Symbolae Berolinenses. 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| Title | Philoponus : corollaries on place and void ; with Simplicius against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World |
| Type | Monograph |
| Language | English |
| Date | 1991 |
| Publication Place | London |
| Publisher | Bloomsbury |
| Series | Ancient Commentators on Aristotle |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Simplicius , Philoponus |
| Editor(s) | |
| Translator(s) | Furley, David J.(Furley, David J. ) , Wildberg, Christian(Wildberg, Christian) , |
| In the Corollaries on Place and Void, Philoponus attacks Aristotle's conception of place as two-dimensional, adopting instead the view more familiar to us that it is three-dimensional, inert and conceivable as void. Philoponus' denial that velocity in the void would be infinite anticipated Galileo, as did his denial that speed of fall is proportionate to weight, which Galileo greatly developed. In the second document Simplicius attacks a lost treatise of Philoponus which argued for the Christians against the eternity of the world. He exploits Aristotle's concession that the world contains only finite power. Simplicius' presentation of Philoponus' arguments (which may well be tendentious), together with his replies, tell us a good deal about both Philosophers. [author's abstract] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VXsnYcvbcBQqcVL |
{"_index":"sire","_id":"111","_score":null,"_source":{"id":111,"authors_free":[{"id":132,"entry_id":111,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":103,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Furley, David J.","free_first_name":"David J.","free_last_name":"Furley","norm_person":{"id":103,"first_name":"David J. ","last_name":"Furley","full_name":"Furley, David J. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138978131","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":133,"entry_id":111,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":360,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Wildberg, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Wildberg","norm_person":{"id":360,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Wildberg","full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139018964","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2484,"entry_id":111,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2485,"entry_id":111,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":439,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Philoponus","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":439,"first_name":"Johannes","last_name":"Philoponos","full_name":"Philoponos, Johannes ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Philoponus : corollaries on place and void ; with Simplicius against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World","main_title":{"title":"Philoponus : corollaries on place and void ; with Simplicius against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World"},"abstract":"In the Corollaries on Place and Void, Philoponus attacks Aristotle's conception of place as two-dimensional, adopting instead the view more familiar to us that it is three-dimensional, inert and conceivable as void. Philoponus' denial that velocity in the void would be infinite anticipated Galileo, as did his denial that speed of fall is proportionate to weight, which Galileo greatly developed.\r\n\r\nIn the second document Simplicius attacks a lost treatise of Philoponus which argued for the Christians against the eternity of the world. He exploits Aristotle's concession that the world contains only finite power. Simplicius' presentation of Philoponus' arguments (which may well be tendentious), together with his replies, tell us a good deal about both Philosophers. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1991","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VXsnYcvbcBQqcVL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":103,"full_name":"Furley, David J. ","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":439,"full_name":"Philoponos, Johannes ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":111,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Bloomsbury","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1991]}
| Title | John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotle's theory of aether |
| Type | Monograph |
| Language | English |
| Date | 1988 |
| Publication Place | Berlin – New York |
| Publisher | de Gruyter |
| Series | Peripatoi |
| Volume | 16 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | |
| Translator(s) |
| The foremost aim of the contra Aristotelem is the denial of the thesis that the world is eternal. Apart from his rejection of Aristotle's argu-ments for the eternity of motion and time,21 Philoponus' criticism focuses on Aristotle's cosmology, in particular the seminal theory of aether. In books I —V of the original treatise Philoponus cites the arguments put forward in De cáelo 12 — 4 and attempts to refute them systematically.22 Due to the fragmentation of the treatise his objections can no longer be considered within their original context, and quite often the significance of particular points against Aristotle is not im-mediately obvious. In order to do Philoponus' arguments justice, one must analyse Aristotle's theory of aether before one embarks on commeriting on Philoponus' critique. Consequently, the present study con-sists of two major sections. The first part discusses the methodology and arguments of Aristotle's presentation of the theory of aether. Its aim is to understand and evaluate this important episode of ancient science within the framework of Aristotle's general physical theory. The second part deals with Philoponus' objections to the postu-lation of aether. The commentary attempts to evaluate the significance of the fragments of books I —V as a critique of Aristotle and, at the same time, to cast light on their relevance in the context of Philoponus' alternative cosmological theory. The essay concludes with a summary comparison of Aristotle's and Philoponus' cosmological tenets and a discussion of the importance of the contra Aristotelem when viewed as a stage in Philoponus' continuous doctrinal development which culminates in the application of impetus theory to the curvilinear movements of the heavens. [Introduction p. 4-5] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/J9OJ5u7Pb62D7np |
{"_index":"sire","_id":"187","_score":null,"_source":{"id":187,"authors_free":[{"id":243,"entry_id":187,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":360,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wildberg, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Wildberg","norm_person":{"id":360,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Wildberg","full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139018964","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotle's theory of aether","main_title":{"title":"John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotle's theory of aether"},"abstract":"The foremost aim of the contra Aristotelem is the denial of the thesis that the world is eternal. Apart from his rejection of Aristotle's argu-ments for the eternity of motion and time,21 Philoponus' criticism focuses on Aristotle's cosmology, in particular the seminal theory of aether. In books I \u2014V of the original treatise Philoponus cites the arguments put forward in De c\u00e1elo 12 \u2014 4 and attempts to refute them systematically.22 Due to the fragmentation of the treatise his objections can no longer be considered within their original context, and quite often the significance of particular points against Aristotle is not im-mediately obvious. In order to do Philoponus' arguments justice, one must analyse Aristotle's theory of aether before one embarks on commeriting on Philoponus' critique. Consequently, the present study con-sists of two major sections. The first part discusses the methodology and arguments of Aristotle's presentation of the theory of aether. Its aim is to understand and evaluate this important episode of ancient science within the framework of Aristotle's general physical theory. The second part deals with Philoponus' objections to the postu-lation of aether. The commentary attempts to evaluate the significance of the fragments of books I \u2014V as a critique of Aristotle and, at the same time, to cast light on their relevance in the context of Philoponus' alternative cosmological theory. The essay concludes with a summary comparison of Aristotle's and Philoponus' cosmological tenets and a discussion of the importance of the contra Aristotelem when viewed as a stage in Philoponus' continuous doctrinal development which culminates in the application of impetus theory to the curvilinear movements of the heavens. [Introduction p. 4-5]","btype":1,"date":"1988","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/J9OJ5u7Pb62D7np","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":187,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi ","volume":"16","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1988]}
| Title | Prolegomena to the Study of Philoponus' contra Aristotelem |
| Type | Book Section |
| Language | English |
| Date | 1987 |
| Published in | Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science |
| Pages | 197-209 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | Sorabji, Richard |
| Translator(s) |
| Judging from the number and content of his commentaries, Philoponus was a thinker in the Aristotelian tradition. One of his major achievements lies in the fact that as a commentator he accepted and developed the heritage of his teacher Ammonius. For that reason alone it is remarkable that he composed a treatise which attacked vital topics of Aristotle’s philosophy with little compromise. Although it is true that throughout Antiquity many philosophers ventured to criticise the great Aristotle, one may agree that Philoponus did so, as Cesare Cremonini put it in 1616, ‘more sharply than anyone’ (acerrime omnium).' Where does this attack fit into the context of Philoponus’doctrinal development? No doubt his outspoken critique of Aristotle in the de Aetemitate Mundi contra Aristotelem somehow swayed Philoponus to desert the philosophical and join the theological camp. But the story is probably more complex. The general point of dissent was, as the title indicates, the doctrine of the eternity of the world. Being a Christian, Philoponus perhaps possessed a particular motivation for launching his attack - as a feat of praeparatio evangélica. This fact has been sufficiently recognised and appreciated. Less appreciated and studied, however, has been the philosophical side, i.e. the actual argument and structure of the treatise in question. Since it has not survived the content must be reconstructed from a number of substantial fragments found mainly in the commentaries of Philoponus’ adversary Simplicius. An adequate treatment of the double controversy Simplicius v Philoponus v Aristotle would fill a volume on its own and cannot be the subject of this chapter.2 Instead, I will attempt to revise apparently firmly established views about the treatise, in particular its composition and date. This, it is hoped, may lead to a revised view of that treatise and at the same time encourage a more advanced study of Philoponus’ doctrinal development in general. [introduction p. 197-198] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dbFxqr9z9aZi48i |
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One of his major achievements lies in \r\nthe fact that as a commentator he accepted and developed the heritage of his teacher Ammonius. For that reason alone it is remarkable that he composed a treatise which attacked vital topics of Aristotle\u2019s philosophy with little compromise. Although it is true that throughout Antiquity many philosophers ventured to criticise the great Aristotle, one may agree that Philoponus did so, as Cesare Cremonini put it in 1616, \u2018more sharply than anyone\u2019 (acerrime omnium).' Where does this attack fit into the context of Philoponus\u2019doctrinal development? No doubt his outspoken critique of Aristotle in the de Aetemitate Mundi contra Aristotelem somehow swayed Philoponus to desert the philosophical and join the theological camp. But the story is probably more complex. The general point of dissent was, as the title indicates, the doctrine of the eternity of the world. Being a Christian, Philoponus perhaps possessed a \r\nparticular motivation for launching his attack - as a feat of praeparatio evang\u00e9lica. This fact has been sufficiently recognised and appreciated. Less appreciated and studied, however, has been the philosophical side, i.e. the actual argument and structure of the treatise in question. Since it has not survived the content must be reconstructed from a number of substantial fragments found mainly in the commentaries of Philoponus\u2019 adversary Simplicius. An adequate treatment of the double controversy Simplicius v Philoponus v Aristotle would fill a volume on its own and cannot be the subject of this chapter.2 Instead, I will attempt to revise apparently firmly established views about the treatise, in particular its composition and date. This, it is hoped, may lead to a revised view of that treatise and at the same time encourage a more advanced study of Philoponus\u2019 doctrinal development in general. [introduction p. 197-198]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dbFxqr9z9aZi48i","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":430,"section_of":1383,"pages":"197-209","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1383,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabij1987d","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"All the chapters in this book are new, except for the inaugural lecture (Chapter 9), which I apologise for reprinting virtually unrevised and with the original lecture context still apparent. It seemed desirable, however, that so crucial a part ofthe controversy should be represented. The collection originated in a conference on Philoponus held at the Institute of Classical Studies in London in June 1983, which provided an opportunity for interested parties to pool knowledge from the many different disciplines that are relevant to his work. Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 6 are drawn from the conference, while two other conference papers, those of Henry Blumenthal and Richard Sorabji, are being incorporated into books in preparation (see Bibliography). Sorabji's main suggestions, however, are included in Chapter I in the discussion of matter and extension (pp 18 and 23). The remairnng chapters, apart from the inaugural lecture, were solicited or written for the volume, two of them (5 and 12) having been delivered first at a seminar on Ancient Science at the Institute of Classical Studies. [preface, p. ix-x]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/buhMZZl0djmIx9v","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1383,"pubplace":"Ithaca, New York","publisher":"Cornell University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"1","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}
| Title | Philoponus: Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World |
| Type | Monograph |
| Language | English |
| Date | 1987 |
| Publication Place | London |
| Publisher | Duckworth |
| Series | Ancient Commentators on Aristotle |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Philoponos, Johannes |
| Editor(s) | |
| Translator(s) | Wildberg, Christian(Wildberg, Christian) . |
| Philoponus' treatise Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World, an attack on Aristotle's astronomy and theology is concerned mainly with the eternity and divinity of the fifth element, or 'quintessence', of which Aristotle took the stars to be composed. Pagans and Christians were divided on whether the world had a beginning, and on whether a belief that the heavens were divine was a mark of religion. Philoponus claimed on behalf of Christianity that the universe was not eternal. His most spectacular arguments, where wrung paradox out of the pagan belief in an infinite past, have been wrongly credited by historians of science to a period 700 years later. The treatise was to influence Islamic, Jewish, Byzantine and Latin thought, though the fifth element was defended against Philoponus even beyond the time of Copernicus. The influence of the treatise was not easy to trace before the fragments were assembled. Dr. Wildberg has brought them together for the first time and provided a summary which makes coherent sense of the whole. He has also studied a Syriac fragment, which reveals that the treatise originally contained an explicitly theological section on the Christian expectation of a new heaven and a new earth. [Author’s abstract] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8Iylo91nPxiKHhJ |
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| Title | Impetus Theory and the Hermeneutics of Science in Simplicius and Philoponus |
| Type | Article |
| Language | English |
| Date | 1999 |
| Journal | Hyperboreus |
| Volume | 5 |
| Issue | 1 |
| Pages | 107–124 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | |
| Translator(s) |
Let me come to a conclusion: In the first part of this paper I claimed that historians o f science do and should inquire into the context o f origin of past philosophical theories, not only into the context of the validity (1). Three different attempts to explain the innovative character o f John Philoponus' philosophy were discussed; all were flawed by the fact that they sought an explanation by means o f external historiography: in religion, biography and economic circumstances (II). In the main part o f this paper attention was drawn to the striking difference between the presuppositions at work in Simplicius’ and Philoponus' respective hermeneutics o f science (111). I have argued that Philoponus was able to liberate his mind in an unprecedented way from the constraints of the Neoplatonists' commitment to harmony, authority and salvation through philosophy. Philoponus’ alternative heuristic method, termed constructive criticism, was then identified as perhaps the most im portant driving force behind his scientific innovations (IV). I should like to conclude with the general recommendation that anyone who is interested in elucidating the origin o f philosophical-scientific ideas and controversies, be it o f the sixth century or at any other time, might find it more fruitful to study carefully the methodological presuppositions involved, be they hermeneutic, empirical, or speculative, rather than to gesture all too readily to external parameters like religion, anecdotes, or the socio-economics of the market place. [conclusion p. 123-124] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H1d8bA0zFyyKAUN |
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| Title | John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotle's theory of aether |
| Type | Monograph |
| Language | English |
| Date | 1988 |
| Publication Place | Berlin – New York |
| Publisher | de Gruyter |
| Series | Peripatoi |
| Volume | 16 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | |
| Translator(s) |
The foremost aim of the contra Aristotelem is the denial of the thesis that the world is eternal. Apart from his rejection of Aristotle's argu-ments for the eternity of motion and time,21 Philoponus' criticism focuses on Aristotle's cosmology, in particular the seminal theory of aether. In books I —V of the original treatise Philoponus cites the arguments put forward in De cáelo 12 — 4 and attempts to refute them systematically.22 Due to the fragmentation of the treatise his objections can no longer be considered within their original context, and quite often the significance of particular points against Aristotle is not im-mediately obvious. In order to do Philoponus' arguments justice, one must analyse Aristotle's theory of aether before one embarks on commeriting on Philoponus' critique. Consequently, the present study con-sists of two major sections. The first part discusses the methodology and arguments of Aristotle's presentation of the theory of aether. Its aim is to understand and evaluate this important episode of ancient science within the framework of Aristotle's general physical theory. The second part deals with Philoponus' objections to the postu-lation of aether. The commentary attempts to evaluate the significance of the fragments of books I —V as a critique of Aristotle and, at the same time, to cast light on their relevance in the context of Philoponus' alternative cosmological theory. The essay concludes with a summary comparison of Aristotle's and Philoponus' cosmological tenets and a discussion of the importance of the contra Aristotelem when viewed as a stage in Philoponus' continuous doctrinal development which culminates in the application of impetus theory to the curvilinear movements of the heavens. [Introduction p. 4-5] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/J9OJ5u7Pb62D7np |
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| Title | Philoponus : corollaries on place and void ; with Simplicius against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World |
| Type | Monograph |
| Language | English |
| Date | 1991 |
| Publication Place | London |
| Publisher | Bloomsbury |
| Series | Ancient Commentators on Aristotle |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | , Simplicius , Philoponus |
| Editor(s) | |
| Translator(s) | Furley, David J.(Furley, David J. ) , Wildberg, Christian(Wildberg, Christian) , |
In the Corollaries on Place and Void, Philoponus attacks Aristotle's conception of place as two-dimensional, adopting instead the view more familiar to us that it is three-dimensional, inert and conceivable as void. Philoponus' denial that velocity in the void would be infinite anticipated Galileo, as did his denial that speed of fall is proportionate to weight, which Galileo greatly developed. In the second document Simplicius attacks a lost treatise of Philoponus which argued for the Christians against the eternity of the world. He exploits Aristotle's concession that the world contains only finite power. Simplicius' presentation of Philoponus' arguments (which may well be tendentious), together with his replies, tell us a good deal about both Philosophers. [author's abstract] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VXsnYcvbcBQqcVL |
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| Title | Philoponus: Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World |
| Type | Monograph |
| Language | English |
| Date | 1987 |
| Publication Place | London |
| Publisher | Duckworth |
| Series | Ancient Commentators on Aristotle |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Philoponos, Johannes |
| Editor(s) | |
| Translator(s) | Wildberg, Christian(Wildberg, Christian) |
Philoponus' treatise Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World, an attack on Aristotle's astronomy and theology is concerned mainly with the eternity and divinity of the fifth element, or 'quintessence', of which Aristotle took the stars to be composed. Pagans and Christians were divided on whether the world had a beginning, and on whether a belief that the heavens were divine was a mark of religion. Philoponus claimed on behalf of Christianity that the universe was not eternal. His most spectacular arguments, where wrung paradox out of the pagan belief in an infinite past, have been wrongly credited by historians of science to a period 700 years later. The treatise was to influence Islamic, Jewish, Byzantine and Latin thought, though the fifth element was defended against Philoponus even beyond the time of Copernicus. The influence of the treatise was not easy to trace before the fragments were assembled. Dr. Wildberg has brought them together for the first time and provided a summary which makes coherent sense of the whole. He has also studied a Syriac fragment, which reveals that the treatise originally contained an explicitly theological section on the Christian expectation of a new heaven and a new earth. [Author’s abstract] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8Iylo91nPxiKHhJ |
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| Title | Philosophy in the Age of Justinian |
| Type | Book Section |
| Language | English |
| Date | 2005 |
| Published in | The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian |
| Pages | 316-340 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | Maas, Michael |
| Translator(s) |
In order to bring some clarity to the sometimes confusing list of names of nowadays little-known philosophers active during the period in ques tion, it is necessary to begin with a short prosopography. A history of philosophy in the Age ofjustinian must include an account of two tow ering but very different figures, Damascius (c. 460-540) and Ammonius, (c. 440-517 or 526). The philosophical activities of both these men oc cur well before the accession ofjustinian, but through their pupils they shaped the views and methods of their philosophical successors in the period that concerns us. [p. 318] To illustrate the point that commentaries were not written to elucidate otherwise obscure texts but were the preferred genre of discourse to establish, negotiate, and criticize substantive philosophical claims, we now turn to some of the controversies that were discussed in a more or less open fashion. In an influential article, Karl Praechter once argued that one can distinguish clearly between different schools and directions within the broader Neoplatonic movement in late antiquity.23 In partic ular, Praechter argued that the salient difference between the two major schools, the Athenian and the Alexandrian branch, lay in their differ ent exegetical methods. Whereas the Athenian school (represented by Syrianus, Proclus, Damascius, and Simplicius) was heavily influenced, broadly speaking, by Iamblichuss tendency to bring out in any text, as far as possible, the understanding it offers of the intelligible world, the Alexandrian School (represented by Hierocles in the fifth century, and by Ammonius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus, Elias, and David in the sixth) tended toward a more sober and less metaphysical technique of interpretation. Praechter connected these observations with two socio cultural differences separating the schools: Alexandria had traditionally been a center of learning in the exact sciences (hence the preference for Aristotle) and possessed a large Christian intellectual community attending the Alexandrian philosophers’ lectures and classes (which would temper the propagation of Platonism as an antigospel). Thus, as compared to the Athenians, the Alexandrian Neoplatonists were less of a sect (hairesis) and more of a collegium of higher education. [p. 323-324] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5eGVb60bqhLTv0z |
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A history of \r\nphilosophy in the Age ofjustinian must include an account of two tow\u00ad\r\nering but very different figures, Damascius (c. 460-540) and Ammonius, \r\n(c. 440-517 or 526). The philosophical activities of both these men oc\u00ad\r\ncur well before the accession ofjustinian, but through their pupils they \r\nshaped the views and methods of their philosophical successors in the \r\nperiod that concerns us. [p. 318] \r\nTo illustrate the point that commentaries were not written to elucidate \r\notherwise obscure texts but were the preferred genre of discourse to \r\nestablish, negotiate, and criticize substantive philosophical claims, we \r\nnow turn to some of the controversies that were discussed in a more or \r\nless open fashion. In an influential article, Karl Praechter once argued \r\nthat one can distinguish clearly between different schools and directions \r\nwithin the broader Neoplatonic movement in late antiquity.23 In partic\u00ad\r\nular, Praechter argued that the salient difference between the two major \r\nschools, the Athenian and the Alexandrian branch, lay in their differ\u00ad\r\nent exegetical methods. Whereas the Athenian school (represented by \r\nSyrianus, Proclus, Damascius, and Simplicius) was heavily influenced, \r\nbroadly speaking, by Iamblichuss tendency to bring out in any text, \r\nas far as possible, the understanding it offers of the intelligible world, \r\nthe Alexandrian School (represented by Hierocles in the fifth century, \r\nand by Ammonius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus, Elias, and David in the \r\nsixth) tended toward a more sober and less metaphysical technique of \r\ninterpretation. Praechter connected these observations with two socio\u00ad\r\ncultural differences separating the schools: Alexandria had traditionally \r\nbeen a center of learning in the exact sciences (hence the preference for Aristotle) and possessed a large Christian intellectual community \r\nattending the Alexandrian philosophers\u2019 lectures and classes (which \r\nwould temper the propagation of Platonism as an antigospel). Thus, \r\nas compared to the Athenians, the Alexandrian Neoplatonists were less \r\nof a sect (hairesis) and more of a collegium of higher education. [p. 323-324]","btype":2,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5eGVb60bqhLTv0z","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":471,"full_name":"Maas, Michael","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":428,"section_of":17,"pages":"316-340","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":17,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Maas2005","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2005","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2005","abstract":"This book introduces the Age of Justinian, the last Roman century and the first flowering of Byzantine culture. Dominated by the policies and personality of emperor Justinian I (527\u2013565), this period of grand achievements and far-reaching failures witnessed the transformation of the Mediterranean world. In this volume, twenty specialists explore the most important aspects of the age including the mechanics and theory of empire, warfare, urbanism, and economy. It also discusses the impact of the great plague, the codification of Roman law, and the many religious upheavals taking place at the time. Consideration is given to imperial relations with the papacy, northern barbarians, the Persians, and other eastern peoples, shedding new light on a dramatic and highly significant historical period. [a.a]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VO13SyosuR7rCEZ","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":17,"pubplace":"Cambridge \u2013 New York","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":["Philosophy in the Age of Justinian"]}
| Title | Prolegomena to the Study of Philoponus' contra Aristotelem |
| Type | Book Section |
| Language | English |
| Date | 1987 |
| Published in | Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science |
| Pages | 197-209 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | Sorabji, Richard |
| Translator(s) |
Judging from the number and content of his commentaries, Philoponus was a thinker in the Aristotelian tradition. One of his major achievements lies in the fact that as a commentator he accepted and developed the heritage of his teacher Ammonius. For that reason alone it is remarkable that he composed a treatise which attacked vital topics of Aristotle’s philosophy with little compromise. Although it is true that throughout Antiquity many philosophers ventured to criticise the great Aristotle, one may agree that Philoponus did so, as Cesare Cremonini put it in 1616, ‘more sharply than anyone’ (acerrime omnium).' Where does this attack fit into the context of Philoponus’doctrinal development? No doubt his outspoken critique of Aristotle in the de Aetemitate Mundi contra Aristotelem somehow swayed Philoponus to desert the philosophical and join the theological camp. But the story is probably more complex. The general point of dissent was, as the title indicates, the doctrine of the eternity of the world. Being a Christian, Philoponus perhaps possessed a particular motivation for launching his attack - as a feat of praeparatio evangélica. This fact has been sufficiently recognised and appreciated. Less appreciated and studied, however, has been the philosophical side, i.e. the actual argument and structure of the treatise in question. Since it has not survived the content must be reconstructed from a number of substantial fragments found mainly in the commentaries of Philoponus’ adversary Simplicius. An adequate treatment of the double controversy Simplicius v Philoponus v Aristotle would fill a volume on its own and cannot be the subject of this chapter.2 Instead, I will attempt to revise apparently firmly established views about the treatise, in particular its composition and date. This, it is hoped, may lead to a revised view of that treatise and at the same time encourage a more advanced study of Philoponus’ doctrinal development in general. [introduction p. 197-198] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dbFxqr9z9aZi48i |
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One of his major achievements lies in \r\nthe fact that as a commentator he accepted and developed the heritage of his teacher Ammonius. For that reason alone it is remarkable that he composed a treatise which attacked vital topics of Aristotle\u2019s philosophy with little compromise. Although it is true that throughout Antiquity many philosophers ventured to criticise the great Aristotle, one may agree that Philoponus did so, as Cesare Cremonini put it in 1616, \u2018more sharply than anyone\u2019 (acerrime omnium).' Where does this attack fit into the context of Philoponus\u2019doctrinal development? No doubt his outspoken critique of Aristotle in the de Aetemitate Mundi contra Aristotelem somehow swayed Philoponus to desert the philosophical and join the theological camp. But the story is probably more complex. The general point of dissent was, as the title indicates, the doctrine of the eternity of the world. Being a Christian, Philoponus perhaps possessed a \r\nparticular motivation for launching his attack - as a feat of praeparatio evang\u00e9lica. This fact has been sufficiently recognised and appreciated. Less appreciated and studied, however, has been the philosophical side, i.e. the actual argument and structure of the treatise in question. Since it has not survived the content must be reconstructed from a number of substantial fragments found mainly in the commentaries of Philoponus\u2019 adversary Simplicius. An adequate treatment of the double controversy Simplicius v Philoponus v Aristotle would fill a volume on its own and cannot be the subject of this chapter.2 Instead, I will attempt to revise apparently firmly established views about the treatise, in particular its composition and date. This, it is hoped, may lead to a revised view of that treatise and at the same time encourage a more advanced study of Philoponus\u2019 doctrinal development in general. [introduction p. 197-198]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dbFxqr9z9aZi48i","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":430,"section_of":1383,"pages":"197-209","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1383,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabij1987d","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"All the chapters in this book are new, except for the inaugural lecture (Chapter 9), which I apologise for reprinting virtually unrevised and with the original lecture context still apparent. It seemed desirable, however, that so crucial a part ofthe controversy should be represented. The collection originated in a conference on Philoponus held at the Institute of Classical Studies in London in June 1983, which provided an opportunity for interested parties to pool knowledge from the many different disciplines that are relevant to his work. Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 6 are drawn from the conference, while two other conference papers, those of Henry Blumenthal and Richard Sorabji, are being incorporated into books in preparation (see Bibliography). Sorabji's main suggestions, however, are included in Chapter I in the discussion of matter and extension (pp 18 and 23). The remairnng chapters, apart from the inaugural lecture, were solicited or written for the volume, two of them (5 and 12) having been delivered first at a seminar on Ancient Science at the Institute of Classical Studies. [preface, p. ix-x]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/buhMZZl0djmIx9v","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1383,"pubplace":"Ithaca, New York","publisher":"Cornell University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"1","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":["Prolegomena to the Study of Philoponus' contra Aristotelem"]}
| Title | Simplicius (fl. first half of 6th century AD) |
| Type | Book Section |
| Language | English |
| Date | 1998 |
| Published in | Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 8) |
| Pages | 788-791 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | Craig, Edward |
| Translator(s) |
Simplicius of Cilicia, a Greek Neoplatonic philosopher and polymath, lived in the eastern part of the Roman Empire. He is the author of the most learned commentaries on Aristotle produced in antiquity, works which rest upon the accumulated accomplishments of ancient Greek philosophy and science. In them he gives numerous illuminating references and explanations that not only lead to a fuller understanding of Aristotle, but also allow one to reconstruct the history of the interpretation and criticism of Aristotelian doctrines in antiquity. The main principle that guides Simplicius’ exegesis is the conviction that most Greek philosophers, including some Presocratics, can be brought into agreement with Neoplatonism. Simplicius adduces copious quotations to prove his point, thereby supplying us with substantial fragments from lost works of thinkers like Parmenides, Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Eudemus and the Stoics. A devout pagan, Simplicius sought to defend traditional Greek religion and philosophy against the oppressive dominance of Christianity. His commentaries have influenced the reception and interpretation of Aristotle’s philosophy ever since. [Author’s abstract] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XZqDDiQkn8uEw2C |
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| Title | Simplicius und das Zitat. Zur Überlieferung des Anführungszeichens |
| Type | Book Section |
| Language | German |
| Date | 1993 |
| Published in | Symbolae Berolinenses. Für Dieter Harlfinger |
| Pages | 187-199 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | Berger, Friederike , Brockmann, Christian , De Gregorio, Giuseppe , Ghisu, Maria Irene , Kotzabassi, Sofia , Noack, Beate |
| Translator(s) |
Gewiss, ein lückenloser Beweis der Ursprünglichkeit der Anführungszeichen im Mardanus 226, geschweige denn für die Zeichensetzung im Allgemeinen, ist hiermit nicht gelungen und war in Anbetracht der Quellenlage auch gar nicht möglich. Dennoch, die aus diesen Beobachtungen zu ziehende Schlussfolgerung ist, dass die in mittelalterlichen Handschriften so häufigen und eindeutigen Anführungszeichen keineswegs im Namen der Textkritik ignoriert werden sollten. Möglicherweise ließe sich dieselbe Forderung mit ähnlicher Berechtigung auch für andere Zeichen geltend machen. Jedenfalls sollte man ernsthaft in Betracht ziehen, dass gerade in Abschriften aus Texten spätantiker Zeit Zeichen überliefert sein können, die nicht nur für das korrekte Verständnis eines Textes unverzichtbar sind, sondern auch dem Autor selbst, und nicht irgendeinem gelehrten Schreiber viel späterer Zeit, zu verdanken sind. Es sei daher abschließend an dieser Stelle und achtzig Jahre nach dem Erscheinen der Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde an einen ganz ähnlichen Hinweis Ulrich Wilckens erinnert: "Einige Interpunktionszeichen wird man in den Urkunden selten finden ... Dagegen war es von den frühesten Zeiten an eine weitverbreitete Sitte, Sätze oder Satzteile oder gar Wörter durch größere oder kleinere Spatien zu trennen. Auf diese in den Editionen noch viel zu wenig zum Ausdruck kommende Interpunktion möchte ich die Papyrusleser ganz besonders aufmerksam machen, da durch sie uns oft die authentische Interpretation des Schreibers an die Hand gegeben wird." [conclusion p. 196-197] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cjMqjU5dghJg6Mi |
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Zur \u00dcberlieferung des Anf\u00fchrungszeichens","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius und das Zitat. Zur \u00dcberlieferung des Anf\u00fchrungszeichens"},"abstract":"Gewiss, ein l\u00fcckenloser Beweis der Urspr\u00fcnglichkeit der Anf\u00fchrungszeichen im Mardanus 226, geschweige denn f\u00fcr die Zeichensetzung im Allgemeinen, ist hiermit nicht gelungen und war in Anbetracht der Quellenlage auch gar nicht m\u00f6glich. Dennoch, die aus diesen Beobachtungen zu ziehende Schlussfolgerung ist, dass die in mittelalterlichen Handschriften so h\u00e4ufigen und eindeutigen Anf\u00fchrungszeichen keineswegs im Namen der Textkritik ignoriert werden sollten. M\u00f6glicherweise lie\u00dfe sich dieselbe Forderung mit \u00e4hnlicher Berechtigung auch f\u00fcr andere Zeichen geltend machen.\r\n\r\nJedenfalls sollte man ernsthaft in Betracht ziehen, dass gerade in Abschriften aus Texten sp\u00e4tantiker Zeit Zeichen \u00fcberliefert sein k\u00f6nnen, die nicht nur f\u00fcr das korrekte Verst\u00e4ndnis eines Textes unverzichtbar sind, sondern auch dem Autor selbst, und nicht irgendeinem gelehrten Schreiber viel sp\u00e4terer Zeit, zu verdanken sind. Es sei daher abschlie\u00dfend an dieser Stelle und achtzig Jahre nach dem Erscheinen der Grundz\u00fcge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde an einen ganz \u00e4hnlichen Hinweis Ulrich Wilckens erinnert:\r\n\r\n\"Einige Interpunktionszeichen wird man in den Urkunden selten finden ... Dagegen war es von den fr\u00fchesten Zeiten an eine weitverbreitete Sitte, S\u00e4tze oder Satzteile oder gar W\u00f6rter durch gr\u00f6\u00dfere oder kleinere Spatien zu trennen. Auf diese in den Editionen noch viel zu wenig zum Ausdruck kommende Interpunktion m\u00f6chte ich die Papyrusleser ganz besonders aufmerksam machen, da durch sie uns oft die authentische Interpretation des Schreibers an die Hand gegeben wird.\" [conclusion p. 196-197]","btype":2,"date":"1993","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/cjMqjU5dghJg6Mi","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":361,"full_name":"Berger, Friederike","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":473,"full_name":"Brockmann, Christian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":474,"full_name":"De Gregorio, Giuseppe","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":475,"full_name":"Ghisu, Maria Irene","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":476,"full_name":"Kotzabassi, Sofia","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":477,"full_name":"Noack, Beate","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":722,"section_of":353,"pages":"187-199","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":353,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Symbolae Berolinenses. 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| Title | The Will and its Freedom: Epictetus and Simplicius on what is up to us |
| Type | Book Section |
| Language | English |
| Date | 2014 |
| Published in | What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy |
| Pages | 329-350 |
| Categories | no categories |
| Author(s) | Wildberg, Christian |
| Editor(s) | Destrée, Pierre , Zingano, Marco |
| Translator(s) |
The text explores the historical development of the concept of free will, drawing parallels with the evolution of understanding projectile motion. Three distinct periods are identified: an initial stage marked by a misunderstanding of projectile motion, where objects were thought to require continuous external motion; a second stage where the concept of "impetus" was introduced to explain forced motion at a distance; and a final stage, ushered in by Galileo, Descartes, and Newton, where the correct understanding of inertia emerged. The discovery of free will is compared to the discovery of the will as a distinct human faculty in late antiquity. Similar to the concept of impetus, the will is depicted as capable of being strong or weak and has significant influence over human actions. The philosophical discussion surrounding free will is likened to the debates on projectile motion, with various perspectives on its existence and nature. Some argue for the existence of free will, while others contend that it is unnecessary and incoherent. The text concludes by pointing out the need for a deeper understanding of the historical context and metaphysical assumptions underlying the concept of free will. It suggests that the concept of free will is a remnant of past intellectual certainty about metaphysical truths and may not be as morally neutral as commonly believed. The modern discussion on free will is encouraged to consider its historical development and potential implications more carefully. [introduction] |
| Online Resources | https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mOZ7OMN3pKwTAfd |
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Three distinct periods are identified: an initial stage marked by a misunderstanding of projectile motion, where objects were thought to require continuous external motion; a second stage where the concept of \"impetus\" was introduced to explain forced motion at a distance; and a final stage, ushered in by Galileo, Descartes, and Newton, where the correct understanding of inertia emerged. The discovery of free will is compared to the discovery of the will as a distinct human faculty in late antiquity. Similar to the concept of impetus, the will is depicted as capable of being strong or weak and has significant influence over human actions. The philosophical discussion surrounding free will is likened to the debates on projectile motion, with various perspectives on its existence and nature. Some argue for the existence of free will, while others contend that it is unnecessary and incoherent. The text concludes by pointing out the need for a deeper understanding of the historical context and metaphysical assumptions underlying the concept of free will. It suggests that the concept of free will is a remnant of past intellectual certainty about metaphysical truths and may not be as morally neutral as commonly believed. The modern discussion on free will is encouraged to consider its historical development and potential implications more carefully. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mOZ7OMN3pKwTAfd","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":90,"full_name":"Destr\u00e9e, Pierre ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":472,"full_name":"Zingano, Marco","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":427,"section_of":329,"pages":"329-350","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":329,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Destr\u00e9e2014","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2014","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2014","abstract":"The problem of responsibility in moral philosophy has been lively debated in the last decades, especially since the publication of Harry Frankfurt's seminal paper, 'Alternate possibilities and moral responsibility' (1969). Compatibilists - also known as 'soft' determinists - and, on the other side, incompatibilists - libertarians and 'hard' determinists - are the main contenders in this major academic controversy. The debate goes back to Antiquity. After Aristotle, compatibilists, and especially the Stoics, debated this issue with the incompatibilists, notably Epicurus (though his classification as an incompatibilist has been disputed in modern scholarship), Alexander of Aphrodisias and Plutarch.\r\n\r\nThe problem debated at that time and the problem debated nowadays are fundamentally the same, even though the terms and the concepts evolved over the centuries. In Antiquity, the central notion was that of 'what is up to us', or 'what depends on us'. The present volume brings together twenty contributions devoted to examining the problem of moral responsibility as it arises in Antiquity in direct connection with the concept of what is up to us - to eph' h\u00eamin, in Greek, or in nostra potestate and in nobis, in its Latin counterparts, aiming to promote classical scholarship, and to shed some light on the contemporary issues as well.\r\n\r\nWith contributions by Marcelo D. Boeri, Mauro Bonazzi, Susanne Bobzien, Pierre Destr\u00e9e, Javier Eche\u00f1ique, Dorothea Frede, Michael Frede, Lloyd P. Gerson, Laura Liliana G\u00f3mez, Jean-Baptiste Gourinat, Christoph Horn, Monte Ransom Johnson, Stefano Maso, Susan Sauv\u00e9 Meyer, Pierre-Marie Morel, Ricardo Salles, Carlos Steel, Daniela Patrizia Taormina, Emmanuele Vimercati, Katja Maria Vogt, Christian Wildberg and Marco Zingano. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/WCz3sdLMsMTkFmE","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":329,"pubplace":"Sankt Augustin","publisher":"Academia Verlag","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":["The Will and its Freedom: Epictetus and Simplicius on what is up to us"]}