Simplicius Research Environment

Eleatic Ontology from the Hellenistic Period to Late Antiquity, 2024
By: Anna Motta (Ed.), Christopher Kurfess (Ed.)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1590","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1590,"authors_free":[{"id":2789,"entry_id":1590,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Marc-Antoine Gavray","free_first_name":"Marc-Antoine","free_last_name":"Gavray","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Why rescue Parmenides? On Zeno's Ontology in Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Why rescue Parmenides? On Zeno's Ontology in Simplicius"},"abstract":"This paper examines the role Simplicius attributes to Zeno in the Eleatic ontology\r\nand tries to determine his place within the Neoplatonic system. It shows how the commen-\r\ntator competes with his Peripatetic forerunners (Eudemus and Alexander) and makes Zeno\u2019s\r\ngoal congruent with Parmenides. Zeno talks of the same One-Being as Parmenides did, not\r\nof any physical one or being. However, instead of determining it directly, he has to convert\r\nhis readers, Parmenides\u2019 opponents, through dialectical arguments (\u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1). Therefore,\r\nthis article also questions the meaning of being a disciple and rescuing one\u2019s master: Simpli-\r\ncius uses Zeno as a model for every philosopher in this position.\r\nKeywords: One-Being, dialectical arguments, dichotomia, division, Alexander of Aphrodi-\r\nsias, Simplicius, Plato, Zeno of Elea, Parmenides, Aristoteles, Eudemus of Rhodes [author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2024","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ERcBLa6PuLndpAV","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1590,"section_of":1591,"pages":"171-193","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1591,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Eleatic Ontology from the Hellenistic Period to Late Antiquity","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Motta_Kurfess_2024","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2024","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Parmenides is widely regarded as the most important and influential of the Presocratic philosophers. Born around 515 BCE in Elea, a Greek colony in southern Italy, he is often considered not only the founder of Eleatic philosophy but also the father of deductive reasoning, the originator of rational theology, and the wellspring of the Western ontological tradition. The impact of Parmenides\u2019 account of Being or \u201cwhat is\u201d (\u1f10\u03cc\u03bd) on subsequent thought has been vast, lasting, and varied. It is also true, as David Sedley has written, that \u201cwith Parmenides, more than with most writers, any translation is an interpretation.\u201d\r\n\r\nThus, both the profundity of Parmenides\u2019 thought and the rich verbal density of his poetry pose challenges to modern scholars\u2014just as they did to his ancient readers. These challenges were felt particularly keenly in later antiquity\u2014a period of focus in the present collection of essays\u2014when doing justice to the authority of the ancients obligated commentators to reconcile a long and complex tradition of sometimes incompatible interpretative commitments. Certain Neoplatonists (in)famously \u201charmonized\u201d points of possible tension by allowing that the Presocratics, though not far from the truth, employed enigmatic and ambiguous language, whereas Plato conveyed the truth in a clearer and more appropriate way. In this manner, the Presocratics, Parmenides among them, could be saved from apparent errors, and their unique conceptions and terminology could be incorporated within a Neoplatonic philosophical framework.\r\n\r\nThe \u201cEleatic school\u201d is commonly understood to include Parmenides, his fellow citizen Zeno, and Melissus of Samos. (Traditionally, Xenophanes of Colophon had also been included, his views about divinity seen as anticipating Parmenides\u2019 account of Being.) Parmenides and his two pupils are distinguished by their concern with methods of proof and for conceiving Being as a unitary substance, which is also immobile, unchangeable, and indivisible. The Eleatics began a series of reflections on the relation between demonstration and reality that eventually developed into Socratic and Platonic dialectic, and Plato\u2019s portrait has played a decisive role in the subsequent reception of Eleatic ideas. Since Plato\u2019s Sophist, Parmenides has been almost as famous for apparent inconsistencies as for the rigid dicta that seemed to land him in them. Moreover, in the Parmenides, which dramatically presents Parmenides and Zeno conversing in Athens with a very young Socrates (Prm. 127a\u2013b), Plato subjects his own characteristic doctrine to critique by his Eleatic predecessors, thereby initiating a tradition of critical examination of Eleatic ontology that would last until Late Antiquity and beyond. Plato\u2019s dialogues exhibit such a profound engagement with Eleatic thought that Eleatic ontology can be regarded as the hidden foundation of Platonic metaphysics.\r\n\r\nOf course, Plato and the Platonic tradition are only part of the story, and the present collection seeks, with no pretense of being exhaustive, to provide a representative survey of the reception of Eleatic ontology during the Hellenistic and late ancient periods. The essays included offer fresh perspectives on crucial points in that reception, reveal points of contact and instances of mutual interaction between competing traditions, and allow readers to reflect on the revolutionary new conceptions that thinkers of these eras developed in the course of the continuing confrontation with the venerable figure of Parmenides and the challenges posed by his thought. This volume is a collaborative effort by an international array of scholars, reflecting a range of outlooks and approaches, and exploring some of the various forms taken by the reception of Parmenides\u2019 ontology. Some of the essays were invited by the editors; others were selected by blind review from submissions made in response to a call for papers.\r\n\r\nThe arrangement of essays is roughly chronological. In chapter 1, \u201cBeing at Play: Naming and Non-Naming in the Anonymous De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia,\u201d Christopher Kurfess considers the way that names are handled in a curious document transmitted as part of the Aristotelian corpus, noting its continuities with earlier instances of the reception of Eleatic thought. In chapter 2, \u201cHealthy, Immutable, and Beautiful: Eleatic Pantheism and Epicurean Theology,\u201d Enrico Piergiacomi reconstructs an Epicurean view of, and response to, a pantheistic Parmenidean theology. In chapter 3, \u201cDualism and Platonism: Plutarch\u2019s Parmenides,\u201d Carlo Delle Donne introduces us to Plutarch\u2019s Platonism, reading Parmenides as a forerunner of Plato in both ontology and the account of the sensible world. In chapter 4, \u201cClement of Alexandria and the Eleatization of Xenophanes,\u201d William H.F. Altman focuses on Clement of Alexandria\u2019s role in preserving several key theological fragments of Xenophanes and invites us to reconsider modern scholars\u2019 dismissal of both Xenophanes\u2019 status as an Eleatic and Clement\u2019s claim of Greek philosophy\u2019s debt to Hebrew Scripture. In chapter 5, \u201cParmenides\u2019 Philosophy through Plato\u2019s Parmenides in Origen of Alexandria,\u201d Ilaria L.E. Ramelli explores the reception of Parmenides\u2019 thought in Origen, one of the main exponents of patristic philosophy. In chapter 6, \u201cPlatonism and Eleaticism,\u201d Lloyd P. Gerson provides an analysis of the appropriation of Eleatic philosophy by Plato and the Platonists, with a particular focus on Plotinus. In chapter 7, \u201cAugustine and Eleatic Ontology,\u201d Giovanni Catapano illustrates the general aspects and the essential contents of Augustinian ontology as they relate to distinctive theses of the Eleatics. In chapter 8, \u201cProclus and the Overcoming of Eleaticism without Parricide,\u201d Anna Motta investigates the debt that Plato incurred with the Eleatics according to Proclus. In chapter 9, \u201cWhy Rescue Parmenides? On Zeno\u2019s Ontology in Simplicius,\u201d Marc-Antoine Gavray examines the role Simplicius attributes to Zeno in Eleatic ontology and tries to determine his place within the Neoplatonic system. [introduction p. 7-9]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ERcBLa6PuLndpAV","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1591,"pubplace":"Napoli","publisher":"Federico II University Press","series":"Universit\u00e0 degli Studi di Napoli Federico II Scuola delle Scienze Umane e Sociali Quaderni","volume":"","edition_no":"29","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2024]}

Title	Eleatic Ontology from the Hellenistic Period to Late Antiquity
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2024
Publication Place	Napoli
Publisher	Federico II University Press
Series	Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II Scuola delle Scienze Umane e Sociali Quaderni
Edition No.	29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Anna Motta , Christopher Kurfess
Translator(s)

Parmenides is widely regarded as the most important and influential of the Presocratic philosophers. Born around 515 BCE in Elea, a Greek colony in southern Italy, he is often considered not only the founder of Eleatic philosophy but also the father of deductive reasoning, the originator of rational theology, and the wellspring of the Western ontological tradition. The impact of Parmenides’ account of Being or “what is” (ἐόν) on subsequent thought has been vast, lasting, and varied. It is also true, as David Sedley has written, that “with Parmenides, more than with most writers, any translation is an interpretation.” Thus, both the profundity of Parmenides’ thought and the rich verbal density of his poetry pose challenges to modern scholars—just as they did to his ancient readers. These challenges were felt particularly keenly in later antiquity—a period of focus in the present collection of essays—when doing justice to the authority of the ancients obligated commentators to reconcile a long and complex tradition of sometimes incompatible interpretative commitments. Certain Neoplatonists (in)famously “harmonized” points of possible tension by allowing that the Presocratics, though not far from the truth, employed enigmatic and ambiguous language, whereas Plato conveyed the truth in a clearer and more appropriate way. In this manner, the Presocratics, Parmenides among them, could be saved from apparent errors, and their unique conceptions and terminology could be incorporated within a Neoplatonic philosophical framework. The “Eleatic school” is commonly understood to include Parmenides, his fellow citizen Zeno, and Melissus of Samos. (Traditionally, Xenophanes of Colophon had also been included, his views about divinity seen as anticipating Parmenides’ account of Being.) Parmenides and his two pupils are distinguished by their concern with methods of proof and for conceiving Being as a unitary substance, which is also immobile, unchangeable, and indivisible. The Eleatics began a series of reflections on the relation between demonstration and reality that eventually developed into Socratic and Platonic dialectic, and Plato’s portrait has played a decisive role in the subsequent reception of Eleatic ideas. Since Plato’s Sophist, Parmenides has been almost as famous for apparent inconsistencies as for the rigid dicta that seemed to land him in them. Moreover, in the Parmenides, which dramatically presents Parmenides and Zeno conversing in Athens with a very young Socrates (Prm. 127a–b), Plato subjects his own characteristic doctrine to critique by his Eleatic predecessors, thereby initiating a tradition of critical examination of Eleatic ontology that would last until Late Antiquity and beyond. Plato’s dialogues exhibit such a profound engagement with Eleatic thought that Eleatic ontology can be regarded as the hidden foundation of Platonic metaphysics. Of course, Plato and the Platonic tradition are only part of the story, and the present collection seeks, with no pretense of being exhaustive, to provide a representative survey of the reception of Eleatic ontology during the Hellenistic and late ancient periods. The essays included offer fresh perspectives on crucial points in that reception, reveal points of contact and instances of mutual interaction between competing traditions, and allow readers to reflect on the revolutionary new conceptions that thinkers of these eras developed in the course of the continuing confrontation with the venerable figure of Parmenides and the challenges posed by his thought. This volume is a collaborative effort by an international array of scholars, reflecting a range of outlooks and approaches, and exploring some of the various forms taken by the reception of Parmenides’ ontology. Some of the essays were invited by the editors; others were selected by blind review from submissions made in response to a call for papers. The arrangement of essays is roughly chronological. In chapter 1, “Being at Play: Naming and Non-Naming in the Anonymous De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia,” Christopher Kurfess considers the way that names are handled in a curious document transmitted as part of the Aristotelian corpus, noting its continuities with earlier instances of the reception of Eleatic thought. In chapter 2, “Healthy, Immutable, and Beautiful: Eleatic Pantheism and Epicurean Theology,” Enrico Piergiacomi reconstructs an Epicurean view of, and response to, a pantheistic Parmenidean theology. In chapter 3, “Dualism and Platonism: Plutarch’s Parmenides,” Carlo Delle Donne introduces us to Plutarch’s Platonism, reading Parmenides as a forerunner of Plato in both ontology and the account of the sensible world. In chapter 4, “Clement of Alexandria and the Eleatization of Xenophanes,” William H.F. Altman focuses on Clement of Alexandria’s role in preserving several key theological fragments of Xenophanes and invites us to reconsider modern scholars’ dismissal of both Xenophanes’ status as an Eleatic and Clement’s claim of Greek philosophy’s debt to Hebrew Scripture. In chapter 5, “Parmenides’ Philosophy through Plato’s Parmenides in Origen of Alexandria,” Ilaria L.E. Ramelli explores the reception of Parmenides’ thought in Origen, one of the main exponents of patristic philosophy. In chapter 6, “Platonism and Eleaticism,” Lloyd P. Gerson provides an analysis of the appropriation of Eleatic philosophy by Plato and the Platonists, with a particular focus on Plotinus. In chapter 7, “Augustine and Eleatic Ontology,” Giovanni Catapano illustrates the general aspects and the essential contents of Augustinian ontology as they relate to distinctive theses of the Eleatics. In chapter 8, “Proclus and the Overcoming of Eleaticism without Parricide,” Anna Motta investigates the debt that Plato incurred with the Eleatics according to Proclus. In chapter 9, “Why Rescue Parmenides? On Zeno’s Ontology in Simplicius,” Marc-Antoine Gavray examines the role Simplicius attributes to Zeno in Eleatic ontology and tries to determine his place within the Neoplatonic system. [introduction p. 7-9]

Online Resources

Platon und die Zeit, 2024
By: Klaus Corcilius (Ed.), Irmgard Männlein (Ed.)

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Born around 515 BCE in Elea, a Greek colony in southern Italy, he is often considered not only the founder of Eleatic philosophy but also the father of deductive reasoning, the originator of rational theology, and the wellspring of the Western ontological tradition. The impact of Parmenides\u2019 account of Being or \u201cwhat is\u201d (\u1f10\u03cc\u03bd) on subsequent thought has been vast, lasting, and varied. It is also true, as David Sedley has written, that \u201cwith Parmenides, more than with most writers, any translation is an interpretation.\u201d\r\n\r\nThus, both the profundity of Parmenides\u2019 thought and the rich verbal density of his poetry pose challenges to modern scholars\u2014just as they did to his ancient readers. These challenges were felt particularly keenly in later antiquity\u2014a period of focus in the present collection of essays\u2014when doing justice to the authority of the ancients obligated commentators to reconcile a long and complex tradition of sometimes incompatible interpretative commitments. Certain Neoplatonists (in)famously \u201charmonized\u201d points of possible tension by allowing that the Presocratics, though not far from the truth, employed enigmatic and ambiguous language, whereas Plato conveyed the truth in a clearer and more appropriate way. In this manner, the Presocratics, Parmenides among them, could be saved from apparent errors, and their unique conceptions and terminology could be incorporated within a Neoplatonic philosophical framework.\r\n\r\nThe \u201cEleatic school\u201d is commonly understood to include Parmenides, his fellow citizen Zeno, and Melissus of Samos. (Traditionally, Xenophanes of Colophon had also been included, his views about divinity seen as anticipating Parmenides\u2019 account of Being.) Parmenides and his two pupils are distinguished by their concern with methods of proof and for conceiving Being as a unitary substance, which is also immobile, unchangeable, and indivisible. The Eleatics began a series of reflections on the relation between demonstration and reality that eventually developed into Socratic and Platonic dialectic, and Plato\u2019s portrait has played a decisive role in the subsequent reception of Eleatic ideas. Since Plato\u2019s Sophist, Parmenides has been almost as famous for apparent inconsistencies as for the rigid dicta that seemed to land him in them. Moreover, in the Parmenides, which dramatically presents Parmenides and Zeno conversing in Athens with a very young Socrates (Prm. 127a\u2013b), Plato subjects his own characteristic doctrine to critique by his Eleatic predecessors, thereby initiating a tradition of critical examination of Eleatic ontology that would last until Late Antiquity and beyond. Plato\u2019s dialogues exhibit such a profound engagement with Eleatic thought that Eleatic ontology can be regarded as the hidden foundation of Platonic metaphysics.\r\n\r\nOf course, Plato and the Platonic tradition are only part of the story, and the present collection seeks, with no pretense of being exhaustive, to provide a representative survey of the reception of Eleatic ontology during the Hellenistic and late ancient periods. The essays included offer fresh perspectives on crucial points in that reception, reveal points of contact and instances of mutual interaction between competing traditions, and allow readers to reflect on the revolutionary new conceptions that thinkers of these eras developed in the course of the continuing confrontation with the venerable figure of Parmenides and the challenges posed by his thought. This volume is a collaborative effort by an international array of scholars, reflecting a range of outlooks and approaches, and exploring some of the various forms taken by the reception of Parmenides\u2019 ontology. Some of the essays were invited by the editors; others were selected by blind review from submissions made in response to a call for papers.\r\n\r\nThe arrangement of essays is roughly chronological. In chapter 1, \u201cBeing at Play: Naming and Non-Naming in the Anonymous De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia,\u201d Christopher Kurfess considers the way that names are handled in a curious document transmitted as part of the Aristotelian corpus, noting its continuities with earlier instances of the reception of Eleatic thought. In chapter 2, \u201cHealthy, Immutable, and Beautiful: Eleatic Pantheism and Epicurean Theology,\u201d Enrico Piergiacomi reconstructs an Epicurean view of, and response to, a pantheistic Parmenidean theology. In chapter 3, \u201cDualism and Platonism: Plutarch\u2019s Parmenides,\u201d Carlo Delle Donne introduces us to Plutarch\u2019s Platonism, reading Parmenides as a forerunner of Plato in both ontology and the account of the sensible world. In chapter 4, \u201cClement of Alexandria and the Eleatization of Xenophanes,\u201d William H.F. Altman focuses on Clement of Alexandria\u2019s role in preserving several key theological fragments of Xenophanes and invites us to reconsider modern scholars\u2019 dismissal of both Xenophanes\u2019 status as an Eleatic and Clement\u2019s claim of Greek philosophy\u2019s debt to Hebrew Scripture. In chapter 5, \u201cParmenides\u2019 Philosophy through Plato\u2019s Parmenides in Origen of Alexandria,\u201d Ilaria L.E. Ramelli explores the reception of Parmenides\u2019 thought in Origen, one of the main exponents of patristic philosophy. In chapter 6, \u201cPlatonism and Eleaticism,\u201d Lloyd P. Gerson provides an analysis of the appropriation of Eleatic philosophy by Plato and the Platonists, with a particular focus on Plotinus. In chapter 7, \u201cAugustine and Eleatic Ontology,\u201d Giovanni Catapano illustrates the general aspects and the essential contents of Augustinian ontology as they relate to distinctive theses of the Eleatics. In chapter 8, \u201cProclus and the Overcoming of Eleaticism without Parricide,\u201d Anna Motta investigates the debt that Plato incurred with the Eleatics according to Proclus. In chapter 9, \u201cWhy Rescue Parmenides? On Zeno\u2019s Ontology in Simplicius,\u201d Marc-Antoine Gavray examines the role Simplicius attributes to Zeno in Eleatic ontology and tries to determine his place within the Neoplatonic system. [introduction p. 7-9]","btype":4,"date":"2024","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ERcBLa6PuLndpAV","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1591,"pubplace":"Napoli","publisher":"Federico II University Press","series":"Universit\u00e0 degli Studi di Napoli Federico II Scuola delle Scienze Umane e Sociali Quaderni","volume":"","edition_no":"29","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2024]}

Title	Platon und die Zeit
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2024
Publication Place	Tübingen
Publisher	Mohr Siebeck
Series	Tübinger Platon Tage
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Klaus Corcilius , Irmgard Männlein
Translator(s)

Der Band "Platon und die Zeit" umfasst Beiträge zu einem zentralen und großen Thema bei Platon: Vor allem im Dialog 'Timaios', aber auch in weiteren philosophischen Dialogen Platons geht es um die Frage der Natur und des Wesens von Zeit und darum, wie und ob sie entstanden ist. So werden in diesem Band ganz unterschiedliche philosophische und kosmologische Ansätze ebenso wie ontologische und ethische Themen zu Platons Zeit-Konzept in den Fokus genommen. Behandelt werden überdies viele Stufen der philosophischen Rezeption und der (kritischen) Auseinandersetzung mit Platons Vorstellungen über 'Zeit', die etwa über Philon von Alexandria, Plutarch, Numenios, Origenes, Plotin und Augustinus bis hin zu späteren Neuplatonikern wie Proklos in die Spätantike reichen. [official abstract]

Online Resources

Time and the intellect. Philoponus’ polemic against Aristotle, and Simplicius’ reply., 2024
By: Jan Opsomer

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Title	Time and the intellect. Philoponus’ polemic against Aristotle, and Simplicius’ reply.
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2024
Published in	Platon und die Zeit
Pages	181-201
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Jan Opsomer
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The Contra Aristotelem and Contra Proclum agree to a large extent regarding the relation between intellect and time: human, angelic, and other non-divine intellects grasp their objects instantaneously, yet think transitionally. Divine intellects, on the contrary, while grasping their objects instantaneously, do not think transitionally. All intellects are unrelated to time because only agents that are engaged in physical change act in time. Despite this "official" view, the Contra Aristotelem contains passages suggesting that God also thinks sequentially and hence is able to think time as an A-series. This would still not mean, according to Philoponus, that God thinks in time because the sequence in question is not physical. Simplicius does not accept this excuse and does not want to restrict the concept of time in this manner. The sequence in God's thought fits well with Philoponus’ durational or quasi-temporal conception of eternity. At any rate, whatever one is prepared to call the sequential thinking in which God apparently engages, it is hard to deny that it is in some sense transitional. In order to remain consistent, therefore, Philoponus would also need to concede that the durational eternity in which God lives is not devoid of every type of change. He is not likely to be prepared to make that concession, given his repeated denials of divine transitional thought. The least one can say is that, in the Contra Aristotelem, there is a tension in Philoponus’ various pronouncements on the divine intellect. Presumably, Philoponus would have restricted this type of sequential or "transitional" divine thought to cases where God is thinking about events that are situated in time (more precisely, in limited time spans, as sempiternal, unchanging objects of thought would not pose a problem). If this is the case, God would still intelligize all eternal, intelligible realities at once. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

The use of Stoic references in Simplicius’ discussion of quality, 2023
By: Hauer, Mareike, Ulacco, Angela (Ed.), Joosse, Albert (Ed.)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1604","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1604,"authors_free":[{"id":2809,"entry_id":1604,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Jan Opsomer","free_first_name":"Jan","free_last_name":"Opsomer","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Time and the intellect. Philoponus\u2019 polemic against Aristotle, and Simplicius\u2019 reply.","main_title":{"title":"Time and the intellect. Philoponus\u2019 polemic against Aristotle, and Simplicius\u2019 reply."},"abstract":"The Contra Aristotelem and Contra Proclum agree to a large extent regarding the relation between intellect and time: human, angelic, and other non-divine intellects grasp their objects instantaneously, yet think transitionally. Divine intellects, on the contrary, while grasping their objects instantaneously, do not think transitionally. All intellects are unrelated to time because only agents that are engaged in physical change act in time.\r\n\r\nDespite this \"official\" view, the Contra Aristotelem contains passages suggesting that God also thinks sequentially and hence is able to think time as an A-series. This would still not mean, according to Philoponus, that God thinks in time because the sequence in question is not physical. Simplicius does not accept this excuse and does not want to restrict the concept of time in this manner.\r\n\r\nThe sequence in God's thought fits well with Philoponus\u2019 durational or quasi-temporal conception of eternity. At any rate, whatever one is prepared to call the sequential thinking in which God apparently engages, it is hard to deny that it is in some sense transitional. In order to remain consistent, therefore, Philoponus would also need to concede that the durational eternity in which God lives is not devoid of every type of change. He is not likely to be prepared to make that concession, given his repeated denials of divine transitional thought.\r\n\r\nThe least one can say is that, in the Contra Aristotelem, there is a tension in Philoponus\u2019 various pronouncements on the divine intellect. Presumably, Philoponus would have restricted this type of sequential or \"transitional\" divine thought to cases where God is thinking about events that are situated in time (more precisely, in limited time spans, as sempiternal, unchanging objects of thought would not pose a problem). If this is the case, God would still intelligize all eternal, intelligible realities at once. [author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2024","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/7flRcLpgLyfKJlQ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1604,"section_of":1603,"pages":"181-201","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1603,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Platon und die Zeit","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Corcilius_M\u00e4nnlein_2024","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2024","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Der Band \"Platon und die Zeit\" umfasst Beitr\u00e4ge zu einem zentralen und gro\u00dfen Thema bei Platon: Vor allem im Dialog 'Timaios', aber auch in weiteren philosophischen Dialogen Platons geht es um die Frage der Natur und des Wesens von Zeit und darum, wie und ob sie entstanden ist. So werden in diesem Band ganz unterschiedliche philosophische und kosmologische Ans\u00e4tze ebenso wie ontologische und ethische Themen zu Platons Zeit-Konzept in den Fokus genommen. Behandelt werden \u00fcberdies viele Stufen der philosophischen Rezeption und der (kritischen) Auseinandersetzung mit Platons Vorstellungen \u00fcber 'Zeit', die etwa \u00fcber Philon von Alexandria, Plutarch, Numenios, Origenes, Plotin und Augustinus bis hin zu sp\u00e4teren Neuplatonikern wie Proklos in die Sp\u00e4tantike reichen. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/7flRcLpgLyfKJlQ","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1603,"pubplace":"T\u00fcbingen","publisher":"Mohr Siebeck","series":"T\u00fcbinger Platon Tage ","volume":"3","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2024]}

Title	The use of Stoic references in Simplicius’ discussion of quality
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2023
Published in	Dealing with disagreement. The construction of traditions in later ancient philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)	Ulacco, Angela , Joosse, Albert
Translator(s)

The chapter deals with Simplicius’ references to the Stoic conception of quality in his commentary on chapter eight of Aristotle’s Categories. In particular, I will focus on the nature and possible purpose of these references. The first part of the chapter deals with the question about the origin of these references. The second and third part offer an analysis of different aspects of the Stoic conception of quality in comparison to Simplicius’ account. I will show that Simplicius conceives of the Stoic notion of quality as an alternative yet comparable conception to the Aristotelian one presented in the Categories. Moreover, I will conclude that Simplicius’ criticism of the Stoic doctrine serves as a means to show the explanatory superiority of the Aristotelian conception. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sLNvZJzhvBuIdic

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1146","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1146,"authors_free":[{"id":1719,"entry_id":1146,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":174,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hauer, Mareike","free_first_name":"Mareike","free_last_name":"Hauer","norm_person":{"id":174,"first_name":"Mareike","last_name":"Hauer","full_name":"Hauer, Mareike","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1720,"entry_id":1146,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":371,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Ulacco, Angela","free_first_name":"Angela","free_last_name":"Ulacco","norm_person":{"id":371,"first_name":"Angela","last_name":"Ulacco","full_name":"Ulacco, Angela","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1156610575","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1721,"entry_id":1146,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":372,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Joosse, Albert","free_first_name":"Albert","free_last_name":"Joosse","norm_person":{"id":372,"first_name":"Albert","last_name":"Joosse","full_name":"Joosse, Albert","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The use of Stoic references in Simplicius\u2019 discussion of quality","main_title":{"title":"The use of Stoic references in Simplicius\u2019 discussion of quality"},"abstract":"The chapter deals with Simplicius\u2019 references to the Stoic conception of quality in his commentary on chapter eight of Aristotle\u2019s Categories. In particular, I will focus on the nature and possible purpose of these references. The first part of the chapter deals with the question about the origin of these references. The second and third part offer an analysis of different aspects of the Stoic conception of quality in comparison to Simplicius\u2019 account. I will show that Simplicius conceives of the Stoic notion of quality as an alternative yet comparable conception to the Aristotelian one presented in the Categories. Moreover, I will conclude that Simplicius\u2019 criticism of the Stoic doctrine serves as a means to show the explanatory superiority of the Aristotelian conception. [author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2023","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/sLNvZJzhvBuIdic","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":174,"full_name":"Hauer, Mareike","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":371,"full_name":"Ulacco, Angela","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":372,"full_name":"Joosse, Albert","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1146,"section_of":379,"pages":"","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":379,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Dealing with disagreement. The construction of traditions in later ancient philosophy ","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Ulacco2023","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2023","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Ancient philosophy is known for its organisation into distinct schools. But those schools were not locked into static dogmatism. As recent scholarship has shown, lively debate persisted between and within traditions. Yet the interplay between tradition and disagreement remains underexplored. This volume asks, first, how philosophers talked about differences of opinion within and between traditions and, second, how such debates affected the traditions involved. It covers the period from the first century BCE, which witnessed a turn to authoritative texts in different philosophical movements, through the rise of Christianity, to the golden age of Neoplatonic commentaries in the fifth and sixth centuries CE.\r\n\r\nBy studying various philosophical and Christian traditions alongside and in interaction with each other, this volume reveals common philosophical strategies of identification and differentiation. Ancient authors construct their own traditions in their (polemical) engagements with dissenters and opponents. Yet this very process of dissociation helped establish a common conceptual ground between traditions. This volume will be an important resource for specialists in late ancient philosophy, early Christianity, and the history of ideas. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mQL8DFZ9PPylGiK","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":379,"pubplace":"Turnhout","publisher":"Brepols","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2023]}

Dealing with disagreement. The construction of traditions in later ancient philosophy , 2023
By: Ulacco, Angela (Ed.), Joosse, Albert (Ed.)

Title	Dealing with disagreement. The construction of traditions in later ancient philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2023
Publication Place	Turnhout
Publisher	Brepols
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Ulacco, Angela , Joosse, Albert
Translator(s)

Ancient philosophy is known for its organisation into distinct schools. But those schools were not locked into static dogmatism. As recent scholarship has shown, lively debate persisted between and within traditions. Yet the interplay between tradition and disagreement remains underexplored. This volume asks, first, how philosophers talked about differences of opinion within and between traditions and, second, how such debates affected the traditions involved. It covers the period from the first century BCE, which witnessed a turn to authoritative texts in different philosophical movements, through the rise of Christianity, to the golden age of Neoplatonic commentaries in the fifth and sixth centuries CE. By studying various philosophical and Christian traditions alongside and in interaction with each other, this volume reveals common philosophical strategies of identification and differentiation. Ancient authors construct their own traditions in their (polemical) engagements with dissenters and opponents. Yet this very process of dissociation helped establish a common conceptual ground between traditions. This volume will be an important resource for specialists in late ancient philosophy, early Christianity, and the history of ideas. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mQL8DFZ9PPylGiK

{"_index":"sire","_id":"379","_score":null,"_source":{"id":379,"authors_free":[{"id":494,"entry_id":379,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":371,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Ulacco, Angela","free_first_name":"Angela","free_last_name":"Ulacco","norm_person":{"id":371,"first_name":"Angela","last_name":"Ulacco","full_name":"Ulacco, Angela","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1156610575","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":495,"entry_id":379,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":372,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Joosse, Albert","free_first_name":"Albert","free_last_name":"Joosse","norm_person":{"id":372,"first_name":"Albert","last_name":"Joosse","full_name":"Joosse, Albert","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Dealing with disagreement. The construction of traditions in later ancient philosophy ","main_title":{"title":"Dealing with disagreement. The construction of traditions in later ancient philosophy "},"abstract":"Ancient philosophy is known for its organisation into distinct schools. But those schools were not locked into static dogmatism. As recent scholarship has shown, lively debate persisted between and within traditions. Yet the interplay between tradition and disagreement remains underexplored. This volume asks, first, how philosophers talked about differences of opinion within and between traditions and, second, how such debates affected the traditions involved. It covers the period from the first century BCE, which witnessed a turn to authoritative texts in different philosophical movements, through the rise of Christianity, to the golden age of Neoplatonic commentaries in the fifth and sixth centuries CE.\r\n\r\nBy studying various philosophical and Christian traditions alongside and in interaction with each other, this volume reveals common philosophical strategies of identification and differentiation. Ancient authors construct their own traditions in their (polemical) engagements with dissenters and opponents. Yet this very process of dissociation helped establish a common conceptual ground between traditions. This volume will be an important resource for specialists in late ancient philosophy, early Christianity, and the history of ideas. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2023","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mQL8DFZ9PPylGiK","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":371,"full_name":"Ulacco, Angela","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":372,"full_name":"Joosse, Albert","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":379,"pubplace":"Turnhout","publisher":"Brepols","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2023]}

Commentaire à la ›Physique‹ d’Aristote: Digressions sur le lieu et sur le temps, 2023
By: Golitsis, Pantelis (Ed.), Hoffmann, Philippe (Ed.)

Title	Commentaire à la ›Physique‹ d’Aristote: Digressions sur le lieu et sur le temps
Type	Monograph
Language	undefined
Date	2023
Publisher	De Gruyter
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis , Hoffmann, Philippe
Translator(s)

Neuedition der sogenannten Corollaria de loco et de tempore aus dem Kommentar des Simplikios zum Buch IV der aristotelischen Physik. Die vorliegende Edition (mitsamt philosophischer und philologischer Einleitung und Annotationen) basiert auf der vollständigen Kollation aller unabhängigen Handschriften des Kommentars (u. a. des Kodex Mosquensis Muz. 3649, der dem Editor der modernen Referenzausgabe des Kommentars Hermann Diels unbekannt war). [author's abstract]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1568","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1568,"authors_free":[{"id":2737,"entry_id":1568,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","free_first_name":"Pantelis","free_last_name":"Golitsis","norm_person":null},{"id":2738,"entry_id":1568,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Commentaire \u00e0 la \u203aPhysique\u2039 d\u2019Aristote: Digressions sur le lieu et sur le temps","main_title":{"title":"Commentaire \u00e0 la \u203aPhysique\u2039 d\u2019Aristote: Digressions sur le lieu et sur le temps"},"abstract":"Neuedition der sogenannten Corollaria de loco et de tempore aus dem Kommentar des Simplikios zum Buch IV der aristotelischen Physik. Die vorliegende Edition (mitsamt philosophischer und philologischer Einleitung und Annotationen) basiert auf der vollst\u00e4ndigen Kollation aller unabh\u00e4ngigen Handschriften des Kommentars (u. a. des Kodex Mosquensis Muz. 3649, der dem Editor der modernen Referenzausgabe des Kommentars Hermann Diels unbekannt war). [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2023","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1568,"pubplace":"","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2023]}

Ancient Greek Dialectic and Its Reception, 2023
By: Muzala, Melina (Ed.)

Title	Ancient Greek Dialectic and Its Reception
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2023
Publication Place	Berlin/Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Topics in Ancient Philosophy/ Themen der antiken Philosophie
Volume	10
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Muzala, Melina
Translator(s)

The volume focusses on ancient Greek dialectic and its impact on later philosophical thought, up to Byzantium. The contributions are written by distinguished scholars in their respective fields of study and shed light on the relation of ancient Greek dialectic to various aspects of human life and soul, to self-knowledge and self-consciousness, to science, rhetoric, and political theory.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MoGCt68R9BNx3zl

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1577","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1577,"authors_free":[{"id":2756,"entry_id":1577,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":573,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Muzala, Melina","free_first_name":"Melina","free_last_name":"Muzala","norm_person":{"id":573,"first_name":"Melina","last_name":"Muzala","full_name":"Muzala, Melina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"https:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1229010815","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ancient Greek Dialectic and Its Reception","main_title":{"title":"Ancient Greek Dialectic and Its Reception"},"abstract":"The volume focusses on ancient Greek dialectic and its impact on later philosophical thought, up to Byzantium. The contributions are written by distinguished scholars in their respective fields of study and shed light on the relation of ancient Greek dialectic to various aspects of human life and soul, to self-knowledge and self-consciousness, to science, rhetoric, and political theory. ","btype":4,"date":"2023","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/MoGCt68R9BNx3zl","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":573,"full_name":"Muzala, Melina","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1577,"pubplace":"Berlin\/Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"Topics in Ancient Philosophy\/ Themen der antiken Philosophie","volume":"10","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2023]}

Simplicius and Aristotle's Dialectic, 2023
By: Baltussen, Han, Muzala, Melina (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius and Aristotle's Dialectic
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2023
Published in	Ancient Greek Dialectic and Its Reception
Pages	441-456
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Muzala, Melina
Translator(s)

The focus of this chapter is one aspect of Aristotle’s dialectic which has been under-explored until recently and may throw some light on the approach of the late Platonist philosopher and scholar Simplicius (c. 480–c. 540 CE), in particular his Aristotelian tendencies when it comes to constructing his huge commentaries. I am referring to one of the possible applications of the dialectical method as sketched by Aristotle in his first and eighth books of the Topics. In my previous work I have been studying this aspect of Aristotle’s methodology, emphasizing the important distinction between propaedeutic and applied dialectic. At the core of those efforts was an attempt to show how one can take Aristotle’s claims for a scientific use of dialectic seriously, so long as we have a proper understanding of the status of propaedeutic dialectic as it is expounded in his Topics (school practice and exercises) against the applied form of (evolved) dialectic which goes far beyond this early form, debating skills which have become transformed into an internalized form of dialectic. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qrKKk0yO57h5GCh

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1578","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1578,"authors_free":[{"id":2757,"entry_id":1578,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":39,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Baltussen, Han","free_first_name":"Han","free_last_name":"Baltussen","norm_person":{"id":39,"first_name":"Han","last_name":"Baltussen","full_name":"Baltussen, Han","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136236456","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2758,"entry_id":1578,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":573,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Muzala, Melina","free_first_name":"Melina","free_last_name":"Muzala","norm_person":{"id":573,"first_name":"Melina","last_name":"Muzala","full_name":"Muzala, Melina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"https:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1229010815","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius and Aristotle's Dialectic","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius and Aristotle's Dialectic"},"abstract":"The focus of this chapter is one aspect of Aristotle\u2019s dialectic which has been\r\nunder-explored until recently and may throw some light on the approach of the\r\nlate Platonist philosopher and scholar Simplicius (c. 480\u2013c. 540 CE), in particular\r\nhis Aristotelian tendencies when it comes to constructing his huge commentaries.\r\nI am referring to one of the possible applications of the dialectical method as\r\nsketched by Aristotle in his first and eighth books of the Topics. In my previous\r\nwork I have been studying this aspect of Aristotle\u2019s methodology, emphasizing\r\nthe important distinction between propaedeutic and applied dialectic. At the core of those efforts was an attempt to show how one can take Aristotle\u2019s claims\r\nfor a scientific use of dialectic seriously, so long as we have a proper understanding of the status of propaedeutic dialectic as it is expounded in his Topics (school practice and exercises) against the applied form of (evolved) dialectic which goes far beyond this early form, debating skills which have become transformed into an internalized form of dialectic. [author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2023","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qrKKk0yO57h5GCh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":39,"full_name":"Baltussen, Han","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":573,"full_name":"Muzala, Melina","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1578,"section_of":1577,"pages":"441-456","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1577,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Ancient Greek Dialectic and Its Reception","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2023","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"The volume focusses on ancient Greek dialectic and its impact on later philosophical thought, up to Byzantium. The contributions are written by distinguished scholars in their respective fields of study and shed light on the relation of ancient Greek dialectic to various aspects of human life and soul, to self-knowledge and self-consciousness, to science, rhetoric, and political theory. ","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/MoGCt68R9BNx3zl","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1577,"pubplace":"Berlin\/Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"Topics in Ancient Philosophy\/ Themen der antiken Philosophie","volume":"10","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2023]}

Exegesis as Philosophy: Notes on Aristotelian Methods in Neoplatonic Commentary, 2023
By: Griffin, Michael J., Muzala, Melina (Ed.)

Title	Exegesis as Philosophy: Notes on Aristotelian Methods in Neoplatonic Commentary
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2023
Published in	Ancient Greek Dialectic and Its Reception
Pages	371-396
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Griffin, Michael J.
Editor(s)	Muzala, Melina
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nhzKYr8q8E565qL

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1579","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1579,"authors_free":[{"id":2759,"entry_id":1579,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":148,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","free_first_name":"Michael J.","free_last_name":"Griffin","norm_person":{"id":148,"first_name":"Michael J.","last_name":"Griffin","full_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1065676603","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2760,"entry_id":1579,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":573,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Muzala, Melina","free_first_name":"Melina","free_last_name":"Muzala","norm_person":{"id":573,"first_name":"Melina","last_name":"Muzala","full_name":"Muzala, Melina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"https:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1229010815","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Exegesis as Philosophy: Notes on Aristotelian Methods in Neoplatonic Commentary","main_title":{"title":"Exegesis as Philosophy: Notes on Aristotelian Methods in Neoplatonic Commentary"},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"2023","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nhzKYr8q8E565qL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":148,"full_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":573,"full_name":"Muzala, Melina","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1579,"section_of":1577,"pages":"371-396","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1577,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Ancient Greek Dialectic and Its Reception","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2023","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"The volume focusses on ancient Greek dialectic and its impact on later philosophical thought, up to Byzantium. The contributions are written by distinguished scholars in their respective fields of study and shed light on the relation of ancient Greek dialectic to various aspects of human life and soul, to self-knowledge and self-consciousness, to science, rhetoric, and political theory. ","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/MoGCt68R9BNx3zl","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1577,"pubplace":"Berlin\/Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"Topics in Ancient Philosophy\/ Themen der antiken Philosophie","volume":"10","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2023]}

Not-Being, Contradiction and Difference. Simplicius vs. Alexander of Aphrodisias on Plato’s Conception of Not-Being, 2023
By: Roberto Granieri

Title	Not-Being, Contradiction and Difference. Simplicius vs. Alexander of Aphrodisias on Plato’s Conception of Not-Being
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2023
Journal	Méthexis
Volume	35
Issue	1
Pages	185-200
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Roberto Granieri
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In explicating a passage from Physics A 3, Simplicius reports a criticism by Alexander of Aphrodisias against Plato’s conception of not-being in the Sophist. Alexander deems this conception contradictory, because it posits that unqualified not-being is. Simplicius defends Plato and gives a diagnosis of what he regards as Alexander’s interpretative mistake in raising his objection. I unpack this debate and bring out ways in which it sheds light on important aspects of Plato’s project in the Sophist and of Simplicius’ own philosophical background, notably in Damascius’ De principiis. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kxUtLJkrkZD05av

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1588","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1588,"authors_free":[{"id":2787,"entry_id":1588,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Roberto Granieri","free_first_name":"Roberto","free_last_name":"Granieri","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Not-Being, Contradiction and Difference. Simplicius vs. Alexander of Aphrodisias on Plato\u2019s Conception of Not-Being","main_title":{"title":"Not-Being, Contradiction and Difference. Simplicius vs. Alexander of Aphrodisias on Plato\u2019s Conception of Not-Being"},"abstract":"In explicating a passage from Physics A 3, Simplicius reports a criticism by Alexander of Aphrodisias against Plato\u2019s conception of not-being in the Sophist. Alexander deems this conception contradictory, because it posits that unqualified not-being is. Simplicius defends Plato and gives a diagnosis of what he regards as Alexander\u2019s interpretative mistake in raising his objection. I unpack this debate and bring out ways in which it sheds light on important aspects of Plato\u2019s project in the Sophist and of Simplicius\u2019 own philosophical background, notably in Damascius\u2019 De principiis. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2023","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kxUtLJkrkZD05av","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1588,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"M\u00e9thexis","volume":"35","issue":"1","pages":"185-200"}},"sort":[2023]}

De Simplicius À Ḥunayn: La Transmission d'Une Doxographie Dans Les Résumés au Traité Sur Les Éléments de Galien, 2023
By: Mathilde Brémond

Title	De Simplicius À Ḥunayn: La Transmission d'Une Doxographie Dans Les Résumés au Traité Sur Les Éléments de Galien
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2023
Journal	Arabic Sciences and Philosophy
Volume	33
Issue	1
Pages	1-23
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mathilde Brémond
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper examines two doxographies present in Ḥunayn’s summaries to Galen’s treatise On the Elements. We track the origin of these doxographies back, from Greek scolia to Galen’s treatise to Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, which we show to be the ultimate source. We also point out that Simplicius’ Commentary inspired an interpretation of Parmenides and Melissus that we find in Ḥunayn’s texts. This allows us to see remnants of Simplicius’ Commentary in the Arabic world and to shed some light on the production of these summaries to Galen’s work called Summaria Alexandrinorum. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zlN6Bivl0O6bw9q

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1594","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1594,"authors_free":[{"id":2794,"entry_id":1594,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mathilde Br\u00e9mond","free_first_name":"Mathilde","free_last_name":"Br\u00e9mond","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"De Simplicius \u00c0 \u1e24unayn: La Transmission d'Une Doxographie Dans Les R\u00e9sum\u00e9s au Trait\u00e9 Sur Les \u00c9l\u00e9ments de Galien","main_title":{"title":"De Simplicius \u00c0 \u1e24unayn: La Transmission d'Une Doxographie Dans Les R\u00e9sum\u00e9s au Trait\u00e9 Sur Les \u00c9l\u00e9ments de Galien"},"abstract":"This paper examines two doxographies present in \u1e24unayn\u2019s summaries to Galen\u2019s treatise On the Elements. We track the origin of these doxographies back, from Greek scolia to Galen\u2019s treatise to Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics, which we show to be the ultimate source. We also point out that Simplicius\u2019 Commentary inspired an interpretation of Parmenides and Melissus that we find in \u1e24unayn\u2019s texts. This allows us to see remnants of Simplicius\u2019 Commentary in the Arabic world and to shed some light on the production of these summaries to Galen\u2019s work called Summaria Alexandrinorum. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2023","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/zlN6Bivl0O6bw9q","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1594,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Arabic Sciences and Philosophy","volume":"33","issue":"1","pages":"1-23"}},"sort":[2023]}

Stoici e Peripatetici su agire, patire e movimento: la testimonianza di Simplicio, 2023
By: Giuseppe Nastasi

Title	Stoici e Peripatetici su agire, patire e movimento: la testimonianza di Simplicio
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2023
Journal	Elenchos: Rivista di Studi Sul Pensiero Antico
Volume	44
Issue	2
Pages	333-365
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Giuseppe Nastasi
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories contains the most extended testimony about the Stoic conception of acting (ποιεῖν) and undergoing (πάσχειν). Simplicius ascribed to the Stoics the idea that acting and undergoing are to be reduced to the movement. To this opinion Simplicius opposed the Aristotelian view according to which acting and undergoing are two different categories. In this paper I intend to outline the original Stoic position comparing the reportage of Simplicius with other Stoic sources. Later, I will deal with Boethus’ defense of the distinction between the categories of acting and undergoing. I will argue that Boethus directly reacted against the Stoic opinion reformulating it in Aristotelian language. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8cin65Qpb0Uymcj

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1599","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1599,"authors_free":[{"id":2799,"entry_id":1599,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Giuseppe Nastasi","free_first_name":"Giuseppe","free_last_name":" Nastasi","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Stoici e Peripatetici su agire, patire e movimento: la testimonianza di Simplicio","main_title":{"title":"Stoici e Peripatetici su agire, patire e movimento: la testimonianza di Simplicio"},"abstract":"Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories contains the most extended testimony about the Stoic conception of acting (\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd) and undergoing (\u03c0\u03ac\u03c3\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd). Simplicius ascribed to the Stoics the idea that acting and undergoing are to be reduced to the movement. To this opinion Simplicius opposed the Aristotelian view according to which acting and undergoing are two different categories. In this paper I intend to outline the original Stoic position comparing the reportage of Simplicius with other Stoic sources. Later, I will deal with Boethus\u2019 defense of the distinction between the categories of acting and undergoing. I will argue that Boethus directly reacted against the Stoic opinion reformulating it in Aristotelian language. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2023","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/8cin65Qpb0Uymcj","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1599,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Elenchos: Rivista di Studi Sul Pensiero Antico ","volume":"44","issue":"2","pages":"333-365"}},"sort":[2023]}

Dealing with Disagreement The Construction of Traditions in Later Ancient Philosophy, 2023
By: Ulacco, Angela, Ulacco, Angela (Ed.), Joosse, Albert (Ed.)

Title	Dealing with Disagreement The Construction of Traditions in Later Ancient Philosophy
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2023
Publication Place	Turnhout
Publisher	Brepols
Series	Monothéismes et Philosophie, vol. 33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ulacco, Angela
Editor(s)	Ulacco, Angela , Joosse, Albert
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AMFfDilUSW4mZpD

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1543","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1543,"authors_free":[{"id":2694,"entry_id":1543,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":371,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Ulacco, Angela","free_first_name":"Angela","free_last_name":"Ulacco","norm_person":{"id":371,"first_name":"Angela","last_name":"Ulacco","full_name":"Ulacco, Angela","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1156610575","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2695,"entry_id":1543,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":371,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Ulacco, Angela","free_first_name":"Angela","free_last_name":"Ulacco","norm_person":{"id":371,"first_name":"Angela","last_name":"Ulacco","full_name":"Ulacco, Angela","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1156610575","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2696,"entry_id":1543,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":372,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Joosse, Albert","free_first_name":"Albert","free_last_name":"Joosse","norm_person":{"id":372,"first_name":"Albert","last_name":"Joosse","full_name":"Joosse, Albert","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Dealing with Disagreement The Construction of Traditions in Later Ancient Philosophy","main_title":{"title":"Dealing with Disagreement The Construction of Traditions in Later Ancient Philosophy"},"abstract":"Ancient philosophy is known for its organisation into distinct schools. But those schools were not locked into static dogmatism. As recent scholarship has shown, lively debate persisted between and within traditions. Yet the interplay between tradition and disagreement remains underexplored. This volume asks, first, how philosophers talked about differences of opinion within and between traditions and, second, how such debates affected the traditions involved. It covers the period from the first century BCE, which witnessed a turn to authoritative texts in different philosophical movements, through the rise of Christianity, to the golden age of Neoplatonic commentaries in the fifth and sixth centuries CE.\r\n\r\nBy studying various philosophical and Christian traditions alongside and in interaction with each other, this volume reveals common philosophical strategies of identification and differentiation. Ancient authors construct their own traditions in their (polemical) engagements with dissenters and opponents. Yet this very process of dissociation helped establish a common conceptual ground between traditions. This volume will be an important resource for specialists in late ancient philosophy, early Christianity, and the history of ideas. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2023","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/AMFfDilUSW4mZpD","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":371,"full_name":"Ulacco, Angela","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":371,"full_name":"Ulacco, Angela","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":372,"full_name":"Joosse, Albert","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1543,"pubplace":"Turnhout","publisher":"Brepols","series":"Monoth\u00e9ismes et Philosophie, vol. 33 ","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2023]}

“Reputable Opinions” (endoxa) in Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Simplicius. Doxography or Endoxography?, 2022
By: Baltussen, Han, Lammer, Andreas (Ed.), Jas, Mareike (Ed.)

Title	“Reputable Opinions” (endoxa) in Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Simplicius. Doxography or Endoxography?
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2022
Published in	Received Opinions: Doxography in Antiquity and the Islamic World
Pages	151-174
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Lammer, Andreas , Jas, Mareike
Translator(s)

[Introduction, p. 8-9: Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Simplicius are at the centre of Han Baltussen’s paper in this volume. Starting with Aristotle’s use of earlier opinions and the methodical framework provided by the Topics, Baltussen considers different kinds of collections of doxai (or perhaps of endoxa, which in Aristotle may turn some doxographies rather into “endoxographies”). He argues that a distinction between doxography and endoxography may clarify several aspects regarding the development of the long tradition of doxaidiscussions, inasmuch as it helps to gain insight into the origin of doxography itself and its relation to the early Peripatetic habit of evaluating earlier opinions, i.e. of “applied dialectics.” Seen in this light, Simplicius’ way of reading Aristotle can also be analysed within the framework of his commentaries to elucidate his philosophical agenda and his version of the endoxographical method].

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/O7CkQ7ov1PzjUz2

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1522","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1522,"authors_free":[{"id":2643,"entry_id":1522,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":39,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Baltussen, Han","free_first_name":"Han","free_last_name":"Baltussen","norm_person":{"id":39,"first_name":"Han","last_name":"Baltussen","full_name":"Baltussen, Han","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136236456","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2644,"entry_id":1522,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":565,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Lammer, Andreas","free_first_name":"Andreas","free_last_name":"Lammer","norm_person":{"id":565,"first_name":"Andreas","last_name":"Lammer","full_name":"Lammer, Andreas","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"https:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031936807","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2645,"entry_id":1522,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":564,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Jas, Mareike ","free_first_name":"Mareike","free_last_name":"Jas","norm_person":{"id":564,"first_name":"Mareike","last_name":"Jas","full_name":"Jas, Mareike ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"https:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116742073X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"\u201cReputable Opinions\u201d (endoxa) in Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Simplicius. Doxography or Endoxography?","main_title":{"title":"\u201cReputable Opinions\u201d (endoxa) in Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Simplicius. Doxography or Endoxography?"},"abstract":"[Introduction, p. 8-9: Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Simplicius are at the centre of Han Baltussen\u2019s paper in this volume. Starting with Aristotle\u2019s use of earlier opinions\r\nand the methodical framework provided by the Topics, Baltussen considers different kinds of collections of doxai (or perhaps of endoxa, which\r\nin Aristotle may turn some doxographies rather into \u201cendoxographies\u201d). He argues that a distinction between doxography and endoxography may clarify several aspects regarding the development of the long tradition of doxaidiscussions, inasmuch as it helps to gain insight into the origin of doxography\r\nitself and its relation to the early Peripatetic habit of evaluating earlier opinions, i.e. of \u201capplied dialectics.\u201d Seen in this light, Simplicius\u2019 way of reading Aristotle can also be analysed within the framework of his commentaries to elucidate his philosophical agenda and his version of the endoxographical method].","btype":2,"date":"2022","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/O7CkQ7ov1PzjUz2","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":39,"full_name":"Baltussen, Han","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":565,"full_name":"Lammer, Andreas","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":564,"full_name":"Jas, Mareike ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1522,"section_of":1521,"pages":"151-174","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1521,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Received Opinions: Doxography in Antiquity and the Islamic World","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Lammer-Jas_2022","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2022","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This volume\u2014the proceedings of a 2018 conference at LMU Munich funded by the Fritz Thyssen Foundation\u2014brings together, for the first time, experts on Greek, Syriac, and Arabic traditions of doxography. Fourteen contributions provide new insight into state-of-the-art contemporary research on the widespread phenomenon of doxography. Together, they demonstrate how Greek, Syriac, and Arabic forms of doxography share common features and raise related questions that benefit interdisciplinary exchange among colleagues from various disciplines, such as classics, Arabic studies, and the history of philosophy. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/XdQoRcGvPjnpUca","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1521,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia Antiqua","volume":"160","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2022]}

Neoplatonic Political Subjectivity? Prohairesis, to eph’ hēmīn, and Self-constitution in Simplicius’ Commentary on Epictetus’ Encheiridion , 2022
By: Tim Riggs

Title	Neoplatonic Political Subjectivity? Prohairesis, to eph’ hēmīn, and Self-constitution in Simplicius’ Commentary on Epictetus’ Encheiridion
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2022
Journal	International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	18
Issue	2
Pages	152-177
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tim Riggs
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I argue that in his commentary on Epictetus’ Encheiridion, Simplicius derives a method by which his students can enter into the process of self-constitution, which is only achieved through completion of the study of Plato’s dialogues. The result of following the method is the attainment of a perspective consonant with the level of political virtue, which I call ‘political subjectivity’. This is a speculative interpretation of the effect the student would. experience in following the method, accomplished through analyses of Simplicius’ interpretation of Epictetus’ concept of to eph’ hēmīn and the related prohairesis. I complement this with an analysis of the metaphysical foundation Simplicius gives the method in light of Charles Taylor’s notion of ‘strong evaluation’. In this way, I show how Simplicius adapts these concepts to his Neoplatonic psychology and virtue theory to make the method serve as preparation for the development of virtue prior to study of Plato. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1aSuGa63BJmxeQ0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1595","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1595,"authors_free":[{"id":2795,"entry_id":1595,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tim Riggs","free_first_name":"Tim","free_last_name":"Riggs","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Neoplatonic Political Subjectivity? Prohairesis, to eph\u2019 h\u0113m\u012bn, and Self-constitution in Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Epictetus\u2019 Encheiridion ","main_title":{"title":"Neoplatonic Political Subjectivity? Prohairesis, to eph\u2019 h\u0113m\u012bn, and Self-constitution in Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Epictetus\u2019 Encheiridion "},"abstract":"I argue that in his commentary on Epictetus\u2019 Encheiridion, Simplicius derives a method by which his students can enter into the process of self-constitution, which is only achieved through completion of the study of Plato\u2019s dialogues. The result of following the method is the attainment of a perspective consonant with the level of political virtue, which I call \u2018political subjectivity\u2019. This is a speculative interpretation of the effect the student would. experience in following the method, accomplished through analyses of Simplicius\u2019 interpretation of Epictetus\u2019 concept of to eph\u2019 h\u0113m\u012bn and the related prohairesis. I complement this with an analysis of the metaphysical foundation Simplicius gives the method in light of Charles Taylor\u2019s notion of \u2018strong evaluation\u2019. In this way, I show how Simplicius adapts these concepts to his Neoplatonic psychology and virtue theory to make the method serve as preparation for the development of virtue prior to study of Plato. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2022","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1aSuGa63BJmxeQ0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1595,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"International Journal of the Platonic Tradition ","volume":"18","issue":"2","pages":"152-177"}},"sort":[2022]}

Interpreting Parmenides of Elea in Antiquity: From Plato’s Parmenides to Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, 2022
By: Helmig, Christoph, Lammer, Andreas (Ed.), Jas, Mareike (Ed.)

Title	Interpreting Parmenides of Elea in Antiquity: From Plato’s Parmenides to Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2022
Published in	Received Opinions: Doxography in Antiquity and the Islamic World
Pages	175-206
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Helmig, Christoph
Editor(s)	Lammer, Andreas , Jas, Mareike
Translator(s)

The aim of my paper was to contrast ancient doxographical approaches towards the Presocratic Parmenides of Elea and to shed some light on the peculiarities of the ancient exegetical tradition in the form of a case study. As a rule, ancient and late ancient interpreters seem to pursue a much more selective approach compared to modern scholars. In the ancient reception of Parmenides’ poem, we are able to distinguish several branches. What binds them together is the prominent focus on the thesis that Being is One, first formulated explicitly in Plato. I have suggested above to differentiate readers of Parmenides according to their attitude towards the Presocratic philosopher. Here, the two antipodes, as it were, are Plato and Aristotle. Plato aimed at further developing Eleatic conceptions of being in a creative way and prefigured a Platonizing account of Parmenides’ poem. An explicit Platonizing reading of Parmenides can be traced back to the Middle Platonist Plutarch of Chaeronea and was taken up by several Neoplatonists such as Plotinus, Proclus, Damascius, and Simplicius. For both Plato and the Platonic tradition, Parmenides was an authoritative figure. Notwithstanding this continuity in attitude, a notable shift from Plato to the Platonic tradition can be observed. While Plato, as we have said, tried to elaborate on specific key terms of Parmenides’ philosophy such as being, non-being, knowledge, etc., Platonists rather tried to bring Parmenides’ philosophy in agreement with that of Plato, or rather, with what they considered the philosophy of Plato. Aristotle, on the other hand, who is followed by Alexander of Aphrodisias, was eager to challenge Parmenides’ account of being and to prove him wrong. Although several attempts have been made to read Aristotle’s account in Physics I.2–3 in a more constructive way, it is doubtful whether they are successful. He just does not seem to be very coherent when it comes to presenting Parmenides’ doctrines. Rather, his strategy is essentially polemical. In several respects, Simplicius obtains a special role in the history of the reading of Parmenides and hence in the doxographical tradition. He is a rather peculiar kind of doxographer, a doxographer that serves a much broader agenda than just making sense of Parmenides’ philosophy or simply preserving the views of an author. It seems to be a kind of context- or genre-dependent, polyphonic, multilevel doxography that has the capacity to integrate other authors or commentators in order to demonstrate the essential unity (symphônia) of ancient Hellenic wisdom. Commenting on Aristotle’s Physics, Simplicius definitely did more than he had to, for he brings in much more material, especially from Parmenides’ poem and Plato’s dialogues, than he found in Aristotle or what is needed to comment on Aristotle. As a doxographer, he is eager to interpret, harmonize, and preserve. Simplicius’ art of doxography is, I would suggest, not primarily devised to understand an author better, but to promote a certain reading of a text or an author in a well-defined ideological manner. In our case, the guiding principles of Simplicius are the harmony of Plato and Aristotle and the unity of the Greek philosophical tradition. Ivan Adriano Licciardi, contrasting Aristotle and Simplicius, aptly attributes to Aristotle a storiografia dialettica, while Simplicius champions a storiografia sinfonica. The context in which the doxa of a certain author are transmitted is also quite crucial. In the case of Parmenides, we do not know of any running commentary written in Antiquity. It is important to emphasize that Simplicius too, although he is quoting a good bit from the poem firsthand, does not comment on it line by line as he does in the case of Aristotle. Rather, he is clever enough to select certain words or phrases and interpret them according to his guidelines. As we have seen, it is significant that Simplicius discusses Parmenides’ philosophy in the context of Aristotle’s criticism and against the background of Plato’s exegesis, first and foremost in the Sophist. It is certainly this context or genre that clearly influences the way Parmenides is interpreted. As far as the whole Platonic tradition is concerned, it seems safer not to talk of the reception of Parmenides, but of the reception of Plato’s version of Parmenides. [conclusion p. 200-202]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Qox4YDBhtebTWK3

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1520","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1520,"authors_free":[{"id":2638,"entry_id":1520,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":146,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Helmig, Christoph","free_first_name":"Christoph","free_last_name":"Helmig","norm_person":{"id":146,"first_name":"Christoph","last_name":"Helmig","full_name":"Helmig, Christoph","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1107028760","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2641,"entry_id":1520,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":565,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Lammer, Andreas","free_first_name":"Andreas","free_last_name":"Lammer","norm_person":{"id":565,"first_name":"Andreas","last_name":"Lammer","full_name":"Lammer, Andreas","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"https:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031936807","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2642,"entry_id":1520,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":564,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Jas, Mareike ","free_first_name":"Mareike","free_last_name":"Jas","norm_person":{"id":564,"first_name":"Mareike","last_name":"Jas","full_name":"Jas, Mareike ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"https:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116742073X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Interpreting Parmenides of Elea in Antiquity: From Plato\u2019s Parmenides to Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics","main_title":{"title":"Interpreting Parmenides of Elea in Antiquity: From Plato\u2019s Parmenides to Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics"},"abstract":"The aim of my paper was to contrast ancient doxographical approaches towards the Presocratic Parmenides of Elea and to shed some light on the peculiarities of the ancient exegetical tradition in the form of a case study. As a rule, ancient and late ancient interpreters seem to pursue a much more selective approach compared to modern scholars. In the ancient reception of Parmenides\u2019 poem, we are able to distinguish several branches. What binds them together is the prominent focus on the thesis that Being is One, first formulated explicitly in Plato. I have suggested above to differentiate readers of Parmenides according to their attitude towards the Presocratic philosopher. Here, the two antipodes, as it were, are Plato and Aristotle.\r\n\r\nPlato aimed at further developing Eleatic conceptions of being in a creative way and prefigured a Platonizing account of Parmenides\u2019 poem. An explicit Platonizing reading of Parmenides can be traced back to the Middle Platonist Plutarch of Chaeronea and was taken up by several Neoplatonists such as Plotinus, Proclus, Damascius, and Simplicius. For both Plato and the Platonic tradition, Parmenides was an authoritative figure. Notwithstanding this continuity in attitude, a notable shift from Plato to the Platonic tradition can be observed. While Plato, as we have said, tried to elaborate on specific key terms of Parmenides\u2019 philosophy such as being, non-being, knowledge, etc., Platonists rather tried to bring Parmenides\u2019 philosophy in agreement with that of Plato, or rather, with what they considered the philosophy of Plato.\r\n\r\nAristotle, on the other hand, who is followed by Alexander of Aphrodisias, was eager to challenge Parmenides\u2019 account of being and to prove him wrong. Although several attempts have been made to read Aristotle\u2019s account in Physics I.2\u20133 in a more constructive way, it is doubtful whether they are successful. He just does not seem to be very coherent when it comes to presenting Parmenides\u2019 doctrines. Rather, his strategy is essentially polemical.\r\n\r\nIn several respects, Simplicius obtains a special role in the history of the reading of Parmenides and hence in the doxographical tradition. He is a rather peculiar kind of doxographer, a doxographer that serves a much broader agenda than just making sense of Parmenides\u2019 philosophy or simply preserving the views of an author. It seems to be a kind of context- or genre-dependent, polyphonic, multilevel doxography that has the capacity to integrate other authors or commentators in order to demonstrate the essential unity (symph\u00f4nia) of ancient Hellenic wisdom. Commenting on Aristotle\u2019s Physics, Simplicius definitely did more than he had to, for he brings in much more material, especially from Parmenides\u2019 poem and Plato\u2019s dialogues, than he found in Aristotle or what is needed to comment on Aristotle. As a doxographer, he is eager to interpret, harmonize, and preserve.\r\n\r\nSimplicius\u2019 art of doxography is, I would suggest, not primarily devised to understand an author better, but to promote a certain reading of a text or an author in a well-defined ideological manner. In our case, the guiding principles of Simplicius are the harmony of Plato and Aristotle and the unity of the Greek philosophical tradition. Ivan Adriano Licciardi, contrasting Aristotle and Simplicius, aptly attributes to Aristotle a storiografia dialettica, while Simplicius champions a storiografia sinfonica.\r\n\r\nThe context in which the doxa of a certain author are transmitted is also quite crucial. In the case of Parmenides, we do not know of any running commentary written in Antiquity. It is important to emphasize that Simplicius too, although he is quoting a good bit from the poem firsthand, does not comment on it line by line as he does in the case of Aristotle. Rather, he is clever enough to select certain words or phrases and interpret them according to his guidelines. As we have seen, it is significant that Simplicius discusses Parmenides\u2019 philosophy in the context of Aristotle\u2019s criticism and against the background of Plato\u2019s exegesis, first and foremost in the Sophist. It is certainly this context or genre that clearly influences the way Parmenides is interpreted. As far as the whole Platonic tradition is concerned, it seems safer not to talk of the reception of Parmenides, but of the reception of Plato\u2019s version of Parmenides.\r\n[conclusion p. 200-202]","btype":2,"date":"2022","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Qox4YDBhtebTWK3","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":146,"full_name":"Helmig, Christoph","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":565,"full_name":"Lammer, Andreas","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":564,"full_name":"Jas, Mareike ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1520,"section_of":1521,"pages":"175-206","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1521,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Received Opinions: Doxography in Antiquity and the Islamic World","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Lammer-Jas_2022","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2022","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This volume\u2014the proceedings of a 2018 conference at LMU Munich funded by the Fritz Thyssen Foundation\u2014brings together, for the first time, experts on Greek, Syriac, and Arabic traditions of doxography. Fourteen contributions provide new insight into state-of-the-art contemporary research on the widespread phenomenon of doxography. Together, they demonstrate how Greek, Syriac, and Arabic forms of doxography share common features and raise related questions that benefit interdisciplinary exchange among colleagues from various disciplines, such as classics, Arabic studies, and the history of philosophy. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/XdQoRcGvPjnpUca","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1521,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia Antiqua","volume":"160","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2022]}

Received Opinions: Doxography in Antiquity and the Islamic World, 2022
By: Lammer, Andreas (Ed.), Jas, Mareike (Ed.)

Title	Received Opinions: Doxography in Antiquity and the Islamic World
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2022
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia Antiqua
Volume	160
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Lammer, Andreas , Jas, Mareike
Translator(s)

Aristotle is famous for beginning his discussions of particular problems with earlier views (doxai) on the subject at hand, whether in physics (Phys. I.2–6), biology (Hist. anim. III.2–3; De respir. 1–9), psychology (De an. I.2–4), metaphysics (Met. Α.1–10), or astronomy (Cael. I.1; 10–12). Part of the procedure is, as he often puts it, to “go over or rehearse the puzzles” (diaporêsai). Ever since Hermann Diels tried to collect and reconstruct the doctrines of the Presocratics, Aristotle’s discussions (and those of his collaborator and immediate successor Theophrastus) became associated with the wider pathways of transmission of early Greek philosophy. Subsequently, Diels’ work emphasized Theophrastus’ role as the origin for this network of interconnected texts. Diels’ two pioneering works resulting from these investigations, his Doxographi Graeci (mapping and clarifying the various streams of transmission) and his Vorsokratiker (an authoritative collection of the fragments and testimonia), have both dominated the twentieth-century study of early Greek thought. In this chapter, I aim to revisit how we should characterize Aristotle’s habit of examining such “received opinions” and how influential it was on his successors, in particular Theophrastus. The nature of these discussions is, I submit, in need of a more precise characterization. For added perspective on the larger timeframe and the continuity in the Aristotelian tradition, I will include comments on the late Platonist Simplicius (ca. 480–ca. 540 CE), who not only still had access to Theophrastus and several works of Aristotle but also seems to echo aspects of the doxai-discussions in his commentaries on Aristotle, with certain important adjustments. By defining “received opinions” in the sense of “accepted” as well as “transmitted,” we are in a position to distinguish between different kinds of doxai-collections, depending on the context and the questions we ask about the material. In Greek, “received opinions” relates closely to endoxa, which I shall also clarify. The overall aim is to gain more insight into the role of these endoxa in the Aristotelian tradition as well as characterize the method(s) used to frame a scientific discussion with “historical” depth. This three-step analysis aims to offer an answer to the question implied in my title: is Diels’ label accurate for the method used by Aristotle and his successor, or should we consider an alternative description? I have introduced the term “endoxography” in my title in an attempt to coin a phrase that describes more accurately certain types of doxai-collections in contradistinction to Diels’ notion of doxography and its modern use, which seems to have become wider in scope. In my study of Theophrastus’ work, I came up with the phrase “critical endoxography” a long time ago. It was meant to characterize the dialectical argument forms in Theophrastus’ De sensibus as a way of specifying how these “well-known views” (endoxa) received critical attention from both Aristotle and Theophrastus. My focus on the terms doxography and endoxography in the earlier part of this paper is not just an exercise in semantics, but one that concerns the very nature of Aristotle’s activity and how it impacted his successor and later commentators. Diels’ modern term may be more or less appropriate for this wider and later tradition of doxai transmission, but it hardly describes the early Peripatetic habit of retrospective evaluation of previous views related to specific investigations into problems of particular knowledge domains. [introduction p. 151-152]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Gzd2QU7XGDORXfc

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1521","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1521,"authors_free":[{"id":2639,"entry_id":1521,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":565,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Lammer, Andreas","free_first_name":"Andreas","free_last_name":"Lammer","norm_person":{"id":565,"first_name":"Andreas","last_name":"Lammer","full_name":"Lammer, Andreas","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"https:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031936807","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2640,"entry_id":1521,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":564,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Jas, Mareike ","free_first_name":"Mareike","free_last_name":"Jas","norm_person":{"id":564,"first_name":"Mareike","last_name":"Jas","full_name":"Jas, Mareike ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"https:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116742073X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Received Opinions: Doxography in Antiquity and the Islamic World","main_title":{"title":"Received Opinions: Doxography in Antiquity and the Islamic World"},"abstract":"Aristotle is famous for beginning his discussions of particular problems with earlier views (doxai) on the subject at hand, whether in physics (Phys. I.2\u20136), biology (Hist. anim. III.2\u20133; De respir. 1\u20139), psychology (De an. I.2\u20134), metaphysics (Met. \u0391.1\u201310), or astronomy (Cael. I.1; 10\u201312). Part of the procedure is, as he often puts it, to \u201cgo over or rehearse the puzzles\u201d (diapor\u00easai).\r\n\r\nEver since Hermann Diels tried to collect and reconstruct the doctrines of the Presocratics, Aristotle\u2019s discussions (and those of his collaborator and immediate successor Theophrastus) became associated with the wider pathways of transmission of early Greek philosophy. Subsequently, Diels\u2019 work emphasized Theophrastus\u2019 role as the origin for this network of interconnected texts. Diels\u2019 two pioneering works resulting from these investigations, his Doxographi Graeci (mapping and clarifying the various streams of transmission) and his Vorsokratiker (an authoritative collection of the fragments and testimonia), have both dominated the twentieth-century study of early Greek thought.\r\n\r\nIn this chapter, I aim to revisit how we should characterize Aristotle\u2019s habit of examining such \u201creceived opinions\u201d and how influential it was on his successors, in particular Theophrastus. The nature of these discussions is, I submit, in need of a more precise characterization. For added perspective on the larger timeframe and the continuity in the Aristotelian tradition, I will include comments on the late Platonist Simplicius (ca. 480\u2013ca. 540 CE), who not only still had access to Theophrastus and several works of Aristotle but also seems to echo aspects of the doxai-discussions in his commentaries on Aristotle, with certain important adjustments.\r\n\r\nBy defining \u201creceived opinions\u201d in the sense of \u201caccepted\u201d as well as \u201ctransmitted,\u201d we are in a position to distinguish between different kinds of doxai-collections, depending on the context and the questions we ask about the material. In Greek, \u201creceived opinions\u201d relates closely to endoxa, which I shall also clarify. The overall aim is to gain more insight into the role of these endoxa in the Aristotelian tradition as well as characterize the method(s) used to frame a scientific discussion with \u201chistorical\u201d depth.\r\n\r\nThis three-step analysis aims to offer an answer to the question implied in my title: is Diels\u2019 label accurate for the method used by Aristotle and his successor, or should we consider an alternative description? I have introduced the term \u201cendoxography\u201d in my title in an attempt to coin a phrase that describes more accurately certain types of doxai-collections in contradistinction to Diels\u2019 notion of doxography and its modern use, which seems to have become wider in scope.\r\n\r\nIn my study of Theophrastus\u2019 work, I came up with the phrase \u201ccritical endoxography\u201d a long time ago. It was meant to characterize the dialectical argument forms in Theophrastus\u2019 De sensibus as a way of specifying how these \u201cwell-known views\u201d (endoxa) received critical attention from both Aristotle and Theophrastus. My focus on the terms doxography and endoxography in the earlier part of this paper is not just an exercise in semantics, but one that concerns the very nature of Aristotle\u2019s activity and how it impacted his successor and later commentators.\r\n\r\nDiels\u2019 modern term may be more or less appropriate for this wider and later tradition of doxai transmission, but it hardly describes the early Peripatetic habit of retrospective evaluation of previous views related to specific investigations into problems of particular knowledge domains. [introduction p. 151-152]","btype":4,"date":"2022","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Gzd2QU7XGDORXfc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":565,"full_name":"Lammer, Andreas","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":564,"full_name":"Jas, Mareike ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1521,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia Antiqua","volume":"160","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2022]}

Simplicio, in Cael. 556, 3-560, 10, a margine di Platone, Prm. 135b8-c1. Prolegomeni a una genealogia del parallelism onto-epistemologico, 2022
By: Licciardi, Ivan Adriano, Brisson, Luc (Ed.), Macé, Arnaud (Ed.), Renaut, Olivier (Ed.)

Title	Simplicio, in Cael. 556, 3-560, 10, a margine di Platone, Prm. 135b8-c1. Prolegomeni a una genealogia del parallelism onto-epistemologico
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	2022
Published in	Plato’s Parmenides: Selected Papers of the XIIth Symposium Platonicum
Pages	517-526
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)	Brisson, Luc , Macé, Arnaud , Renaut, Olivier
Translator(s)

Simplicius, in Cael. 556,3-560,10 interprets Cael. III 1, 298b14-24, in which Aristotle criticizes Parmenides and Melissus, who deny coming-to-be and consider it only an apparent phenomenon. On the one hand, Aristotle asserts that the Eleatics realized that the condition for a science of being can be that the latter refers to ungenerated and immobile, and therefore ontologically stable, objects; on the other hand, at the same time, they do not admit any other essence aside from sensible beings. Aristotle concludes by saying that the Eleatics came to believe that generation is only apparent, and that they proceeded on the assumption of the isomorphism between the stability of the object and the incontrovertibility of science itself. All in all, Aristotle has pointed out that the Eleatics mixed physics and metaphysics. Simplicius demonstrates that Aristotle’s criticism is not aimed to refute Parmenides, but to prevent superficial listeners from being misled by the outward aspects of his doctrines, because Parmenides’ investigation is metaphysical and regards the intelligible world. Simplicius quotes Prm. 135b8-c1, where Parmenides, turning towards Socrates, says that whoever denies the theory of ideas, that is the theory that admits eternal entities which exist separately, will be quite at a loss, since there can be no science of the things that always flow, that is of the sensible. This is the reason why Plato, before Simplicius, identifies a theorical continuity between Eleaticsm and his own philosophy, finding in Parmenides a supporter of the onto-epistemological parallelism. In Simplicius’ opinion the historical Parmenides and the platonic Parmenides coincide, so the platonic passage shows that Eleatics were the first philosophers that admitted the principle of the onto-epistemological parallelism. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/47OwUW41KSmtjb0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1549","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1549,"authors_free":[{"id":2706,"entry_id":1549,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","free_first_name":"Ivan Adriano","free_last_name":"Licciardi","norm_person":null},{"id":2707,"entry_id":1549,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Brisson, Luc","free_first_name":"Luc","free_last_name":"Brisson","norm_person":null},{"id":2708,"entry_id":1549,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Mac\u00e9, Arnaud","free_first_name":"Arnaud","free_last_name":"Mac\u00e9","norm_person":null},{"id":2709,"entry_id":1549,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Renaut, Olivier","free_first_name":"Olivier","free_last_name":"Renaut","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Simplicio, in Cael. 556, 3-560, 10, a margine di Platone, Prm. 135b8-c1. Prolegomeni a una genealogia del parallelism onto-epistemologico","main_title":{"title":"Simplicio, in Cael. 556, 3-560, 10, a margine di Platone, Prm. 135b8-c1. Prolegomeni a una genealogia del parallelism onto-epistemologico"},"abstract":"Simplicius, in Cael. 556,3-560,10 interprets Cael. III 1, 298b14-24, in which Aristotle criti\u00adcizes Parmenides and Melissus, who deny coming-to-be and consider it only an apparent phenomenon. On the one hand, Aristotle asserts that the Eleatics realized that the condition for a science of being can be that the latter refers to ungenerated and immobile, and therefore ontologically stable, objects; on the other hand, at the same time, they do not admit any other essence aside from sensible beings. Aristotle concludes by saying that the Eleatics came to believe that generation is only apparent, and that they proceeded on the assumption of the isomorphism between the stability of the object and the incontrovertibil\u00adity of science itself. All in all, Aristotle has pointed out that the Eleatics mixed physics and metaphysics. Simplicius demonstrates that Aristotle\u2019s criticism is not aimed to refute Parmenides, but to prevent superficial listeners from being misled by the outward aspects of his doctrines, because Parmenides\u2019 investigation is metaphysical and regards the intelligible world. Simplicius quotes Prm. 135b8-c1, where Parmenides, turning towards Socrates, says that whoever denies the theory of ideas, that is the theory that admits eternal entities which exist separately, will be quite at a loss, since there can be no science of the things that always flow, that is of the sensible. This is the reason why Plato, before Simplicius, identifies a theorical continuity between Eleaticsm and his own philosophy, finding in Parmenides a supporter of the onto-epistemological parallelism. In Simplicius\u2019 opinion the historical Parmenides and the platonic Parmenides coincide, so the platonic passage shows that Eleatics were the first philosophers that admitted the principle of the onto-epistemological parallelism. [author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2022","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/47OwUW41KSmtjb0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1549,"section_of":1550,"pages":"517-526","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1550,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Plato\u2019s Parmenides: Selected Papers of the XIIth Symposium Platonicum","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Brisson2022","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2022","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This book contains proceedings of the Symposium Platonicum held in Paris in 2019. The format follows that of its predecessors, in which a selected dialogue (or two) is covered by scholars from diverse research traditions using various interpretative approaches. The published papers are usually shorter notes on specific passages, sometimes growing into longer articles on larger issues, but rarely into a discussion between themselves. The present collection is the largest of its kind (53 papers: 32 in English, 12 in Italian, 4 in German, 3 in French, 2 in Spanish). It examines a particularly difficult dialogue, the Parmenides, from six angles that make up this book\u2019s six thematic sections: (I) the dramatic framework, (II) the influence of earlier philosophers on the Parmenides, (III) Plato\u2019s conception of dialectics, (IV) the critique of the theory of forms, (V) the hypotheses and deductions, and (VI) the influence of the Parmenides on later authors.\r\n\r\nThe Parmenides is a minefield of philosophical questions: how are we to take the dramatic presence of the Eleatics Parmenides and Zeno in terms of the dialogue\u2019s aims and methods? Which of the arguments criticizing the theory of forms, if any, are valid? Do the deductions lead to a genuine impasse or is there some qualified sense in which some of them are productive? And what is the overall purpose of this dialogue: to ridicule the Eleatic monism, to expose the problems surrounding the theory of forms, to solve them, or perhaps to introduce the metaphysics of the One? The reader should not approach this volume in order to find a scholarly consensus on any of these questions, but for the clear formulation of a particular problem, or a promising outline of a solution, or an interesting historical connection to other philosophers offered by some of its contributions.\r\n\r\nA good case of the first is Amber D. Carpenter\u2019s paper. Plato\u2019s Socrates wants forms to be separated from sensibles and ontologically independent of them. Parmenides attacks this position by noticing that the separation of forms and sensibles implies a symmetrical relation since forms are separated from sensibles as much sensibles are separated from forms. But the paper explores a further problem: if being separated from sensibles means being independent of them, then sensibles are equally independent of forms. Even if one gives up separation in order to salvage independence, the problem persists in a weakness captured by Parmenides\u2019 \u2018master-slave\u2019 example, which Carpenter explains as follows: \u2018his being a master does depend on someone else\u2019s being a slave \u2013 and so the master (as Hegel observed) depends on his slave\u2019 (p. 249). Of course Plato, as another paper by Kezhou Liu claims, wants to maintain an asymmetrical relation, but none of the papers in Section IV provide compelling evidence from the Parmenides to counter Carpenter\u2019s argument.\r\n\r\nOther contributions explore how certain mistakes in the Parmenides were solved in other dialogues. For instance, Notomi Noburu examines why the dialogues after the Parmenides abandoned the form of Similarity (homoion) in favor of the form of Sameness (tauton). The answer is that a relation of similarity between forms and sensibles ends up generating a regress. Francisco J. Gonzalez argues that the notion of the third (to triton), which is discussed at 155e\u2013157b (sometimes called the third deduction, usually taken as an appendix to the first two), is pivotal in solving the antinomies of the Parmenides. According to this paper, this notion encompasses any two opposed things and transcends them, thus giving a conceptual basis for various \u2018thirds\u2019 in the Philebus, the Sophist, and the Timaeus. B\u00e9atrice Lienemann explores the predication of forms. This paper adopts Meinwald\u2019s distinction between two types of predication and argues that predication in relation to the thing itself (pros heauto) expresses the essential property of such a thing (e.g. the form of human being is rationality). However, it should not be confused with the necessary properties, such as identity, that belong to all forms. Lienemann then explores the Phaedo and the Sophist to confirm that Plato indeed employs something close to the distinction between the essential and necessary properties.\r\n\r\nAs for the historical part, two papers stand out. Mathilde Br\u00e9mond gives good textual evidence to show that the second part of the Parmenides examines pairs of contradictory claims leading to impossibilities in the way the sophist Gorgias does. In addition, this paper argues that having Gorgias in mind can explain why the second part is neither constructive in its outcomes, nor openly called \u2018dialectics\u2019. The reason is that the argumentation here resembles antilogic. Lloyd P. Gerson\u2019s paper is about the elephant in the room: the Neoplatonic reading of the Parmenides that is mostly ignored throughout the volume. Gerson shows that Plotinus\u2019 interpretation of the first three hypotheses was not arbitrary, but rather based on a defendable understanding of the One and the need to find a philosophically sound answer to Aristotle\u2019s question \u2018what is ousia?\u2019.\r\n\r\nThe broader value of this volume is that it gives a good representation of the current status quaestionis and provides a number of useful discussions of shorter passages. However, most of its pieces do not formulate a self-standing argument and should be read in conjunction with Cornford\u2019s Plato and Parmenides (1935), Allen\u2019s Plato\u2019s Parmenides (1983), Meinwald\u2019s Plato\u2019s Parmenides (1991), Sayre\u2019s Parmenides\u2019 Lesson (1996), Scolnicov\u2019s Plato\u2019s Parmenides (2003), Rickless\u2019 Plato\u2019s Forms in Transition (2006), and Gill\u2019s Philosophos (2012): the papers assume close familiarity with them. Finally, this volume needed more careful editing: it contains different treatments of Greek (e.g. pp. 183-191 use transliterations, while pp. 193-200 do not); there are typos and missing characters in the text and titles (e.g. \u2018Plato\u2019 Parmenides\u2019 on p. 10) and missing references in the bibliography (e.g. Helmig 2007 and Migliori 2000 from p. 63).","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/BAdPSglZoxI7r9D","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1550,"pubplace":"Baden-Baden","publisher":"Academia","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2022]}

Plato’s Parmenides: Selected Papers of the XIIth Symposium Platonicum, 2022
By: Brisson, Luc (Ed.), Macé, Arnaud (Ed.), Renaut, Olivier (Ed.)

Title	Plato’s Parmenides: Selected Papers of the XIIth Symposium Platonicum
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2022
Publication Place	Baden-Baden
Publisher	Academia
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Brisson, Luc , Macé, Arnaud , Renaut, Olivier
Translator(s)

This book contains proceedings of the Symposium Platonicum held in Paris in 2019. The format follows that of its predecessors, in which a selected dialogue (or two) is covered by scholars from diverse research traditions using various interpretative approaches. The published papers are usually shorter notes on specific passages, sometimes growing into longer articles on larger issues, but rarely into a discussion between themselves. The present collection is the largest of its kind (53 papers: 32 in English, 12 in Italian, 4 in German, 3 in French, 2 in Spanish). It examines a particularly difficult dialogue, the Parmenides, from six angles that make up this book’s six thematic sections: (I) the dramatic framework, (II) the influence of earlier philosophers on the Parmenides, (III) Plato’s conception of dialectics, (IV) the critique of the theory of forms, (V) the hypotheses and deductions, and (VI) the influence of the Parmenides on later authors. The Parmenides is a minefield of philosophical questions: how are we to take the dramatic presence of the Eleatics Parmenides and Zeno in terms of the dialogue’s aims and methods? Which of the arguments criticizing the theory of forms, if any, are valid? Do the deductions lead to a genuine impasse or is there some qualified sense in which some of them are productive? And what is the overall purpose of this dialogue: to ridicule the Eleatic monism, to expose the problems surrounding the theory of forms, to solve them, or perhaps to introduce the metaphysics of the One? The reader should not approach this volume in order to find a scholarly consensus on any of these questions, but for the clear formulation of a particular problem, or a promising outline of a solution, or an interesting historical connection to other philosophers offered by some of its contributions. A good case of the first is Amber D. Carpenter’s paper. Plato’s Socrates wants forms to be separated from sensibles and ontologically independent of them. Parmenides attacks this position by noticing that the separation of forms and sensibles implies a symmetrical relation since forms are separated from sensibles as much sensibles are separated from forms. But the paper explores a further problem: if being separated from sensibles means being independent of them, then sensibles are equally independent of forms. Even if one gives up separation in order to salvage independence, the problem persists in a weakness captured by Parmenides’ ‘master-slave’ example, which Carpenter explains as follows: ‘his being a master does depend on someone else’s being a slave – and so the master (as Hegel observed) depends on his slave’ (p. 249). Of course Plato, as another paper by Kezhou Liu claims, wants to maintain an asymmetrical relation, but none of the papers in Section IV provide compelling evidence from the Parmenides to counter Carpenter’s argument. Other contributions explore how certain mistakes in the Parmenides were solved in other dialogues. For instance, Notomi Noburu examines why the dialogues after the Parmenides abandoned the form of Similarity (homoion) in favor of the form of Sameness (tauton). The answer is that a relation of similarity between forms and sensibles ends up generating a regress. Francisco J. Gonzalez argues that the notion of the third (to triton), which is discussed at 155e–157b (sometimes called the third deduction, usually taken as an appendix to the first two), is pivotal in solving the antinomies of the Parmenides. According to this paper, this notion encompasses any two opposed things and transcends them, thus giving a conceptual basis for various ‘thirds’ in the Philebus, the Sophist, and the Timaeus. Béatrice Lienemann explores the predication of forms. This paper adopts Meinwald’s distinction between two types of predication and argues that predication in relation to the thing itself (pros heauto) expresses the essential property of such a thing (e.g. the form of human being is rationality). However, it should not be confused with the necessary properties, such as identity, that belong to all forms. Lienemann then explores the Phaedo and the Sophist to confirm that Plato indeed employs something close to the distinction between the essential and necessary properties. As for the historical part, two papers stand out. Mathilde Brémond gives good textual evidence to show that the second part of the Parmenides examines pairs of contradictory claims leading to impossibilities in the way the sophist Gorgias does. In addition, this paper argues that having Gorgias in mind can explain why the second part is neither constructive in its outcomes, nor openly called ‘dialectics’. The reason is that the argumentation here resembles antilogic. Lloyd P. Gerson’s paper is about the elephant in the room: the Neoplatonic reading of the Parmenides that is mostly ignored throughout the volume. Gerson shows that Plotinus’ interpretation of the first three hypotheses was not arbitrary, but rather based on a defendable understanding of the One and the need to find a philosophically sound answer to Aristotle’s question ‘what is ousia?’. The broader value of this volume is that it gives a good representation of the current status quaestionis and provides a number of useful discussions of shorter passages. However, most of its pieces do not formulate a self-standing argument and should be read in conjunction with Cornford’s Plato and Parmenides (1935), Allen’s Plato’s Parmenides (1983), Meinwald’s Plato’s Parmenides (1991), Sayre’s Parmenides’ Lesson (1996), Scolnicov’s Plato’s Parmenides (2003), Rickless’ Plato’s Forms in Transition (2006), and Gill’s Philosophos (2012): the papers assume close familiarity with them. Finally, this volume needed more careful editing: it contains different treatments of Greek (e.g. pp. 183-191 use transliterations, while pp. 193-200 do not); there are typos and missing characters in the text and titles (e.g. ‘Plato’ Parmenides’ on p. 10) and missing references in the bibliography (e.g. Helmig 2007 and Migliori 2000 from p. 63). [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5tS2Jub3NyDq8Oq

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1550","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1550,"authors_free":[{"id":2710,"entry_id":1550,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Brisson, Luc","free_first_name":"Luc","free_last_name":"Brisson","norm_person":null},{"id":2711,"entry_id":1550,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Mac\u00e9, Arnaud","free_first_name":"Arnaud","free_last_name":"Mac\u00e9","norm_person":null},{"id":2712,"entry_id":1550,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Renaut, Olivier","free_first_name":"Olivier","free_last_name":"Renaut","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Plato\u2019s Parmenides: Selected Papers of the XIIth Symposium Platonicum","main_title":{"title":"Plato\u2019s Parmenides: Selected Papers of the XIIth Symposium Platonicum"},"abstract":"This book contains proceedings of the Symposium Platonicum held in Paris in 2019. The format follows that of its predecessors, in which a selected dialogue (or two) is covered by scholars from diverse research traditions using various interpretative approaches. The published papers are usually shorter notes on specific passages, sometimes growing into longer articles on larger issues, but rarely into a discussion between themselves. The present collection is the largest of its kind (53 papers: 32 in English, 12 in Italian, 4 in German, 3 in French, 2 in Spanish). It examines a particularly difficult dialogue, the Parmenides, from six angles that make up this book\u2019s six thematic sections: (I) the dramatic framework, (II) the influence of earlier philosophers on the Parmenides, (III) Plato\u2019s conception of dialectics, (IV) the critique of the theory of forms, (V) the hypotheses and deductions, and (VI) the influence of the Parmenides on later authors.\r\n\r\nThe Parmenides is a minefield of philosophical questions: how are we to take the dramatic presence of the Eleatics Parmenides and Zeno in terms of the dialogue\u2019s aims and methods? Which of the arguments criticizing the theory of forms, if any, are valid? Do the deductions lead to a genuine impasse or is there some qualified sense in which some of them are productive? And what is the overall purpose of this dialogue: to ridicule the Eleatic monism, to expose the problems surrounding the theory of forms, to solve them, or perhaps to introduce the metaphysics of the One? The reader should not approach this volume in order to find a scholarly consensus on any of these questions, but for the clear formulation of a particular problem, or a promising outline of a solution, or an interesting historical connection to other philosophers offered by some of its contributions.\r\n\r\nA good case of the first is Amber D. Carpenter\u2019s paper. Plato\u2019s Socrates wants forms to be separated from sensibles and ontologically independent of them. Parmenides attacks this position by noticing that the separation of forms and sensibles implies a symmetrical relation since forms are separated from sensibles as much sensibles are separated from forms. But the paper explores a further problem: if being separated from sensibles means being independent of them, then sensibles are equally independent of forms. Even if one gives up separation in order to salvage independence, the problem persists in a weakness captured by Parmenides\u2019 \u2018master-slave\u2019 example, which Carpenter explains as follows: \u2018his being a master does depend on someone else\u2019s being a slave \u2013 and so the master (as Hegel observed) depends on his slave\u2019 (p. 249). Of course Plato, as another paper by Kezhou Liu claims, wants to maintain an asymmetrical relation, but none of the papers in Section IV provide compelling evidence from the Parmenides to counter Carpenter\u2019s argument.\r\n\r\nOther contributions explore how certain mistakes in the Parmenides were solved in other dialogues. For instance, Notomi Noburu examines why the dialogues after the Parmenides abandoned the form of Similarity (homoion) in favor of the form of Sameness (tauton). The answer is that a relation of similarity between forms and sensibles ends up generating a regress. Francisco J. Gonzalez argues that the notion of the third (to triton), which is discussed at 155e\u2013157b (sometimes called the third deduction, usually taken as an appendix to the first two), is pivotal in solving the antinomies of the Parmenides. According to this paper, this notion encompasses any two opposed things and transcends them, thus giving a conceptual basis for various \u2018thirds\u2019 in the Philebus, the Sophist, and the Timaeus. B\u00e9atrice Lienemann explores the predication of forms. This paper adopts Meinwald\u2019s distinction between two types of predication and argues that predication in relation to the thing itself (pros heauto) expresses the essential property of such a thing (e.g. the form of human being is rationality). However, it should not be confused with the necessary properties, such as identity, that belong to all forms. Lienemann then explores the Phaedo and the Sophist to confirm that Plato indeed employs something close to the distinction between the essential and necessary properties.\r\n\r\nAs for the historical part, two papers stand out. Mathilde Br\u00e9mond gives good textual evidence to show that the second part of the Parmenides examines pairs of contradictory claims leading to impossibilities in the way the sophist Gorgias does. In addition, this paper argues that having Gorgias in mind can explain why the second part is neither constructive in its outcomes, nor openly called \u2018dialectics\u2019. The reason is that the argumentation here resembles antilogic. Lloyd P. Gerson\u2019s paper is about the elephant in the room: the Neoplatonic reading of the Parmenides that is mostly ignored throughout the volume. Gerson shows that Plotinus\u2019 interpretation of the first three hypotheses was not arbitrary, but rather based on a defendable understanding of the One and the need to find a philosophically sound answer to Aristotle\u2019s question \u2018what is ousia?\u2019.\r\n\r\nThe broader value of this volume is that it gives a good representation of the current status quaestionis and provides a number of useful discussions of shorter passages. However, most of its pieces do not formulate a self-standing argument and should be read in conjunction with Cornford\u2019s Plato and Parmenides (1935), Allen\u2019s Plato\u2019s Parmenides (1983), Meinwald\u2019s Plato\u2019s Parmenides (1991), Sayre\u2019s Parmenides\u2019 Lesson (1996), Scolnicov\u2019s Plato\u2019s Parmenides (2003), Rickless\u2019 Plato\u2019s Forms in Transition (2006), and Gill\u2019s Philosophos (2012): the papers assume close familiarity with them. Finally, this volume needed more careful editing: it contains different treatments of Greek (e.g. pp. 183-191 use transliterations, while pp. 193-200 do not); there are typos and missing characters in the text and titles (e.g. \u2018Plato\u2019 Parmenides\u2019 on p. 10) and missing references in the bibliography (e.g. Helmig 2007 and Migliori 2000 from p. 63). [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2022","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5tS2Jub3NyDq8Oq","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1550,"pubplace":"Baden-Baden","publisher":"Academia","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2022]}

Wenn der Steuermann ruft..." (Epiktet, Encheiridion 7), 2022
By: Krämer, Benedikt

Title	Wenn der Steuermann ruft..." (Epiktet, Encheiridion 7)
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2022
Journal	Hyperboreus
Volume	28
Issue	1
Pages	111-122
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Krämer, Benedikt
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die vorliegende Betrachtung hat eine Interpretation angeboten, die sich eng an den Wortlaut von Kapitel 7 des Encheiridion hält. Demnach beschreibt Epiktet in der Tat zwei verschiedene Lebenssituationen zweier Menschen (oder desselben Menschen in unterschiedlichen Lebensphasen). Im ersten Fall thematisiert Epiktet die schicksalsbedingte Veränderung der Peristasen, der man entweder freiwillig oder unter Zwang Folge leisten kann. Im zweiten Fall kündigt der Ruf des Steuermanns den bevorstehenden Tod an. Das verbindende Element der Lebensbeschreibungen ist die stoische Spannungslehre. Der tugendhafte Mensch richtet sich in allen Situationen und bei allen Entscheidungen auf Gott aus und erhöht so den Tonos seines seelischen Pneumas. Im zweiten Fall spricht Epiktet aus seiner eigenen persönlichen Religiosität heraus psychagogisch wirksam die persönliche Religiosität des Lesers an. Wer den seelischen Tonos und die aufmerksame Ausrichtung auf Gott auch im fortgeschrittenen Alter bewahrt, wird den Tod – für eine gewisse Zeit – überdauern und eine Gemeinschaft mit Gott erleben. [conclusion p. 120-121]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zHBaqqHklM9rLNZ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1555","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1555,"authors_free":[{"id":2718,"entry_id":1555,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kr\u00e4mer, Benedikt","free_first_name":"Benedikt","free_last_name":"Kr\u00e4mer","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Wenn der Steuermann ruft...\" (Epiktet, Encheiridion 7)","main_title":{"title":"Wenn der Steuermann ruft...\" (Epiktet, Encheiridion 7)"},"abstract":"Die vorliegende Betrachtung hat eine Interpretation angeboten, die sich eng an den Wortlaut von Kapitel 7 des Encheiridion h\u00e4lt. Demnach beschreibt Epiktet in der Tat zwei verschiedene Lebenssituationen zweier Menschen (oder desselben Menschen in unterschiedlichen Lebensphasen).\r\n\r\nIm ersten Fall thematisiert Epiktet die schicksalsbedingte Ver\u00e4nderung der Peristasen, der man entweder freiwillig oder unter Zwang Folge leisten kann. Im zweiten Fall k\u00fcndigt der Ruf des Steuermanns den bevorstehenden Tod an.\r\n\r\nDas verbindende Element der Lebensbeschreibungen ist die stoische Spannungslehre. Der tugendhafte Mensch richtet sich in allen Situationen und bei allen Entscheidungen auf Gott aus und erh\u00f6ht so den Tonos seines seelischen Pneumas.\r\n\r\nIm zweiten Fall spricht Epiktet aus seiner eigenen pers\u00f6nlichen Religiosit\u00e4t heraus psychagogisch wirksam die pers\u00f6nliche Religiosit\u00e4t des Lesers an. Wer den seelischen Tonos und die aufmerksame Ausrichtung auf Gott auch im fortgeschrittenen Alter bewahrt, wird den Tod \u2013 f\u00fcr eine gewisse Zeit \u2013 \u00fcberdauern und eine Gemeinschaft mit Gott erleben.\r\n[conclusion p. 120-121]","btype":3,"date":"2022","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/zHBaqqHklM9rLNZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1555,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hyperboreus","volume":"28","issue":"1","pages":"111-122"}},"sort":[2022]}

Simplicius on Aristotle Physics 1-8: General Introduction to the 12 Volumes of Translations, 2022
By: Menn, Stephen Philip

Title	Simplicius on Aristotle Physics 1-8: General Introduction to the 12 Volumes of Translations
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2022
Publication Place	London; New York
Publisher	Bloomsbury Publishing
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Menn, Stephen Philip
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Supporting the twelve volumes of translation of Simplicius' great commentary on Aristotle's Physics, all published by Bloomsbury in the Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series, between 1992 and 2021, this volume presents a general introduction to the commentary. It covers the philosophical aims of Simplicius' commentaries on the Physics and the related text On the Heaven; Simplicius' methods and his use of earlier sources; and key themes and comparison with Philoponus' commentary on the same text. Simplicius treats the Physics as a universal study of the principles of all natural things underlying the account of the cosmos in On the Heaven. In both treatises, he responds at every stage to the now lost Peripatetic commentaries of Alexander of Aphrodisias, which set Aristotle in opposition to Plato and to earlier thinkers such as Parmenides, Empedocles and Anaxagoras. On each passage, Simplicius after going through Alexander's commentary raises difficulties for the text of Aristotle as interpreted by Alexander. Then, after making observations about details of the text, and often going back to a direct reading of the older philosophers (for whom he is now often our main source, as he is for Alexander's commentary), he proposes his own solution to the difficulties, introduced with a modest 'perhaps', which reads Aristotle as in harmony with Plato and earlier thinkers. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kaEI6zadYuqduKC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1558","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1558,"authors_free":[{"id":2721,"entry_id":1558,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Menn, Stephen Philip","free_first_name":"Stephen Philip","free_last_name":"Menn","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Simplicius on Aristotle Physics 1-8: General Introduction to the 12 Volumes of Translations","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius on Aristotle Physics 1-8: General Introduction to the 12 Volumes of Translations"},"abstract":" Supporting the twelve volumes of translation of Simplicius' great commentary on Aristotle's Physics, all published by Bloomsbury in the Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series, between 1992 and 2021, this volume presents a general introduction to the commentary. It covers the philosophical aims of Simplicius' commentaries on the Physics and the related text On the Heaven; Simplicius' methods and his use of earlier sources; and key themes and comparison with Philoponus' commentary on the same text. Simplicius treats the Physics as a universal study of the principles of all natural things underlying the account of the cosmos in On the Heaven. In both treatises, he responds at every stage to the now lost Peripatetic commentaries of Alexander of Aphrodisias, which set Aristotle in opposition to Plato and to earlier thinkers such as Parmenides, Empedocles and Anaxagoras. On each passage, Simplicius after going through Alexander's commentary raises difficulties for the text of Aristotle as interpreted by Alexander. Then, after making observations about details of the text, and often going back to a direct reading of the older philosophers (for whom he is now often our main source, as he is for Alexander's commentary), he proposes his own solution to the difficulties, introduced with a modest 'perhaps', which reads Aristotle as in harmony with Plato and earlier thinkers. [official abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2022","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kaEI6zadYuqduKC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1558,"pubplace":"London; New York","publisher":"Bloomsbury Publishing","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2022]}

Simplicius. Commentaire sur la Physique d'Aristote - Livre II, ch. 4-6, 2022
By: Lernould, Alain

Title	Simplicius. Commentaire sur la Physique d'Aristote - Livre II, ch. 4-6
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2022
Publication Place	Villeneuve d’Ascq
Publisher	Presses Universitaires du Septentrion
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lernould, Alain
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Les chapitres 4-6 du Livre II de la Physique d'Aristote constituent le premier essai dans notre littérature philosophique occidentale consacré au hasard et à la fortune. On y trouve l'exemple de la pierre qui en tombant d'une hauteur sur le crâne de quelqu'un le tue, repris par Spinoza dans son Éthique. Aristote et Spinoza s'accordent pour dire que la pierre n'est pas tombée pour tuer. Mais le rejet du finalisme et en même temps de toute forme de contingence chez Spinoza est aux antipodes du finalisme dans lequel Aristote peut inscrire le hasard. Le commentaire de Simplicius apporte sur la doctrine d'Aristote des éclaircissements et des prolongements substantiels, encore peu connus, auxquels la présente traduction, la première en français, donne un accès direct. Simplicius permet en particulier de trancher sur la question de la traduction des termes t??? et a?t?µat?? en Phys. II, 4-6, à savoir, respectivement, « fortune » et « hasard » (plutôt que « hasard » et « spontanéité »). En bon néoplatonicien, il couronne son commentaire par un hymne à la déesse Fortune. Ce livre vient à la suite de la traduction du commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique, Livre II, chap. 1-3, publiée par A. Lernould aux Presses universitaires du Septentrion en 2019. Il sera suivi d'un troisième volume qui contiendra la traduction du commentaire aux trois derniers chapitres (7-9) du Livre II de la Physique, qui portent sur la finalité naturelle et la nécessité. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/m7RF2NiZPJdZBFC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1556","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1556,"authors_free":[{"id":2719,"entry_id":1556,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Lernould, Alain","free_first_name":"Alain","free_last_name":"Lernould","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Simplicius. Commentaire sur la Physique d'Aristote - Livre II, ch. 4-6","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius. Commentaire sur la Physique d'Aristote - Livre II, ch. 4-6"},"abstract":"Les chapitres 4-6 du Livre II de la Physique d'Aristote constituent le premier essai dans notre litt\u00e9rature philosophique occidentale consacr\u00e9 au hasard et \u00e0 la fortune. On y trouve l'exemple de la pierre qui en tombant d'une hauteur sur le cr\u00e2ne de quelqu'un le tue, repris par Spinoza dans son \u00c9thique. Aristote et Spinoza s'accordent pour dire que la pierre n'est pas tomb\u00e9e pour tuer. Mais le rejet du finalisme et en m\u00eame temps de toute forme de contingence chez Spinoza est aux antipodes du finalisme dans lequel Aristote peut inscrire le hasard.\r\nLe commentaire de Simplicius apporte sur la doctrine d'Aristote des \u00e9claircissements et des prolongements substantiels, encore peu connus, auxquels la pr\u00e9sente traduction, la premi\u00e8re en fran\u00e7ais, donne un acc\u00e8s direct. Simplicius permet en particulier de trancher sur la question de la traduction des termes t??? et a?t?\u00b5at?? en Phys. II, 4-6, \u00e0 savoir, respectivement, \u00ab fortune \u00bb et \u00ab hasard \u00bb (plut\u00f4t que \u00ab hasard \u00bb et \u00ab spontan\u00e9it\u00e9 \u00bb).\r\nEn bon n\u00e9oplatonicien, il couronne son commentaire par un hymne \u00e0 la d\u00e9esse Fortune. Ce livre vient \u00e0 la suite de la traduction du commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique, Livre II, chap. 1-3, publi\u00e9e par A. Lernould aux Presses universitaires du Septentrion en 2019. Il sera suivi d'un troisi\u00e8me volume qui contiendra la traduction du commentaire aux trois derniers chapitres (7-9) du Livre II de la Physique, qui portent sur la finalit\u00e9 naturelle et la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2022","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/m7RF2NiZPJdZBFC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1556,"pubplace":"Villeneuve d\u2019Ascq","publisher":"Presses Universitaires du Septentrion","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2022]}

Simplicius. On Aristotle Physics 1.1-2 (Ancient commentators on Aristotle), 2022
By: Menn, Stephen Philip

Title	Simplicius. On Aristotle Physics 1.1-2 (Ancient commentators on Aristotle)
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2022
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury Publishing
Series	Ancient commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Menn, Stephen Philip
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

With this translation, all 12 volumes of translation of Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics have been published (full list below). In Physics 1.1–2, Aristotle raises the question of the number and character of the first principles of nature and feels the need to oppose the challenge of the paradoxical Eleatic philosophers who had denied that there could be more than one unchanging thing. This volume, part of the groundbreaking Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series, translates into English for the first time Simplicius' commentary on this selected text, and includes a brief introduction, extensive explanatory notes, indexes and a bibliography. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rvwnWaF9gp9DQtr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1557","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1557,"authors_free":[{"id":2720,"entry_id":1557,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Menn, Stephen Philip","free_first_name":"Stephen Philip","free_last_name":"Menn","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Simplicius. On Aristotle Physics 1.1-2 (Ancient commentators on Aristotle)","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius. On Aristotle Physics 1.1-2 (Ancient commentators on Aristotle)"},"abstract":"With this translation, all 12 volumes of translation of Simplicius\u2019 commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics have been published (full list below). In Physics 1.1\u20132, Aristotle raises the question of the number and character of the first principles of nature and feels the need to oppose the challenge of the paradoxical Eleatic philosophers who had denied that there could be more than one unchanging thing.\r\n\r\nThis volume, part of the groundbreaking Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series, translates into English for the first time Simplicius' commentary on this selected text, and includes a brief introduction, extensive explanatory notes, indexes and a bibliography. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2022","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rvwnWaF9gp9DQtr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1557,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Bloomsbury Publishing","series":"Ancient commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2022]}

El extraño criterio utilizado para crear "la Doxa" de Parménides, 2021
By: Néstor-Luis Cordero

Title	El extraño criterio utilizado para crear "la Doxa" de Parménides
Type	Article
Language	Spanish
Date	2021
Journal	Dianoia
Volume	66
Issue	87
Pages	141-151
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Néstor-Luis Cordero
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In 1795 G.G. Fülleborn, a philologist of Kantian origin, grouped in two "parts" the recovered fragments of the Poem of Parmenides -"the Truth" and "the Doxa". With small modifications, this structure became classic and is accepted unanimously today. However, a reading of each fragment in an isolated way does not justify such division, which is based on an interpretation of Simplicius influenced by Aristotle, who finds already in Parmenides a sketch of the Platonic dualism between the "sensible" and the "intelligible", not actually present in the latter. This work analyzes critically the criterion used by Fülleborn, which is anachronistic in the case of a preplatonic thinker. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MC7go0ESvT7PDWp

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1592","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1592,"authors_free":[{"id":2792,"entry_id":1592,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis Cordero","free_first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_last_name":"Cordero","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"El extra\u00f1o criterio utilizado para crear \"la Doxa\" de Parm\u00e9nides","main_title":{"title":"El extra\u00f1o criterio utilizado para crear \"la Doxa\" de Parm\u00e9nides"},"abstract":"In 1795 G.G. F\u00fclleborn, a philologist of Kantian origin, grouped in two \"parts\" the recovered fragments of the Poem of Parmenides -\"the Truth\" and \"the Doxa\". With small modifications, this structure became classic and is accepted unanimously today. However, a reading of each fragment in an isolated way does not justify such division, which is based on an interpretation of Simplicius influenced by Aristotle, who finds already in Parmenides a sketch of the Platonic dualism between the \"sensible\" and the \"intelligible\", not actually present in the latter. This work analyzes critically the criterion used by F\u00fclleborn, which is anachronistic in the case of a preplatonic thinker. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2021","language":"Spanish","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/MC7go0ESvT7PDWp","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1592,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Dianoia","volume":"66","issue":"87","pages":"141-151"}},"sort":[2021]}

Aristotle's 'Physics' VIII, Translated into Arabic by Ishaq ibn Hunayn (9th c.), Introduction, Edition, and Glossaries, Contributor: Pieter Sjoerd Hasper, 2021
By: Arnzen, Rüdiger, Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd (Contributor), Aristoteles

Title	Aristotle's 'Physics' VIII, Translated into Arabic by Ishaq ibn Hunayn (9th c.), Introduction, Edition, and Glossaries, Contributor: Pieter Sjoerd Hasper
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2021
Publication Place	Berlin – Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Scientia Graeco-Arabica
Volume	30
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Arnzen, Rüdiger , Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd (Contributor) , Aristoteles
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle's theory of eternal continuous motion and his argument from everlasting change and motion to the existence of an unmoved primary cause of motion, provided in book VIII of his Physics, is one of the most influential and persistent doctrines of ancient Greek philosophy. Nevertheless, the exact wording of Aristotle's discourse is doubtful and contentious at many places. The present critical edition of Ishaq ibn Hunayn's Arabic translation (9th c.) is supposed to replace the faulty edition by A. Badawi and aims at contributing to the clarification of these textual difficulties by means of a detailed collation of the Arabic text with the most important Greek manuscripts, supported by comprehensive Greek and Arabic glossaries. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NW1zXhIu1ijxgPf

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1405","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1405,"authors_free":[{"id":2190,"entry_id":1405,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":35,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Arnzen, R\u00fcdiger","free_first_name":"Arnzen","free_last_name":"R\u00fcdiger","norm_person":{"id":35,"first_name":"R\u00fcdiger","last_name":"Arnzen","full_name":"Arnzen, R\u00fcdiger","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115210423","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2438,"entry_id":1405,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":390,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd (Contributor)","free_first_name":"Pieter Sjoerd","free_last_name":"Hasper","norm_person":{"id":390,"first_name":"Pieter Sjoerd","last_name":"Hasper","full_name":"Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2452,"entry_id":1405,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":263,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Aristoteles","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":263,"first_name":"","last_name":"","full_name":"Aristoteles","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118650130","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle's 'Physics' VIII, Translated into Arabic by Ishaq ibn Hunayn (9th c.), Introduction, Edition, and Glossaries, Contributor:\u00a0Pieter Sjoerd Hasper","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle's 'Physics' VIII, Translated into Arabic by Ishaq ibn Hunayn (9th c.), Introduction, Edition, and Glossaries, Contributor:\u00a0Pieter Sjoerd Hasper"},"abstract":"Aristotle's theory of eternal continuous motion and his argument from everlasting change and motion to the existence of an unmoved primary cause of motion, provided in book VIII of his Physics, is one of the most influential and persistent doctrines of ancient Greek philosophy. Nevertheless, the exact wording of Aristotle's discourse is doubtful and contentious at many places. The present critical edition of Ishaq ibn Hunayn's Arabic translation (9th c.) is supposed to replace the faulty edition by A. Badawi and aims at contributing to the clarification of these textual difficulties by means of a detailed collation of the Arabic text with the most important Greek manuscripts, supported by comprehensive Greek and Arabic glossaries. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2021","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NW1zXhIu1ijxgPf","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":35,"full_name":"Arnzen, R\u00fcdiger","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":390,"full_name":"Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":263,"full_name":"Aristoteles","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1405,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter ","series":"Scientia Graeco-Arabica","volume":"30","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2021]}

The Greek manuscripts of Aristotle’s Physics, 2021
By: Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd, Arnzen, Rüdiger (Ed.)

Title	The Greek manuscripts of Aristotle’s Physics
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2021
Published in	Aristotle's 'Physics' VIII, Translated into Arabic by Ishaq ibn Hunayn (9th c.), Introduction, Edition, and Glossaries, Contributor: Pieter Sjoerd Hasper
Pages	CXIII-CLXXXVII
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd
Editor(s)	Arnzen, Rüdiger
Translator(s)

The manuscript tradition for the eighth book of Aristotle’s Physics turns out to be quite complicated, in particular because of the influence of what later became the vulgate (group γ) on other parts of the tradition. This influence can be detected in every part of one of the two main groups, namely in the one constituted by EΨKbe and, to some extent, Λ—in K and be extensively, and in EΨ (both together and each individually) to a lesser degree. This makes it difficult to assess the authority of each of the individual manuscripts of this group, though clearly, E and Ψ are the most important ones. These claims about the extent of contamination from group γ in each part of the group constituted by EΨKbe cannot be made without the evidence of two further sources: Simplicius’ commentary and the β group. It cannot be established whether the main manuscript used by Simplicius is completely independent of the extant manuscript tradition, but that may also be because the evidence is almost exclusively drawn from just one book of the Physics. It seems as if Simplicius shares a small number of errors or rejectable readings with the γ group, but this cannot be taken to imply that Simplicius is to be located in the stemma as most closely related to that group. This also remains a possibility. As there is no real evidence in Physics VIII that Simplicius’ manuscript shares errors with parts of the direct tradition, we may, for the time being, assume that it is independent of the direct tradition, and thus, that in most cases, the consensus between Simplicius and a substantial part of the direct tradition provides the reading to be adopted. However, since the information provided by a commentary is by its nature rather patchy and does not lend itself to passing on insignificant errors, even more important is the position of the β group within the stemma. This group clearly shares a substantial list of errors with the γ group and thus, together with that group, constitutes the other half of the stemma. On the other hand, it often agrees with (parts of) the EΨKbe group in that it does not feature many of the changes to the text that are found in the γ group. Thus, stemmatically inappropriate constellations of consensus between parts of the EΨKbe group and the γ group can be identified as contaminations. The main exemplar of the Arabic translation is of similar importance for drawing these conclusions, since knowledge of its readings allows us to see the structure of the EΨKbe group far more clearly and to filter out all the many singular mistakes in E. It often joins E in providing the clearly superior reading and occasionally offers the correct reading alone. [conclusion p. CLXXXVI]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vSxI4j6pyBYMACx

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1409","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1409,"authors_free":[{"id":2203,"entry_id":1409,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":390,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd","free_first_name":"Pieter Sjoerd","free_last_name":"Hasper","norm_person":{"id":390,"first_name":"Pieter Sjoerd","last_name":"Hasper","full_name":"Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2204,"entry_id":1409,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":35,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Arnzen, R\u00fcdiger","free_first_name":"R\u00fcdiger","free_last_name":"Arnzen","norm_person":{"id":35,"first_name":"R\u00fcdiger","last_name":"Arnzen","full_name":"Arnzen, R\u00fcdiger","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115210423","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Greek manuscripts of Aristotle\u2019s Physics","main_title":{"title":"The Greek manuscripts of Aristotle\u2019s Physics"},"abstract":"The manuscript tradition for the eighth book of Aristotle\u2019s Physics turns out to be quite complicated, in particular because of the influence of what later became the vulgate (group \u03b3) on other parts of the tradition. This influence can be detected in every part of one of the two main groups, namely in the one constituted by E\u03a8Kbe and, to some extent, \u039b\u2014in K and be extensively, and in E\u03a8 (both together and each individually) to a lesser degree. This makes it difficult to assess the authority of each of the individual manuscripts of this group, though clearly, E and \u03a8 are the most important ones.\r\n\r\nThese claims about the extent of contamination from group \u03b3 in each part of the group constituted by E\u03a8Kbe cannot be made without the evidence of two further sources: Simplicius\u2019 commentary and the \u03b2 group. It cannot be established whether the main manuscript used by Simplicius is completely independent of the extant manuscript tradition, but that may also be because the evidence is almost exclusively drawn from just one book of the Physics. It seems as if Simplicius shares a small number of errors or rejectable readings with the \u03b3 group, but this cannot be taken to imply that Simplicius is to be located in the stemma as most closely related to that group. This also remains a possibility. As there is no real evidence in Physics VIII that Simplicius\u2019 manuscript shares errors with parts of the direct tradition, we may, for the time being, assume that it is independent of the direct tradition, and thus, that in most cases, the consensus between Simplicius and a substantial part of the direct tradition provides the reading to be adopted.\r\n\r\nHowever, since the information provided by a commentary is by its nature rather patchy and does not lend itself to passing on insignificant errors, even more important is the position of the \u03b2 group within the stemma. This group clearly shares a substantial list of errors with the \u03b3 group and thus, together with that group, constitutes the other half of the stemma. On the other hand, it often agrees with (parts of) the E\u03a8Kbe group in that it does not feature many of the changes to the text that are found in the \u03b3 group. Thus, stemmatically inappropriate constellations of consensus between parts of the E\u03a8Kbe group and the \u03b3 group can be identified as contaminations.\r\n\r\nThe main exemplar of the Arabic translation is of similar importance for drawing these conclusions, since knowledge of its readings allows us to see the structure of the E\u03a8Kbe group far more clearly and to filter out all the many singular mistakes in E. It often joins E in providing the clearly superior reading and occasionally offers the correct reading alone. [conclusion p. CLXXXVI]","btype":2,"date":"2021","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vSxI4j6pyBYMACx","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":390,"full_name":"Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":35,"full_name":"Arnzen, R\u00fcdiger","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1409,"section_of":1405,"pages":"CXIII-CLXXXVII","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1405,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":1,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle's 'Physics' VIII, Translated into Arabic by Ishaq ibn Hunayn (9th c.), Introduction, Edition, and Glossaries, Contributor:\u00a0Pieter Sjoerd Hasper","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Arnzen2021","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2021","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Aristotle's theory of eternal continuous motion and his argument from everlasting change and motion to the existence of an unmoved primary cause of motion, provided in book VIII of his Physics, is one of the most influential and persistent doctrines of ancient Greek philosophy. Nevertheless, the exact wording of Aristotle's discourse is doubtful and contentious at many places. The present critical edition of Ishaq ibn Hunayn's Arabic translation (9th c.) is supposed to replace the faulty edition by A. Badawi and aims at contributing to the clarification of these textual difficulties by means of a detailed collation of the Arabic text with the most important Greek manuscripts, supported by comprehensive Greek and Arabic glossaries. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NW1zXhIu1ijxgPf","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1405,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter ","series":"Scientia Graeco-Arabica","volume":"30","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2021]}

Formal Argument and Olympiodorus’ Development as a Plato-Commentator, 2021
By: Tarrant, Harold

Title	Formal Argument and Olympiodorus’ Development as a Plato-Commentator
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2021
Journal	History of Philosophy & Logical Analysis
Volume	24
Issue	1
Pages	210-241
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarrant, Harold
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Olympiodorus led the Platonist school of philosophy at Alexandria for several decades in the sixth century, and both Platonic and Aristotelian commentaries ascribed to him survive. During this time the school’s attitude to the teaching of Aristotelian syllogistic, originally owing something to Ammonius, changed markedly, with an early tendency to reinforce the teaching of syllogistic even in Platonist lectures giving way to a greater awareness of its limitations. The vocabulary for arguments and their construction becomes far commoner than the language of syllogistic and syllogistic figures, and also of demonstration. I discuss the value of these changes for the dating of certain works, especially where the text lectured on does not demand different emphases. The commitment to argument rather than to authority continues, but a greater emphasis eventually falls on the establishment of the premises than on formal validity. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/F0bFT161R2MXdut

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1464","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1464,"authors_free":[{"id":2537,"entry_id":1464,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":122,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tarrant, Harold","free_first_name":"Harold","free_last_name":"Tarrant","norm_person":{"id":122,"first_name":"Harold ","last_name":"Tarrant","full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132040077","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Formal Argument and Olympiodorus\u2019 Development as a Plato-Commentator","main_title":{"title":"Formal Argument and Olympiodorus\u2019 Development as a Plato-Commentator"},"abstract":"Olympiodorus led the Platonist school of philosophy at Alexandria for several decades in the sixth century,\r\nand both Platonic and Aristotelian commentaries ascribed to him survive. During this time the school\u2019s\r\nattitude to the teaching of Aristotelian syllogistic, originally owing something to Ammonius,\r\nchanged markedly, with an early tendency to reinforce the teaching of syllogistic even in Platonist\r\nlectures giving way to a greater awareness of its limitations. The vocabulary for arguments and their\r\nconstruction becomes far commoner than the language of syllogistic and syllogistic figures, and also of\r\ndemonstration. I discuss the value of these changes for the dating of certain works, especially where the\r\ntext lectured on does not demand different emphases. The commitment to argument rather than to authority\r\ncontinues, but a greater emphasis eventually falls on the establishment of the premises than on formal\r\nvalidity. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2021","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/F0bFT161R2MXdut","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":122,"full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1464,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"History of Philosophy & Logical Analysis","volume":"24","issue":"1","pages":"210-241"}},"sort":[2021]}

Logic and Interpretation: Syllogistic Reconstructions in Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, 2021
By: Harari, Orna

Title	Logic and Interpretation: Syllogistic Reconstructions in Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2021
Journal	History of Philosophy & Logical Analysis
Volume	24
Issue	1
Pages	122-139
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Harari, Orna
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this article I explain three puzzling features of Simplicius’ use of syllogistic reconstructions in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics: (1) Why does he reconstruct Aristotle’s non-argumentative remarks? (2) Why does he identify the syllogistic figure of an argument but does not explicitly present its reconstruction? (3) Why in certain lemmata does he present several reconstructions of the same argument? Addressing these questions, I argue that these puzzling features are an expression of Simplicius’ assumption that formal reasoning underlies Aristotle’s prose, hence they reflect his attempt to capture as faithfully as possible Aristotle’s actual mode of reasoning. I show further that, as a consequence of this seemingly descriptive use of syllogistic reconstructions, logic serves Simplicius not only as an expository and clarificatory tool of certain interpretations or philosophical views, but also motivates and shapes his exegetical stances and approach. [conclusion, p. 138]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/agke78hkU27DIVu

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1463","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1463,"authors_free":[{"id":2536,"entry_id":1463,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":169,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Harari, Orna","free_first_name":"Orna","free_last_name":"Harari","norm_person":{"id":169,"first_name":"Orna","last_name":"Harari","full_name":"Harari Orna","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Logic and Interpretation: Syllogistic Reconstructions in Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics","main_title":{"title":"Logic and Interpretation: Syllogistic Reconstructions in Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics"},"abstract":"In this article I explain three puzzling features of Simplicius\u2019 use of syllogistic reconstructions in his commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics: (1) Why does he reconstruct Aristotle\u2019s non-argumentative remarks? (2) Why does he identify the syllogistic figure of an argument but does not explicitly present its reconstruction? (3) Why in certain lemmata does he present several reconstructions of the same argument? Addressing these questions, I argue that these puzzling features are an expression of Simplicius\u2019 assumption that formal reasoning underlies Aristotle\u2019s prose, hence they reflect his attempt to capture as faithfully as possible Aristotle\u2019s actual mode of reasoning. I show further that, as a consequence of this seemingly descriptive use of syllogistic reconstructions, logic serves Simplicius not only as an expository and clarificatory tool of certain interpretations or philosophical views, but also motivates and shapes his exegetical stances and approach. [conclusion, p. 138]","btype":3,"date":"2021","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/agke78hkU27DIVu","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":169,"full_name":"Harari Orna","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1463,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"History of Philosophy & Logical Analysis","volume":"24","issue":"1","pages":"122-139"}},"sort":[2021]}

Conflicting Authorities? Hermias and Simplicius on the Self-Moving Soul, 2021
By: Aerts, Saskia, Erler, Michael (Ed.), Heßler, Jan Erik (Ed.), Petrucci, Federico Maria (Ed.)

Title	Conflicting Authorities? Hermias and Simplicius on the Self-Moving Soul
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2021
Published in	Authority and authoritative texts in the Platonist tradition
Pages	178-200
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Aerts, Saskia
Editor(s)	Erler, Michael , Heßler, Jan Erik , Petrucci, Federico Maria
Translator(s)

Aristotle plays a highly authoritative role in Neoplatonic philosophy, second only to the almost undisputed authority of Plato. However, as any reader of Plato’s and Aristotle’s works knows, the views of the two philosophers often diverge and generate conflicts. These conflicts provide the Neoplatonic commentators with a serious interpretative challenge: although, as Platonists, their main goal is to defend Plato and the Platonist position, they are also hesitant to openly criticize Aristotle, who is regarded as a true adherent of Plato’s philosophy. The commentators most prominently face such a challenge in the case of the self-moving soul, a core Platonic doctrine severely criticized by Aristotle, implicitly in Physics 8.5 and explicitly in De anima 1.3. The key to dealing with these conflicting authorities lies in the exegetical act of explicating the ‘harmony’ that exists between the views of both philosophers. This approach relies on the idea that the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle are fundamentally in agreement, which comes to the surface when their texts are interpreted in the right way. ‘Harmony’ translates the Greek symphōnia, a term most notably used in this technical meaning by Simplicius.¹ However, the term ‘harmony’ is problematic because it does not identify any absolute concept— instead, it can refer to any kind of agreement, ranging from mere compatibility to theoretical identity. What is more, the operative concept of harmony employed by modern scholars often bears the same ambiguity as its ancient counterpart.² Most studies do not reflect on the polysemy of the term, and the notion of harmony used is not always well defined, which may lead to pointless debates on terminological matters.³ Moreover, the danger of overemphasizing the unity of this ‘harmonizing tendency,’ as I. Hadot calls it, lies in failing to take proper account of the diversity of the commentators’ approaches.⁴ In this paper, I will present two parallel Neoplatonic discussions of the apparent disagreement between Plato and Aristotle about the self-moving soul, namely those of Hermias of Alexandria in his commentary on Plato’s Phaedrus and Simplicius of Cilicia in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics.⁵ Since both philosophers ultimately argue that there is agreement between Aristotle and Plato, I will elucidate (i) what specific kind of ‘harmony’ each of the commentators assumes, (ii) what reasons each provides for supposing such a harmony, and (iii) which exegetical methods they use to explicate this harmony. The harmonizing interpretations of Hermias and Simplicius on this issue have been discussed previously by S. Gertz, who claims that both commentators similarly argue that the disagreement between Plato and Aristotle is ‘merely verbal, motivated by respect for the common usage of names.’⁶ Although I agree that this is the kind of harmony that Simplicius assumes, my interpretation of Hermias’ discussion differs from the one proposed by Gertz. Despite some evident similarities in their approaches, I will suggest that Hermias defends a much less radical form of harmony than Simplicius: whereas Simplicius claims that the views of Plato and Aristotle are verbally different but philosophically identical, Hermias only intends to show that Aristotle would have to approve of the self-moving soul to remain faithful to and consistent with his own doctrines. In addition to showing the individuality of these commentators’ approaches in dealing with conflicting authorities, my analysis also aims at elucidating why it is so important for the commentators to defend the self-motion of the soul. As will become clear, the concept of self-motion is not only crucial in Neoplatonic psychology but also indispensable in their explanation of physical motion. [introduction p. 178-180]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/SGsawecaEHSN9gD

Authority and authoritative texts in the Platonist tradition, 2021
By: Erler, Michael (Ed.), Heßler, Jan Erik (Ed.), Petrucci, Federico Maria (Ed.)

Title	Authority and authoritative texts in the Platonist tradition
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2021
Publication Place	Cambridge – New York
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Erler, Michael , Heßler, Jan Erik , Petrucci, Federico Maria
Translator(s)

All disciplines can count on a noble founder, and the representation of this founder as an authority is key in order to construe a discipline's identity. This book sheds light on how Plato and other authorities were represented in one of the most long-lasting traditions of all time. It leads the reader through exegesis and polemics, recovery of the past and construction of a philosophical identity. From Xenocrates to Proclus, from the sceptical shift to the re-establishment of dogmatism, from the Mosaic of the Philosophers to the Neoplatonist Commentaries, the construction of authority emerges as a way of access to the core of the Platonist tradition. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

Simplicius. Sur le temps. Commentaire sur la Physique d’Aristote et Corollaire sur le temps, 2021
By: Simplicius ,

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Title	Simplicius. Sur le temps. Commentaire sur la Physique d’Aristote et Corollaire sur le temps
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2021
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Bibliothèque des Textes Philosophiques
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Stevens, Annick(Stevens, Annick) .

Comment comprendre la thèse d’Aristote que le temps est un nombre? Est-il une durée ou un ordre de succession, un simple aspect du devenir ou le responsable de sa régularité? Quel est son rapport avec l’espace? Existe-t-il un temps unique pour les divers changements dans l’univers? Des repères comme l’instant, le présent, la simultanéité, ont-ils un sens indépendamment de notre esprit? De toutes ces questions ardemment débattues parmi les commentateurs grecs d’Aristote, Simplicius, le dernier d’entre eux et certainement le plus perspicace, se fait l’écho autant que l’arbitre. Ses propositions, étonnamment modernes, sont autant d’occasions pour nous de repenser ce concept qui défie encore physiciens et philosophes. Traduit pour la première fois en français, le texte est accompagné d’une présentation détaillée et de notes explicatives qui en facilitent la compréhension. Traduction, introduction et notes par A. Stevens. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JRtqfd3KmUBPEU1

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1516","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1516,"authors_free":[{"id":2632,"entry_id":1516,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius ","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2633,"entry_id":1516,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":323,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Stevens, Annick","free_first_name":"Annick","free_last_name":"Stevens","norm_person":{"id":323,"first_name":" Annick","last_name":"Stevens","full_name":"Stevens, Annick","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1195240120","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius. Sur le temps. Commentaire sur la Physique d\u2019Aristote et Corollaire sur le temps","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius. Sur le temps. Commentaire sur la Physique d\u2019Aristote et Corollaire sur le temps"},"abstract":"Comment comprendre la th\u00e8se d\u2019Aristote que le temps est un nombre? Est-il une dur\u00e9e ou un ordre de succession, un simple aspect du devenir ou le responsable de sa r\u00e9gularit\u00e9? Quel est son rapport avec l\u2019espace? Existe-t-il un temps unique pour les divers changements dans l\u2019univers? Des rep\u00e8res comme l\u2019instant, le pr\u00e9sent, la simultan\u00e9it\u00e9, ont-ils un sens ind\u00e9pendamment de notre esprit? De toutes ces questions ardemment d\u00e9battues parmi les commentateurs grecs d\u2019Aristote, Simplicius, le dernier d\u2019entre eux et certainement le plus perspicace, se fait l\u2019\u00e9cho autant que l\u2019arbitre. Ses propositions, \u00e9tonnamment modernes, sont autant d\u2019occasions pour nous de repenser ce concept qui d\u00e9fie encore physiciens et philosophes.\r\nTraduit pour la premi\u00e8re fois en fran\u00e7ais, le texte est accompagn\u00e9 d\u2019une pr\u00e9sentation d\u00e9taill\u00e9e et de notes explicatives qui en facilitent la compr\u00e9hension.\r\n\r\nTraduction, introduction et notes par A. Stevens. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2021","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/JRtqfd3KmUBPEU1","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":323,"full_name":"Stevens, Annick","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}}],"book":{"id":1516,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Biblioth\u00e8que des Textes Philosophiques","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2021]}

Kathēgemōn: The Importance of the Personal Teacher in Proclus and Later Neoplatonism, 2021
By: Christian Tornau

Title	Kathēgemōn: The Importance of the Personal Teacher in Proclus and Later Neoplatonism
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2021
Published in	Authority and authoritative texts in the Platonist tradition
Pages	201-226
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Christian Tornau
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

After Proclus, the formula ho hēmeteros kathēgemōn remains common among the Neoplatonists, especially in the Athenian school, but it rarely seems to carry the full metaphysical weight it has in Proclus. Ammonius and Damascius mention their teachers (Proclus and Isidorus, respectively) with respect and gratitude,⁸¹ and the hymnic diction of the opening lines of Ammonius’ commentary on the De Interpretatione is reminiscent of Proclus’ praise for Syrianus,⁸² but neither of them links this to any discernible ethical or metaphysical ideas. In the commentaries by Damascius that were taken down by his pupils at his lectures (ἀπὸ φωνῆς), ho hēmeteros kathēgemōn is nothing but a polite formula for the professor who is holding the course, i.e., Damascius himself.⁸³ In Simplicius, however, there are some passages concerning the issues of authority and orality that are easier to understand if the Proclan model is, at least to some extent, presupposed. So far, we have only investigated the ideal relationship between a kathēgemōn and his pupil(s), as embodied, for example, by Parmenides and Zeno (and Socrates) or by Proclus and Syrianus (and Plato). But obviously, there are also cases in which philosophical, even Platonic, teaching fails. This does not come as a surprise in the case of Epicurus and Democritus, neither of whom has the philosophical standing that is necessary for a successful return to true being.⁸⁴ The case of Aristotle is more complex. As is well known, Proclus does believe in the general harmony of Plato and Aristotle but is very critical, especially of the latter’s natural philosophy, which he rejects as Aristotle’s deviation from his kathēgemōn Plato.⁸⁵ The way in which he formulates this criticism is telling. Proclus enlists Aristotle as an ‘emulator’ of Plato (ζηλώσας, a phrase elsewhere applied to Syrianus),⁸⁶ but, he adds, the fact that in explaining nature, Aristotle usually does not go beyond matter and immanent form betrays ‘how much he lags behind the guidance (ὑφήγησις) of his kathēgemōn.’⁸⁷ Aristotle is blamed for his lack of philosophical allegiance, not because he sometimes contradicts Plato, but because he was unable or unwilling to submit to the quasi-divine guidance of his kathēgemōn, which resulted in his failure to return to the intelligible and in his developing a metaphysics that falls short of the ontological level that Plato had reached. Conversely, as long as he philosophizes on Plato’s ontological level, a thinker qualifies as a true Platonist even if on some points he deviates from him: according to Proclus, Plotinus was ‘endowed with a nature similar to that of his own kathēgemōn [sc. Plato]’ and was himself able to offer theological guidance (ὑφήγησις) to others, even though Proclus rejects his theory of the undescended soul.⁸⁸ Neoplatonic orthodoxy, if we may call it thus, seems to admit a certain pluralism. Simplicius, who, of course, went further than Proclus and most other Platonists in claiming the agreement of Plato and Aristotle,⁸⁹ takes up this basic view while at the same time opposing Proclus’ verdict (just paraphrased). In his commentary on the Physics, he repeatedly says that Aristotle ‘is not in disharmony with his kathēgemōn,’⁹⁰ implying—and sometimes stating—that philosophical allegiance is not a matter of verbal agreement. This occurs especially in discussions of points on which Aristotle was notoriously critical of Plato, e.g., whether movement (κίνησις) and change (μεταβολή) were to be distinguished or were one and the same thing (which has some bearing on the difficult issue of the movement of the soul, on which Aristotle explicitly contradicted Plato).⁹¹ Naturally, Simplicius does not deny the difference in terminology, but he does deny that it shows Aristotle’s inability or unwillingness to reach the more sublime regions of Plato’s thought: It is important to note that here again Aristotle has expressed the same ideas (ἐννοίας) as his teacher with different words. (Simp. in Phys. 1336.25–26 Diels, introducing a long comparison of the accounts of the First Principle in Physics 8 and the Timaeus.)⁹² When he reports especially impressive cases of the agreement of the two philosophers, Simplicius likes to employ the vocabulary of ‘willing’ or ‘striving’ in order to highlight the ethical aspect of the issue: In the Categories, Aristotle emulated even this terminology of his teacher, that he calls all natural changes movements. (Simp. in Phys. 824.20–22 Diels.)⁹³ On this, too, Aristotle wants (βούλεται) to be in harmony with his teacher. (Simp. in Phys. 1267.19 Diels.)⁹⁴ Simplicius agrees with Proclus that Aristotle was an emulator of Plato; against Proclus, he insists that this emulation was successful, and he seems to do so based on Proclus’ own assumption that philosophical allegiance is primarily a moral decision. Simplicius’ use of kathēgemōn may not have the philosophical depth of Proclus’, but it is, as it were, metaphysically pregnant and strengthens Aristotle’s authority as a Platonist while helping to ward off the charge of anti-Platonism. Concerning orality, we have seen that for Proclus, the inspired texts of Plato and others have their full impact on the philosophical learner only if they are unfolded to them personally by an experienced exegete. For this reason, in the prologue of the Parmenides commentary, Syrianus, not Plato, is the savior of humankind, and in the commentary on the Republic, Proclus himself re-transfers a written text by Syrianus into orality. Later Neoplatonists remain aware of the importance of personal instruction; several of them record oral discussions with their kathēgemones. Simplicius is no exception, though he more often cites Ammonius’ lectures or written treatises.⁹⁵ However, there seems to be an important difference. Commenting on the problem of squaring the circle, Simplicius recalls a scene between himself and Ammonius in Alexandria: My teacher Ammonius used to say that it was perhaps not necessary that, if this [sc. a square of the same size as a circle] had been found in the case of numbers, it should also be found in the case of magnitudes. For the line and the circumference were magnitudes of a different kind. ‘It is,’ he said, ‘no wonder that a circle of the same size as a polygon has not been found, seeing that we find this in the case of angles too. . . .’ I replied to my teacher that if the lune over the side of a square could be squared (and this was proven beyond doubt) and if the lune, which consisted of circumferences, was of the same kind as the circle, there was, on this assumption, no reason why the circle could not be squared. (Simp. in Phys. 59.23–60.1 Diels.)⁹⁶ Simplicius surely tells this story not just to voice his disagreement with Ammonius but also to commemorate him honorifically, as he usually does.⁹⁷ We should therefore read the passage as an example of successful philosophical didactics. As an experienced teacher and versed dialectician, Ammonius challenges his promising pupil with an agnostic argument on a thorny mathematical problem, and Simplicius meets the challenge and succeeds in developing a convincing counterargument. Ultimately, Simplicius presents philosophy as having become much more bookish in his time than it had ever been in Proclus’ era. [conclusion p. 222-226]

Online Resources

Relectures néoplatoniciennes de la théologie d’Aristote, 2020
By: Baghdassarian, Fabienne (Ed.), Papachristou, Ioannis (Ed.), Toulouse, Stéphane (Ed.)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1605","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1605,"authors_free":[{"id":2810,"entry_id":1605,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Christian Tornau","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Tornau","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Kath\u0113gem\u014dn: The Importance of the Personal Teacher in Proclus and Later Neoplatonism","main_title":{"title":"Kath\u0113gem\u014dn: The Importance of the Personal Teacher in Proclus and Later Neoplatonism"},"abstract":"After Proclus, the formula ho h\u0113meteros kath\u0113gem\u014dn remains common among the Neoplatonists, especially in the Athenian school, but it rarely seems to carry the full metaphysical weight it has in Proclus. Ammonius and Damascius mention their teachers (Proclus and Isidorus, respectively) with respect and gratitude,\u2078\u00b9 and the hymnic diction of the opening lines of Ammonius\u2019 commentary on the De Interpretatione is reminiscent of Proclus\u2019 praise for Syrianus,\u2078\u00b2 but neither of them links this to any discernible ethical or metaphysical ideas. In the commentaries by Damascius that were taken down by his pupils at his lectures (\u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c6\u03c9\u03bd\u1fc6\u03c2), ho h\u0113meteros kath\u0113gem\u014dn is nothing but a polite formula for the professor who is holding the course, i.e., Damascius himself.\u2078\u00b3 In Simplicius, however, there are some passages concerning the issues of authority and orality that are easier to understand if the Proclan model is, at least to some extent, presupposed.\r\n\r\nSo far, we have only investigated the ideal relationship between a kath\u0113gem\u014dn and his pupil(s), as embodied, for example, by Parmenides and Zeno (and Socrates) or by Proclus and Syrianus (and Plato). But obviously, there are also cases in which philosophical, even Platonic, teaching fails. This does not come as a surprise in the case of Epicurus and Democritus, neither of whom has the philosophical standing that is necessary for a successful return to true being.\u2078\u2074 The case of Aristotle is more complex. As is well known, Proclus does believe in the general harmony of Plato and Aristotle but is very critical, especially of the latter\u2019s natural philosophy, which he rejects as Aristotle\u2019s deviation from his kath\u0113gem\u014dn Plato.\u2078\u2075 The way in which he formulates this criticism is telling. Proclus enlists Aristotle as an \u2018emulator\u2019 of Plato (\u03b6\u03b7\u03bb\u03ce\u03c3\u03b1\u03c2, a phrase elsewhere applied to Syrianus),\u2078\u2076 but, he adds, the fact that in explaining nature, Aristotle usually does not go beyond matter and immanent form betrays \u2018how much he lags behind the guidance (\u1f51\u03c6\u03ae\u03b3\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) of his kath\u0113gem\u014dn.\u2019\u2078\u2077 Aristotle is blamed for his lack of philosophical allegiance, not because he sometimes contradicts Plato, but because he was unable or unwilling to submit to the quasi-divine guidance of his kath\u0113gem\u014dn, which resulted in his failure to return to the intelligible and in his developing a metaphysics that falls short of the ontological level that Plato had reached. Conversely, as long as he philosophizes on Plato\u2019s ontological level, a thinker qualifies as a true Platonist even if on some points he deviates from him: according to Proclus, Plotinus was \u2018endowed with a nature similar to that of his own kath\u0113gem\u014dn [sc. Plato]\u2019 and was himself able to offer theological guidance (\u1f51\u03c6\u03ae\u03b3\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) to others, even though Proclus rejects his theory of the undescended soul.\u2078\u2078 Neoplatonic orthodoxy, if we may call it thus, seems to admit a certain pluralism.\r\n\r\nSimplicius, who, of course, went further than Proclus and most other Platonists in claiming the agreement of Plato and Aristotle,\u2078\u2079 takes up this basic view while at the same time opposing Proclus\u2019 verdict (just paraphrased). In his commentary on the Physics, he repeatedly says that Aristotle \u2018is not in disharmony with his kath\u0113gem\u014dn,\u2019\u2079\u2070 implying\u2014and sometimes stating\u2014that philosophical allegiance is not a matter of verbal agreement. This occurs especially in discussions of points on which Aristotle was notoriously critical of Plato, e.g., whether movement (\u03ba\u1f77\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) and change (\u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b2\u03bf\u03bb\u1f75) were to be distinguished or were one and the same thing (which has some bearing on the difficult issue of the movement of the soul, on which Aristotle explicitly contradicted Plato).\u2079\u00b9 Naturally, Simplicius does not deny the difference in terminology, but he does deny that it shows Aristotle\u2019s inability or unwillingness to reach the more sublime regions of Plato\u2019s thought:\r\n\r\n It is important to note that here again Aristotle has expressed the same ideas (\u1f10\u03bd\u03bd\u03bf\u03af\u03b1\u03c2) as his teacher with different words. (Simp. in Phys. 1336.25\u201326 Diels, introducing a long comparison of the accounts of the First Principle in Physics 8 and the Timaeus.)\u2079\u00b2\r\n\r\nWhen he reports especially impressive cases of the agreement of the two philosophers, Simplicius likes to employ the vocabulary of \u2018willing\u2019 or \u2018striving\u2019 in order to highlight the ethical aspect of the issue:\r\n\r\n In the Categories, Aristotle emulated even this terminology of his teacher, that he calls all natural changes movements. (Simp. in Phys. 824.20\u201322 Diels.)\u2079\u00b3\r\n On this, too, Aristotle wants (\u03b2\u03bf\u03cd\u03bb\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9) to be in harmony with his teacher. (Simp. in Phys. 1267.19 Diels.)\u2079\u2074\r\n\r\nSimplicius agrees with Proclus that Aristotle was an emulator of Plato; against Proclus, he insists that this emulation was successful, and he seems to do so based on Proclus\u2019 own assumption that philosophical allegiance is primarily a moral decision. Simplicius\u2019 use of kath\u0113gem\u014dn may not have the philosophical depth of Proclus\u2019, but it is, as it were, metaphysically pregnant and strengthens Aristotle\u2019s authority as a Platonist while helping to ward off the charge of anti-Platonism.\r\n\r\nConcerning orality, we have seen that for Proclus, the inspired texts of Plato and others have their full impact on the philosophical learner only if they are unfolded to them personally by an experienced exegete. For this reason, in the prologue of the Parmenides commentary, Syrianus, not Plato, is the savior of humankind, and in the commentary on the Republic, Proclus himself re-transfers a written text by Syrianus into orality. Later Neoplatonists remain aware of the importance of personal instruction; several of them record oral discussions with their kath\u0113gemones. Simplicius is no exception, though he more often cites Ammonius\u2019 lectures or written treatises.\u2079\u2075 However, there seems to be an important difference. Commenting on the problem of squaring the circle, Simplicius recalls a scene between himself and Ammonius in Alexandria:\r\n\r\n My teacher Ammonius used to say that it was perhaps not necessary that, if this [sc. a square of the same size as a circle] had been found in the case of numbers, it should also be found in the case of magnitudes. For the line and the circumference were magnitudes of a different kind. \u2018It is,\u2019 he said, \u2018no wonder that a circle of the same size as a polygon has not been found, seeing that we find this in the case of angles too. . . .\u2019 I replied to my teacher that if the lune over the side of a square could be squared (and this was proven beyond doubt) and if the lune, which consisted of circumferences, was of the same kind as the circle, there was, on this assumption, no reason why the circle could not be squared. (Simp. in Phys. 59.23\u201360.1 Diels.)\u2079\u2076\r\n\r\nSimplicius surely tells this story not just to voice his disagreement with Ammonius but also to commemorate him honorifically, as he usually does.\u2079\u2077 We should therefore read the passage as an example of successful philosophical didactics. As an experienced teacher and versed dialectician, Ammonius challenges his promising pupil with an agnostic argument on a thorny mathematical problem, and Simplicius meets the challenge and succeeds in developing a convincing counterargument.\r\n\r\nUltimately, Simplicius presents philosophy as having become much more bookish in his time than it had ever been in Proclus\u2019 era. [conclusion p. 222-226]","btype":2,"date":"2021","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/unoSzgVP7XRBEus","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1605,"section_of":1474,"pages":"201-226","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1474,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Authority and authoritative texts in the Platonist tradition","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Erler-He\u00dfler-Petrucci_2021","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2021","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"All disciplines can count on a noble founder, and the representation of this founder as an authority is key in order to construe a discipline's identity. This book sheds light on how Plato and other authorities were represented in one of the most long-lasting traditions of all time. It leads the reader through exegesis and polemics, recovery of the past and construction of a philosophical identity. From Xenocrates to Proclus, from the sceptical shift to the re-establishment of dogmatism, from the Mosaic of the Philosophers to the Neoplatonist Commentaries, the construction of authority emerges as a way of access to the core of the Platonist tradition. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/unoSzgVP7XRBEus","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1474,"pubplace":" Cambridge \u2013 New York","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2021]}

Title	Relectures néoplatoniciennes de la théologie d’Aristote
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2020
Publication Place	Baden-Baden
Publisher	Academia
Series	International Aristotle Studies
Volume	9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Baghdassarian, Fabienne , Papachristou, Ioannis , Toulouse, Stéphane
Translator(s)

On the question of the divine, as on others, the Neoplatonic tradition has gradually made the reading of Aristotle a philosophical preriquisite. The contributions gathered in this volume aim at understanding how the Neoplatonic readers of Aristotle’s theology interpreted, commented on and criticized these doctrines in the light of their philosophical orientations, but also how Aristotle’s philosophy was able to influence, in return, their own conceptions and nourish the Neoplatonic approach to the divine. In short, it is a question of specifying both the different hermeunetic uses to which the Aristotelian philosophy of the divine has lent itself and the conceptual effect of this reappropriation. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NRy52L806zUPIxF

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The causality of the prime mover in Simplicius, 2020
By: Ross, Alberto

Title	The causality of the prime mover in Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2020
Published in	Relectures néoplatoniciennes de la théologie d’Aristote
Pages	103-122
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ross, Alberto
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GNIHfMbbi3GaOjc

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1561","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1561,"authors_free":[{"id":2727,"entry_id":1561,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Ross, Alberto","free_first_name":"Alberto","free_last_name":"Ross","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"The causality of the prime mover in Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"The causality of the prime mover in Simplicius"},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"2020","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GNIHfMbbi3GaOjc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1561,"section_of":1559,"pages":"103-122","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1559,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Relectures n\u00e9oplatoniciennes de la th\u00e9ologie d\u2019Aristote","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Ross2020","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2020","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"On the question of the divine, as on others, the Neoplatonic tradition has gradually made the reading of Aristotle a philosophical preriquisite. The contributions gathered in this volume aim at understanding how the Neoplatonic readers of Aristotle\u2019s theology interpreted, commented on and criticized these doctrines in the light of their philosophical orientations, but also how Aristotle\u2019s philosophy was able to influence, in return, their own conceptions and nourish the Neoplatonic approach to the divine. In short, it is a question of specifying both the different hermeunetic uses to which the Aristotelian philosophy of the divine has lent itself and the conceptual effect of this reappropriation. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NRy52L806zUPIxF","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1559,"pubplace":"Baden-Baden","publisher":"Academia","series":" International Aristotle Studies","volume":"9","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2020]}

Falsifications and Authority in Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Renaissanc, 2020
By: Papy, J. (Ed.), Gielen, E. (Ed.)

Title	Falsifications and Authority in Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Renaissanc
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2020
Publication Place	Turnhout
Publisher	Brepols
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Papy, J. , Gielen, E.
Translator(s)

Confronted with the shifting idea of the authority of a text and its transmission and reception in a variety of genres, settings and contexts, this collective volume envisages to enlarge and deepen our understanding of these notions by tangling literary forgery and emulation. Authority and authoritative literary productions provoke all kinds of interest and emulation. Hermeneutical techniques, detailed exegesis and historical critique are invoked to put authority, and indeed also possible falsifications, to the test. Scholars from various disciplines working on texts, either authoritative or forged, and stemming from different periods of time, reflect on these topics on a methodological basis and from a hermeneutical entrance. In doing so, a threefold axis for questioning the phenomenon is proposed, namely the motif of falsification, the mechanism or technique applied, and the direct or indirect effect of this fraud. [author's abstract]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1566","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1566,"authors_free":[{"id":2734,"entry_id":1566,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Papy, J. ","free_first_name":"J. ","free_last_name":"Papy","norm_person":null},{"id":2735,"entry_id":1566,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gielen, E. ","free_first_name":"E. ","free_last_name":"Gielen","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Falsifications and Authority in Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Renaissanc","main_title":{"title":"Falsifications and Authority in Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Renaissanc"},"abstract":"Confronted with the shifting idea of the authority of a text and its transmission and reception in a variety of genres, settings and contexts, this collective volume envisages to enlarge and deepen our understanding of these notions by tangling literary forgery and emulation. Authority and authoritative literary productions provoke all kinds of interest and emulation. Hermeneutical techniques, detailed exegesis and historical critique are invoked to put authority, and indeed also possible falsifications, to the test. Scholars from various disciplines working on texts, either authoritative or forged, and stemming from different periods of time, reflect on these topics on a methodological basis and from a hermeneutical entrance. In doing so, a threefold axis for questioning the phenomenon is proposed, namely the motif of falsification, the mechanism or technique applied, and the direct or indirect effect of this fraud. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2020","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1566,"pubplace":"Turnhout","publisher":"Brepols","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2020]}

The creation of authority in Pseudo-Pythagorean texts and their reception in late ancient philosophy, 2020
By: Ulacco, Angela

Title	The creation of authority in Pseudo-Pythagorean texts and their reception in late ancient philosophy
Type	Book Section
Language	undefined
Date	2020
Published in	Falsifications and Authority in Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Renaissanc
Pages	183-214
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ulacco, Angela
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1567","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1567,"authors_free":[{"id":2736,"entry_id":1567,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Ulacco, Angela","free_first_name":"Angela","free_last_name":"Ulacco","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"The creation of authority in Pseudo-Pythagorean texts and their reception in late ancient philosophy","main_title":{"title":"The creation of authority in Pseudo-Pythagorean texts and their reception in late ancient philosophy"},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"2020","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1567,"section_of":1566,"pages":"183-214","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1566,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Falsifications and Authority in Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Renaissanc","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2020","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Confronted with the shifting idea of the authority of a text and its transmission and reception in a variety of genres, settings and contexts, this collective volume envisages to enlarge and deepen our understanding of these notions by tangling literary forgery and emulation. Authority and authoritative literary productions provoke all kinds of interest and emulation. Hermeneutical techniques, detailed exegesis and historical critique are invoked to put authority, and indeed also possible falsifications, to the test. Scholars from various disciplines working on texts, either authoritative or forged, and stemming from different periods of time, reflect on these topics on a methodological basis and from a hermeneutical entrance. In doing so, a threefold axis for questioning the phenomenon is proposed, namely the motif of falsification, the mechanism or technique applied, and the direct or indirect effect of this fraud. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1566,"pubplace":"Turnhout","publisher":"Brepols","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2020]}

Book Review: Ivan A. Licciardi (2017). Critica dell’apparente e critica apparente. Simplicio interprete di Parmenide nel Commentario al de Caelo di Aristotele, Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi, traduzione e commentario (Symbolon 44). Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag. , 2020
By: Manfred Kraus

Title	Book Review: Ivan A. Licciardi (2017). Critica dell’apparente e critica apparente. Simplicio interprete di Parmenide nel Commentario al de Caelo di Aristotele, Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi, traduzione e commentario (Symbolon 44). Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag.
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2020
Journal	Elenchos
Volume	41
Issue	1
Pages	201-207
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Manfred Kraus
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

È fuori d ’ogni dubbio che i commentari di Simplicio alla Fisica e al De Caelo di Aristotele siano d’importanza primaria per la nostra conoscenza della filosofia di Parmenide, come anche –ed anzitutto –per la trasmissione di una gran parte dei frammenti. Nell’anno 2016 Ivan Licciardi ha pubblicato il suo libro intitolato Parmenide tràdito, Parmenide tradìto, in cui ha dedicato la sua analisi al commentario alla Fisica. Solo un anno dopo, Licciardi ha completato questo primo studio con un altro libro, anch’esso con un titolo provocante: Critica dell’apparente e critica apparente, dedicato al commentario al De Caelo. Ambedue i libri sono strettamente legati l’uno all’altro. Nella premessa, l’Autore dice che quando ha pubblicato il primo libro aveva già raccolto quasi tutti i materiali per il secondo. Ha deciso, tuttavia, di pubblicarli in due volumi separati, da un lato per ragioni di quantità (perché un solo libro avrebbe superato le mille pagine), ma anche per una ragione scientifica sostanziale, e cioè perché nei due commentari, secondo Licciardi, Simplicio contempla il pensiero parmenideo da prospettive diverse. Mentre nel commentario alla Fisica l’interpretazione è incentrata sul rapporto fra l’essere e l’uno, nell’altro commentario, invece, il Commentatore si occupa del rapporto fra essere sen- sibile ed essere intelligibile e quindi del problema della generazione e del divenire. [Introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xCZ6vrIKvYZF5PU

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1583","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1583,"authors_free":[{"id":2778,"entry_id":1583,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Manfred Kraus","free_first_name":"Manfred","free_last_name":"Kraus","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Book Review: Ivan A. Licciardi (2017). Critica dell\u2019apparente e critica apparente. Simplicio interprete di Parmenide nel Commentario al de Caelo di Aristotele, Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi, traduzione e commentario (Symbolon 44). Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag. ","main_title":{"title":"Book Review: Ivan A. Licciardi (2017). Critica dell\u2019apparente e critica apparente. Simplicio interprete di Parmenide nel Commentario al de Caelo di Aristotele, Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi, traduzione e commentario (Symbolon 44). Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag. "},"abstract":"\u00c8 fuori d \u2019ogni dubbio che i commentari di Simplicio alla Fisica e al De Caelo di\r\nAristotele siano d\u2019importanza primaria per la nostra conoscenza della filosofia\r\ndi Parmenide, come anche \u2013ed anzitutto \u2013per la trasmissione di una gran\r\nparte dei frammenti. Nell\u2019anno 2016 Ivan Licciardi ha pubblicato il suo libro\r\nintitolato Parmenide tr\u00e0dito, Parmenide trad\u00ecto, in cui ha dedicato la sua\r\nanalisi al commentario alla Fisica. Solo un anno dopo, Licciardi ha completato\r\nquesto primo studio con un altro libro, anch\u2019esso con un titolo provocante: \r\nCritica dell\u2019apparente e critica apparente, dedicato al commentario al De Caelo.\r\nAmbedue i libri sono strettamente legati l\u2019uno all\u2019altro. Nella premessa,\r\nl\u2019Autore dice che quando ha pubblicato il primo libro aveva gi\u00e0 raccolto quasi \r\ntutti i materiali per il secondo. Ha deciso, tuttavia, di pubblicarli in due volumi\r\nseparati, da un lato per ragioni di quantit\u00e0 (perch\u00e9 un solo libro avrebbe\r\nsuperato le mille pagine), ma anche per una ragione scientifica sostanziale, e\r\ncio\u00e8 perch\u00e9 nei due commentari, secondo Licciardi, Simplicio contempla il\r\npensiero parmenideo da prospettive diverse. Mentre nel commentario alla\r\nFisica l\u2019interpretazione \u00e8 incentrata sul rapporto fra l\u2019essere e l\u2019uno, nell\u2019altro\r\ncommentario, invece, il Commentatore si occupa del rapporto fra essere sen-\r\nsibile ed essere intelligibile e quindi del problema della generazione e del\r\ndivenire. [Introduction]","btype":3,"date":"2020","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/xCZ6vrIKvYZF5PU","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1583,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Elenchos","volume":"41","issue":"1","pages":"201-207"}},"sort":[2020]}

Les prières en prose de Simplicius, entre rhétorique et théologie, 2020
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Hoffmann, Philippe (Ed.), Timotin, Andrei (Ed.)

Title	Les prières en prose de Simplicius, entre rhétorique et théologie
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2020
Published in	Théories et practiques de la prière à la fin de l'antiquité
Pages	209-267
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe , Timotin, Andrei
Translator(s)

Les prières en prose de Simplicius, quant à elles, appartiennent toutes à la catégorie des prières conclusives – dont le modèle est fourni par la prière à Pan à la fin du Phèdre de Platon, qui est une référence pour les prières philosophiques 158. De ce point de vue, formel, elles peuvent être rapprochées de la prière finale de la Réponse à Por- phyre (De Mysteriis) de Jamblique, ou de tel « hymne » en prose de Proclus marquant une césure importante dans la Théologie Platoni- cienne 159. Les autres prières néoplatoniciennes que nous avons citées ou évoquées sont soit des prières initiales soit des prières intervenant dans le cours même d’une œuvre. Mais la comparaison entre toutes ces prières – souvent complexes – et celles de Simplicius n’est pas illégitime et fait apparaître une indéniable parenté : Simplicius s’inscrit dans une tradition spécifiquement néoplatonicienne, où la rhéto- rique de la prière sert à l’expression d’un savoir théologique et d’une forme de piété personnelle dont le lecteur contemporain entend encore les accents. Ses prières sont tout à la fois des prières philosophiques et littéraires, des prières personnelles, des prières demandant des grâces particulières, mais aussi de véritables prières cultuelles, dans la mesure où, comme tous les professeurs néoplatoniciens, Simplicius célèbre par ses commentaires une véritable liturgie en l’honneur des dieux; et l’on a remarqué aussi l’affleurement d’une dimension théurgique que ses prières partagent avec les Hymnes de Proclus. Ces différentes catégories ne doivent pas être opposées, car elles se fondent ici dans l’unité dynamique de l’acte de parole, qui est aussi un élan de l’âme. Car si ces prières sont des textes écrits, leur vertu anagogique ne peut s’actualiser que dans la vibration sonore et les rythmes révélés par l’analyse stylistique, qui demandent à être prononcés et entendus. Le raffinement de l’écriture, ici, appelle une oralisation, et l’on se plaît à imaginer que Simplicius a pu, au moins en son privé, peut-être dans un discours « mental », prononcer ces prières et les faire résonner. Mais parce que ses prières sont l’achèvement de commentaires destinés à des « commençants » et non à des philosophes confirmés, Simplicius s’en tient à des déclarations théologiques élémentaires et s’exprime de façon beaucoup plus sobre que Jamblique ou Proclus ; son style clair et simple parvient à maîtriser la solennité qui est de règle dans des adresses aux dieux 163, mais comme ses prédécesseurs néoplatoniciens il ordonne chacune de ses prières au dieu ou aux dieux qui veillent, de façon précise, sur l’ordre de réalité visé par son enseignement. À tous ces dieux Simplicius demande un accompagnement bienveillant et une aide sur la voie d’une ἀναγωγή indissolublement scientifique et spirituelle qui dépassera la discursivité et à son terme n’aura plus besoin du langage, ni même de prière, car elle s’accomplira dans le Silence. [conclusion, pp. 264-267]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/eXg1Z7UIknMFhi4

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1396","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1396,"authors_free":[{"id":2172,"entry_id":1396,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2175,"entry_id":1396,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2176,"entry_id":1396,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":373,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Timotin, Andrei","free_first_name":"Andrei","free_last_name":"Timotin","norm_person":{"id":373,"first_name":"Andrei","last_name":"Timotin","full_name":"Timotin, Andrei","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1074855116","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les pri\u00e8res en prose de Simplicius, entre rh\u00e9torique et th\u00e9ologie","main_title":{"title":"Les pri\u00e8res en prose de Simplicius, entre rh\u00e9torique et th\u00e9ologie"},"abstract":"Les pri\u00e8res en prose de Simplicius, quant \u00e0 elles, appartiennent toutes \u00e0 la cat\u00e9gorie des pri\u00e8res conclusives \u2013 dont le mod\u00e8le est fourni par la pri\u00e8re \u00e0 Pan \u00e0 la fin du Ph\u00e8dre de Platon, qui est une r\u00e9f\u00e9rence pour les pri\u00e8res philosophiques 158. De ce point de vue, formel, elles peuvent \u00eatre rapproch\u00e9es de la pri\u00e8re finale de la R\u00e9ponse \u00e0 Por-\r\nphyre (De Mysteriis) de Jamblique, ou de tel \u00ab hymne \u00bb en prose de Proclus marquant une c\u00e9sure importante dans la Th\u00e9ologie Platoni-\r\ncienne 159. Les autres pri\u00e8res n\u00e9oplatoniciennes que nous avons cit\u00e9es ou \u00e9voqu\u00e9es sont soit des pri\u00e8res initiales soit des pri\u00e8res intervenant \r\ndans le cours m\u00eame d\u2019une \u0153uvre. Mais la comparaison entre toutes ces pri\u00e8res \u2013 souvent complexes \u2013 et celles de Simplicius n\u2019est pas \r\nill\u00e9gitime et fait appara\u00eetre une ind\u00e9niable parent\u00e9 : Simplicius s\u2019inscrit dans une tradition sp\u00e9cifiquement n\u00e9oplatonicienne, o\u00f9 la rh\u00e9to-\r\nrique de la pri\u00e8re sert \u00e0 l\u2019expression d\u2019un savoir th\u00e9ologique et d\u2019une forme de pi\u00e9t\u00e9 personnelle dont le lecteur contemporain entend encore \r\nles accents. Ses pri\u00e8res sont tout \u00e0 la fois des pri\u00e8res philosophiques et litt\u00e9raires, des pri\u00e8res personnelles, des pri\u00e8res demandant des gr\u00e2ces \r\nparticuli\u00e8res, mais aussi de v\u00e9ritables pri\u00e8res cultuelles, dans la mesure o\u00f9, comme tous les professeurs n\u00e9oplatoniciens, Simplicius c\u00e9l\u00e8bre \r\npar ses commentaires une v\u00e9ritable liturgie en l\u2019honneur des dieux; et l\u2019on a remarqu\u00e9 aussi l\u2019affleurement d\u2019une dimension th\u00e9urgique \r\nque ses pri\u00e8res partagent avec les Hymnes de Proclus. Ces diff\u00e9rentes cat\u00e9gories ne doivent pas \u00eatre oppos\u00e9es, car elles se fondent \r\nici dans l\u2019unit\u00e9 dynamique de l\u2019acte de parole, qui est aussi un \u00e9lan de l\u2019\u00e2me. Car si ces pri\u00e8res sont des textes \u00e9crits, leur vertu anagogique ne peut s\u2019actualiser que dans la vibration sonore et les rythmes r\u00e9v\u00e9l\u00e9s par l\u2019analyse stylistique, qui demandent \u00e0 \u00eatre prononc\u00e9s et entendus. \r\nLe raffinement de l\u2019\u00e9criture, ici, appelle une oralisation, et l\u2019on se pla\u00eet \u00e0 imaginer que Simplicius a pu, au moins en son priv\u00e9, peut-\u00eatre dans un discours \u00ab mental \u00bb, prononcer ces pri\u00e8res et les faire r\u00e9sonner. Mais parce que ses pri\u00e8res sont l\u2019ach\u00e8vement de commentaires \r\ndestin\u00e9s \u00e0 des \u00ab commen\u00e7ants \u00bb et non \u00e0 des philosophes confirm\u00e9s, Simplicius s\u2019en tient \u00e0 des d\u00e9clarations th\u00e9ologiques \u00e9l\u00e9mentaires et \r\ns\u2019exprime de fa\u00e7on beaucoup plus sobre que Jamblique ou Proclus ; son style clair et simple parvient \u00e0 ma\u00eetriser la solennit\u00e9 qui est de \r\nr\u00e8gle dans des adresses aux dieux 163, mais comme ses pr\u00e9d\u00e9cesseurs n\u00e9oplatoniciens il ordonne chacune de ses pri\u00e8res au dieu ou aux \r\ndieux qui veillent, de fa\u00e7on pr\u00e9cise, sur l\u2019ordre de r\u00e9alit\u00e9 vis\u00e9 par son enseignement. \u00c0 tous ces dieux Simplicius demande un accompagnement bienveillant et une aide sur la voie d\u2019une \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b3\u03c9\u03b3\u03ae indissolublement scientifique et spirituelle qui d\u00e9passera la discursivit\u00e9 et \u00e0 son terme n\u2019aura \r\nplus besoin du langage, ni m\u00eame de pri\u00e8re, car elle s\u2019accomplira dans le Silence. [conclusion, pp. 264-267]","btype":2,"date":"2020","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/eXg1Z7UIknMFhi4","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":373,"full_name":"Timotin, Andrei","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1396,"section_of":1397,"pages":"209-267","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1397,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Th\u00e9ories et practiques de la pri\u00e8re \u00e0 la fin de l'antiquit\u00e9","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hoffmann2020a","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2020","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Ce livre \u00e9tudie les diff\u00e9rents modes de rapport entre les th\u00e9ories et les pratiques de la pri\u00e8re \u00e0 la fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 dans un cadre interdisciplinaire qui r\u00e9unit des sp\u00e9cialistes de l\u2019histoire religieuse des mondes grec et romain, de la philosophie religieuse tardo-antique et de la litt\u00e9rature patristique. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CTKw8APVQcq7YHq","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1397,"pubplace":"Turnhout","publisher":"Brepols","series":"Biblioth\u00e8que de l'\u00e9cole des hautes \u00e9tudes sciences religieuses","volume":"185","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":{"id":1396,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Th\u00e9ories et pratiques de la pri\u00e8re \u00e0 la fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9","volume":"","issue":"","pages":""}},"sort":[2020]}

Théories et practiques de la prière à la fin de l'antiquité, 2020
By: Hoffmann, Philippe (Ed.), Timotin, Andrei (Ed.)

Title	Théories et practiques de la prière à la fin de l'antiquité
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2020
Publication Place	Turnhout
Publisher	Brepols
Series	Bibliothèque de l'école des hautes études sciences religieuses
Volume	185
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe , Timotin, Andrei
Translator(s)

Ce livre étudie les différents modes de rapport entre les théories et les pratiques de la prière à la fin de l’Antiquité dans un cadre interdisciplinaire qui réunit des spécialistes de l’histoire religieuse des mondes grec et romain, de la philosophie religieuse tardo-antique et de la littérature patristique. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DNW2qsXjHLZ3scI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1397","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1397,"authors_free":[{"id":2173,"entry_id":1397,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2174,"entry_id":1397,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":373,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Timotin, Andrei","free_first_name":"Andrei","free_last_name":"Timotin","norm_person":{"id":373,"first_name":"Andrei","last_name":"Timotin","full_name":"Timotin, Andrei","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1074855116","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Th\u00e9ories et practiques de la pri\u00e8re \u00e0 la fin de l'antiquit\u00e9","main_title":{"title":"Th\u00e9ories et practiques de la pri\u00e8re \u00e0 la fin de l'antiquit\u00e9"},"abstract":"Ce livre \u00e9tudie les diff\u00e9rents modes de rapport entre les th\u00e9ories et les pratiques de la pri\u00e8re \u00e0 la fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 dans un cadre interdisciplinaire qui r\u00e9unit des sp\u00e9cialistes de l\u2019histoire religieuse des mondes grec et romain, de la philosophie religieuse tardo-antique et de la litt\u00e9rature patristique. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2020","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DNW2qsXjHLZ3scI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":373,"full_name":"Timotin, Andrei","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1397,"pubplace":"Turnhout","publisher":"Brepols","series":"Biblioth\u00e8que de l'\u00e9cole des hautes \u00e9tudes sciences religieuses","volume":"185","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2020]}

Boéthos de Sidon: Exégète d’Aristote et philosophe, 2020
By: Chiaradonna, Riccardo (Ed.), Rashed, Marwan (Ed.)

Title	Boéthos de Sidon: Exégète d’Aristote et philosophe
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2020
Publication Place	Berlin – Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina (CAGB)
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Chiaradonna, Riccardo , Rashed, Marwan
Translator(s)

Cet ouvrage contient la première collection des fragments conservés, en grec et en arabe, du philosophe péripatéticien Boéthos de Sidon (Ier siècle av. J-C.), ainsi que leur traduction française et un commentaire exhaustif. Les auteurs reconstituent pour la première fois l'œuvre de ce philosophe majeur de l'Antiquité et montrent comment son interprétation d'Aristote et sa critique du platonisme et du stoïcisme ont laissé leur marque sur l'histoire ultérieure de la philosophie. En se fondant sur plus de cinquante textes transmis à ce jour – dont certains, tant en grec qu'en arabe, n'avaient pas encore été pris en compte par les historiens de la philosophie grecque –, Riccardo Chiaradonna et Marwan Rashed reconstituent l'interprétation d'Aristote développée par Boéthos, fondée sur une lecture originale des Catégories et des Analytiques. Tant par les emprunts massifs que lui font Plotin et les commentateurs néoplatoniciens que par le combat auquel se livre Alexandre d'Aphrodise contre son interprétation d'Aristote, Boéthos marque un jalon décisif dans l'histoire de la philosophie. Ce livre est donc un ouvrage indispensable pour les lecteurs intéressés par l'histoire de l'ontologie et de la logique dans l'Antiquité et la tradition aristotélicienne ancienne et médiévale. Cet ouvrage contient la première collection des fragments conservés, en grec et en arabe, du philosophe péripatéticien Boéthos de Sidon (Ier siècle av. J-C.), ainsi que leur traduction française et un commentaire exhaustif. Ce livre est un ouvrage indispensable pour les lecteurs intéressés par l'histoire de l'aristotélisme et, plus généralement, de la philosophie grecque dans son ensemble. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xgEgyCs5u1m2GF6

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1413","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1413,"authors_free":[{"id":2213,"entry_id":1413,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":49,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Chiaradonna, Riccardo","free_first_name":"Riccardo","free_last_name":"Chiaradonna","norm_person":{"id":49,"first_name":"Riccardo ","last_name":"Chiaradonna","full_name":"Chiaradonna, Riccardo ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1142403548","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2214,"entry_id":1413,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Bo\u00e9thos de Sidon: Ex\u00e9g\u00e8te d\u2019Aristote et philosophe","main_title":{"title":"Bo\u00e9thos de Sidon: Ex\u00e9g\u00e8te d\u2019Aristote et philosophe"},"abstract":"Cet ouvrage contient la premi\u00e8re collection des fragments conserv\u00e9s, en grec et en arabe, du philosophe p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticien Bo\u00e9thos de Sidon (Ier si\u00e8cle av. J-C.), ainsi que leur traduction fran\u00e7aise et un commentaire exhaustif. Les auteurs reconstituent pour la premi\u00e8re fois l'\u0153uvre de ce philosophe majeur de l'Antiquit\u00e9 et montrent comment son interpr\u00e9tation d'Aristote et sa critique du platonisme et du sto\u00efcisme ont laiss\u00e9 leur marque sur l'histoire ult\u00e9rieure de la philosophie. En se fondant sur plus de cinquante textes transmis \u00e0 ce jour \u2013 dont certains, tant en grec qu'en arabe, n'avaient pas encore \u00e9t\u00e9 pris en compte par les historiens de la philosophie grecque \u2013, Riccardo Chiaradonna et Marwan Rashed reconstituent l'interpr\u00e9tation d'Aristote d\u00e9velopp\u00e9e par Bo\u00e9thos, fond\u00e9e sur une lecture originale des Cat\u00e9gories et des Analytiques. Tant par les emprunts massifs que lui font Plotin et les commentateurs n\u00e9oplatoniciens que par le combat auquel se livre Alexandre d'Aphrodise contre son interpr\u00e9tation d'Aristote, Bo\u00e9thos marque un jalon d\u00e9cisif dans l'histoire de la philosophie. Ce livre est donc un ouvrage indispensable pour les lecteurs int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par l'histoire de l'ontologie et de la logique dans l'Antiquit\u00e9 et la tradition aristot\u00e9licienne ancienne et m\u00e9di\u00e9vale.\r\n\r\nCet ouvrage contient la premi\u00e8re collection des fragments conserv\u00e9s, en grec et en arabe, du philosophe p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticien Bo\u00e9thos de Sidon (Ier si\u00e8cle av. J-C.), ainsi que leur traduction fran\u00e7aise et un commentaire exhaustif. Ce livre est un ouvrage indispensable pour les lecteurs int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par l'histoire de l'aristot\u00e9lisme et, plus g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement, de la philosophie grecque dans son ensemble. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2020","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/xgEgyCs5u1m2GF6","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":49,"full_name":"Chiaradonna, Riccardo ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1413,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter ","series":"Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina (CAGB)","volume":"1","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2020]}

Simplicius the Neoplatonist in light of contemporary research: a critical review, 2020
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut,

Title	Simplicius the Neoplatonist in light of contemporary research: a critical review
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2020
Publication Place	Baden-Baden
Publisher	Academia Verlag
Series	Academia Philosophical Studies, 67
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Drummond , Ian() .

This book, translated from the French, offers a synthesis of modern research devoted to Simplicius's life and to three of his five commentaries: On Epictetus' Handbook, On Aristotle's De anima, On Aristotle's Categories. Its biographical part brings to light the historical role played by this Neoplatonic philosopher. Born in Cilicia, Asia Minor, he studied in Alexandria and Athens and apparently ended his life teaching in Syria on the frontier between the Byzantine and Sassanide Empires. His role was that of a mediator between the Greco-Roman world and philosophy and Syriac philosophy, which would feed Arabic philosophy at its beginning. The second part of the book, devoted to doctrinal and authorship issues, also deals with the underlying pedagogical curriculum and methods proper to Neoplatonic commentaries, which modern interpretation all too often tends to neglect in studies on Simplicius and other Neoplatonists. [autor's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DcBrrXbvDC3iJTF

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1436","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1436,"authors_free":[{"id":2285,"entry_id":1436,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2654,"entry_id":1436,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Drummond , Ian","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Simplicius the Neoplatonist in light of contemporary research: a critical review","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius the Neoplatonist in light of contemporary research: a critical review"},"abstract":"This book, translated from the French, offers a synthesis of modern research devoted to Simplicius's life and to three of his five commentaries: On Epictetus' Handbook, On Aristotle's De anima, On Aristotle's Categories. Its biographical part brings to light the historical role played by this Neoplatonic philosopher. Born in Cilicia, Asia Minor, he studied in Alexandria and Athens and apparently ended his life teaching in Syria on the frontier between the Byzantine and Sassanide Empires.\r\n\r\nHis role was that of a mediator between the Greco-Roman world and philosophy and Syriac philosophy, which would feed Arabic philosophy at its beginning.\r\n\r\nThe second part of the book, devoted to doctrinal and authorship issues, also deals with the underlying pedagogical curriculum and methods proper to Neoplatonic commentaries, which modern interpretation all too often tends to neglect in studies on Simplicius and other Neoplatonists. [autor's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2020","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DcBrrXbvDC3iJTF","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1436,"pubplace":"Baden-Baden","publisher":"Academia Verlag","series":"Academia Philosophical Studies, 67","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2020]}

Brill's Companion to the Reception of Presocratic Natural Philosophy in Later Classical Thought, 2020
By: Harry, Chelsea C. (Ed.), Habash, Justin  (Ed.)

Title	Brill's Companion to the Reception of Presocratic Natural Philosophy in Later Classical Thought
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2020
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston
Publisher	Brill
Series	Ancient Philosophy
Volume	6
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Harry, Chelsea C. , Habash, Justin
Translator(s)

In Brill's Companion to the Reception of Presocratic Natural Philosophy in Later Classical Thought, contributions by GottfriedHeinemann, Andrew Gregory, Justin Habash, Daniel W. Graham,Oliver Primavesi, Owen Goldin, Omar D. Álvarez Salas, ChristopherKurfess, Dirk L. Couprie, Tiberiu Popa, Timothy J. Crowley, LilianaCarolina Sánchez Castro, Iakovos Vasiliou, Barbara Sattler, Rosemary Wright, and a foreword by Patricia Curd explore the influences of early Greek science (6-4th c. BCE) on thephilosophical works of Plato, Aristotle, and the Hippocratics. Rather than presenting an unified narrative, the volume supports various ways to understand the development of the concept of nature, the emergence of science, and the historical context of topics such as elements, principles, soul, organization, causation,purpose, and cosmos in ancient Greek philosophy. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/z20ST1xtbE5fFTL

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1458","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1458,"authors_free":[{"id":2501,"entry_id":1458,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":511,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Harry, Chelsea C.","free_first_name":"Chelsea C.","free_last_name":"Harry","norm_person":{"id":511,"first_name":"Chelsea C.","last_name":"Harry","full_name":"Harry, Chelsea C.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1073135276","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2502,"entry_id":1458,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":512,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Habash, Justin\u202f","free_first_name":"Justin\u202f","free_last_name":"Habash","norm_person":{"id":512,"first_name":"Justin","last_name":"Habash","full_name":"Habash, Justin","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1232220795","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Brill's Companion to the Reception of Presocratic Natural Philosophy in Later Classical Thought","main_title":{"title":"Brill's Companion to the Reception of Presocratic Natural Philosophy in Later Classical Thought"},"abstract":"In Brill's Companion to the Reception of Presocratic Natural Philosophy in Later Classical Thought, contributions by GottfriedHeinemann, Andrew Gregory, Justin Habash, Daniel W. Graham,Oliver Primavesi, Owen Goldin, Omar D. \u00c1lvarez Salas, ChristopherKurfess, Dirk L. Couprie, Tiberiu Popa, Timothy J. Crowley, LilianaCarolina S\u00e1nchez Castro, Iakovos Vasiliou, Barbara Sattler, Rosemary Wright, and a foreword by Patricia Curd explore the influences of early Greek science (6-4th c. BCE) on thephilosophical works of Plato, Aristotle, and the Hippocratics. Rather than presenting an unified narrative, the volume supports various ways to understand the development of the concept of nature, the emergence of science, and the historical context of topics such as elements, principles, soul, organization, causation,purpose, and cosmos in ancient Greek philosophy. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2020","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/z20ST1xtbE5fFTL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":511,"full_name":"Harry, Chelsea C.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":512,"full_name":"Habash, Justin","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1458,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston","publisher":"Brill","series":"Ancient Philosophy","volume":"6","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2020]}

The Authorship of the Pseudo-Simplician Neoplatonic Commentary on the De Anima, 2020
By: Gabor, Gary

Title	The Authorship of the Pseudo-Simplician Neoplatonic Commentary on the De Anima
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2020
Journal	Proceedings of the Boston Area Colloquium in Ancient Philosophy
Volume	35
Issue	1
Pages	1-22
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gabor, Gary
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The traditional ascription of the Neoplatonic commentary on the De Anima to Simplicius has prominently been disputed by Carlos Steel and Fernand Bossier, along with J.O. Urmson and Francesco Piccolomini, among others. Citing problems with terminology, diction, cross-references, doctrine, and other features, these authors have argued that the commentary cannot have been composed by Simplicius and that Priscian of Lydia is a favored alternative. In this paper, I present some new arguments for why the traditional attribution to Simplicius is, in fact, the correct one. In particular, while addressing some of the terminological facts that have also been discussed by Christina Luna, Peter Lautner, Patricia Huby, and Philippe Vallat, among others, I offer a more secure basis for identifying the author of the De Anima commentary with Simplicius than has so far been proposed. In place of the disputes regarding terminology, which the debate has largely centered upon, I argue that certain unique and characteristic interpretive procedures, which one only finds in the undisputed Simplician works, allow us to identify the authorship of the De Anima commentary with Simplicius securely. Further, comparison of these methodological features with the extant works of Priscian rules out the possibility of his authorship of the commentary. I also provide some suggestions for resolving a few remaining issues of cross-reference between the De Anima commentary and the rest of Simplicius’s work. Finally, I conclude with some words on how that particular form of harmonization pursued by Simplicius’s contemporaries differs from both that of the De Anima commentary as well as his other works. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pVUbfH8m3jQVsKw

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Simplicius, 2020
By: Helmig, Christoph, Zalta, Edward N. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2020
Published in	The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Helmig, Christoph
Editor(s)	Zalta, Edward N.
Translator(s)

Simplicius of Cilicia (ca. 480–560 CE), roughly a contemporary of John Philoponus, is without doubt the most important Neoplatonic commentator on Aristotle and one of the two most influential exegetes within the Aristotelian tradition, along with Alexander of Aphrodisias (around 200 CE). Simplicius’ works are an unmatched source for the intellectual traditions that preceded him: Presocratic, Platonic, and especially the Peripatetic tradition. He is also an independent thinker in his own right, with a coherent philosophical agenda. Best known for his tendency to harmonise Plato and Aristotle, he nevertheless criticised Aristotle on several occasions and considered himself a loyal follower of Plato. Writing in an age when Christianity was the dominant religious and political view, Simplicius aimed to show that the Hellenic tradition is not only much older, but also more venerable and more coherent than the Christian tradition. Unimpressed by charges of alleged contradictions among Greek philosophers, Simplicius repeatedly proclaimed that “the ancient wisdom (palaia philosophia) remains unrefuted” (In Phys. 77.11). It is also noteworthy that, like Proclus and other Neoplatonists, Simplicius presents himself as a thinker for whom philosophy and theology form a complete unity. As has frequently been observed, Simplicius’ works, despite their scholarly outlook, have an important spiritual dimension (see §5). Simplicius’ commentaries have only recently been studied with an eye to his own philosophical views. He was long considered a mere source for Greek philosophy, and, as noted by Baltussen (2010: 714), Simplicius’ importance as a source for ancient Greek philosophy and science has long overshadowed his contributions as an independent thinker. Nineteenth-century Quellenforschung was especially interested in his Commentary on the Physics, which was edited in two volumes (Simplicii in Aristotelis Physicorum libros quattuor priores/quattuor posteriores, comprising almost 1500 pages) by Hermann Diels; this commentary served as the basis for Diels’ edition of the Doxographi Graeci (Greek Doxographers), which includes the main doctrines on natural philosophy according to ancient doxographical compendia. One of the aims of this entry is to emphasise that Simplicius’ writings have much more to offer than a mere doxography of his predecessors—but always bearing in mind that it is only possible to appreciate how Simplicius arranges and interprets the material at his disposal by duly attending to his Neoplatonic agenda. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/sum2020/entries/simplicius/

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1468","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1468,"authors_free":[{"id":2541,"entry_id":1468,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":146,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Helmig, Christoph","free_first_name":"Christoph","free_last_name":"Helmig","norm_person":{"id":146,"first_name":"Christoph","last_name":"Helmig","full_name":"Helmig, Christoph","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1107028760","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2542,"entry_id":1468,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":185,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Zalta, Edward N.","free_first_name":"Edward N.","free_last_name":"Zalta","norm_person":{"id":185,"first_name":"Edward N.","last_name":"Zalta","full_name":"Zalta, Edward N.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132645920","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius"},"abstract":"Simplicius of Cilicia (ca. 480\u2013560 CE), roughly a contemporary of John Philoponus, is without doubt the most important Neoplatonic commentator on Aristotle and one of the two most influential exegetes within the Aristotelian tradition, along with Alexander of Aphrodisias (around 200 CE). Simplicius\u2019 works are an unmatched source for the intellectual traditions that preceded him: Presocratic, Platonic, and especially the Peripatetic tradition. He is also an independent thinker in his own right, with a coherent philosophical agenda. Best known for his tendency to harmonise Plato and Aristotle, he nevertheless criticised Aristotle on several occasions and considered himself a loyal follower of Plato. Writing in an age when Christianity was the dominant religious and political view, Simplicius aimed to show that the Hellenic tradition is not only much older, but also more venerable and more coherent than the Christian tradition. Unimpressed by charges of alleged contradictions among Greek philosophers, Simplicius repeatedly proclaimed that \u201cthe ancient wisdom (palaia philosophia) remains unrefuted\u201d (In Phys. 77.11). It is also noteworthy that, like Proclus and other Neoplatonists, Simplicius presents himself as a thinker for whom philosophy and theology form a complete unity. As has frequently been observed, Simplicius\u2019 works, despite their scholarly outlook, have an important spiritual dimension (see \u00a75).\r\n\r\nSimplicius\u2019 commentaries have only recently been studied with an eye to his own philosophical views. He was long considered a mere source for Greek philosophy, and, as noted by Baltussen (2010: 714),\r\n\r\n Simplicius\u2019 importance as a source for ancient Greek philosophy and science has long overshadowed his contributions as an independent thinker.\r\n\r\nNineteenth-century Quellenforschung was especially interested in his Commentary on the Physics, which was edited in two volumes (Simplicii in Aristotelis Physicorum libros quattuor priores\/quattuor posteriores, comprising almost 1500 pages) by Hermann Diels; this commentary served as the basis for Diels\u2019 edition of the Doxographi Graeci (Greek Doxographers), which includes the main doctrines on natural philosophy according to ancient doxographical compendia.\r\n\r\nOne of the aims of this entry is to emphasise that Simplicius\u2019 writings have much more to offer than a mere doxography of his predecessors\u2014but always bearing in mind that it is only possible to appreciate how Simplicius arranges and interprets the material at his disposal by duly attending to his Neoplatonic agenda. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"2020","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/plato.stanford.edu\/archives\/sum2020\/entries\/simplicius\/","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":146,"full_name":"Helmig, Christoph","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":185,"full_name":"Zalta, Edward N.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1468,"section_of":1350,"pages":"","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1350,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":6,"language":"en","title":"The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Welcome to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (SEP), which as of March 2018, has nearly 1600 entries online. From its inception, the SEP was designed so that each entry is maintained and kept up-to-date by an expert or group of experts in the field. All entries and substantive updates are refereed by the members of a distinguished Editorial Board before they are made public. Consequently, our dynamic reference work maintains academic standards while evolving and adapting in response to new research. You can cite fixed editions that are created on a quarterly basis and stored in our Archives (every entry contains a link to its complete archival history, identifying the fixed edition the reader should cite). The Table of Contents lists entries that are published or assigned. The Projected Table of Contents also lists entries which are currently unassigned but nevertheless projected. [author's description]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/plato.stanford.edu\/index.html","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":null}},"article":null},"sort":[2020]}

Commentary on Gabor: The Authorship of the Pseudo-Simplician Neoplatonic Commentary on the De Anima, 2020
By: Miller, Dana R.

Title	Commentary on Gabor: The Authorship of the Pseudo-Simplician Neoplatonic Commentary on the De Anima
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2020
Journal	Proceedings of the Boston Area Colloquium in Ancient Philosophy
Volume	35
Issue	2
Pages	23-27
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Miller, Dana R.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper gives a brief discussion of the problem of ascribing authorship to ancient philosophical texts when there is evidence both for and against traditional ascription. The case in point is tradition’s claim that Simplicius is the author of the De Anima commentary. It is argued here that, while Gabor provides new and important methodological evidence for Simplicius’s authorship, we should not expect certainty. It is suggested that, in cases where historical fact may never be ascertained, we will be better served by the notion of credences. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3xAEvu1rDgjfUMU

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What Is the Principle of Movement, the Self-moved (Plato) or the Unmoved (Aristotle)? The Exegetic Strategies of Hermias of Alexandria and Simplicius in Late Antiquity, 2020
By: Longo, Angela, Finamore, John F. (Ed.), Manolea, Christina-Panagiota (Ed.)

Title	What Is the Principle of Movement, the Self-moved (Plato) or the Unmoved (Aristotle)? The Exegetic Strategies of Hermias of Alexandria and Simplicius in Late Antiquity
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2020
Published in	Studies in Hermias’ Commentary on Plato’s Phaedrus
Pages	115-141
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Longo, Angela
Editor(s)	Finamore, John F. , Manolea, Christina-Panagiota
Translator(s)

So far, our inquiry has established that in late Antiquity the texts of Plato’s Phaedrus (245c–e) and Aristotle’s Physics (VIII 5) were thought to be referring to each other, and to show both a basic agreement and significant divergences. Plato’s contention that the self-mover is a principle of movement and is to be identified with the soul is contrasted with Aristotle’s belief that, despite the self-mover’s primacy among moving beings, the ultimate principle of movement is an unmoved mover, which only in the case of animals can be identified with the soul. What seems to prompt Hermias to compare Plato (whom he is commenting on) with Aristotle (whom he repeatedly mentions) is his aim to reconcile the two great authorities of Late Antique Neoplatonist thinkers. As we have seen, Hermias frequently, if implicitly, refers to Aristotle’s Physics, particularly chapter 5 of book VIII, but also other sections of it (e.g., book II for the distinction between natural and artificial beings, book IV for the belief that actual infinity does not exist; to this list we may add the explicit quotation of Phys. II 2194b.13 in the section of the scholia we discussed above). Besides, Hermias clearly, if implicitly, refers to Aristotle’s De anima for the view that no bodily motions occur in the soul (De an. I 3, 405b.31ss.) and that there exist a passive and an active intellect (De an. III 5). Our inquiry enables us to conclude that, historically speaking, it was the exegesis of Phaedrus 245c–e that originated the lexical and conceptual triad of “that which is moved by something else,” “that which moves by itself,” and “that which moves while remaining unmoved.” This triad, which played a key role in the philosophical schools of Athens and Alexandria in the 5th and 6th centuries AD, is rooted in the exegesis of Plato’s Phaedrus, yet it includes Aristotelian doctrines as well, most notably from the Physics. From the point of view of the exegetical strategy, although both Hermias and Simplicius aimed to harmonize the doctrines of the two highest authorities in Greek philosophy, Plato and Aristotle, probably in an attempt to defend them from the unstoppable rise of Christianity, they display different levels of sympathy and theoretical effort. Showing his clear preference for Plato’s doctrine, Hermias seems to employ quite rudimentary philosophical tools. Simplicius, due to his greater sympathy for Aristotle, focuses on the definitions of the terms at issue. Finally, Simplicius can be said to make Hermias’ points more explicit and detailed. Hermias seems to take for granted the comparison between the Phaedrus and the Physics, and leaves it implicit, while Simplicius makes it explicit. Moreover, as compared to Hermias’ scholia on the Phaedrus, Simplicius’ extensive commentary on the Physics includes many more and much longer quotations from the works of Plato and Aristotle. [conclusion p. 140-141]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RbX36KCg4F9Wcfd

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The Exegetic Strategies of Hermias of Alexandria and Simplicius in Late Antiquity","main_title":{"title":"What Is the Principle of Movement, the Self-moved (Plato) or the Unmoved (Aristotle)? The Exegetic Strategies of Hermias of Alexandria and Simplicius in Late Antiquity"},"abstract":"So far, our inquiry has established that in late Antiquity the texts of Plato\u2019s Phaedrus (245c\u2013e) and Aristotle\u2019s Physics (VIII 5) were thought to be referring to each other, and to show both a basic agreement and significant divergences.\r\n\r\nPlato\u2019s contention that the self-mover is a principle of movement and is to be identified with the soul is contrasted with Aristotle\u2019s belief that, despite the self-mover\u2019s primacy among moving beings, the ultimate principle of movement is an unmoved mover, which only in the case of animals can be identified with the soul.\r\n\r\nWhat seems to prompt Hermias to compare Plato (whom he is commenting on) with Aristotle (whom he repeatedly mentions) is his aim to reconcile the two great authorities of Late Antique Neoplatonist thinkers. As we have seen, Hermias frequently, if implicitly, refers to Aristotle\u2019s Physics, particularly chapter 5 of book VIII, but also other sections of it (e.g., book II for the distinction between natural and artificial beings, book IV for the belief that actual infinity does not exist; to this list we may add the explicit quotation of Phys. II 2194b.13 in the section of the scholia we discussed above). Besides, Hermias clearly, if implicitly, refers to Aristotle\u2019s De anima for the view that no bodily motions occur in the soul (De an. I 3, 405b.31ss.) and that there exist a passive and an active intellect (De an. III 5).\r\n\r\nOur inquiry enables us to conclude that, historically speaking, it was the exegesis of Phaedrus 245c\u2013e that originated the lexical and conceptual triad of \u201cthat which is moved by something else,\u201d \u201cthat which moves by itself,\u201d and \u201cthat which moves while remaining unmoved.\u201d This triad, which played a key role in the philosophical schools of Athens and Alexandria in the 5th and 6th centuries AD, is rooted in the exegesis of Plato\u2019s Phaedrus, yet it includes Aristotelian doctrines as well, most notably from the Physics.\r\n\r\nFrom the point of view of the exegetical strategy, although both Hermias and Simplicius aimed to harmonize the doctrines of the two highest authorities in Greek philosophy, Plato and Aristotle, probably in an attempt to defend them from the unstoppable rise of Christianity, they display different levels of sympathy and theoretical effort. Showing his clear preference for Plato\u2019s doctrine, Hermias seems to employ quite rudimentary philosophical tools. Simplicius, due to his greater sympathy for Aristotle, focuses on the definitions of the terms at issue.\r\n\r\nFinally, Simplicius can be said to make Hermias\u2019 points more explicit and detailed. Hermias seems to take for granted the comparison between the Phaedrus and the Physics, and leaves it implicit, while Simplicius makes it explicit. Moreover, as compared to Hermias\u2019 scholia on the Phaedrus, Simplicius\u2019 extensive commentary on the Physics includes many more and much longer quotations from the works of Plato and Aristotle.\r\n[conclusion p. 140-141]","btype":2,"date":"2020","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RbX36KCg4F9Wcfd","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":463,"full_name":"Longo, Angela","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":120,"full_name":"Finamore, John F.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":551,"full_name":"Manolea, Christina-Panagiota","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1486,"section_of":1487,"pages":"115-141","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1487,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Studies in Hermias\u2019 Commentary on Plato\u2019s Phaedrus","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2019","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Studies in Hermias\u2019 Commentary on Plato\u2019s Phaedrus is a collection of twelve essays that consider aspects of Hermias\u2019 philosophy, including his notions of the soul, logic, and method of exegesis. The essays also consider Hermias\u2019 work in the tradition of Neoplatonism, particularly in relation to the thought of Iamblichus and Proclus. The collection grapples with the question of the originality of Hermias\u2019 commentary\u2014the only extant work of Hermias\u2014which is a series of lectures notes of his teacher, Syrianus. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/odl9mOkFu3fCl3K","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1487,"pubplace":"Amsterdam","publisher":"Brill","series":"Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition","volume":"24","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2020]}

Simplicius on the Void, 2020
By: Nikulin, Dmitri, Horn, Christoph (Ed.), Taormina, Daniela Patrizia (Ed.), Walter, Denis (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius on the Void
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2020
Published in	Körperlichkeit in der Philosophie der Spätantike. Corporeità nella filosofia tardoantica
Pages	231-255
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Nikulin, Dmitri
Editor(s)	Horn, Christoph , Taormina, Daniela Patrizia , Walter, Denis
Translator(s)

The essay discusses the treatment of the void in Simplicius’ Commentary on the cenrtral chapters of Book 4 of Aristotle’s Physics. In a close reading and explanation of Aristotle’s arguments, which abound in subtle observations, Simplicius comes up with several original interpretations regarding the nature of the negativity attributed to the void, demonstrating the impossible consequences of its acceptance. Following Aristotle, Simplicius distinguishes two kinds of the void, that between and outside bodies, and that interspersed with bodies. Locomotion through the void as an imputed place of motion is impossible, because there is no sufficient reason either for motion in a particular direction or for rest, since the void in its negativity allows for no distinctions, and thus for no natural places. A number of absurdities also follow from the acceptance of the void as scattered in bodies. The void is therefore out of place in the cosmos ontologically, mathematically, and physically. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kdYRjbp22O1ftpX

Körperlichkeit in der Philosophie der Spätantike. Corporeità nella filosofia tardoantica, 2020
By: Horn, Christoph (Ed.), Taormina, Daniela Patrizia (Ed.), Walter, Denis (Ed.)

Title	Körperlichkeit in der Philosophie der Spätantike. Corporeità nella filosofia tardoantica
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2020
Publication Place	Baden-Baden
Publisher	Academia
Series	Academia philosophical studies
Volume	71
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Horn, Christoph , Taormina, Daniela Patrizia , Walter, Denis
Translator(s)

In diesem Sammelband wird die Idee des Körpers und der Körperlichkeit in der Philosophie der Spätantike untersucht. Dazu werden Fragen der Ontologie, der Mathematik, der Physik, der Astronomie, der Biologie, der Anthropologie, der Politik, der Theologie und der Ästhetik behandelt. Die Bedeutung des Themas ergibt sich sowohl aus seiner historischen Relevanz (für die Bildende Kunst, die Literatur, die Fachwissenschaften, die Religion und die allgemeine Kulturgeschichte) als auch aufgrund seiner philosophischen Wichtigkeit. Vom philosophischen Standpunkt betrachtet enthält die spätantike Reflexion über Körperlichkeit eine beeindruckende Fülle an Bedeutungen, die in diesem Band diskutiert werden. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YLmhzofUpyMnWop

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Simplicius and the Commentator's Task: Clarifying Exegeses and Exegetical Techniques, 2019
By: Baltussen, Han, Strobel, Benedikt (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius and the Commentator's Task: Clarifying Exegeses and Exegetical Techniques
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2019
Published in	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Pages	159-183
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Strobel, Benedikt
Translator(s)

Simplicius’ exegetical strategies are explicitly and implicitly formed by what he was reading. What we still have shows him reading Aristotle and his interpreters. His isolation resulting from Justinian’s prohibition on pagan teaching activity may have contributed to the length of his expositions – which makes it plausible, therefore, that both historical and ideological reasons help to explain the size and approach of his works. In broad terms, we can characterise his method as close reading of texts, the use of multiple texts and authors, based on lemmata and an overall mixed agenda (pedagogy, philosophy, ideology). At a more detailed level we saw that he is capable of handling text variations and different manuscripts, speaks in a self-effacing way (a personal voice is rare), and uses advanced exegetical strategies (majority views important; letter vs. spirit; technical terminology). All these features justify the conclusion that his work was a synthesis of both philosophical views and their exegetical clarifications. Overall, Simplicius’ aim to annotate Aristotle’s work and preserve Greek philosophy with its exegetical tradition makes for a truly polymathic program driven by different, and sometimes competing, agendas. [conclusion, p. 180]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/A73Tqj9a5m6hmAe

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Simplicius, Syrianus and the Harmony of Ancient Philosophers, 2019
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Strobel, Benedikt (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, Syrianus and the Harmony of Ancient Philosophers
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2019
Published in	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Pages	69-99
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Strobel, Benedikt
Translator(s)

This study explores the idea of harmonizing philosophical discourse, which aims to reconcile philosophical texts that contain seemingly incompatible ideas. Contrary to the assumption in scholarly literature, this discourse was not widely accepted in the philosophical Schools of Late Antiquity. The author examines the reactions of Syrianus, the Head of the Platonic School at Athens, to Aristotle's criticisms of Plato's philosophy, and how Syrianus accepted parts of Aristotle's philosophy but rejected others. The article also discusses the absence of a philosophical curriculum at the time of Simplicius' Aristotelian Commentaries, which led to his concern about the innate unity of ancient Greek philosophy being broken apart. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QL5VZHREOe1cXap

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Der Begriff der Physis im späten Neuplatonismus, 2019
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Koch, Dietmar (Ed.), Männlein-Robert, Irmgard (Ed.), Weidtmann (Ed.)

Title	Der Begriff der Physis im späten Neuplatonismus
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2019
Published in	Platon und die Physis
Pages	241-253
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Koch, Dietmar , Männlein-Robert, Irmgard , Weidtmann
Translator(s)

In dem Text wird die Bedeutung des Konzepts der Physis in der neuplatonischen Philosophie untersucht. Die neuplatonische Theorie der drei Hypostasen - das Eine oder Gute, der Nous oder die Vernunft und die Seele - wird erklärt, von denen alle anderen Realitäten abgeleitet werden. Die Natur wird als eine Art von Seele identifiziert, aber im Gegensatz zur vegetativen Seele ist sie eine lebensähnliche Kraft, die für die Schöpfung der Form und nicht des Lebens verantwortlich ist. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2ke8ehUye0u5kBm

Platon und die Physis, 2019
By: Koch, Dietmar (Ed.), Männlein-Robert, Irmgard (Ed.), Weidtmann, Niels (Ed.)

Title	Platon und die Physis
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	2019
Publication Place	Tübingen
Publisher	Mohr Siebeck
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Koch, Dietmar , Männlein-Robert, Irmgard , Weidtmann, Niels
Translator(s)

Der vorliegende Band umfasst Beiträge zu einem zentralen Thema bei Platon: 'Physis' kann bei Platon im naturwissenschaftlichen Sinne als physische, biologische, materielle Natur oder im übertragenen Sinne als eigenes Wesen, etwa hinsichtlich Seele, Kosmos oder Göttlichem, verstanden werden. So werden in diesem Band medizinische, biologische und kosmologische Ansätze ebenso wie ontologische, epistemologische und pädagogische Themen zu Platons 'Physis'-Konzept in den Blick genommen. Die zeitgenössische Nomos-Physis-Diskussion Platons mit den Sophisten sowie seine sprach- und kulturphilosophischen Überlegungen spielen hier eine wichtige Rolle. Die anspruchsvolle literarische Gestaltung der Platonischen Dialoge ist für die genannten Fragestellungen höchst relevant, ebenso die Auseinandersetzung späterer platonischer Philosophen mit Platons 'Physis'-Konzept. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vmsLFJtLo9CPIY0

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Simplicius on the Individuation of Material Substances, 2019
By: Schwark, Marina

Title	Simplicius on the Individuation of Material Substances
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2019
Journal	Elenchos
Volume	40
Issue	2
Pages	401-429
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schwark, Marina
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In his commentary on Physics I 9, Simplicius claims that individual forms individuate matter. Given that in the same text he calls the immanent form ‘universal,’it seems reasonable to conclude that the individual forms are individual instances of one universal species–form. However, Simplicius also mentions accidental properties that are peculiar to form rather than to matter. On the basis of Simplicius’ commentaries on the Categories and on the Physics, I argue that the individuating accidents are not part of the individual forms, but that each individual’s form coordinates the individual’s accidental features. By belonging to a certain species, the individual form sets limits as to which accidents a matter–form compound can assume. This approach enables Simplicius to combine hylomorphism with a theory of individuation through properties. Furthermore, in his commentary on De Caelo I 9 Simplicius explains the uniqueness of each individual’s conglomeration of properties in light of his Neoplatonic cosmology: each individual corresponds to an individual cosmic disposition that determines its characteristic features. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cpvCFatZj4VcLdC

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Simplicius, Commentaire sur la Physique d’Aristote. Livre ii, ch. 1-3. Introduction, traduction, notes et bibliographie par Alain Lernould, 2019
By: Simplicius, Lernould, Alain (Ed.),

Title	Simplicius, Commentaire sur la Physique d’Aristote. Livre ii, ch. 1-3. Introduction, traduction, notes et bibliographie par Alain Lernould
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2019
Publication Place	Villeneuve d'Ascq
Publisher	Presses universitaires du Septentrion
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Lernould, Alain
Translator(s)	Lernould, Alain(Lernould, Alain) .

Le Livre ii de la Physique d’Aristote est une « véritable introduction à la philosophie de la nature » (Mansion). Après avoir dans le chapitre 1 donné sa fameuse définition de la nature comme « principe et cause de mouvement et de repos pour la chose en laquelle elle réside à titre premier par soi et non par accident », le Stagirite dans le chapitre 2 traite de la différence entre mathématiques et physique. Le chapitre 3, qui constitue « l’exposé le plus complet de l’étiologie aristotélicienne » (Crubellier-Pellegrin), livre la doctrine des quatre causes. Les chapitres 4 à 6 portent sur le hasard et la spontanéité. Dans le chapitre 8 est défendue la thèse du finalisme dans la nature et le chapitre 9 établit la distinction entre nécessité absolue et nécessité hypothétique. Simplicius de Cilicie, le dernier philosophe de l’École néoplatonicienne d’Athènes, a rédigé son commentaire sur la Physique vers 540, après son exil temporaire chez le roi de Perse Chosroès, et le commentaire au seul Livre ii de la Phusikê Akroasis d’Aristote constitue une somme de la philosophie de la nature de l’Antiquité tardive. Il n’existe pas à ce jour de traduction française intégrale du commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique. Le présent volume contient la traduction annotée du commentaire au Livre ii, chap. 1-3, accompagnée par un résumé analytique du commentaire à Phys. ii, 1-3, la liste des modifications apportées aux texte grec établi par Diels (1882), un index des termes grecs, un index des noms anciens, une bibliographie. Il sera suivi de deux autres qui contiendront la traduction du commentaire aux, respectivement, chapitres 4-6 et 7-9 du Livre ii de la Physique. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3MfXV87nCOjNogF

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1401","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1401,"authors_free":[{"id":2183,"entry_id":1401,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2184,"entry_id":1401,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":375,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Lernould, Alain","free_first_name":"Alain","free_last_name":"Lernould","norm_person":{"id":375,"first_name":"Alain","last_name":"Lernould","full_name":"Lernould, Alain","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/142464856","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2185,"entry_id":1401,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":375,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Lernould, Alain","free_first_name":"Alain","free_last_name":"Lernould","norm_person":{"id":375,"first_name":"Alain","last_name":"Lernould","full_name":"Lernould, Alain","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/142464856","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, Commentaire\u00a0sur\u00a0la\u00a0Physique\u00a0d\u2019Aristote.\u00a0Livre\u00a0ii,\u00a0ch.\u00a01-3. Introduction, traduction, notes et bibliographie par Alain Lernould","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, Commentaire\u00a0sur\u00a0la\u00a0Physique\u00a0d\u2019Aristote.\u00a0Livre\u00a0ii,\u00a0ch.\u00a01-3. Introduction, traduction, notes et bibliographie par Alain Lernould"},"abstract":"Le Livre ii de la Physique d\u2019Aristote est une \u00ab v\u00e9ritable introduction \u00e0 la philosophie de la nature \u00bb (Mansion). Apr\u00e8s avoir dans le chapitre 1 donn\u00e9 sa fameuse d\u00e9finition de la nature comme \u00ab principe et cause de mouvement et de repos pour la chose en laquelle elle r\u00e9side \u00e0 titre premier par soi et non par accident \u00bb, le Stagirite dans le chapitre 2 traite de la diff\u00e9rence entre math\u00e9matiques et physique. Le chapitre 3, qui constitue \u00ab l\u2019expos\u00e9 le plus complet de l\u2019\u00e9tiologie aristot\u00e9licienne \u00bb (Crubellier-Pellegrin), livre la doctrine des quatre causes. Les chapitres 4 \u00e0 6 portent sur le hasard et la spontan\u00e9it\u00e9. Dans le chapitre 8 est d\u00e9fendue la th\u00e8se du finalisme dans la nature et le chapitre 9 \u00e9tablit la distinction entre n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 absolue et n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 hypoth\u00e9tique.\r\nSimplicius de Cilicie, le dernier philosophe de l\u2019\u00c9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne d\u2019Ath\u00e8nes, a r\u00e9dig\u00e9 son commentaire sur la Physique vers 540, apr\u00e8s son exil temporaire chez le roi de Perse Chosro\u00e8s, et le commentaire au seul Livre ii de la Phusik\u00ea Akroasis d\u2019Aristote constitue une somme de la philosophie de la nature de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive. Il n\u2019existe pas \u00e0 ce jour de traduction fran\u00e7aise int\u00e9grale du commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique.\r\nLe pr\u00e9sent volume contient la traduction annot\u00e9e du commentaire au Livre ii, chap. 1-3, accompagn\u00e9e par un r\u00e9sum\u00e9 analytique du commentaire \u00e0 Phys. ii, 1-3, la liste des modifications apport\u00e9es aux texte grec \u00e9tabli par Diels (1882), un index des termes grecs, un index des noms anciens, une bibliographie. Il sera suivi de deux autres qui contiendront la traduction du commentaire aux, respectivement, chapitres 4-6 et 7-9 du Livre ii de la Physique. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2019","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3MfXV87nCOjNogF","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":375,"full_name":"Lernould, Alain","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":375,"full_name":"Lernould, Alain","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}}],"book":{"id":1401,"pubplace":"Villeneuve d'Ascq","publisher":"Presses universitaires du Septentrion","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2019]}

Plutarch and the Neoplatonists: Porphyry, Proklos, Simplikios, 2019
By: Simonetti, Elsa Giovanna, Xenophontos, Sophia (Ed.), Oikonomopoulou, Aikaterini (Ed.)

Title	Plutarch and the Neoplatonists: Porphyry, Proklos, Simplikios
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2019
Published in	Brill's Companion to the Reception of Plutarch
Pages	136-153
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simonetti, Elsa Giovanna
Editor(s)	Xenophontos, Sophia , Oikonomopoulou, Aikaterini
Translator(s)

The present chapter, by focusing on a selection of passages from Porphyry, Proclus, and Simplicius, aims to explore Plutarch's influence within the Neoplatonists' reconsideration of Platonic philosophy, its aims, roots, and historical development. As we will see, Porphyry, Proclus, and Simplicius integrate Plutarch’s heritage into their own agendas by adapting it to their own specific historical context, which ranges from the third to the sixth century AD, a time when the fundamental reassessment of Platonism also responds to the urgency of supplying new ways to happiness and salvation that could compete with those provided by Christianity. Recalling Simplicius' invitation to taking advantage of different situations, we can conclude that all the Neoplatonists here considered judiciously took advantage of Plutarch's works to justify their own philosophical reflection and to redefine their relationship with the Platonic tradition. Despite discarding some of Plutarch's metaphysical theories, they exploited his legacy according to their own ideological and historical context. Exploring the reception of Plutarch of Chaeronea in Porphyry, Proclus, and Simplicius has helped us discern some continuous strands of thought within Imperial Platonism, notwithstanding the considerable originality and theoretical innovations that have inevitably emerged in a time span of four centuries. In this regard, it might be useful to recall that Plutarch himself was an advocate of the unity of Platonism under the aegis of its illustrious founder, as proven by the existence of his treatise "On the Unity of the Academy" from Plato (no. 63 of the Lamprias catalogue), which is unfortunately lost. The Neoplatonists also share Plutarch's fundamental conviction that Plato's works enclose a coherent system of doctrines that await to be recovered and, motivated by this, engage in an impressive activity of synthesis, exegesis, and teaching of his dialogues, perceived as an extraordinary source of knowledge. In their constant and passionate re-reading of the past and of their own tradition, Plutarch emerges as an animate figure and a dynamic interlocutor. He is not simply a motionless icon. Rather, he is kept in life through the Platonists' strenuous effort of re-thinking and re-discovering their own history and heritage. [Introduction / Conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XM6bPhXl3bvnvIT

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As we will see, Porphyry, Proclus, and Simplicius integrate Plutarch\u2019s heritage into their own agendas by adapting it to their own specific historical context, which ranges from the third to the sixth century AD, a time when the fundamental reassessment of Platonism also responds to the urgency of supplying new ways to happiness and salvation that could compete with those provided by Christianity. Recalling Simplicius' invitation to taking advantage of different situations, we can conclude that all the Neoplatonists here considered judiciously took advantage of Plutarch's works to justify their own philosophical reflection and to redefine their relationship with the Platonic tradition. Despite discarding some of Plutarch's metaphysical theories, they exploited his legacy according to their own ideological and historical context. Exploring the reception of Plutarch of Chaeronea in Porphyry, Proclus, and Simplicius has helped us discern some continuous strands of thought within Imperial Platonism, notwithstanding the considerable originality and theoretical innovations that have inevitably emerged in a time span of four centuries. In this regard, it might be useful to recall that Plutarch himself was an advocate of the unity of Platonism under the aegis of its illustrious founder, as proven by the existence of his treatise \"On the Unity of the Academy\" from Plato (no. 63 of the Lamprias catalogue), which is unfortunately lost. The Neoplatonists also share Plutarch's fundamental conviction that Plato's works enclose a coherent system of doctrines that await to be recovered and, motivated by this, engage in an impressive activity of synthesis, exegesis, and teaching of his dialogues, perceived as an extraordinary source of knowledge. In their constant and passionate re-reading of the past and of their own tradition, Plutarch emerges as an animate figure and a dynamic interlocutor. He is not simply a motionless icon. Rather, he is kept in life through the Platonists' strenuous effort of re-thinking and re-discovering their own history and heritage. [Introduction \/ Conclusion]","btype":2,"date":"2019","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/XM6bPhXl3bvnvIT","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":405,"full_name":"Simonetti, Elsa Giovanna","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":480,"full_name":"Xenophontos, Sophia","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":481,"full_name":"Oikonomopoulou, Aikaterini","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1421,"section_of":1422,"pages":"136-153","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1422,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":1,"language":"en","title":"Brill's Companion to the Reception of Plutarch","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2019","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"The Greek biographer and philosopher Plutarch of Chaeronea (c. 45-125 AD) makes a fascinating case-study for reception studies not least because of his uniquely extensive and diverse afterlife. Brill\u2019s Companion to the Reception of Plutarch offers the first comprehensive analysis of Plutarch\u2019s rich reception history from the Roman Imperial period through Late Antiquity and Byzantium to the Renaissance, Enlightenment and the modern era. The thirty-seven chapters that make up this volume, written by a remarkable line-up of experts, explore the appreciation, contestation and creative appropriation of Plutarch himself, his thought and work in the history of literature across various cultures and intellectual traditions in Europe, America, North Africa, and the Middle East. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/E0eFuPTTIEjNhZC","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1422,"pubplace":"Leiden","publisher":"Brill","series":"Brill's Companions to Classical Reception","volume":"20","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2019]}

Studies in Hermias’ Commentary on Plato’s Phaedrus, 2019
By: Finamore, John F. (Ed.), Manolea, Christina-Panagiota (Ed.), Sarah Klitenic Wear (Ed.)

Title	Studies in Hermias’ Commentary on Plato’s Phaedrus
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2019
Publication Place	Amsterdam
Publisher	Brill
Series	Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition
Volume	24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Finamore, John F. , Manolea, Christina-Panagiota , Sarah Klitenic Wear
Translator(s)

Studies in Hermias’ Commentary on Plato’s Phaedrus is a collection of twelve essays that consider aspects of Hermias’ philosophy, including his notions of the soul, logic, and method of exegesis. The essays also consider Hermias’ work in the tradition of Neoplatonism, particularly in relation to the thought of Iamblichus and Proclus. The collection grapples with the question of the originality of Hermias’ commentary—the only extant work of Hermias—which is a series of lectures notes of his teacher, Syrianus. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JT8zFjOka3rHpsJ

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Simplicius on De Anima 407b23-408a29 , 2019
By: Sanchez, Liliana Carolina, Finamore, John F. (Ed.), Nejeschleba, Tomáš (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius on De Anima 407b23-408a29
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2019
Published in	Platonism and Its Legacy: Selected Papers from the Fifteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies
Pages	141-158
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sanchez, Liliana Carolina
Editor(s)	Finamore, John F. , Nejeschleba, Tomáš
Translator(s)

The task of the Neoplatonic commentators of Aristotle’s works, mostly in what has to do with dialectical passages, is usually “taken for granted instead of explained” (Baltussen 2008, 22). I’m borrowing these words employed by Han Baltussen in a different context to talk about the appreciation that the commentaries on the first book of the De Anima, in general, but ‘Simplicius’ in particular, have received from contemporary scholarship. The reason I feel entitled to make such an amplification of the scope of Baltussen’s judgment has to do, in fact, with the traditional way in which the commentator’s exegetical effort is seen. Their role is often considered in light of their doctrinal commitment to Neoplatonic doctrine and, notably, with their “harmonization” project of Plato’s and Aristotle’s thought. Because of that, these readings are held to distort Aristotle’s philosophical aims more than explain them. In the following lines, I aim to study one of those cases in which the exegetical labor of a Neoplatonic commentator is seen as carrying a doctrinal element that entails a certain distortion of Aristotle’s thought. The case that I propose to analyze is ‘Simplicius’’ commentary on the soul-harmony theory, for the commentator runs his interpretation with the aid of certain Neoplatonic theories that are alien to Aristotle’s thought. My aim is to track how the hermeneutical device that the commentator applies to the Aristotelian text is built up from the elements provided in the text itself, how the foreign doctrine is introduced, and how this elicits a global comprehension and a philosophical appropriation of the text. In order to do so, I will first present the passage and the alien theory that is being employed by ‘Simplicius’ to perform his exegesis; then, I will show how the commentator chains two passages of the text and produces an explanation for the refutation of the soul-harmony theory. Finally, I will describe what kind of interpretation is produced and how it serves to explain Aristotle’s challenge in using the hylomorphic model applied to psychology. By doing this, I hope that I can explain how the commentator feels authorized to introduce the alien theory, how he builds up his exegesis around a problem that he needs to solve, and consequently, what the philosophical product of such an interpretation is. [introduction p. 141-142]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tdfaeVFtEPFwy1s

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1492","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1492,"authors_free":[{"id":2586,"entry_id":1492,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":554,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":" Sanchez, Liliana Carolina","free_first_name":"Liliana Carolina","free_last_name":" Sanchez","norm_person":{"id":554,"first_name":"Liliana Carolina ","last_name":"Sanchez","full_name":"Sanchez, Liliana Carolina ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2587,"entry_id":1492,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":120,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Finamore, John F.","free_first_name":"John F.","free_last_name":"Finamore","norm_person":{"id":120,"first_name":"John F.","last_name":"Finamore","full_name":"Finamore, John F.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1055775080","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2590,"entry_id":1492,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":555,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Nejeschleba, Tom\u00e1\u0161","free_first_name":"Tom\u00e1\u0161","free_last_name":"Nejeschleba,","norm_person":{"id":555,"first_name":"Tom\u00e1\u0161","last_name":"Nejeschleba,","full_name":"Nejeschleba, Tom\u00e1\u0161","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1103057413","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius on De Anima 407b23-408a29 ","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius on De Anima 407b23-408a29 "},"abstract":"The task of the Neoplatonic commentators of Aristotle\u2019s works, mostly in what has to do with dialectical passages, is usually \u201ctaken for granted instead of explained\u201d (Baltussen 2008, 22). I\u2019m borrowing these words employed by Han Baltussen in a different context to talk about the appreciation that the commentaries on the first book of the De Anima, in general, but \u2018Simplicius\u2019 in particular, have received from contemporary scholarship.\r\n\r\nThe reason I feel entitled to make such an amplification of the scope of Baltussen\u2019s judgment has to do, in fact, with the traditional way in which the commentator\u2019s exegetical effort is seen. Their role is often considered in light of their doctrinal commitment to Neoplatonic doctrine and, notably, with their \u201charmonization\u201d project of Plato\u2019s and Aristotle\u2019s thought. Because of that, these readings are held to distort Aristotle\u2019s philosophical aims more than explain them.\r\n\r\nIn the following lines, I aim to study one of those cases in which the exegetical labor of a Neoplatonic commentator is seen as carrying a doctrinal element that entails a certain distortion of Aristotle\u2019s thought. The case that I propose to analyze is \u2018Simplicius\u2019\u2019 commentary on the soul-harmony theory, for the commentator runs his interpretation with the aid of certain Neoplatonic theories that are alien to Aristotle\u2019s thought.\r\n\r\nMy aim is to track how the hermeneutical device that the commentator applies to the Aristotelian text is built up from the elements provided in the text itself, how the foreign doctrine is introduced, and how this elicits a global comprehension and a philosophical appropriation of the text.\r\n\r\nIn order to do so, I will first present the passage and the alien theory that is being employed by \u2018Simplicius\u2019 to perform his exegesis; then, I will show how the commentator chains two passages of the text and produces an explanation for the refutation of the soul-harmony theory. Finally, I will describe what kind of interpretation is produced and how it serves to explain Aristotle\u2019s challenge in using the hylomorphic model applied to psychology.\r\n\r\nBy doing this, I hope that I can explain how the commentator feels authorized to introduce the alien theory, how he builds up his exegesis around a problem that he needs to solve, and consequently, what the philosophical product of such an interpretation is.\r\n[introduction p. 141-142]","btype":2,"date":"2019","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tdfaeVFtEPFwy1s","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":554,"full_name":"Sanchez, Liliana Carolina ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":120,"full_name":"Finamore, John F.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":555,"full_name":"Nejeschleba, Tom\u00e1\u0161","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1492,"section_of":1493,"pages":"141-158","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1493,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Platonism and Its Legacy: Selected Papers from the Fifteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2019","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3oPlmdyJ3ZKj82v","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1493,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Prometheus Trust","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2019]}

Platonism and Its Legacy: Selected Papers from the Fifteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies, 2019
By: Finamore, John F. (Ed.), Nejeschleba, Tomáš (Ed.)

Title	Platonism and Its Legacy: Selected Papers from the Fifteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2019
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Prometheus Trust
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Finamore, John F. , Nejeschleba, Tomáš
Translator(s)

This anthology of 23 essays by scholars from around the world is published in association with the ISNS: it contains many of the papers presented in their 2017 annual conference. Contents: Why the Intelligibles are not Outside the Intellect Lloyd Gerson The Causality of the First Principle and the theory of Two Activities in Plotinus Enn. V.4 [7] 13 Andrei Timotin “Our concern, though, is not to be out of sin, but to be god:” Assimilation to god according to Plotinus  Thomas Vidart Eros as Soul’s ‘Eye’ in Plotinus: What does it see and not see?  Lela Alexidze Eternity and Time in Porphyry, Sentence 44 Lenka Karfíková Gender construction and social connections in Porphyry’s Ad Marcellam  Mathilde Cambron-Goulet What kind of souls did Proclus discover?  Svetlana Messiats Is self-knowledge one or multiple? Consciousness in ‘Simplicius’, Commentary on On the Soul Chiara Militello Simplicius on De Anima 407b23-408a29 Carolina Sánchez Neoplatonic Asclepius  Eugene Afonasin Porphyry and the Motif of Christianity as παράνομος Ilaria Ramelli The Reception of Xenophanes’ Philosophical Theology in Plato and the Christian Platonists Monika Recinová Cyril of Alexandria’s Theory of the Incarnate Union Re-examined Sergey Trostyanskiy The Erotic Magus: Ficino’s De amore as a Guide to Plato’s Symposium  Angela Hobbs Francesco Patrizi and the Oracles of Zoroaster: The Use of Chaldean Oracles in Nova de universis philosophia Vojtěch Hladky Ficino in the light of alchemy. Heinrich Khunrathʼs use of Ficinian metaphysics of light Martin Žemla Johannes Kepler and His Neoplatonic Sources  Jiří Michalík Georgius Raguseius against Astrology Luka Boršić and Ivana Skuhala Karasman The Platonic Framework of Valeriano Magni’s Philosophy Tomáš Nejeschleba Comenius’ Pansophia in the Context of Renaissance Neo-Platonism Jan Čížek The Spirit of Nature and the Spirit of God Jacques Joseph Lewis Campbell’s Studies on Plato and their Philosophical Significance Thomas Mróz Psychological Effects of Henôsis  Bruce J. MacLennan [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hkRNJ0N4ReN2FOY

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The Neoplatonic Commentators of Aristotle on the Origins of Language: A New “Tower of Babel”?, 2019
By: Chriti, Maria, Golitsis, Pantelis (Ed.), Ierodiakonou, Katerina (Ed.)

Title	The Neoplatonic Commentators of Aristotle on the Origins of Language: A New “Tower of Babel”?
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2019
Published in	Aristotle and His Commentators. Studies in Memory of Paraskevi Kotzia
Pages	95-106
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chriti, Maria
Editor(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis , Ierodiakonou, Katerina
Translator(s)

The purpose of this paper is to highlight the obligatory and negative character which is credited to the emergence of human language by some Neoplatonic commentators on Aristotle, namely Ammonius of Hermeias, Simplicius and Philoponus. Since the emergence of language is treated by these thinkers as being a result of the “fall”of the soul from the Neoplatonic One, I begin with a brief introduction to the Platonic and Neoplatonic theory of the soul’s separation from the world of the intelligibles and its residual innate knowledge. The second part of my contribution deals with the semantic terms and Neoplatonic principles that Ammonius, Simplicius and Philoponus deploy as they discuss the stimulation of the fallen soul’s content with the help of language, laying stress on the urgent and compulsory presence of vocal sounds in contrast to the non-linguistic communication that prevailed before the soul’s embodiment. In the third part, I explore the concept of ‘diversity’in human language as a consequence of the very emergence of language. Finally, I attempt to explain how the conventionality and diversity of human linguistic communication, abundantly contrasted by these Neoplatonists with the lost unitary status of the soul, came to be viewed by them as symptoms of ‘decay’and ‘obligation’. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0Wo0Qn2Y7sMDExP

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Aristotle and His Commentators. Studies in Memory of Paraskevi Kotzia, 2019
By: Golitsis, Pantelis (Ed.), Ierodiakonou, Katerina (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle and His Commentators. Studies in Memory of Paraskevi Kotzia
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2019
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina. Quellen und Studien
Volume	7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis , Ierodiakonou, Katerina
Translator(s)

This volume includes twelve studies by international specialists on Aristotle and his commentators. Among the topics treated are Aristotle's political philosophy and metaphysics, the ancient and Byzantine commentators' scholia on Aristotle's logic, philosophy of language and psychology as well as studies of broader scope on developmentalism in ancient philosophy and the importance of studying Late Antiquity. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JDcdeQjoSV6hLxE

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Simplicius on the Principal Meaning of Physis in Aristotle's Physics II. 1-3, 2019
By: Mouzala, Melina G.

Title	Simplicius on the Principal Meaning of Physis in Aristotle's Physics II. 1-3
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2019
Journal	Analogia
Volume	7
Issue	Byzantine Aristotle
Pages	43-82
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mouzala, Melina G.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

At the beginning of his Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics II.2, Simplicius attempts to reveal the principal meaning of physis, that which in his view is preeminent above all others presented by Aristotle in Physics II.1. Through the arguments he uses to show what the principal meaning of physis is, we are also able to better understand the other meanings. These other meanings are, on the one hand, those which are discovered in the light of Simplicius’ insightful reading of it. Simplicius appears to recognize—or at least to be conscious of the fact—that this part of his Commentary constitutes an autonomous analysis and explanation of the different meanings of physis, which sets out to reveal its concealed principal meaning. My aim in this paper is to show that in his comments on Physics II.1, Simplicius is trying to offer an exegesis of the Aristotelian arguments, while in his comments regarding the beginning of Physics II.2, he proceeds to a bold reading of what Aristotle has said in chapter one. He does this by giving his own interpretation of the meaning of physis, within the frame which Aristotle had already sketched out in the previous chapter, but also by deviating to some extent from Aristotle. For Simplicius, the principal, albeit concealed, meaning of physis, within the Aristotelian philosophical framework, lies in the idea that nature is a sort of propensity for being moved and a sort of life, to wit, the lowest sort of life (eschatê zôê). [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/BnCCI5k1m32XM47

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1541","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1541,"authors_free":[{"id":2691,"entry_id":1541,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mouzala, Melina G. ","free_first_name":"Melina G.","free_last_name":"Mouzala","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Simplicius on the Principal Meaning of Physis in Aristotle's Physics II. 1-3","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius on the Principal Meaning of Physis in Aristotle's Physics II. 1-3"},"abstract":"At the beginning of his Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics II.2, Simplicius attempts to reveal the principal meaning of physis, that which in his view is preeminent above all others presented by Aristotle in Physics II.1. Through the arguments he uses to show what the principal meaning of physis is, we are also able to better understand the other meanings. These other meanings are, on the one hand, those which are discovered in the light of Simplicius\u2019 insightful reading of it. Simplicius appears to recognize\u2014or at least to be conscious of the fact\u2014that this part of his Commentary constitutes an autonomous analysis and explanation of the different meanings of physis, which sets out to reveal its concealed principal meaning.\r\n\r\nMy aim in this paper is to show that in his comments on Physics II.1, Simplicius is trying to offer an exegesis of the Aristotelian arguments, while in his comments regarding the beginning of Physics II.2, he proceeds to a bold reading of what Aristotle has said in chapter one. He does this by giving his own interpretation of the meaning of physis, within the frame which Aristotle had already sketched out in the previous chapter, but also by deviating to some extent from Aristotle. For Simplicius, the principal, albeit concealed, meaning of physis, within the Aristotelian philosophical framework, lies in the idea that nature is a sort of propensity for being moved and a sort of life, to wit, the lowest sort of life (eschat\u00ea z\u00f4\u00ea). [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2019","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/BnCCI5k1m32XM47","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1541,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Analogia","volume":"7","issue":"Byzantine Aristotle","pages":"43-82"}},"sort":[2019]}

Sinfonia dei Presocratici. Su due παρεκβάσεις in Simplicio (in PHYS. 6.31–8.15 e 28.32–37.9), 2019
By: Licciardi, Ivan Adriano

Title	Sinfonia dei Presocratici. Su due παρεκβάσεις in Simplicio (in PHYS. 6.31–8.15 e 28.32–37.9)
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2019
Journal	Epekeina. International Journal of Ontology History and Critics
Volume	10
Issue	1
Pages	1-32
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Osserviamo, a bilancio finale, quanto segue: Simplicio affida a due digressioni di In Physica I la sua veduta complessiva sui Presocratici. Mentre Aristotele, nella sua ricostruzione storico-dialettica, inserisce i predecessori dentro griglie concettuali nelle quali le posizioni vengono poste come contraddittorie fra di loro, Simplicio muove invece dal presupposto che la filosofia dei Presocratici nel suo complesso sia in realtà unitaria, armonica e coerente. Ma Simplicio, a differenza dello Stagirita, opera alla fine del mondo antico, e la sua necessità fu innanzitutto quella di tramandare ai posteri la tradizione antica affinché tale patrimonio non andasse disperso. Trattasi, qui, non di una necessità archeologica o erudita, bensì filosofica e ideologica a un tempo. Occorreva, peraltro, tramandare questo patrimonio come un che di armonico, unitario e intimamente coerente a un grado almeno paritetico rispetto a un’altra tradizione, quella cristiana, che dopo le incertezze e le transizioni che avevano caratterizzato il suo affacciarsi alla storia mondiale, aveva ormai consolidato il suo apparato dogmatico (specialmente dopo i concili di Efeso, Nicea e Calcedonia) e aveva dato concretezza strategica al suo piano di espansione e diffusione per il tramite di adeguati strumenti politici (editti di Milano e Tessalonica) atti a imporsi definitivamente quale visione dominante nell’Occidente alla fine del mondo antico. Lo strumentario di cui si serve Simplicio è un ampio ricorso alla citazione diretta dei predecessori, congiuntamente a un trattamento mirante a “limare” le differenze che intercorrono fra loro e ad accentuarne i tratti comuni. La cornice teorica che accoglie questo tipo di operazione, in buona sostanza una “platonizzazione” di tutti i Presocratici, è il neoplatonismo, della cui tradizione Simplicio è l’ultimo erede pagano. Vale la pena, a tal proposito, sottolineare un ultimo fatto: quando Simplicio fa riferimento a una tradizione filosofica unitaria e coerente, che dalle origini giunge fino al suo tempo, egli non qualifica siffatta tradizione come platonica, bensì come antica. Si tratta di un fatto che solo apparentemente contraddice quanto abbiamo asserito, e cioè che la teoria della συμφωνία dei Presocratici scaturisca da un’interpretazione, fondamentalmente, neoplatonica. Il riferirsi, da parte di Simplicio, a una tradizione indeterminata di veteres non andrà interpretato come uno sbiadimento della consapevolezza di possedere un’identità e un’eredità storica e filosofica ben determinata (che, fondamentalmente, è quella del neoplatonismo ateniese), bensì come testimonianza di un passaggio storico ormai avvenuto. Questo passaggio storico consiste in questo: Simplicio non opera in un contesto quale quello dell’età classica, in cui l’Accademia e il Peripato si contendevano l’egemonia filosofica e culturale ateniese, e non opera nemmeno, a seguire, in un contesto paragonabile al periodo successivo alla morte di Alessandro Magno, in cui il pensiero greco si trova disperso nei rivoli delle αἱρέσεις ellenistiche e in cui una delle cifre dominanti è costituita da un agonismo che non sembra avere mai fine. Il contesto storico in cui opera Simplicio è, diversamente, quello della fine di un mondo, quello pagano, a cui ne sta per subentrare un altro, quello della Christianitas. Non si tratta più, in sostanza, di affermare il primato di una scuola o di una tradizione di pensiero rispetto ad altre tradizioni che non appartengono a quella platonica, perché le priorità, adesso, sono mutate. In questo passaggio epocale, la proposta filosofica e culturale di Simplicio sembra consistere, in altre parole, in una sorta di panellenismo filosofico. Come Isocrate, al fine di proseguire la lotta contro i Persiani, aveva cercato di superare i contrasti fra le varie πόλεις, cercando di radunare le loro energie e di riunirle politicamente sotto l’egemonia ateniese, così Simplicio, al fine di proseguire la lotta contro i Cristiani, mira a superare i contrasti e le divergenze fra le varie tradizioni di pensiero, dichiarandoli apparenti, e teorizza, appunto, la loro συμφωνία, sotto l’egemonia platonica. L’ermeneutica che caratterizza il procedere di Simplicio è segnata, in particolare, dalla coppia concettuale “enigma/chiarezza”. Secondo il Commentatore, il secondo modulo espressivo appartiene in modo eminente a Platone (e in parte anche ad Aristotele), mentre il primo ai Presocratici, e in particolare a Parmenide, Empedocle e i Pitagorici. Sarebbe proprio la modalità espressiva enigmatica, per Simplicio, la causa principale dei fraintendimenti che avrebbero condotto alcuni a concepire i Presocratici in agonismo fra di loro, proprio come vorrebbe lasciar intendere certa dossografia cristiana. La classificazione simpliciana dei Presocratici (che, come si è visto, è una tripartizione) è funzionale, però, solo a una migliore comprensione delle ragioni della loro profonda unità. Conformemente all’uso tecnico e tardo settecentesco del termine «sinfonia», possiamo dire che nell’ottica di Simplicio la filosofia dei Presocratici fu una sinfonia nel senso di un brano composto da più movimenti – più propriamente una “sonata per orchestra”: ἡ παλαιὰ φιλοσοφία μένει ἀνέλεγκτος. [conclusion p. 29-32]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/d1OxzfD4Xu8EZnr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1554","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1554,"authors_free":[{"id":2717,"entry_id":1554,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","free_first_name":"Ivan Adriano","free_last_name":"Licciardi","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Sinfonia dei Presocratici. Su due \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03ba\u03b2\u03ac\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 in Simplicio (in PHYS. 6.31\u20138.15 e 28.32\u201337.9)","main_title":{"title":"Sinfonia dei Presocratici. Su due \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03ba\u03b2\u03ac\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 in Simplicio (in PHYS. 6.31\u20138.15 e 28.32\u201337.9)"},"abstract":"Osserviamo, a bilancio finale, quanto segue: Simplicio affida a due digressioni di In Physica I la sua veduta complessiva sui Presocratici. Mentre Aristotele, nella sua ricostruzione storico-dialettica, inserisce i predecessori dentro griglie concettuali nelle quali le posizioni vengono poste come contraddittorie fra di loro, Simplicio muove invece dal presupposto che la filosofia dei Presocratici nel suo complesso sia in realt\u00e0 unitaria, armonica e coerente. Ma Simplicio, a differenza dello Stagirita, opera alla fine del mondo antico, e la sua necessit\u00e0 fu innanzitutto quella di tramandare ai posteri la tradizione antica affinch\u00e9 tale patrimonio non andasse disperso.\r\n\r\nTrattasi, qui, non di una necessit\u00e0 archeologica o erudita, bens\u00ec filosofica e ideologica a un tempo. Occorreva, peraltro, tramandare questo patrimonio come un che di armonico, unitario e intimamente coerente a un grado almeno paritetico rispetto a un\u2019altra tradizione, quella cristiana, che dopo le incertezze e le transizioni che avevano caratterizzato il suo affacciarsi alla storia mondiale, aveva ormai consolidato il suo apparato dogmatico (specialmente dopo i concili di Efeso, Nicea e Calcedonia) e aveva dato concretezza strategica al suo piano di espansione e diffusione per il tramite di adeguati strumenti politici (editti di Milano e Tessalonica) atti a imporsi definitivamente quale visione dominante nell\u2019Occidente alla fine del mondo antico.\r\n\r\nLo strumentario di cui si serve Simplicio \u00e8 un ampio ricorso alla citazione diretta dei predecessori, congiuntamente a un trattamento mirante a \u201climare\u201d le differenze che intercorrono fra loro e ad accentuarne i tratti comuni. La cornice teorica che accoglie questo tipo di operazione, in buona sostanza una \u201cplatonizzazione\u201d di tutti i Presocratici, \u00e8 il neoplatonismo, della cui tradizione Simplicio \u00e8 l\u2019ultimo erede pagano. Vale la pena, a tal proposito, sottolineare un ultimo fatto: quando Simplicio fa riferimento a una tradizione filosofica unitaria e coerente, che dalle origini giunge fino al suo tempo, egli non qualifica siffatta tradizione come platonica, bens\u00ec come antica.\r\n\r\nSi tratta di un fatto che solo apparentemente contraddice quanto abbiamo asserito, e cio\u00e8 che la teoria della \u03c3\u03c5\u03bc\u03c6\u03c9\u03bd\u03af\u03b1 dei Presocratici scaturisca da un\u2019interpretazione, fondamentalmente, neoplatonica. Il riferirsi, da parte di Simplicio, a una tradizione indeterminata di veteres non andr\u00e0 interpretato come uno sbiadimento della consapevolezza di possedere un\u2019identit\u00e0 e un\u2019eredit\u00e0 storica e filosofica ben determinata (che, fondamentalmente, \u00e8 quella del neoplatonismo ateniese), bens\u00ec come testimonianza di un passaggio storico ormai avvenuto.\r\n\r\nQuesto passaggio storico consiste in questo: Simplicio non opera in un contesto quale quello dell\u2019et\u00e0 classica, in cui l\u2019Accademia e il Peripato si contendevano l\u2019egemonia filosofica e culturale ateniese, e non opera nemmeno, a seguire, in un contesto paragonabile al periodo successivo alla morte di Alessandro Magno, in cui il pensiero greco si trova disperso nei rivoli delle \u03b1\u1f31\u03c1\u03ad\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 ellenistiche e in cui una delle cifre dominanti \u00e8 costituita da un agonismo che non sembra avere mai fine.\r\n\r\nIl contesto storico in cui opera Simplicio \u00e8, diversamente, quello della fine di un mondo, quello pagano, a cui ne sta per subentrare un altro, quello della Christianitas. Non si tratta pi\u00f9, in sostanza, di affermare il primato di una scuola o di una tradizione di pensiero rispetto ad altre tradizioni che non appartengono a quella platonica, perch\u00e9 le priorit\u00e0, adesso, sono mutate.\r\n\r\nIn questo passaggio epocale, la proposta filosofica e culturale di Simplicio sembra consistere, in altre parole, in una sorta di panellenismo filosofico. Come Isocrate, al fine di proseguire la lotta contro i Persiani, aveva cercato di superare i contrasti fra le varie \u03c0\u03cc\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2, cercando di radunare le loro energie e di riunirle politicamente sotto l\u2019egemonia ateniese, cos\u00ec Simplicio, al fine di proseguire la lotta contro i Cristiani, mira a superare i contrasti e le divergenze fra le varie tradizioni di pensiero, dichiarandoli apparenti, e teorizza, appunto, la loro \u03c3\u03c5\u03bc\u03c6\u03c9\u03bd\u03af\u03b1, sotto l\u2019egemonia platonica.\r\n\r\nL\u2019ermeneutica che caratterizza il procedere di Simplicio \u00e8 segnata, in particolare, dalla coppia concettuale \u201cenigma\/chiarezza\u201d. Secondo il Commentatore, il secondo modulo espressivo appartiene in modo eminente a Platone (e in parte anche ad Aristotele), mentre il primo ai Presocratici, e in particolare a Parmenide, Empedocle e i Pitagorici.\r\n\r\nSarebbe proprio la modalit\u00e0 espressiva enigmatica, per Simplicio, la causa principale dei fraintendimenti che avrebbero condotto alcuni a concepire i Presocratici in agonismo fra di loro, proprio come vorrebbe lasciar intendere certa dossografia cristiana. La classificazione simpliciana dei Presocratici (che, come si \u00e8 visto, \u00e8 una tripartizione) \u00e8 funzionale, per\u00f2, solo a una migliore comprensione delle ragioni della loro profonda unit\u00e0.\r\n\r\nConformemente all\u2019uso tecnico e tardo settecentesco del termine \u00absinfonia\u00bb, possiamo dire che nell\u2019ottica di Simplicio la filosofia dei Presocratici fu una sinfonia nel senso di un brano composto da pi\u00f9 movimenti \u2013 pi\u00f9 propriamente una \u201csonata per orchestra\u201d: \u1f21 \u03c0\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c6\u03b9\u03bb\u03bf\u03c3\u03bf\u03c6\u03af\u03b1 \u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9 \u1f00\u03bd\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03ba\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2.\r\n[conclusion p. 29-32]","btype":3,"date":"2019","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/d1OxzfD4Xu8EZnr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1554,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Epekeina. International Journal of Ontology History and Critics","volume":"10","issue":"1","pages":"1-32"}},"sort":[2019]}

Andronicus and Boethus: Reflections on Michael Griffin’s Aristotle’s Categories in the Early Roman Empire, 2018
By: Menn, Stephen

Title	Andronicus and Boethus: Reflections on Michael Griffin’s Aristotle’s Categories in the Early Roman Empire
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2018
Journal	Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale
Volume	29
Pages	13-43
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Menn, Stephen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Griffin, Rashed, and Chiaradonna have shown how we can use Simplicius’ Categories commentary to reconstruct much of Porphyry’s greater Categories commentary (also witnessed by the Archimedes Palimpsest), and then use this to reconstruct much of the work of Boethus, and to a lesser extent Andronicus, on the Categories. In some cases building on Griffin, in other cases disagreeing with him, I bring out some ways in which Andronicus and Boethus differ from most later interpreters; this can help us understand Alexander’s and Porphyry’s responses. I reconstruct (i) Andronicus’ interpretation of ‘in’ and ‘said of, which is based on Aristotle’s distinction between abstract nouns and paronymous concrete nouns, and avoids the metaphysical freight that later interpreters load onto the notion of ‘said o f; (ii) Boethus’ use of De Interpretation 1 to explain how a universal term can be synonymous without positing either universals in re or Stoic XeKid, and the consequences he draws for the different aims of the Categories and De Interpretation; and (iii) Boethus’ solution to the tension between Aristotle’s hylomorphism and the Categories’ account of substance. Boethus, unlike later interpreters, thinks the form is in the matter, and is therefore not a substance but (typically) a quality, but that it is nonetheless able to constitute the composite as a substance distinct from the matter. I bring out the Aristotelian basis for Boethus’ reading, connect it with Boethus’ accounts of differentiae and of the soul, and show how Boethus’ views help motivate Porphyry’s responses. In some cases Porphyry constructs his views by triangulating between Boethus and Alexander. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QBnyRLAL62sCzX0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1141","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1141,"authors_free":[{"id":1715,"entry_id":1141,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":255,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Menn, Stephen","free_first_name":"Stephen","free_last_name":"Menn","norm_person":{"id":255,"first_name":"Stephen","last_name":"Menn","full_name":"Menn, Stephen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/174092768","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Andronicus and Boethus: Reflections on Michael Griffin\u2019s Aristotle\u2019s Categories in the Early Roman Empire","main_title":{"title":"Andronicus and Boethus: Reflections on Michael Griffin\u2019s Aristotle\u2019s Categories in the Early Roman Empire"},"abstract":"Griffin, Rashed, and Chiaradonna have shown how we can use Simplicius\u2019 Categories commentary to reconstruct much of Porphyry\u2019s greater Categories commentary (also witnessed by the Archimedes Palimpsest), and then use this to reconstruct much of the work of Boethus, and to a lesser extent Andronicus, on the Categories. In some cases \r\nbuilding on Griffin, in other cases disagreeing with him, I bring out some ways in which Andronicus and Boethus differ from most later interpreters; this can help us understand Alexander\u2019s and Porphyry\u2019s responses. I reconstruct (i) Andronicus\u2019 interpretation of \u2018in\u2019 and \u2018said of, which is based on Aristotle\u2019s distinction between abstract nouns and paronymous concrete nouns, and avoids the metaphysical freight that later interpreters load onto the notion of \u2018said o f; (ii) Boethus\u2019 use of De Interpretation 1 to explain how \r\na universal term can be synonymous without positing either universals in re or Stoic \r\nXeKid, and the consequences he draws for the different aims of the Categories and De Interpretation; and (iii) Boethus\u2019 solution to the tension between Aristotle\u2019s hylomorphism and the Categories\u2019 account of substance. Boethus, unlike later interpreters, thinks the \r\nform is in the matter, and is therefore not a substance but (typically) a quality, but that it \r\nis nonetheless able to constitute the composite as a substance distinct from the matter. I bring out the Aristotelian basis for Boethus\u2019 reading, connect it with Boethus\u2019 accounts of differentiae and of the soul, and show how Boethus\u2019 views help motivate Porphyry\u2019s responses. In some cases Porphyry constructs his views by triangulating between Boethus and Alexander. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2018","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/QBnyRLAL62sCzX0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":255,"full_name":"Menn, Stephen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1141,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale","volume":"29","issue":"","pages":"13-43"}},"sort":[2018]}

Simplicius and Iamblichus on Shape (μορφή), 2018
By: Schwark, Marina

Title	Simplicius and Iamblichus on Shape (μορφή)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2018
Journal	Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale
Volume	29
Pages	59
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schwark, Marina
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The present article examines how Simplicius and Iamblichus conceive of the quality shape (μορφή) and its relation to other qualities. As Simplicius’ commentary on Categories 8 shows, Simplicius follows Iamblichus in almost all aspects of his analysis. In particular,Simplicius shares Iamblichus’ assumption that shape is ultimately caused by intelligibleprinciples. Yet, Simplicius departs from Iamblichus’ position by asserting that shape isconstituted by figure, color, and perhaps even other qualities. Iamblichus opposes thisview, presumably because he takes it to interfere with his own metaphysical explanationof shape. Simplicius, however, suggests that his claim is in accord with Iamblichus’assumptions. In his attempt to harmonize the ’constitution thesis with Iamblichus’theory of intelligible principles, Simplicius relies on the notion of σύλληψισς. He argues that shape as a common conjunction (κοινὴ σύλληψις) includes, the other qualities inquestion, albeit as its parts or elements different from itself. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vLFTw1MUlOcJyPx

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1144","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1144,"authors_free":[{"id":1717,"entry_id":1144,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":289,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Schwark, Marina","free_first_name":"Marina","free_last_name":"Schwark","norm_person":{"id":289,"first_name":"Marina","last_name":"Schwark","full_name":"Schwark, Marina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius and Iamblichus on Shape (\u03bc\u03bf\u03c1\u03c6\u1f75)","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius and Iamblichus on Shape (\u03bc\u03bf\u03c1\u03c6\u1f75)"},"abstract":"The present article examines how Simplicius and Iamblichus conceive of the quality shape (\u03bc\u03bf\u03c1\u03c6\u1f75) and its relation to other qualities. As Simplicius\u2019 commentary on Categories 8 shows, Simplicius follows Iamblichus in almost all aspects of his analysis. In particular,Simplicius shares Iamblichus\u2019 assumption that shape is ultimately caused by intelligibleprinciples. Yet, Simplicius departs from Iamblichus\u2019 position by asserting that shape isconstituted by figure, color, and perhaps even other qualities. Iamblichus opposes thisview, presumably because he takes it to interfere with his own metaphysical explanationof shape. Simplicius, however, suggests that his claim is in accord with Iamblichus\u2019assumptions. In his attempt to harmonize the \u2019constitution thesis with Iamblichus\u2019theory of intelligible principles, Simplicius relies on the notion of \u03c3\u1f7b\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03c8\u03b9\u03c3\u03c2. He argues that shape as a common conjunction (\u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u1f74 \u03c3\u1f7b\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2) includes, the other qualities inquestion, albeit as its parts or elements different from itself. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2018","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vLFTw1MUlOcJyPx","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":289,"full_name":"Schwark, Marina","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1144,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale","volume":"29","issue":"","pages":"59"}},"sort":[2018]}

Reconciling Plato's and Aristotle's Cosmologies. Attempts at Harmonization in Simplicius, 2018
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine

Title	Reconciling Plato's and Aristotle's Cosmologies. Attempts at Harmonization in Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Pages	101-125
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper, I shall address a particular aspect of the disharmony, more precisely how it is interpreted and resolved by Simplicius in his commentary on Aristotle’s On the Heavens: the question about the being and temporality of the κόσμος. Plato’s and Aristotle’s positions appear to be contrary on this point, since the former, in the Timaeus, insists on the creation of the world by the Demiurge, whereas the latter, in his On the Heavens, asserts the eternity of the heavens. Far from being a triviality, this difference will lead Simplicius to develop hermeneutical strategies designed to restore the harmony between his authorities. From our perspective, the question about the eternity of the world offers a fruitful case study, insofar as it forces Simplicius to mobilize all the strategies he usually uses in this commentary to restore the harmony between Plato and Aristotle. Also I shall lead here a parallel investigation on two separate fronts. First, I will identify the methodological principles implemented through the attempt at harmonising, so as to contribute to our understanding of Simplicius’ way of exegesis. Then, I will investigate the conceptual effect, regarding cosmology, reached by this attempt. In other words, I will explore how Simplicius’ interpretative tools lead him to produce some new philosophical theses. [Introduction, pp. 101 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vZVYLur1bCGwnlh

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1154","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1154,"authors_free":[{"id":1728,"entry_id":1154,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":125,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","free_first_name":"Marc-Antoine","free_last_name":"Gavray","norm_person":{"id":125,"first_name":"Marc-Antoine","last_name":"Gavray","full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1078511411","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Reconciling Plato's and Aristotle's Cosmologies. Attempts at Harmonization in Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Reconciling Plato's and Aristotle's Cosmologies. Attempts at Harmonization in Simplicius"},"abstract":"In this paper, I shall address a particular aspect of the disharmony, more precisely how it is interpreted and resolved by Simplicius in his commentary\r\non Aristotle\u2019s On the Heavens: the question about the being and temporality of the \u03ba\u1f79\u03c3\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2. Plato\u2019s and Aristotle\u2019s positions appear to be contrary on this point, since the former, in the Timaeus, insists on the creation of the world by the Demiurge, whereas the latter, in his On the Heavens, asserts the eternity of the heavens. Far from being a triviality, this difference will lead Simplicius to develop hermeneutical strategies designed to restore the harmony between his authorities.\r\nFrom our perspective, the question about the eternity of the world offers a fruitful case study, insofar as it forces Simplicius to mobilize all the strategies he usually uses in this commentary to restore the harmony between Plato and Aristotle. Also I shall lead here a parallel investigation on two separate fronts. First, I will identify the methodological principles implemented through the attempt at harmonising, so as to contribute to our understanding\r\nof Simplicius\u2019 way of exegesis. Then, I will investigate the conceptual effect, regarding cosmology, reached by this attempt. In other words, I will explore how Simplicius\u2019 interpretative tools lead him to produce some new philosophical theses. [Introduction, pp. 101 f.]","btype":2,"date":"2018","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vZVYLur1bCGwnlh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":125,"full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1154,"section_of":289,"pages":"101-125","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":289,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"de","title":"Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den sp\u00e4tanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Strobel2019","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2018","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2018","abstract":"This volume uses prominent case examples to examine the amalgam of exegetical and philosophical interests that characterize the literature of Neoplatonist commentary in late antiquity. The essays consistently reveal the linguistic difficulties encountered by the commentators due to the complex relationship between Platonic and Aristotelian theory.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rOy7sqluVGEXcC1","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":289,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"Philosophie der Antike","volume":"36","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2018]}

The Soul never thinks withous a Phantasm: How platonic commentators interpret a controversal aristotelian Thesis, 2018
By: Steel, C., Strobel, Benedikt (Ed.)

Title	The Soul never thinks withous a Phantasm: How platonic commentators interpret a controversal aristotelian Thesis
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Pages	185-223
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, C.
Editor(s)	Strobel, Benedikt
Translator(s)

Even Platonists, it seems, have to accept that the intellective soul, when connected to this earthy body, can never be entirely without imagination, not only in (1) practical thought or in (2) understanding sensible objects or in (3) mathematics, but even in its most excellent thought, (4) the contemplation of the intelligible forms. The role of imagination is, however, different in the four cases, as we have seen. Therefore, a good philosophical teacher will not only warn his students of the danger of imaginations, which may distort their thoughts, but also helps them to train and discipline their imagination so that it may be an obedient servant of the intellect. For that reason, he will use images and fantastic stories besides rational arguments. As Proclus explains in his introduction to his commentary of the myth of Er: The souls, which are by essence intellectual and full of incorporeal and intellectual reasons, have put on (ἐνδυσαμέναις) the imaginative intellect and cannot live without it in this place of generation [...] – for these souls, which have become impassible passible and without figures figurative (γενομέναις ἀπαθέσι παθητικαῖς, ἀμορφώτοις μορφωτικαῖς) this teaching through myths [as here in the myth of Er] is appropriate. Myths are particularly needed for those who only live according to imagination and only have practised the passive intellect, as is the case with the vulgar masses, who are incapable of following a purely rational argument. By contrast, some exceptional souls, which have set their mind on pure intellections, will be content with the intellectual light of the truth without needing the imaginary mise-en-scène of myths. But for us, Proclus says, who are ‘both together and have a twofold intellect’, the one which we really are and the one we have put on and projected outwards (i.e. the passive intellect linked to imagination), we find pleasures both in the fictive clothing of the story and in its deeper truth. Whereas the imaginative intellect ‘is stricken by the external and becomes thus ready for the path towards science,’ our true intellect ‘is nourished by what is inside the stories and becomes the contemplator of truth.’ [conclusion p. 211-212]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iQkklQKce7ANXjV

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1170","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1170,"authors_free":[{"id":1746,"entry_id":1170,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, C.","free_first_name":"C.","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2507,"entry_id":1170,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":326,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Strobel, Benedikt","free_first_name":"Benedikt","free_last_name":"Strobel","norm_person":{"id":326,"first_name":" Benedikt","last_name":"Strobel,","full_name":"Strobel, Benedikt","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/173882056","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Soul never thinks withous a Phantasm: How platonic commentators interpret a controversal aristotelian Thesis","main_title":{"title":"The Soul never thinks withous a Phantasm: How platonic commentators interpret a controversal aristotelian Thesis"},"abstract":"Even Platonists, it seems, have to accept that the intellective soul, when connected to this earthy body, can never be entirely without imagination, not only in (1) practical thought or in (2) understanding sensible objects or in (3) mathematics, but even in its most excellent thought, (4) the contemplation of the intelligible forms. The role of imagination is, however, different in the four cases, as we have seen. Therefore, a good philosophical teacher will not only warn his students of the danger of imaginations, which may distort their thoughts, but also helps them to train and discipline their imagination so that it may be an obedient servant of the intellect. For that reason, he will use images and fantastic stories besides rational arguments. As Proclus explains in his introduction to his commentary of the myth of Er:\r\n\r\nThe souls, which are by essence intellectual and full of incorporeal and intellectual reasons, have put on (\u1f10\u03bd\u03b4\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2) the imaginative intellect and cannot live without it in this place of generation [...] \u2013 for these souls, which have become impassible passible and without figures figurative (\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u03b1\u03b8\u03ad\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c0\u03b1\u03b8\u03b7\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2, \u1f00\u03bc\u03bf\u03c1\u03c6\u03ce\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03bc\u03bf\u03c1\u03c6\u03c9\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2) this teaching through myths [as here in the myth of Er] is appropriate.\r\n\r\nMyths are particularly needed for those who only live according to imagination and only have practised the passive intellect, as is the case with the vulgar masses, who are incapable of following a purely rational argument. By contrast, some exceptional souls, which have set their mind on pure intellections, will be content with the intellectual light of the truth without needing the imaginary mise-en-sc\u00e8ne of myths. But for us, Proclus says, who are \u2018both together and have a twofold intellect\u2019, the one which we really are and the one we have put on and projected outwards (i.e. the passive intellect linked to imagination), we find pleasures both in the fictive clothing of the story and in its deeper truth. Whereas the imaginative intellect \u2018is stricken by the external and becomes thus ready for the path towards science,\u2019 our true intellect \u2018is nourished by what is inside the stories and becomes the contemplator of truth.\u2019 [conclusion p. 211-212]","btype":2,"date":"2018","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/iQkklQKce7ANXjV","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":326,"full_name":"Strobel, Benedikt","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1170,"section_of":289,"pages":"185-223","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":289,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"de","title":"Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den sp\u00e4tanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Strobel2019","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2018","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2018","abstract":"This volume uses prominent case examples to examine the amalgam of exegetical and philosophical interests that characterize the literature of Neoplatonist commentary in late antiquity. The essays consistently reveal the linguistic difficulties encountered by the commentators due to the complex relationship between Platonic and Aristotelian theory.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rOy7sqluVGEXcC1","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":289,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"Philosophie der Antike","volume":"36","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2018]}

Simplicius of Cilicia: Plato's last interpreter, 2018
By: Gabor, Gary, Tarrant, Harold (Ed.), Renaud, François (Ed.), Baltzly, Dirk (Ed.), Layne, Danielle A. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius of Cilicia: Plato's last interpreter
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	Brill's Companion to the Reception of Plato in Antiquity
Pages	569-579
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gabor, Gary
Editor(s)	Tarrant, Harold , Renaud, François , Baltzly, Dirk , Layne, Danielle A.
Translator(s)

Simplicius is well regarded today as an insightful comprehensive, detailed, sometimes repetitive, but generally useful and reliable interpreter of Aristotle. How he reads other authors though - with the possible exception of the Presocratics - is less well studied. In this chapter myaim is to examine Simplicius' interpretation of Plato. By this I mean not Simplicius' views regarding Platonism (though these of course influenced his interpretation), but rather the ways in which Simplicius read the particular dialogues written by Plato, as well as the history that had accumulated by his time regarding Plato's life and thought. While something of a picaresque task, given that Simplicius' extant commentaries all center on texts of either Aristotle or the Stoic Epictetus - the Physics, De Caelo, Categories, and, disputedly, the De Anima, as well as the Enchiridion - nevertheless, his frequent references, allusions, and discussions of Plato's works in his writing provide ample evidence for gathering a good working picture of how Simplicius read him. [Introduction, pp. 569 f.] While it would be unsafe to say that Simplicius does not misinterpret Plato at times (indeed, what commentator, ancient or modern, gets an author correct all of the time?), he does serve as an insightful, comprehensive, detailed—at times repetitive—but generally useful companion. Only further analysis into his reading and interpretation of Plato can provide the answers we would need to fully resolve that question. But I hope to have given some considerations as to why close attention to how Simplicius reads Plato repays the effort, and why the last Platonist of antiquity should be seen at least as an important partner in our interpretation of Plato today—as he is also seen to be when it comes to Plato's student, Aristotle. [conclusion p. 579]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/y0tbmepvoUs8Xf5

§ 162. Simplikios, 2018
By: Baltussen, Han, Horn, Christoph (Ed.), Riedweg, Christoph (Ed.), Wyrwa, Dietmar (Ed.)

Title	§ 162. Simplikios
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2018
Published in	Die Philosophie der Antike (Band 5: Philosophie der Kaiserzeit und der Spätantike) (= Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie: Die Philosophie der Antike. Band 5/3)
Pages	2060-2084
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Horn, Christoph , Riedweg, Christoph , Wyrwa, Dietmar
Translator(s)

Der Eintrag bietet eine ausführliche Darstellung von Simplikios, einschließlich einer Diskussion über sein Leben, seine Werke (literarische Tradition, Methodologie, Schriften) und seine Lehren (Erkenntnistheorie, Logik, Ontologie, Ethik und Naturphilosophie). Zudem beleuchtet er Simplikios’ Auseinandersetzung mit dem Manichäismus sowie seine Nachwirkung. Die Übersetzung aus dem Englischen stammt von Andreas Schatzmann. [derived from the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IKDgE4wXFZKihDY

Antike Interpretationen zur aristotelischen Lehre vom Geist, 2018
By: Busche, Hubertus (Ed.), Perkams, Matthias (Ed.)

Title	Antike Interpretationen zur aristotelischen Lehre vom Geist
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	2018
Publication Place	Hamburg
Publisher	Felix Meiner Verlag
Series	Philosophische Bibliothek
Volume	694
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Busche, Hubertus , Perkams, Matthias
Translator(s)

Dieser Band vereinigt erstmals alle erhaltenen antiken Interpretationen zu der von Aristoteles in De anima III, v.a. in Kap. 4-5, skizzierten Lehre vom Geist (νοῦς) im Original und in deutscher Sprache. Diese Texte bieten nicht nur Interpretationen eines der meistkommentierten Lehrstücke der ganzen Philosophiegeschichte; vielmehr enthalten sie zum Teil auch eigenständige philosophische Auseinandersetzungen über den wirkenden und leidenden, den menschlichen und den göttlichen Geist sowie über die Möglichkeiten geistigen Erfassens überhaupt. Im Einzelnen enthält der Band die Deutungen von Theophrast (4. Jh. v. Chr.), Alexander von Aphrodisias (De anima und De intellectu [umstritten]; um 200), Themistios (4. Jh.), Johannes Philoponos, Priskian (Theophrast-Metaphrase), Pseudo-Simplikios, d.h. Priskian aus Lydien (De-anima-Kommentar; alle nach 500) und Pseudo-Philoponos, d.h. Stephanos von Alexandria (um 550). Da sich diese Kommentatoren nicht selten auf frühere Ausleger beziehen, wurde die Zusammenstellung um weitere wichtige Zeugnisse ergänzt, z. B. zur Aristoteles-Deutung des Xenokrates sowie eines Anonymus des 2. Jahrhunderts. Zwei allgemeine Einführungstexte der Herausgeber informieren über die systematischen Probleme der Auslegung von De anima III 4-5 sowie über die antike Auslegungsgeschichte dieses Textes. Spezielle Einleitungen zu den acht Interpretationen informieren über Leben und Werk ihrer Autoren sowie über die Besonderheiten ihrer Interpretation. Die Anmerkungen in den Anhängen geben weitere gedankliche, sachliche oder historische Erläuterungen zu einzelnen Textstellen. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

Brill's Companion to the Reception of Plato in Antiquity, 2018
By: Tarrant, Harold (Ed.), Renaud, François (Ed.), Baltzly, Dirk (Ed.), Layne, Danielle A. (Ed.)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"246","_score":null,"_source":{"id":246,"authors_free":[{"id":315,"entry_id":246,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":442,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Busche, Hubertus","free_first_name":"Hubertus","free_last_name":"Busche","norm_person":{"id":442,"first_name":"Hubertus","last_name":"Busche","full_name":"Busche, Hubertus","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118125311","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":316,"entry_id":246,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":283,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Perkams, Matthias","free_first_name":"Matthias","free_last_name":"Perkams","norm_person":{"id":283,"first_name":"Matthias","last_name":"Perkams","full_name":"Perkams, Matthias","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123439760","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Antike Interpretationen zur aristotelischen Lehre vom Geist","main_title":{"title":"Antike Interpretationen zur aristotelischen Lehre vom Geist"},"abstract":"Dieser Band vereinigt erstmals alle erhaltenen antiken Interpretationen zu der von Aristoteles in De anima III, v.a. in Kap. 4-5, skizzierten Lehre vom Geist (\u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2) im Original und in deutscher Sprache. Diese Texte bieten nicht nur Interpretationen eines der meistkommentierten Lehrst\u00fccke der ganzen Philosophiegeschichte; vielmehr enthalten sie zum Teil auch eigenst\u00e4ndige philosophische Auseinandersetzungen \u00fcber den wirkenden und leidenden, den menschlichen und den g\u00f6ttlichen Geist sowie \u00fcber die M\u00f6glichkeiten geistigen Erfassens \u00fcberhaupt.\r\n\r\nIm Einzelnen enth\u00e4lt der Band die Deutungen von Theophrast (4. Jh. v. Chr.), Alexander von Aphrodisias (De anima und De intellectu [umstritten]; um 200), Themistios (4. Jh.), Johannes Philoponos, Priskian (Theophrast-Metaphrase), Pseudo-Simplikios, d.h. Priskian aus Lydien (De-anima-Kommentar; alle nach 500) und Pseudo-Philoponos, d.h. Stephanos von Alexandria (um 550). Da sich diese Kommentatoren nicht selten auf fr\u00fchere Ausleger beziehen, wurde die Zusammenstellung um weitere wichtige Zeugnisse erg\u00e4nzt, z. B. zur Aristoteles-Deutung des Xenokrates sowie eines Anonymus des 2. Jahrhunderts. Zwei allgemeine Einf\u00fchrungstexte der Herausgeber informieren \u00fcber die systematischen Probleme der Auslegung von De anima III 4-5 sowie \u00fcber die antike Auslegungsgeschichte dieses Textes. Spezielle Einleitungen zu den acht Interpretationen informieren \u00fcber Leben und Werk ihrer Autoren sowie \u00fcber die Besonderheiten ihrer Interpretation. Die Anmerkungen in den Anh\u00e4ngen geben weitere gedankliche, sachliche oder historische Erl\u00e4uterungen zu einzelnen Textstellen. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2018","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/UlzAOg1ANbSITQ8","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":442,"full_name":"Busche, Hubertus","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":283,"full_name":"Perkams, Matthias","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":246,"pubplace":"Hamburg","publisher":"Felix Meiner Verlag","series":"Philosophische Bibliothek","volume":"694","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2018]}

Title	Brill's Companion to the Reception of Plato in Antiquity
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2018
Publication Place	Boston
Publisher	Brill
Series	Brill's companions to classical reception
Volume	13
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Tarrant, Harold , Renaud, François , Baltzly, Dirk , Layne, Danielle A.
Translator(s)

Brill’s Companion to the Reception of Plato in Antiquity offers a comprehensive account of the ways in which ancient readers responded to Plato, as philosopher, as author, and more generally as a central figure in the intellectual heritage of Classical Greece, from his death in the fourth century BCE until the Platonist and Aristotelian commentators in the sixth century CE. The volume is divided into three sections: ‘Early Developments in Reception’ (four chapters); ‘Early Imperial Reception’ (nine chapters); and ‘Early Christianity and Late Antique Platonism’ (eighteen chapters). Sectional introductions cover matters of importance that could not easily be covered in dedicated chapters. The book demonstrates the great variety of approaches to and interpretations of Plato among even his most dedicated ancient readers, offering some salutary lessons for his modern readers too.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QcrfTiTc1S1E4gY

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Die Philosophie der Antike (Band 5: Philosophie der Kaiserzeit und der Spätantike) (= Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie: Die Philosophie der Antike. Band 5/3), 2018
By: Riedweg, Christoph (Ed.), Horn, Christoph (Ed.), Wyrwa, Dietmar (Ed.)

Title	Die Philosophie der Antike (Band 5: Philosophie der Kaiserzeit und der Spätantike) (= Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie: Die Philosophie der Antike. Band 5/3)
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	2018
Publication Place	Basel
Publisher	Schwabe
Volume	5/3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Riedweg, Christoph , Horn, Christoph , Wyrwa, Dietmar
Translator(s)

Mehr als fünfzig international auf ihrem Gebiet führende Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler präsentieren in diesem fünften und letzten Band der Reihe «Die Philosophie der Antike» das überaus facettenreiche pagane, jüdische und frühchristliche philosophische Erbe der ersten sieben Jahrhunderte nach Christus – einer Periode, in der die Grundlagen nicht nur der abendländischen und byzantinischen, sondern auch der islamischen Denktradition gelegt worden sind. Mit den detaillierten und umfassenden Darstellungen, die den neuesten Stand der philosophiegeschichtlichen Forschung reflektieren, zielt das Werk darauf ab, für die Philosophie der Kaiserzeit und der Spätantike zur ersten Anlaufstelle für Forschende der Altertumswissenschaften, aber auch der Theologie, der Philosophie, der Judaistik und der Islamwissenschaft sowie allgemein der Geisteswissenschaften zu werden. Der Disposition liegt die Überzeugung zugrunde, dass mit der paganen und der jüdisch-christlichen Philosophie nicht etwa zwei große weltanschauliche Blöcke gegeneinander abzugrenzen und somit isoliert zu betrachten sind, sondern dass es angemessener ist, diese in ihrem lebendigen Austausch miteinander darzustellen. Entsprechend wurde für den Bandaufbau ein Mischprinzip gewählt, bei dem die chronologische Folge die zentrale Rolle spielt, zudem aber auch das Lehrer-Schüler-Verhältnis, die Schulzugehörigkeit eines Autors und schließlich ebenfalls seine religiöse Orientierung und seine geografische Situierung berücksichtigt werden. So gelingt es, die zum Teil überraschenden Interdependenzen zwischen Autoren und Schulen, die durchaus religionsübergreifend festzustellen sind, deutlicher herauszuarbeiten. Die faszinierende, bis heute in unserer Kultur stark nachwirkende Epoche wird auf diese Art äußerst plastisch beschrieben und für die Gegenwart erschlossen.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kuKt9IQVMLlHfbR

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Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier, 2018
By: Strobel, Benedikt (Ed.)

Title	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	2018
Publication Place	Berlin – Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Philosophie der Antike
Volume	36
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Strobel, Benedikt
Translator(s)

This volume uses prominent case examples to examine the amalgam of exegetical and philosophical interests that characterize the literature of Neoplatonist commentary in late antiquity. The essays consistently reveal the linguistic difficulties encountered by the commentators due to the complex relationship between Platonic and Aristotelian theory.

Online Resources

William of Moerbeke’s Translation of Simplicius' On de Caelo and the Constitution of the Text of Parmenides, 2018
By: Kraus, Manfred, Pulpito, Massimo (Ed.), Spangenberg, Pilar (Ed.)

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Title	William of Moerbeke’s Translation of Simplicius' On de Caelo and the Constitution of the Text of Parmenides
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	ὁδοὶ νοῆσαι - Ways to Think. Essays in Honour of Néstor-Luis Cordero
Pages	213-230
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kraus, Manfred
Editor(s)	Pulpito, Massimo , Spangenberg, Pilar
Translator(s)

Although Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s treatise De cáelo is one of the most valuable sources, in a number of cases even our only source for the transmission of particular fragments of Parmenides, compared to the commentary on the Physics it has for specific reasons been sorely neglected in the past. When J. L. Heiberg in 1894 edited the text of this commentary, he found its Latin translation by William of Moerbeke (1271), although coarse and inelegant in style, to be a highly valuable secondary textual witness. Yet while Heiberg only knew this translation from a faulty 16th-century printing, we are now in possession of reliable critical editions of the books most relevant for the Parmenides text. Recent studies have further yielded that the Greek manuscript of In De Cáelo Moerbeke translated from was definitely superior to all manuscripts extant today. All the more this not only makes possible but also advises an employment ofMoerbeke’s translation for the purposes of textual criticism. The essay gives a brief survey on the complex editorial history of both Simplicius’ commentary and Moerbeke’s translation and the current status of their texts and undertakes a close comparative reading ofMoerbeke’s renderings of the seven direct quotations of passages from Parmenides exhibited in In De Cáelo. It will be shown that by taking recourse to this valuable tool fundamental textual decisions can be confirmed, supported or challenged in a number of crucial passages. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mfCRRVJT48fHPdn

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When J. L. Heiberg in 1894 edited the text of this commentary, he found its Latin translation by William of Moerbeke (1271), although coarse and inelegant in style, to be a highly valuable secondary textual witness. Yet while Heiberg only knew this translation from a faulty 16th-century printing, we are now in possession of reliable critical editions of the books most relevant for the Parmenides text. Recent studies have further yielded that the Greek manuscript of In De C\u00e1elo Moerbeke translated from was definitely superior to all manuscripts extant today. All the more this not only makes possible but also advises an employment ofMoerbeke\u2019s translation for the purposes of textual criticism. The essay gives a brief survey on the complex editorial history of both Simplicius\u2019 commentary and Moerbeke\u2019s translation and the current status of their texts and undertakes a close comparative reading ofMoerbeke\u2019s renderings of the seven direct quotations of \r\npassages from Parmenides exhibited in In De C\u00e1elo. It will be shown that by taking recourse to this valuable tool fundamental textual decisions can be confirmed, supported or challenged in a number of crucial passages. [Author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2018","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mfCRRVJT48fHPdn","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":221,"full_name":"Kraus, Manfred","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":222,"full_name":"Pulpito, Massimo ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":223,"full_name":"Spangenberg, Pilar","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":389,"section_of":1366,"pages":"213-230","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1366,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"\u1f41\u03b4\u03bf\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fc6\u03c3\u03b1\u03b9 - Ways to Think. 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[author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/eZlCroOu0HaYWoc","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1366,"pubplace":"Bologna","publisher":"Diogene","series":"Axioth\u00e9a","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":{"id":389,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Axiothea","volume":"","issue":"","pages":"213-230"}},"sort":[2018]}

Der spätantike Philosoph. Die Lebenswelten der paganen Gelehrten und ihre hagiographische Ausgestaltung in den Philosophenviten von Porphyrios bis Damaskios, 2018
By: Hartmann, Udo

Title	Der spätantike Philosoph. Die Lebenswelten der paganen Gelehrten und ihre hagiographische Ausgestaltung in den Philosophenviten von Porphyrios bis Damaskios
Type	Monograph
Language	undefined
Date	2018
Publication Place	Bonn
Publisher	Rudolf Habelt Verlag
Series	Antiquitas Reihe I
Volume	72.1-3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hartmann, Udo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

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ὁδοὶ νοῆσαι - Ways to Think. Essays in Honour of Néstor-Luis Cordero, 2018
By: Pulpito, Massimo (Ed.), Spangenberg, Pilar (Ed.)

Title	ὁδοὶ νοῆσαι - Ways to Think. Essays in Honour of Néstor-Luis Cordero
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2018
Publication Place	Bologna
Publisher	Diogene
Series	Axiothéa
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Pulpito, Massimo , Spangenberg, Pilar
Translator(s)

Volume frutto del lavoro congiunto di 34 autori di lingua inglese, spagnola, francese, portoghese e italiana, è offerto in onore di Néstor-Luis Cordero, uno dei massimi studiosi viventi del pensiero antico. Presentato al congresso internazionale “Socratica IV” a Buenos Aires (novembre 2018). [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Xjp4m5CeCZWxQiu

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The explanation of qualitative properties in Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories, 2018
By: Hauer, Mareike

Title	The explanation of qualitative properties in Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2018
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	KU Leuven, Humanities and Social Sciences Group, Institute of Philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The aim of this study was to analyze Simplicius’ explanation of qualitative properties in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories. In this commentary, Simplicius discusses qualities in the framework of Aristotle’s categorial scheme and neither explicitly emphasizes the topic nor particularly problematizes it. In order to analyze Simplicius’ conception of quality, it was thus necessary to compile and systematize his remarks on qualities or remarks that might be relevant for an explanation of qualities from different places in the text. I grouped the different information in three main parts, each consisting of two to four chapters. The first part set out to provide some general information on Simplicius, his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories and the notion of quality in Aristotle in order to pave the way for an analysis of Simplicius’ explanation of qualities in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories. The second and third part focused on different aspects of Simplicius’ explanation of qualities. While the second part remained to a large extent within the terminological framework of the Categories, the third part mainly drew on Neoplatonic theorems and focused on the ontological explanation of qualities within the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework. In what follows, I will summarize the results of the three main parts of the study and present difficulties that the study faced, shortcomings that the study includes and questions that the study evokes. The first part of the study elaborated on Simplicius’ exegesis and the place of his commentary in the Neoplatonic commentary tradition on Aristotle’s Categories. Its aim was to provide the reader with the textual and theoretical context in and with which Simplicius works. Hence, it focused in part on Simplicius as a member of the Neoplatonic school and his commentary as a part and witness of an exegetical tradition on Aristotle’s Categories that began centuries before Simplicius. However, Simplicius’ philosophical background, his sources and his presuppositions regarding Aristotle’s Categories are relevant for a study of his conception of qualities because they influence his treatment of the topic. Although Simplicius appears to have a keen interest in Aristotle’s text, he interprets it against the background of his own Neoplatonic views. As it has been pointed out in the first part of the study, there is the difficulty that Simplicius does not spell out or elaborate on Neoplatonic metaphysical doctrine in his commentary. Since the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework represents the theoretical framework in and with which Simplicius works, an understanding of its principles is necessary for an understanding of Simplicius’ discussions. In order to provide an explanation of Neoplatonic metaphysical assumptions when necessary, I thus relied on information that can be found in Neoplatonic authors prior to Simplicius. This way of proceeding implies the problematic assumption that Simplicius does not deviate from these authors regarding the understanding of the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework. This assumption is problematic because it may obscure Simplicius’ actual position if it differs. At least on the basis of Simplicius’ text, there is no indication that Simplicius’ conception of general elements of Neoplatonic metaphysics would differ from that of his predecessors. It has been pointed out that Simplicius frequently refers to predecessors and even states explicitly that, in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories, he follows the commentaries by Porphyry and Iamblichus in their interpretation of the Categories. Simplicius’ commentaries are well known for the richness of references to and presentations of views held by predecessors. He has often been used as a source of information on other philosophers for works that are no longer extant otherwise. His Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories is no exception; it is rich in references to philosophers belonging not only to the Neoplatonic tradition but also to other philosophical traditions, such as Stoicism or the Peripatetic school. The present study does not elaborate on references to members of other philosophical schools. A lot could have been said about Simplicius’ presentation and discussion of views held by these philosophers. It may even be fruitful to examine in detail Simplicius’ treatment and use of views held by philosophers working in the Stoic or Peripatetic tradition. Such investigations would also be interesting for our understanding of the historical development of certain concepts. The omission thus requires an explanation. The explanation is, admittedly, of a rather pragmatic nature. A discussion of all the views that Simplicius mentions would have exceeded the scope of this study. A selection always requires good reasons. Apart from Porphyry and Iamblichus, I could not justify in a consistent manner, with regard to the topic of this study, why I would focus on the one view more than on the other. Hence, although I think that it would be interesting to investigate the possible influences of, for example, Alexander of Aphrodisias or of Stoic views on Simplicius, I did not conduct such investigations in this study. They may be topics for possible future projects. As stated, the main sources for his commentary are, according to Simplicius himself, Porphyry’s long commentary on the Categories and, even to a bigger extent, Iamblichus’ commentary. The unfortunate fact that the two commentaries are no longer extant and Simplicius’ modest self-presentation as a commentator make it difficult to assess the proportion between copying or paraphrasing his sources and presenting own ideas in Simplicius’ commentary. It has also been pointed out that some, if not all, presuppositions of Simplicius’ analysis of Aristotle’s Categories stem from his main source Iamblichus. Simplicius’ core presuppositions are his interpretation of the Categories’ σκοπός as a synthesis of words, beings and notions, his assumption that the main source of the Categories is the Pseudo-Pythagorean treatise On the Universal Formulae by Pseudo-Archytas, his conviction that Aristotle uses obscurity on purpose in his writings and the assumption that there is a harmony between Aristotle and Plato on the majority of points. As it has been shown in the course of the study, in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories, Simplicius appears to extend the idea of a harmony also to Porphyry and Iamblichus. Besides the attempt to provide the philosophical background of Simplicius’ commentary, to contextualize it within the commentary tradition on the Categories, and to introduce Simplicius’ main sources and core presuppositions in this commentary, the first part also includes an overview of the accounts of quality that can be found in Aristotle’s works. This overview is meant to show that Aristotle approaches qualities from different perspectives in his works. I distinguished between two main approaches: 1. the explanation of qualities from a logical-metaphysical perspective, included, for example, in Aristotle’s Categories and Metaphysics, and 2. the explanation of qualities from the perspective of natural philosophy, included, for example, in Aristotle’s De Caelo and De Generatione et Corruptione. As the analyses especially in part three suggested, Simplicius appears not only to be well acquainted with the explanations of qualities that Aristotle presents elsewhere, he also integrates elements of these explanations into his discussion of qualities in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories. The second and third part focused on different aspects of Simplicius’ explanation of quality. As stated, in order to analyze Simplicius’ conception of quality, it was necessary to compile and systematize relevant remarks from different places in the text. This way of proceeding requires caution, as it runs the risk of neglecting the context of the relevant individual passages. Given that Simplicius works closely and in sequence with Aristotle’s text and discusses aspects of the text within the framework of the lemmata on which he comments, a consideration of the context, however, is as important as a thorough analysis of the relevant passages themselves. The present study tried to accommodate both methodological strategies. It thereby runs another risk common to compromises, namely to fail to do both a thorough investigation of individual passages and a consideration of the context properly. I gave priority to the thought that both methodological strategies are indispensable for an understanding of Simplicius’ conception of qualities. The second part aimed at providing a categorial analysis of quality. It focused on quality as one of the ten Aristotelian categories and thus dealt with the regulations and characteristics that apply to quality qua category. Aristotle draws a distinction between the category of substance and the other nine categories in that he ascribes an ontological priority to the former. As suggested by Aristotle’s fourfold division of τὰ ὄντα in the second chapter of the Categories but not explicitly articulated with regard to any of the nine non-substantial categories, Simplicius transposes the intracategorial structure and regulations spelled out for the category of substance onto the category of quality. The category of quality thus comprises genera and species of quality and their individual instantiations. Moreover, the genera of quality are synonymously predicated of their species which in turn are synonymously predicated of their instantiations. According to the rule of transitivity, which equally applies, the genera of quality are consequently also synonymously predicated of the instantiations. While the intracategorial relation, i.e. the relation between genera and species and instantiations of quality, is a relation of unilinear synonymous predication, the intercategorial relation, i.e. the relation between a quality and a substance, is a relation of homonymous predication. Although Aristotle does not explicitly mention all these features of quality in his Categories, they are compatible with his text. Aristotle’s text leaves quite a lot of room for interpretation which not only facilitates the transposition of regulations and structural elements within the categorial theory itself but also enables the integration of, or harmonization with, (Neo)Platonic theoretical elements. Simplicius’ harmonizing tendency as an interpretative strategy becomes most apparent in the analyses conducted in the second part of this study. It is suggested by Simplicius’ way of presenting predication and participation as two different but non-conflicting theories used to explain the relation among entities in the natural realm, by his interpretation of the predicate as an immanent universal, by his explanation of the ἴδιον of quality against the background of likeness and unlikeness and by his use of the idea of a latitude of participation in his discussion of the question whether the category of quality admits of a more and a less. The discussions in the second part have also shown that some problems or questions that scholars have raised with regard to Aristotle’s text appeared to be unproblematic for Simplicius, such as the compatibility of the categorial theory with hylomorphism or the interpretation of homonymy as comprehensive homonymy. It is worth noting that Simplicius displays a charitable interpretation of Aristotle’s text with regard to these questions. Other topics discussed in Aristotelian scholarship are more problematic for Simplicius, especially those which are in apparent conflict with Platonic doctrine. He explicitly addresses the apparent primacy of individual substances in the Categories and tries at length to reconcile it with the Platonic view that the forms are prior to the individuals. He does not openly address 219 but implicitly deviates from the assumption held by many Aristotelian scholars that synonymous predication yields essential predication. He argues that, although genera, species and differentiae are all synonymously predicated of that which is beneath them, only genera and species are also essentially predicated of that which is beneath them whereas the differentiae are not essentially but qualitatively predicated of that which is beneath them. It also becomes apparent in the second part that the study of quality in Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories includes an analysis of the relation between quality and the qualified. The differentiation of the possible meanings of the qualified represents the basis, or preparatory work, for such an analysis. The third part of the study exceeds to some extent the categorial framework and expands on the Neoplatonic elements of Simplicius’ explanation of quality and its relation to the qualified. In this regard, it also elaborates on certain notions that have already been introduced in the second part but become most relevant in the context of an analysis of the relation between quality and the qualified within a Neoplatonic metaphysical framework. The notion of participation is one of them. Simplicius does not only present participation, like predication, as a model to explain the relation between intracategorial entities in his omments on chapter five but he also explicitly applies it to the entities subsumed under the category of quality, when he refers to the quality as μετεχόμενον and to the qualified as μετέχον. Simplicius associates quality and the qualified with these two elements of the Neoplatonic triad of participation and analogically applies the characteristics of those elements (and their relation to each other) to quality and the qualified (and their relation to each other). For an analysis of the relation between quality and the qualified, it was thus helpful to have a closer look at the structure of the triad of participation, and especially at its elements, their characteristics and their relations to each other. The association of quality with the μετεχόμενον and of the qualified with the μετέχον, however, transfers a problem to the category of quality that Simplicius, like other Neoplatonists, mainly discusses in the course of his comments on the category of substance: the question of ontological dependence and, particularly, whether the ontological relation between quality and the qualified is a relation of ontological priority and posteriority or of ontological simultaneity. Simplicius describes quality as that which is participated in by the qualified, as that which is in the qualified and of which its being and its being participated in is one. The qualified in turn participates in quality and receives its being qualified from the quality. Simplicius thus appears to describe the relation between quality and the qualified, on the one hand, as a relation of an ontological priority of the quality over the qualified and, on the other hand, as a relation of ontological simultaneity. It has been shown in the third part of the study that it is possible to reconcile these apparently conflicting assumptions in Simplicius by means of two disambiguations: first, the differentiation of ontological priority into existential priority and essential priority and, second, the distinction between qualified qua single instantiation of the corresponding quality and qualified qua sum of all instantiations of the corresponding quality. While these investigations of the relation between quality and the qualified conducted in the first two chapters of the third part of the study involve the understanding of the qualified as an instantiation of the corresponding quality, the analyses of the third and fourth chapter involve the understanding of the qualified as a qualified substance. If the qualified is understood as a qualified substance, an analysis of the relation between quality and the qualified evokes several questions. The third chapter deals with the following two: first, how can differences among participants of the same quality be explained, i.e. what is the reason for gradual differences of participation or instantiations and, second, how can it be explained that a particular quality is instantiated in one substance rather than in another substance, i.e. what is the condition for participation as such. In order to answer these questions, the notion of ἐπιτηδειότης becomes crucial. This notion had already been introduced in the second part of the study in the course of an analysis of the more and the less in the category of quality. As stated, Simplicius connects this question with the idea that participation involves latitude. The latitude of participation, in turn, is in accordance with the participant’s ἐπιτηδειότης to receive the information from that in which it participates. The use of the notion of ἐπιτηδειότης in the context of the analysis of the relation between quality and qualified has its roots in the use of ἐπιτηδειότης in the theory of participation established by Simplicius’ predecessors, where it frequently occurs as an aspect of the explanation of the relation between μετεχόμενον and μετέχον. However, the question whether ἐπιτηδειότης is a technical term in late Antiquity or a mere substitute for the Aristotelian notion of δύναμις has been a subject of debate among scholars. Since also Simplicius uses these two terms, especially in his comments on the category of quality, I tried to clarify Simplicius’ understanding of ἐπιτηδειότης and of the relation between ἐπιτηδειότης and δύναμις in his comments on quality. The analysis in the third chapter suggested that Simplicius distinguishes between a sense of ἐπιτηδειότης that can be associated with the Aristotelian notion of δύναμις and a sense of ἐπιτηδειότης that cannot be associated with the Aristotelian notion of δύναμις. Ἐπιτηδειότης in the latter sense is simpler, precedes δύναμις and appears to be a simple propensity of the participant for something more complete than itself, rooted in higher principles within the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework. The difficulty that this analysis faced was the fact that, although it was suggested by Simplicius’ remarks, Simplicius himself does not explicitly distinguish between ἐπιτηδειότης and δύναμις in his comments on the category of quality. As I argued, however, this fact could be interpreted again as a strategy to accommodate and harmonize the Neoplatonic and the Aristotelian theory. The fourth and last chapter deals with another important question that arises in the framework of an analysis of the relation between quality and the qualified qua qualified substance. Based on the possibility to distinguish between attributes that always belong to their subjects and are even completive or essential to their subject and attributes that are adventitious to their subject, the question of the categorial status of essential qualities arises. While the classification of adventitious attributes as accidents appears to be more or less unproblematic, the integration of completive attributes into Aristotle’s categorial scheme poses a problem. The answer to this question builds on the results of the previous analyses and eventually leads to the attempt to present a comprehensive answer to the initial question of the categorial status and the ontological explanation of qualities (both essential and adventitious qualities) in Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories. By means of an analysis of different passages on, or involving, essential qualities and a comparison with Simplicius’ conception of differentiae, I argued against the claim held by scholars that Simplicius conceives of essential qualities as substances. According to the interpretation presented in the fourth chapter, Simplicius ascribes both a substantial and a qualitative aspect to essential qualities and differentiae. Depending on the context, he stresses the one or the other aspect. Simplicius, a proponent of the idea that Aristotle’s categorial scheme is complete and exhaustive, does not appear to think that these entities would not fit into Aristotle’s scheme. Rather, Simplicius explains their double structure by their participation in both substance and quality. He does not discuss or even problematize the fact that such a conception would challenge Aristotle’s scheme. Interestingly, Simplicius’ assumption that these entities are substantial but no substances also suggests that he distinguishes between that which is substantial and that which is a substance. Although Simplicius undoubtedly conceives of those qualities as being substantial, he appears to distinguish them from substances and restricts the latter to matter, form and the matter-form compound. By means of a recourse to Proclus’ remarks in his Commentary on Plato’s Timaeus, I tried to show that such a distinction including essential qualities can already be found among Simplicius’ predecessors. Moreover, I tried to present an ontological explanation of qualities that takes Simplicius’ remarks on both essential and adventitious qualities into account. I argued that Simplicius conceives of essential qualities as belonging to the immanent form which sends forth these qualities as soon as it unfolds itself in body. These qualities thus naturally inhere in the subject and cannot be separated without the corruption of the subject. Adventitious qualities are immanent logoi which do not belong to the form. They enter the subject after the compounding of matter and form; or in other words, the participation in these logoi is posterior to the constitution of the subject. In this way, they come in from outside and can be separated without the corruption of the subject. However, they do not appear to operate independently from the immanent form. The immanent form prefigures the subject, limits its possibilities in participation and determines its capacities for receiving contraries. It thereby establishes the conditions for these logoi to operate. As it has been pointed out, Simplicius does not transfer the distinction between essential and adventitious to the level of natural logoi and, consequently, does not make the logos of each quality twofold. On the contrary, he restricts this distinction to the realm of bodies and can thus maintain the assumption that the logos of each quality is one. This account is an attempt to provide a consistent explanation of qualities in Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories. However, it leaves a number of questions open for further research. One group of questions concerns the relation between essential qualities and differentiae. As stated, Simplicius does not only treat them similarly, he also often uses the same examples for essential qualities and differentiae. This situation is probably the reason why scholars on Simplicius have discussed these topics together (with different results though). However, if both differentiae and essential qualities are substantial and belong to the form but are not substances, the question arises how their differences can be explained. One of these differences is that, according to Simplicius, an essential quality, such as the whiteness of snow, can admit of a more and a less, whereas no differentia admits of a more and a less. A related question regarding differentiae is the following: if the differentiae are intermediates and participate in both substance and quality, why is there actually no differentia that admits of a more and a less? Is there, eventually, perhaps a distinction or hierarchy among essential attributes? On the basis of the analysis of essential and adventitious qualities, Simplicius’ conception of immanent forms is a topic that is highly interesting and would deserve further investigation. According to the analysis conducted in the last chapter, both essential qualities and adventitious qualities depend on immanent forms. The former do so because they belong to this form, the latter because the immanent form prefigures the subject and thus determines what qualities it can receive and to what extent it can receive them. In connection with this topic, it would also be interesting to investigate the question as to what there are natural logoi of. Another highly interesting topic linked to the research conducted in this study would be the comparison of Simplicius’ explanation of qualities in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories with the presentation of material properties in the framework of a discussion of Plato’s geometric atomism included in Proclus’ Commentary on Plato’s Timaeus and Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s De Caelo. Such a comparison could be very interesting because it may contribute to the clarification of strategies that some Neoplatonists have adopted in order to deal with the differences between Plato’s and Aristotle’s theories about elemental constitution (including elemental properties) and may thus contribute to our understanding of Neoplatonic natural philosophy in general. Although I think that this comparison is highly interesting, I have focused in this study on Simplicius’ explanation of qualities in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories. I hope that the preceding pages have shown that this explanation was worth a study of its own. [conclusion, pp. 215-223]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fn4WmTxOpxJfuVO

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1395","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1395,"authors_free":[{"id":2171,"entry_id":1395,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":174,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hauer, Mareike","free_first_name":"Mareike","free_last_name":"Hauer","norm_person":{"id":174,"first_name":"Mareike","last_name":"Hauer","full_name":"Hauer, Mareike","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The explanation of qualitative properties in Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories","main_title":{"title":"The explanation of qualitative properties in Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories"},"abstract":"The aim of this study was to analyze Simplicius\u2019 explanation of qualitative properties in his \r\nCommentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories. In this commentary, Simplicius discusses qualities in \r\nthe framework of Aristotle\u2019s categorial scheme and neither explicitly emphasizes the topic nor \r\nparticularly problematizes it. In order to analyze Simplicius\u2019 conception of quality, it was thus \r\nnecessary to compile and systematize his remarks on qualities or remarks that might be \r\nrelevant for an explanation of qualities from different places in the text. I grouped the \r\ndifferent information in three main parts, each consisting of two to four chapters. The first \r\npart set out to provide some general information on Simplicius, his Commentary on \r\nAristotle\u2019s Categories and the notion of quality in Aristotle in order to pave the way for an \r\nanalysis of Simplicius\u2019 explanation of qualities in his Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories. \r\nThe second and third part focused on different aspects of Simplicius\u2019 explanation of qualities. \r\nWhile the second part remained to a large extent within the terminological framework of the \r\nCategories, the third part mainly drew on Neoplatonic theorems and focused on the \r\nontological explanation of qualities within the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework. In what \r\nfollows, I will summarize the results of the three main parts of the study and present \r\ndifficulties that the study faced, shortcomings that the study includes and questions that the \r\nstudy evokes. \r\nThe first part of the study elaborated on Simplicius\u2019 exegesis and the place of his commentary \r\nin the Neoplatonic commentary tradition on Aristotle\u2019s Categories. Its aim was to provide the \r\nreader with the textual and theoretical context in and with which Simplicius works. Hence, it \r\nfocused in part on Simplicius as a member of the Neoplatonic school and his commentary as a \r\npart and witness of an exegetical tradition on Aristotle\u2019s Categories that began centuries \r\nbefore Simplicius. However, Simplicius\u2019 philosophical background, his sources and his \r\npresuppositions regarding Aristotle\u2019s Categories are relevant for a study of his conception of \r\nqualities because they influence his treatment of the topic. Although Simplicius appears to \r\nhave a keen interest in Aristotle\u2019s text, he interprets it against the background of his own \r\nNeoplatonic views. As it has been pointed out in the first part of the study, there is the \r\ndifficulty that Simplicius does not spell out or elaborate on Neoplatonic metaphysical doctrine \r\nin his commentary. Since the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework represents the theoretical \r\nframework in and with which Simplicius works, an understanding of its principles is necessary for an understanding of Simplicius\u2019 discussions. In order to provide an explanation of Neoplatonic metaphysical assumptions when necessary, I thus relied on information that can be found in Neoplatonic authors prior to Simplicius. This way of proceeding implies the problematic assumption that Simplicius does not deviate from these authors regarding the understanding of the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework. This assumption is problematic because it may obscure Simplicius\u2019 actual position if it differs. At least on the basis of Simplicius\u2019 text, there is no indication that Simplicius\u2019 conception of general elements of Neoplatonic metaphysics would differ from that of his predecessors. \r\nIt has been pointed out that Simplicius frequently refers to predecessors and even states explicitly that, in his Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories, he follows the commentaries by Porphyry and Iamblichus in their interpretation of the Categories. Simplicius\u2019 commentaries are well known for the richness of references to and presentations of views held by \r\npredecessors. He has often been used as a source of information on other philosophers for \r\nworks that are no longer extant otherwise. His Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories is no \r\nexception; it is rich in references to philosophers belonging not only to the Neoplatonic tradition but also to other philosophical traditions, such as Stoicism or the Peripatetic school. The present study does not elaborate on references to members of other philosophical schools. A lot could have been said about Simplicius\u2019 presentation and discussion of views held by these philosophers. It may even be fruitful to examine in detail Simplicius\u2019 treatment and use of views held by philosophers working in the Stoic or Peripatetic tradition. Such \r\ninvestigations would also be interesting for our understanding of the historical development of \r\ncertain concepts. The omission thus requires an explanation. The explanation is, admittedly, \r\nof a rather pragmatic nature. A discussion of all the views that Simplicius mentions would \r\nhave exceeded the scope of this study. A selection always requires good reasons. Apart from \r\nPorphyry and Iamblichus, I could not justify in a consistent manner, with regard to the topic \r\nof this study, why I would focus on the one view more than on the other. Hence, although I \r\nthink that it would be interesting to investigate the possible influences of, for example, \r\nAlexander of Aphrodisias or of Stoic views on Simplicius, I did not conduct such investigations in this study. They may be topics for possible future projects. As stated, the main sources for his commentary are, according to Simplicius himself, \r\nPorphyry\u2019s long commentary on the Categories and, even to a bigger extent, Iamblichus\u2019 \r\ncommentary. The unfortunate fact that the two commentaries are no longer extant and \r\nSimplicius\u2019 modest self-presentation as a commentator make it difficult to assess the \r\nproportion between copying or paraphrasing his sources and presenting own ideas in \r\nSimplicius\u2019 commentary. It has also been pointed out that some, if not all, presuppositions of \r\nSimplicius\u2019 analysis of Aristotle\u2019s Categories stem from his main source Iamblichus. Simplicius\u2019 core presuppositions are his interpretation of the Categories\u2019 \u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2 as a synthesis of words, beings and notions, his assumption that the main source of the Categories is the Pseudo-Pythagorean treatise On the Universal Formulae by Pseudo-Archytas, his conviction that Aristotle uses obscurity on purpose in his writings and the assumption that there is a harmony between Aristotle and Plato on the majority of points. As it has been shown in the course of the study, in his Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories, Simplicius appears to extend the idea of a harmony also to Porphyry and Iamblichus. \r\nBesides the attempt to provide the philosophical background of Simplicius\u2019 commentary, to contextualize it within the commentary tradition on the Categories, and to introduce Simplicius\u2019 main sources and core presuppositions in this commentary, the first part also includes an overview of the accounts of quality that can be found in Aristotle\u2019s works. This overview is meant to show that Aristotle approaches qualities from different perspectives in his works. I distinguished between two main approaches: 1. the explanation of qualities from \r\na logical-metaphysical perspective, included, for example, in Aristotle\u2019s Categories and Metaphysics, and 2. the explanation of qualities from the perspective of natural philosophy, \r\nincluded, for example, in Aristotle\u2019s De Caelo and De Generatione et Corruptione. As the \r\nanalyses especially in part three suggested, Simplicius appears not only to be well acquainted \r\nwith the explanations of qualities that Aristotle presents elsewhere, he also integrates elements \r\nof these explanations into his discussion of qualities in his Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s \r\nCategories. The second and third part focused on different aspects of Simplicius\u2019 explanation of quality. As stated, in order to analyze Simplicius\u2019 conception of quality, it was necessary to compile \r\nand systematize relevant remarks from different places in the text. This way of proceeding \r\nrequires caution, as it runs the risk of neglecting the context of the relevant individual \r\npassages. Given that Simplicius works closely and in sequence with Aristotle\u2019s text and \r\ndiscusses aspects of the text within the framework of the lemmata on which he comments, a \r\nconsideration of the context, however, is as important as a thorough analysis of the relevant \r\npassages themselves. The present study tried to accommodate both methodological strategies. \r\nIt thereby runs another risk common to compromises, namely to fail to do both a thorough investigation of individual passages and a consideration of the context properly. I gave priority to the thought that both methodological strategies are indispensable for an \r\nunderstanding of Simplicius\u2019 conception of qualities. The second part aimed at providing a categorial analysis of quality. It focused on quality as one of the ten Aristotelian categories and thus dealt with the regulations and characteristics that apply to quality qua category. Aristotle draws a distinction between the category of substance and the other nine categories in that he ascribes an ontological priority to the former. As suggested by Aristotle\u2019s fourfold division of \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f44\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 in the second chapter of the Categories but not explicitly articulated with regard to any of the nine non-substantial \r\ncategories, Simplicius transposes the intracategorial structure and regulations spelled out for the category of substance onto the category of quality. The category of quality thus comprises \r\ngenera and species of quality and their individual instantiations. Moreover, the genera of \r\nquality are synonymously predicated of their species which in turn are synonymously \r\npredicated of their instantiations. According to the rule of transitivity, which equally applies, \r\nthe genera of quality are consequently also synonymously predicated of the instantiations. \r\nWhile the intracategorial relation, i.e. the relation between genera and species and \r\ninstantiations of quality, is a relation of unilinear synonymous predication, the intercategorial \r\nrelation, i.e. the relation between a quality and a substance, is a relation of homonymous \r\npredication. Although Aristotle does not explicitly mention all these features of quality in his \r\nCategories, they are compatible with his text. Aristotle\u2019s text leaves quite a lot of room for \r\ninterpretation which not only facilitates the transposition of regulations and structural \r\nelements within the categorial theory itself but also enables the integration of, or \r\nharmonization with, (Neo)Platonic theoretical elements. Simplicius\u2019 harmonizing tendency as \r\nan interpretative strategy becomes most apparent in the analyses conducted in the second part \r\nof this study. It is suggested by Simplicius\u2019 way of presenting predication and participation as \r\ntwo different but non-conflicting theories used to explain the relation among entities in the \r\nnatural realm, by his interpretation of the predicate as an immanent universal, by his \r\nexplanation of the \u1f34\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd of quality against the background of likeness and unlikeness and by \r\nhis use of the idea of a latitude of participation in his discussion of the question whether the \r\ncategory of quality admits of a more and a less. \r\nThe discussions in the second part have also shown that some problems or questions that \r\nscholars have raised with regard to Aristotle\u2019s text appeared to be unproblematic for \r\nSimplicius, such as the compatibility of the categorial theory with hylomorphism or the \r\ninterpretation of homonymy as comprehensive homonymy. It is worth noting that Simplicius \r\ndisplays a charitable interpretation of Aristotle\u2019s text with regard to these questions. Other \r\ntopics discussed in Aristotelian scholarship are more problematic for Simplicius, especially \r\nthose which are in apparent conflict with Platonic doctrine. He explicitly addresses the \r\napparent primacy of individual substances in the Categories and tries at length to reconcile it \r\nwith the Platonic view that the forms are prior to the individuals. He does not openly address \r\n219 \r\n \r\nbut implicitly deviates from the assumption held by many Aristotelian scholars that \r\nsynonymous predication yields essential predication. He argues that, although genera, species and differentiae are all synonymously predicated of that which is beneath them, only genera and species are also essentially predicated of that which is beneath them whereas the \r\ndifferentiae are not essentially but qualitatively predicated of that which is beneath them. It \r\nalso becomes apparent in the second part that the study of quality in Simplicius\u2019 Commentary \r\non Aristotle\u2019s Categories includes an analysis of the relation between quality and the \r\nqualified. The differentiation of the possible meanings of the qualified represents the basis, or \r\npreparatory work, for such an analysis. \r\nThe third part of the study exceeds to some extent the categorial framework and expands on \r\nthe Neoplatonic elements of Simplicius\u2019 explanation of quality and its relation to the \r\nqualified. In this regard, it also elaborates on certain notions that have already been introduced \r\nin the second part but become most relevant in the context of an analysis of the relation \r\nbetween quality and the qualified within a Neoplatonic metaphysical framework. The notion \r\nof participation is one of them. Simplicius does not only present participation, like predication, as a model to explain the relation between intracategorial entities in his \r\nomments on chapter five but he also explicitly applies it to the entities subsumed under the \r\ncategory of quality, when he refers to the quality as \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b5\u03c7\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd and to the qualified as \r\n\u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd. Simplicius associates quality and the qualified with these two elements of the \r\nNeoplatonic triad of participation and analogically applies the characteristics of those elements (and their relation to each other) to quality and the qualified (and their relation to \r\neach other). For an analysis of the relation between quality and the qualified, it was thus \r\nhelpful to have a closer look at the structure of the triad of participation, and especially at its \r\nelements, their characteristics and their relations to each other. The association of quality with \r\nthe \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b5\u03c7\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd and of the qualified with the \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd, however, transfers a problem to the \r\ncategory of quality that Simplicius, like other Neoplatonists, mainly discusses in the course of \r\nhis comments on the category of substance: the question of ontological dependence and, \r\nparticularly, whether the ontological relation between quality and the qualified is a relation of \r\nontological priority and posteriority or of ontological simultaneity. Simplicius describes \r\nquality as that which is participated in by the qualified, as that which is in the qualified and of \r\nwhich its being and its being participated in is one. The qualified in turn participates in quality \r\nand receives its being qualified from the quality. Simplicius thus appears to describe the \r\nrelation between quality and the qualified, on the one hand, as a relation of an ontological \r\npriority of the quality over the qualified and, on the other hand, as a relation of ontological simultaneity. It has been shown in the third part of the study that it is possible to reconcile \r\nthese apparently conflicting assumptions in Simplicius by means of two disambiguations: \r\nfirst, the differentiation of ontological priority into existential priority and essential priority \r\nand, second, the distinction between qualified qua single instantiation of the corresponding \r\nquality and qualified qua sum of all instantiations of the corresponding quality. While these investigations of the relation between quality and the qualified conducted in the first two \r\nchapters of the third part of the study involve the understanding of the qualified as an \r\ninstantiation of the corresponding quality, the analyses of the third and fourth chapter involve \r\nthe understanding of the qualified as a qualified substance. If the qualified is understood as a qualified substance, an analysis of the relation between \r\nquality and the qualified evokes several questions. The third chapter deals with the following \r\ntwo: first, how can differences among participants of the same quality be explained, i.e. what \r\nis the reason for gradual differences of participation or instantiations and, second, how can it be explained that a particular quality is instantiated in one substance rather than in another substance, i.e. what is the condition for participation as such. In order to answer these \r\nquestions, the notion of \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 becomes crucial. This notion had already been \r\nintroduced in the second part of the study in the course of an analysis of the more and the less \r\nin the category of quality. As stated, Simplicius connects this question with the idea that \r\nparticipation involves latitude. The latitude of participation, in turn, is in accordance with the \r\nparticipant\u2019s \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 to receive the information from that in which it participates. The use of the notion of \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 in the context of the analysis of the relation between quality \r\nand qualified has its roots in the use of \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 in the theory of participation established by Simplicius\u2019 predecessors, where it frequently occurs as an aspect of the explanation of the \r\nrelation between \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b5\u03c7\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd and \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd. However, the question whether \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 is \r\na technical term in late Antiquity or a mere substitute for the Aristotelian notion of \u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03c2 \r\nhas been a subject of debate among scholars. Since also Simplicius uses these two terms, \r\nespecially in his comments on the category of quality, I tried to clarify Simplicius\u2019 understanding of \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 and of the relation between \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 and \u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03c2 in his \r\ncomments on quality. The analysis in the third chapter suggested that Simplicius distinguishes \r\nbetween a sense of \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 that can be associated with the Aristotelian notion of \r\n\u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03c2 and a sense of \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 that cannot be associated with the Aristotelian notion of \r\n\u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03c2. \u1f18\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 in the latter sense is simpler, precedes \u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03c2 and appears to be a \r\nsimple propensity of the participant for something more complete than itself, rooted in higher principles within the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework. The difficulty that this analysis \r\nfaced was the fact that, although it was suggested by Simplicius\u2019 remarks, Simplicius himself \r\ndoes not explicitly distinguish between \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 and \u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b9\u03c2 in his comments on the category of quality. As I argued, however, this fact could be interpreted again as a strategy to \r\naccommodate and harmonize the Neoplatonic and the Aristotelian theory. The fourth and last chapter deals with another important question that arises in the framework \r\nof an analysis of the relation between quality and the qualified qua qualified substance. Based \r\non the possibility to distinguish between attributes that always belong to their subjects and are \r\neven completive or essential to their subject and attributes that are adventitious to their \r\nsubject, the question of the categorial status of essential qualities arises. While the \r\nclassification of adventitious attributes as accidents appears to be more or less unproblematic, the integration of completive attributes into Aristotle\u2019s categorial scheme poses a problem. \r\nThe answer to this question builds on the results of the previous analyses and eventually leads \r\nto the attempt to present a comprehensive answer to the initial question of the categorial status \r\nand the ontological explanation of qualities (both essential and adventitious qualities) in \r\nSimplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories. \r\nBy means of an analysis of different passages on, or involving, essential qualities and a \r\ncomparison with Simplicius\u2019 conception of differentiae, I argued against the claim held by \r\nscholars that Simplicius conceives of essential qualities as substances. According to the \r\ninterpretation presented in the fourth chapter, Simplicius ascribes both a substantial and a \r\nqualitative aspect to essential qualities and differentiae. Depending on the context, he stresses \r\nthe one or the other aspect. Simplicius, a proponent of the idea that Aristotle\u2019s categorial \r\nscheme is complete and exhaustive, does not appear to think that these entities would not fit \r\ninto Aristotle\u2019s scheme. Rather, Simplicius explains their double structure by their participation in both substance and quality. He does not discuss or even problematize the fact that such a conception would challenge Aristotle\u2019s scheme. Interestingly, Simplicius\u2019 assumption that these entities are substantial but no substances also suggests that he distinguishes between that which is substantial and that which is a substance. Although \r\nSimplicius undoubtedly conceives of those qualities as being substantial, he appears to \r\ndistinguish them from substances and restricts the latter to matter, form and the matter-form \r\ncompound. By means of a recourse to Proclus\u2019 remarks in his Commentary on Plato\u2019s Timaeus, I tried to show that such a distinction including essential qualities can already be \r\nfound among Simplicius\u2019 predecessors. Moreover, I tried to present an ontological explanation of qualities that takes Simplicius\u2019 remarks on both essential and adventitious qualities into account. I argued that Simplicius conceives of essential qualities as belonging to \r\nthe immanent form which sends forth these qualities as soon as it unfolds itself in body. These \r\nqualities thus naturally inhere in the subject and cannot be separated without the corruption of \r\nthe subject. Adventitious qualities are immanent logoi which do not belong to the form. They \r\nenter the subject after the compounding of matter and form; or in other words, the participation in these logoi is posterior to the constitution of the subject. In this way, they \r\ncome in from outside and can be separated without the corruption of the subject. However, \r\nthey do not appear to operate independently from the immanent form. The immanent form \r\nprefigures the subject, limits its possibilities in participation and determines its capacities for \r\nreceiving contraries. It thereby establishes the conditions for these logoi to operate. As it has \r\nbeen pointed out, Simplicius does not transfer the distinction between essential and adventitious to the level of natural logoi and, consequently, does not make the logos of each \r\nquality twofold. On the contrary, he restricts this distinction to the realm of bodies and can \r\nthus maintain the assumption that the logos of each quality is one. This account is an attempt to provide a consistent explanation of qualities in Simplicius\u2019 \r\nCommentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories. However, it leaves a number of questions open for \r\nfurther research. One group of questions concerns the relation between essential qualities and \r\ndifferentiae. As stated, Simplicius does not only treat them similarly, he also often uses the \r\nsame examples for essential qualities and differentiae. This situation is probably the reason why scholars on Simplicius have discussed these topics together (with different results \r\nthough). However, if both differentiae and essential qualities are substantial and belong to the \r\nform but are not substances, the question arises how their differences can be explained. One \r\nof these differences is that, according to Simplicius, an essential quality, such as the whiteness \r\nof snow, can admit of a more and a less, whereas no differentia admits of a more and a less. A \r\nrelated question regarding differentiae is the following: if the differentiae are intermediates \r\nand participate in both substance and quality, why is there actually no differentia that admits \r\nof a more and a less? Is there, eventually, perhaps a distinction or hierarchy among essential \r\nattributes? On the basis of the analysis of essential and adventitious qualities, Simplicius\u2019 \r\nconception of immanent forms is a topic that is highly interesting and would deserve further \r\ninvestigation. According to the analysis conducted in the last chapter, both essential qualities \r\nand adventitious qualities depend on immanent forms. The former do so because they belong \r\nto this form, the latter because the immanent form prefigures the subject and thus determines \r\nwhat qualities it can receive and to what extent it can receive them. In connection with this \r\ntopic, it would also be interesting to investigate the question as to what there are natural logoi of. Another highly interesting topic linked to the research conducted in this study would be \r\nthe comparison of Simplicius\u2019 explanation of qualities in his Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s \r\nCategories with the presentation of material properties in the framework of a discussion of \r\nPlato\u2019s geometric atomism included in Proclus\u2019 Commentary on Plato\u2019s Timaeus and Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s De Caelo. Such a comparison could be very interesting because it may contribute to the clarification of strategies that some Neoplatonists \r\nhave adopted in order to deal with the differences between Plato\u2019s and Aristotle\u2019s theories about elemental constitution (including elemental properties) and may thus contribute to our understanding of Neoplatonic natural philosophy in general. Although I think that this \r\ncomparison is highly interesting, I have focused in this study on Simplicius\u2019 explanation of \r\nqualities in his Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories. I hope that the preceding pages have shown that this explanation was worth a study of its own. [conclusion, pp. 215-223]","btype":1,"date":"2018","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/fn4WmTxOpxJfuVO","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":174,"full_name":"Hauer, Mareike","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1395,"pubplace":"Leuven","publisher":"KU Leuven, Humanities and Social Sciences Group, Institute of Philosophy","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2018]}

Priskian von Lydien (›Simplikios‹): Kommentar zu De anima III. Ausgewählt, eingeleitet, übersetzt und erläutert von Matthias Perkams, 2018
By: Simplicius, Perkams, Matthias (Ed.), Busche, Hubertus (Ed.), Perkams, Matthias

Title	Priskian von Lydien (›Simplikios‹): Kommentar zu De anima III. Ausgewählt, eingeleitet, übersetzt und erläutert von Matthias Perkams
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2018
Published in	Antike Interpretationen zur aristotelischen Lehre vom Geist
Pages	547-675
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)	Perkams, Matthias , Busche, Hubertus
Translator(s)	Perkams, Matthias(Perkams, Matthias) ,

Der De-anima-Kommentar, der hier dem Lyder Priskian zugeschrieben wird, ist eine der philosophisch anspruchsvollsten und elaboriertesten Darstellungen des neuplatonischen Menschenbildes. Originell und von systematischem Interesse sind besonders zwei Lehren: Eine ist eine Reformulierung der aristotelischen Entelechie-Lehre mithilfe der Unterscheidung zweier Formen von Entelechie, nämlich einerseits der reinen Formung des lebendigen Leibes und andererseits des Gebrauchs dieses Leibes zum Leben und Überleben durch das leiblich verfasste Lebewesen. Die zweite, um die es im Folgenden in erster Linie geht, ist eine Reformulierung der neuplatonischen Geistlehre unter Berufung auf Aristoteles’ Lehre vom aktiven Geist. Diese äußerst knappe Charakterisierung der Stärken des Kommentars als systematischer Schrift lässt seine Schwächen erahnen, die von Aristoteles-Auslegern seit langem beklagt werden: eine gewisse Entstellung der Lehre des Aristoteles bzw. ein Abweichen und Abschweifen von seiner Darstellung. Priskian beabsichtigt in seinem Kommentar, „die Übereinstimmung des Philosophen [...] mit der Wahrheit [...] zu beschreiben“; anders gesagt, erklärt der Kommentator, was die jeweilige Aristoteles-Stelle mit dem zu tun hat, was er selbst für die Wahrheit hält. Das wichtigste Kriterium für diese Wahrheit ist aber nicht Aristoteles, sondern der neuplatonische Philosoph Jamblich. Konsequenterweise sehen Priskians Kommentierungen häufig so aus, dass er zuerst sagt, was die fragliche Stelle im Rahmen seiner eigenen Systematik bedeuten könnte, bevor er bestimmte aristotelische Formulierungen in diesem Sinne erklärt. Trotz dieser Auslegungsarten, die selbst im harmoniefreudigen Kontext neuplatonischer Kommentare sehr eigenmächtig sind, darf man nicht übersehen, dass die Lehren, die Priskians Originalität im neuplatonischen Kontext ausmachen, tief von aristotelischer Terminologie durchdrungen und von dem Versuch geleitet sind, die Gedanken des Stagiriten vor dem Hintergrund der Fragen seiner eigenen Zeit nachzudenken. Insofern ist Priskian das deutlichste Beispiel für einen aristotelisierenden Neuplatonismus, für den Aristoteles nicht nur „Platons bester Ausleger“ ist, sondern auch eine „weitere Ausarbeitung dessen im Detail“ liefert, „was dieser allgemeiner und zusammenfassender erklärte“. Auf der Grundlage seiner Auseinandersetzung mit Aristoteles kommt Priskian sogar zu anderen Ergebnissen als sein Vorbild Jamblich, was für ihn Anlass zu einer ausführlichen Rechtfertigung ist. [introduction p. 547-548]

Online Resources

Philosophy and Commentary: Evaluating Simplicius on the Presocratics, 2018
By: Parsons, Bethany, Finamore, John F. (Ed.), Layne, Danielle, A. (Ed.)

Title	Philosophy and Commentary: Evaluating Simplicius on the Presocratics
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	Platonic Pathways: Selected Papers from the Fourteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies
Pages	227-242
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Parsons, Bethany
Editor(s)	Finamore, John F. , Layne, Danielle, A.
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RBkbZJgg5JiRP2K

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Platonic Pathways: Selected Papers from the Fourteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies, 2018
By: Finamore, John F. (Ed.), Layne, Danielle, A. (Ed.)

Title	Platonic Pathways: Selected Papers from the Fourteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2018
Publication Place	Gloucestershire
Publisher	Prometheus Trust
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Finamore, John F. , Layne, Danielle, A.
Translator(s)

This anthology of 16 essays by scholars from around the world is published in association with the ISNS: it contains many of the papers presented in their 2016 annual conference. Contents: The Significance of Initiation Rituals in Plato’s Meno – Michael Romero Plato’s Timaean Psychology – John Finamore The Creative Thinker: A New Reading of Numenius fr. 16.10-12 – Joshua Langseth First Philosophy, Abstract Objects, and Divine Aseity: Aristotle and Plotinus – Robert M. Berchman Plotinus on philia and its Empedoclean origin – Giannis Stamatellos In What Sense Does the One Exist? Existence and Hypostasis in Plotinus – Michael Wiitala and Paul DiRado A Double-Edged Sword: Porphyry on the Perils and Profits of Demonological Inquiry – Seamus O’Neill Alienation and Divinization: Iamblichus’ Theurgic Vision – Gregory Shaw Iamblichus’ method for creating Theurgic Sacrifice – Sam Webster The Understanding of Time and Eternity in the polemic between Eunomius, Basil the Great and Gregory of Nyssa – Tomasz Stępień Tension in the soul: A Stoic/Platonic concept in Plutarch, Proclus, and Simplicius – Marilynn Lawrence Peritrope in Damascius as the Apparatus of Speculative Ontology – Tyler Tritten Mysticism, Apocalypticism, and Platonism – Ilaria Ramelli Philosophy and Commentary: Evaluating Simplicius on the Presocratics – Bethany Parsons From Embryo to Saint: a Thomist Account of Being Human – Melissa Rovig Vanden Bout From the Neoplatonizing Christian Gnosticism of Philip K. Dick to the Neoplatonizing Hermetic Gnosticism of Ralph Waldo Emerson – Jay Bregman [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/aEX0vcsHkkXIXix

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1489","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1489,"authors_free":[{"id":2579,"entry_id":1489,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":120,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Finamore, John F.","free_first_name":"John F.","free_last_name":"Finamore","norm_person":{"id":120,"first_name":"John F.","last_name":"Finamore","full_name":"Finamore, John F.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1055775080","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2580,"entry_id":1489,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":202,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Layne, Danielle, A.","free_first_name":"Danielle, A.","free_last_name":"Layne","norm_person":{"id":202,"first_name":"Danielle A.","last_name":"Layne","full_name":"Layne, Danielle A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1068033177","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Platonic Pathways: Selected Papers from the Fourteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies","main_title":{"title":"Platonic Pathways: Selected Papers from the Fourteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies"},"abstract":"This anthology of 16 essays by scholars from around the world is published in association with the ISNS: it contains many of the papers presented in their 2016 annual conference. Contents:\r\n\r\nThe Significance of Initiation Rituals in Plato\u2019s Meno \u2013 Michael Romero\r\n\r\nPlato\u2019s Timaean Psychology \u2013 John Finamore\r\n\r\nThe Creative Thinker: A New Reading of Numenius fr. 16.10-12 \u2013 Joshua Langseth\r\n\r\nFirst Philosophy, Abstract Objects, and Divine Aseity: Aristotle and Plotinus \u2013 Robert M. Berchman\r\n\r\nPlotinus on philia and its Empedoclean origin \u2013 Giannis Stamatellos\r\n\r\nIn What Sense Does the One Exist? Existence and Hypostasis in Plotinus \u2013 Michael Wiitala and Paul DiRado\r\n\r\nA Double-Edged Sword: Porphyry on the Perils and Profits of Demonological Inquiry \u2013 Seamus O\u2019Neill\r\n\r\nAlienation and Divinization: Iamblichus\u2019 Theurgic Vision \u2013 Gregory Shaw\r\n\r\nIamblichus\u2019 method for creating Theurgic Sacrifice \u2013 Sam Webster\r\n\r\nThe Understanding of Time and Eternity in the polemic between Eunomius, Basil the Great and Gregory of Nyssa \u2013 Tomasz St\u0119pie\u0144\r\n\r\nTension in the soul: A Stoic\/Platonic concept in Plutarch, Proclus, and Simplicius \u2013 Marilynn Lawrence\r\n\r\nPeritrope in Damascius as the Apparatus of Speculative Ontology \u2013 Tyler Tritten\r\n\r\nMysticism, Apocalypticism, and Platonism \u2013 Ilaria Ramelli\r\n\r\nPhilosophy and Commentary: Evaluating Simplicius on the Presocratics \u2013 Bethany Parsons\r\n\r\nFrom Embryo to Saint: a Thomist Account of Being Human \u2013 Melissa Rovig Vanden Bout\r\n\r\nFrom the Neoplatonizing Christian Gnosticism of Philip K. Dick to the Neoplatonizing Hermetic Gnosticism of Ralph Waldo Emerson \u2013 Jay Bregman\r\n[official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2018","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/aEX0vcsHkkXIXix","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":120,"full_name":"Finamore, John F.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":202,"full_name":"Layne, Danielle A.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1489,"pubplace":"Gloucestershire","publisher":"Prometheus Trust","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2018]}

Porphyry's Isagoge and Early Greek Neoplatonism, 2018
By: Chiaradonna, Riccardo

Title	Porphyry's Isagoge and Early Greek Neoplatonism
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2018
Journal	Medioevo. Rivista di storia della filosofia medieval
Volume	43
Pages	13-39
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chiaradonna, Riccardo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper focuses on Porphyry’s Isagoge against the wider background of debates about genera and the hierarchy of being in early Neoplatonism from Plotinus to Iamblichus. Three works are considered: Porphyry’s Isagoge, Plotinus tripartite treatise On The Genera of Being (VI, 1-3 [42-44]), Iamblichus’ Reply to Porphyry (the so-called De Mysteriis). In addition to this, the discussion focuses on some passages on genus and predication from Porphyry’s and Iamblichus’ lost commentaries on Aristotle’s Categories preserved in Simplicius. In his account of genus, Porphyry draws on Aristotle and apparently claims that an amended version of the genus/species relation is able to express the hierarchy of different levels of being. This view is different from that of Plotinus, who instead argues that intelligible and sensible beings are homonymous, as well as from that of Iamblichus, who rejects the existence of a common genus above intelligible and sensible beings, while emphasising the analogy subsisting between different levels in the hierarchy. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/duFoYG09YhVIWUx

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Language Converts Psyche: Reflections on Commentary in Late Ancient Philosophical Research and Education, 2018
By: Griffin, Michael, Benedikt Strobel (Ed.)

Title	Language Converts Psyche: Reflections on Commentary in Late Ancient Philosophical Research and Education
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Pages	127-157
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Griffin, Michael
Editor(s)	Benedikt Strobel
Translator(s)

This paper sets out to explore the Sitz im Leben of late ancient philosophical pedagogy and research from a common vantage point: the capacity of a good teacher—or a canonical text, read with a good teacher as ἐξηγητής—to reshape and correct the elementary concepts or ἔννοιαι of the student or philosopher. (I) I begin with a brief reflection on the intersection of pedagogical practice and inquiry in antiquity, then (II) briefly explore the theme of how common notions or ἔννοιαι might be shaped and reshaped by the philosopher who comes into contact with the "great texts" of the past or with a good teacher, in Plotinus and Simplicius, and (III) conclude by considering the historical background of Simplicius’ attitude to past philosophers, and to what extent it might be considered as informed by earlier Aristotelian or Stoic practices. I focus on the interface between philosophical education and research in the commentator Simplicius of Cilicia (c. 490–c. 560 CE). Simplicius is well known as an interpreter (ἐξηγητής) of the formative texts of Hellenic philosophy (a function whose qualifications he outlines at In Cat. 7, 23–29), and he regards the philosophical commentary as an important vehicle for what we might regard as "research" or inquiry into an array of subjects. Simplicius also treats commentary as a useful tool for pedagogy. A student who reads a book like Epictetus’ Handbook may advance in virtue (Simp., In Epict. pr. 87–90); Simplicius’ interpretation is a useful guide, a facilitator on the way. In both these areas—discovery and pedagogy—I try to outline a common psychological theory underlying the function attributed to the commentator: A pupil who engages in dialectic with a teacher, or with the "greats" of the past, may recover the natural, undistorted concepts (ἔννοιαι) that were her birthright before they were distorted by the fall of the soul and the rattle and hum of our quotidian experience (illustrated by Simplicius in an evocative passage at In Cat. 12, 10–13, 4). [introduction p. 127-128]

Online Resources

Why Did Porphyry Write Aristotelian Commentaries?, 2018
By: Karamanolis, George, Strobel, Benedikt (Ed.)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1546","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1546,"authors_free":[{"id":2702,"entry_id":1546,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Griffin, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Griffin","norm_person":null},{"id":2812,"entry_id":1546,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Benedikt Strobel","free_first_name":"Benedikt","free_last_name":"Strobel","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Language Converts Psyche: Reflections on Commentary in Late Ancient Philosophical Research and Education","main_title":{"title":"Language Converts Psyche: Reflections on Commentary in Late Ancient Philosophical Research and Education"},"abstract":"This paper sets out to explore the Sitz im Leben of late ancient philosophical pedagogy and research from a common vantage point: the capacity of a good teacher\u2014or a canonical text, read with a good teacher as \u1f10\u03be\u03b7\u03b3\u03b7\u03c4\u03ae\u03c2\u2014to reshape and correct the elementary concepts or \u1f14\u03bd\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1\u03b9 of the student or philosopher.\r\n\r\n(I) I begin with a brief reflection on the intersection of pedagogical practice and inquiry in antiquity, then (II) briefly explore the theme of how common notions or \u1f14\u03bd\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1\u03b9 might be shaped and reshaped by the philosopher who comes into contact with the \"great texts\" of the past or with a good teacher, in Plotinus and Simplicius, and (III) conclude by considering the historical background of Simplicius\u2019 attitude to past philosophers, and to what extent it might be considered as informed by earlier Aristotelian or Stoic practices.\r\n\r\nI focus on the interface between philosophical education and research in the commentator Simplicius of Cilicia (c. 490\u2013c. 560 CE). Simplicius is well known as an interpreter (\u1f10\u03be\u03b7\u03b3\u03b7\u03c4\u03ae\u03c2) of the formative texts of Hellenic philosophy (a function whose qualifications he outlines at In Cat. 7, 23\u201329), and he regards the philosophical commentary as an important vehicle for what we might regard as \"research\" or inquiry into an array of subjects. Simplicius also treats commentary as a useful tool for pedagogy. A student who reads a book like Epictetus\u2019 Handbook may advance in virtue (Simp., In Epict. pr. 87\u201390); Simplicius\u2019 interpretation is a useful guide, a facilitator on the way.\r\n\r\nIn both these areas\u2014discovery and pedagogy\u2014I try to outline a common psychological theory underlying the function attributed to the commentator: A pupil who engages in dialectic with a teacher, or with the \"greats\" of the past, may recover the natural, undistorted concepts (\u1f14\u03bd\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1\u03b9) that were her birthright before they were distorted by the fall of the soul and the rattle and hum of our quotidian experience (illustrated by Simplicius in an evocative passage at In Cat. 12, 10\u201313, 4). [introduction p. 127-128]","btype":2,"date":"2018","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rOy7sqluVGEXcC1","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1546,"section_of":289,"pages":"127-157","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":289,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"de","title":"Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den sp\u00e4tanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Strobel2019","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2018","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2018","abstract":"This volume uses prominent case examples to examine the amalgam of exegetical and philosophical interests that characterize the literature of Neoplatonist commentary in late antiquity. The essays consistently reveal the linguistic difficulties encountered by the commentators due to the complex relationship between Platonic and Aristotelian theory.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rOy7sqluVGEXcC1","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":289,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"Philosophie der Antike","volume":"36","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2018]}

Title	Why Did Porphyry Write Aristotelian Commentaries?
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Pages	9-43
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Karamanolis, George
Editor(s)	Strobel, Benedikt
Translator(s)

Let me summarize the argument of this paper. I have argued that Porphyry wrote commentaries on works of Aristotle because he found these works to represent an elaboration on and a development of Plato’s philosophy. This is a development in the sense that Aristotle not only wrestles with philosophical issues that Plato first explored and does so in a manner and with a method inspired by Plato, but also that Aristotle often takes views similar to those of Plato. Porphyry does not deny that Aristotle often explores new territory; this is actually one reason why Porphyry devotes so much energy to studying and expounding Aristotle. What Porphyry does deny is that Aristotle contradicts the essence of Plato’s philosophical views when he articulates theories that are not in Plato, since these may be inspired by Plato or continue in some way Plato’s thinking on a given issue. This is not something that Porphyry argues explicitly in his commentaries. Rather, this view lies in the background and is implicit. I argued, though, that this view motivates Porphyry’s Aristotelian commentaries. That is, in his commentaries, Porphyry sets out to substantiate his views on philosophical topics like causation, cosmogony, matter, the nature of linguistic items and their relation to things, concept formation, and so on, with reference to texts of the Platonist tradition in philosophy. And this tradition, Porphyry thinks, crucially includes Aristotle as well. [conclusion p. 36-37]

Online Resources

Il male come "privazione". Simplicio e Filopono in difesa della materia, 2017
By: Cardullo, R. Loredana

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1547","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1547,"authors_free":[{"id":2703,"entry_id":1547,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Karamanolis, George","free_first_name":"George","free_last_name":"Karamanolis","norm_person":null},{"id":2704,"entry_id":1547,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Strobel, Benedikt","free_first_name":"Benedikt","free_last_name":"Strobel","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Why Did Porphyry Write Aristotelian Commentaries?","main_title":{"title":"Why Did Porphyry Write Aristotelian Commentaries?"},"abstract":"Let me summarize the argument of this paper. I have argued that Porphyry wrote commentaries on works of Aristotle because he found these works to represent an elaboration on and a development of Plato\u2019s philosophy. This is a development in the sense that Aristotle not only wrestles with philosophical issues that Plato first explored and does so in a manner and with a method inspired by Plato, but also that Aristotle often takes views similar to those of Plato.\r\n\r\nPorphyry does not deny that Aristotle often explores new territory; this is actually one reason why Porphyry devotes so much energy to studying and expounding Aristotle. What Porphyry does deny is that Aristotle contradicts the essence of Plato\u2019s philosophical views when he articulates theories that are not in Plato, since these may be inspired by Plato or continue in some way Plato\u2019s thinking on a given issue.\r\n\r\nThis is not something that Porphyry argues explicitly in his commentaries. Rather, this view lies in the background and is implicit. I argued, though, that this view motivates Porphyry\u2019s Aristotelian commentaries. That is, in his commentaries, Porphyry sets out to substantiate his views on philosophical topics like causation, cosmogony, matter, the nature of linguistic items and their relation to things, concept formation, and so on, with reference to texts of the Platonist tradition in philosophy. And this tradition, Porphyry thinks, crucially includes Aristotle as well. [conclusion p. 36-37]","btype":2,"date":"2018","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rOy7sqluVGEXcC1","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1547,"section_of":289,"pages":"9-43","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":289,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"de","title":"Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den sp\u00e4tanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Strobel2019","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2018","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2018","abstract":"This volume uses prominent case examples to examine the amalgam of exegetical and philosophical interests that characterize the literature of Neoplatonist commentary in late antiquity. The essays consistently reveal the linguistic difficulties encountered by the commentators due to the complex relationship between Platonic and Aristotelian theory.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rOy7sqluVGEXcC1","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":289,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"Philosophie der Antike","volume":"36","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2018]}

Title	Il male come "privazione". Simplicio e Filopono in difesa della materia
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2017
Journal	PEITHO / EXAMINA ANTIQUA
Volume	1
Issue	8
Pages	391-408
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cardullo, R. Loredana
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The aim of this paper is to highlight the decisive contribution of Simplicius and Philoponus to the resolution of the problem of evil in Neoplatonism. A correct and faithful interpretation of the problem, which also had to agree with Plato’s texts, became particularly needed after Plotinus had identified evil with matter, threatening, thus, the dualistic position, which was absent in Plato. The first rectification was made by Proclus with the notion of parhypostasis, i.e., “parasitic” or “collateral” existence, which de-hypostasized evil, while at the same time challenging the Plotinian theory that turned evil into a principle that was ontologically opposed to good. In light of this, the last Neoplatonic exegetes, Simplicius and Philoponus, definitely clarified the “privative” role of kakon, finally relieving matter from the negative meaning given to it by Plotinus and restoring metaphysical monism. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ay8T0flgyMGienR

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1216","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1216,"authors_free":[{"id":1798,"entry_id":1216,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":24,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana","free_first_name":"R. Loredana","free_last_name":"Cardullo","norm_person":{"id":24,"first_name":"R. Loredana ","last_name":"Cardullo","full_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139800220","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Il male come \"privazione\". Simplicio e Filopono in difesa della materia","main_title":{"title":"Il male come \"privazione\". Simplicio e Filopono in difesa della materia"},"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to highlight the decisive contribution of Simplicius and Philoponus to the resolution of the problem of evil in Neoplatonism. A correct and faithful interpretation of the problem, which also had to agree with Plato\u2019s texts, became particularly needed after Plotinus had identified evil with matter, threatening, thus, the dualistic position, which was absent in Plato. The first rectification was made by Proclus with the notion of parhypostasis, i.e., \u201cparasitic\u201d or \u201ccollateral\u201d existence, which de-hypostasized evil, while at the same time challenging the Plotinian theory that turned evil into a principle that was ontologically opposed to good. In light of this, the last Neoplatonic exegetes, Simplicius and Philoponus, definitely clarified the \u201cprivative\u201d role of kakon, finally relieving matter from the negative meaning given to it by Plotinus and restoring metaphysical monism. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2017","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ay8T0flgyMGienR","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":24,"full_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1216,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"PEITHO \/ EXAMINA ANTIQUA","volume":"1","issue":"8","pages":"391-408"}},"sort":[2017]}

Catégories et métaphysique chez Alexandre d'Aphrodise: l'exégèse de Catégories 5, 2017
By: Chiaradonna, Riccardo , Balansard, Anne (Ed.), Jaulin, Annick (Ed.)

Title	Catégories et métaphysique chez Alexandre d'Aphrodise: l'exégèse de Catégories 5
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2017
Published in	Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la métaphysique aristotéliecienne
Pages	157-179
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chiaradonna, Riccardo
Editor(s)	Balansard, Anne , Jaulin, Annick
Translator(s)

Nous résumerons ainsi les conclusions de cette étude. Alexandre souscrit à la thèse selon laquelle les particuliers sensibles sont des substances premières par rapport aux genres et aux espèces, mais cela n’implique à ses yeux aucune conséquence particulariste ou nominaliste. La définition des substances premières qu’Aristote présente dans les Catégories est, pour Alexandre, susceptible de s’appliquer à la forme séparée, c’est-à-dire aux Premiers Moteurs. L’existence de formes dans la matière ne contredit pas le critère de substantialité établi dans les Catégories, car la forme est dans un substrat sans pourtant être « dans un sujet » au sens des Catégories. À ces conclusions, il faut ajouter que l’interprétation du enkorōs du traité permet à Alexandre de lire les Catégories de manière intentionnelle et de rattacher ainsi la sémantique de ce traité à son ontologie des natures immanentes. De notre point de vue, Alexandre faisait tout pour intégrer les Catégories à sa métaphysique essentialiste. On ne trouve aucune trace chez lui de l’argument typique des Néoplatoniciens, selon lequel il faut comprendre l’ontologie des Catégories comme une ontologie quoad nos, qui correspond aux apparences phénoménales que reflète notre langage ordinaire (voir, par exemple, Porphyre, In Cat. 91, 5-26). Bien au contraire, Simplicius oppose justement cet argument à la position d’Alexandre : d’abord, Simplicius, suivant Jamblique, suggère qu’Aristote, dans les Catégories, considère les particuliers sensibles comme des substances premières en tant qu’elles sont premières quoad nos. Une fois énoncée cette solution canonique et bien attestée depuis Porphyre, Simplicius s’attaque à Alexandre, qui regardait les individus comme des substances premières par nature et non seulement pour nous (Simplicius, In Cat. 82, 1-32). Comme nous l’avons montré plus haut, Simplicius et sa source ne saisissaient probablement pas l’ontologie de la nature commune qu’Alexandre développait pour défendre sa position. Cependant, d’après ce que nous pouvons reconstruire, Simplicius avait parfaitement compris que, pour Alexandre, les individus sont des substances premières dans le sens le plus plein du terme, et que Dieu est substance dans le sens de la substance individuelle qu’Aristote établit dans les Catégories. Pour Alexandre, la lecture sémantique des Catégories n’avait donc pas pour but de détacher la doctrine des catégories de l’ontologie : bien au contraire, par sa doctrine du enkorōs, Alexandre rattache de manière très étroite la doctrine des catégories à son ontologie essentialiste. Par ailleurs, la lecture sémantique du traité est parmi les éléments invariants qui rattachent Alexandre et son grand adversaire, Boéthos. Tous deux pensent que les Catégories portent sur les mots signifiants. La différence entre ces deux commentateurs se trouve dans la manière de concevoir la signification et dans les présupposés ontologiques qu’ils mettent en œuvre en rapport avec leurs doctrines sémantiques. [conclusion p. 176-177]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xnj3iH0gfOu4Qme

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1270","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1270,"authors_free":[{"id":1861,"entry_id":1270,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":49,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Chiaradonna, Riccardo ","free_first_name":"Riccardo ","free_last_name":"Chiaradonna","norm_person":{"id":49,"first_name":"Riccardo ","last_name":"Chiaradonna","full_name":"Chiaradonna, Riccardo ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1142403548","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2045,"entry_id":1270,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":447,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Balansard, Anne","free_first_name":"Anne","free_last_name":"Balansard","norm_person":{"id":447,"first_name":"Anne","last_name":"Balansard","full_name":"Balansard, Anne","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107922548X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2046,"entry_id":1270,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":448,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Jaulin, Annick","free_first_name":"Annick","free_last_name":"Jaulin","norm_person":{"id":448,"first_name":"Annick","last_name":"Jaulin","full_name":"Jaulin, Annick","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1203571127","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Cat\u00e9gories et m\u00e9taphysique chez Alexandre d'Aphrodise: l'ex\u00e9g\u00e8se de Cat\u00e9gories 5","main_title":{"title":"Cat\u00e9gories et m\u00e9taphysique chez Alexandre d'Aphrodise: l'ex\u00e9g\u00e8se de Cat\u00e9gories 5"},"abstract":"Nous r\u00e9sumerons ainsi les conclusions de cette \u00e9tude.\r\n\r\nAlexandre souscrit \u00e0 la th\u00e8se selon laquelle les particuliers sensibles sont des substances premi\u00e8res par rapport aux genres et aux esp\u00e8ces, mais cela n\u2019implique \u00e0 ses yeux aucune cons\u00e9quence particulariste ou nominaliste.\r\n\r\nLa d\u00e9finition des substances premi\u00e8res qu\u2019Aristote pr\u00e9sente dans les Cat\u00e9gories est, pour Alexandre, susceptible de s\u2019appliquer \u00e0 la forme s\u00e9par\u00e9e, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire aux Premiers Moteurs.\r\n\r\nL\u2019existence de formes dans la mati\u00e8re ne contredit pas le crit\u00e8re de substantialit\u00e9 \u00e9tabli dans les Cat\u00e9gories, car la forme est dans un substrat sans pourtant \u00eatre \u00ab dans un sujet \u00bb au sens des Cat\u00e9gories.\r\n\r\n\u00c0 ces conclusions, il faut ajouter que l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation du enkor\u014ds du trait\u00e9 permet \u00e0 Alexandre de lire les Cat\u00e9gories de mani\u00e8re intentionnelle et de rattacher ainsi la s\u00e9mantique de ce trait\u00e9 \u00e0 son ontologie des natures immanentes.\r\n\r\nDe notre point de vue, Alexandre faisait tout pour int\u00e9grer les Cat\u00e9gories \u00e0 sa m\u00e9taphysique essentialiste. On ne trouve aucune trace chez lui de l\u2019argument typique des N\u00e9oplatoniciens, selon lequel il faut comprendre l\u2019ontologie des Cat\u00e9gories comme une ontologie quoad nos, qui correspond aux apparences ph\u00e9nom\u00e9nales que refl\u00e8te notre langage ordinaire (voir, par exemple, Porphyre, In Cat. 91, 5-26).\r\n\r\nBien au contraire, Simplicius oppose justement cet argument \u00e0 la position d\u2019Alexandre : d\u2019abord, Simplicius, suivant Jamblique, sugg\u00e8re qu\u2019Aristote, dans les Cat\u00e9gories, consid\u00e8re les particuliers sensibles comme des substances premi\u00e8res en tant qu\u2019elles sont premi\u00e8res quoad nos.\r\n\r\nUne fois \u00e9nonc\u00e9e cette solution canonique et bien attest\u00e9e depuis Porphyre, Simplicius s\u2019attaque \u00e0 Alexandre, qui regardait les individus comme des substances premi\u00e8res par nature et non seulement pour nous (Simplicius, In Cat. 82, 1-32).\r\n\r\nComme nous l\u2019avons montr\u00e9 plus haut, Simplicius et sa source ne saisissaient probablement pas l\u2019ontologie de la nature commune qu\u2019Alexandre d\u00e9veloppait pour d\u00e9fendre sa position. Cependant, d\u2019apr\u00e8s ce que nous pouvons reconstruire, Simplicius avait parfaitement compris que, pour Alexandre, les individus sont des substances premi\u00e8res dans le sens le plus plein du terme, et que Dieu est substance dans le sens de la substance individuelle qu\u2019Aristote \u00e9tablit dans les Cat\u00e9gories.\r\n\r\nPour Alexandre, la lecture s\u00e9mantique des Cat\u00e9gories n\u2019avait donc pas pour but de d\u00e9tacher la doctrine des cat\u00e9gories de l\u2019ontologie : bien au contraire, par sa doctrine du enkor\u014ds, Alexandre rattache de mani\u00e8re tr\u00e8s \u00e9troite la doctrine des cat\u00e9gories \u00e0 son ontologie essentialiste.\r\n\r\nPar ailleurs, la lecture s\u00e9mantique du trait\u00e9 est parmi les \u00e9l\u00e9ments invariants qui rattachent Alexandre et son grand adversaire, Bo\u00e9thos. Tous deux pensent que les Cat\u00e9gories portent sur les mots signifiants. La diff\u00e9rence entre ces deux commentateurs se trouve dans la mani\u00e8re de concevoir la signification et dans les pr\u00e9suppos\u00e9s ontologiques qu\u2019ils mettent en \u0153uvre en rapport avec leurs doctrines s\u00e9mantiques.\r\n[conclusion p. 176-177]","btype":2,"date":"2017","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/xnj3iH0gfOu4Qme","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":49,"full_name":"Chiaradonna, Riccardo ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":447,"full_name":"Balansard, Anne","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":448,"full_name":"Jaulin, Annick","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1270,"section_of":273,"pages":"157-179","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":273,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la m\u00e9taphysique aristot\u00e9liecienne","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Balansard-Jaulin_2017","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2017","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2017","abstract":"Les neuf \u00e9tudes de ce volume portent sur le Commentaire \u00e0 la M\u00e9taphysique d'Aristote par Alexandre d'Aphrodise, \u00e9crit au tournant des IIe et IIIe si\u00e8cles. Elles ont \u00e9t\u00e9 suscit\u00e9es par le colloque international \"Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la m\u00e9taphysique aristot\u00e9licienne\", tenu \u00e0 l'Universit\u00e9 Paris 1 Panth\u00e9on-Sorbonne du 22 au 24 juin 2015. La question de la r\u00e9ception est au c\u0153ur de ces \u00e9tudes : r\u00e9ception de la M\u00e9taphysique par Alexandre, r\u00e9ception de son ex\u00e9g\u00e8se par la tradition ult\u00e9rieure. En effet, le commentaire d'Alexandre \u00e9tablit la compr\u00e9hension du texte d'Aristote \u00e0 partir du IIIe si\u00e8cle ; il servira de r\u00e9f\u00e9rence \u00e0 toutes les interpr\u00e9tations ult\u00e9rieures, qu'elles soient n\u00e9oplatoniciennes, arabes ou latines. Ces \u00e9tudes mettent en \u00e9vidence les rapports complexes entre logique, physique, philosophie premi\u00e8re et m\u00eame \u00e9thique, \u00e9tablis par le commentaire d'Alexandre. La question la plus disput\u00e9e est celle de l'usage des Cat\u00e9gories dans le commentaire \u00e0 la M\u00e9taphysique. Les neuf \u00e9tudes ont pour auteurs : Cristina Cerami, Riccardo Chiaradonna, Michel Crubellier, Silvia Fazzo, Pantelis Golitsis, Gweltaz Guyomarc'h, Annick Jaulin, Claire Louguet, Marwan Rashed.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6CJEJ5bTfAFzZdH","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":273,"pubplace":"Leuven \u2013 Paris \u2013 Bristol, CT","publisher":"Peeters","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2017]}

Critica dell’apparente e critica apparente. Simplicio interprete di Parmenide nel Commentario al De Caelo di Aristotele. Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi, traduzione e commentario, 2017
By: Licciardi, Ivan Adriano

Title	Critica dell’apparente e critica apparente. Simplicio interprete di Parmenide nel Commentario al De Caelo di Aristotele. Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi, traduzione e commentario
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2017
Publication Place	Sankt Augustin
Publisher	Academia Verlag
Series	Symbolon
Volume	44
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Nell'opera di Simplicio l'esegesi non può essere separata dalla filosofia neoplatonica presa nel suo senso più ampio: ciò che egli ci propone non è soltanto una interpretazione complessiva del reale a partire da premesse platonico-aristoteliche, ma anche una Weltanschauung che è, o ritiene di essere, quella degli Elleni, e che trova la sua espressione più completa nell'accordo, µ , tra le filosofie di Aristotele, di Platone e dei Preplatonici e le antiche tradizioni teologiche. Questo libro di Ivan Adriano Licciardi, che completa felicemente la sua opera precedente, persegue del tutto opportunamente questa linea di ricerca e arricchisce la nostra visione su Simplicio filosofo, che cita e interpreta Parmenide. Questo libro mostra, attraverso una lettura minuziosa dei passi interessati del Commentario al De Caelo, che, secondo l'esegesi del filosofo neoplatonico, il vecchio filosofo di Elea - come altri filosofi che rappresentano la - anticipa Platone e, nella prospettiva della µ , anche Aristotele, nella misura in cui Parmenide concepì una ontologia dualista, che ingloba tanto il mondo dell'essere - uno quanto il mondo del divenire - molteplice, e nella quale la verità del mondo intelligibile conferisce uno statuto apparente al mondo sensibile'.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Emh7KiLhMWFS6CV

{"_index":"sire","_id":"255","_score":null,"_source":{"id":255,"authors_free":[{"id":324,"entry_id":255,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":246,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","free_first_name":"Ivan Adriano","free_last_name":"Licciardi","norm_person":{"id":246,"first_name":"Ivan Adriano","last_name":"Licciardi","full_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Critica dell\u2019apparente e critica apparente. Simplicio interprete di Parmenide nel Commentario al De Caelo di Aristotele. Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi, traduzione e commentario","main_title":{"title":"Critica dell\u2019apparente e critica apparente. Simplicio interprete di Parmenide nel Commentario al De Caelo di Aristotele. Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi, traduzione e commentario"},"abstract":"Nell'opera di Simplicio l'esegesi non pu\u00f2 essere separata dalla filosofia neoplatonica presa nel suo senso pi\u00f9 ampio: ci\u00f2 che egli ci propone non \u00e8 soltanto una interpretazione complessiva del reale a partire da premesse platonico-aristoteliche, ma anche una Weltanschauung che \u00e8, o ritiene di essere, quella degli Elleni, e che trova la sua espressione pi\u00f9 completa nell'accordo, \u00b5 , tra le filosofie di Aristotele, di Platone e dei Preplatonici e le antiche tradizioni teologiche. Questo libro di Ivan Adriano Licciardi, che completa felicemente la sua opera precedente, persegue del tutto opportunamente questa linea di ricerca e arricchisce la nostra visione su Simplicio filosofo, che cita e interpreta Parmenide. Questo libro mostra, attraverso una lettura minuziosa dei passi interessati del Commentario al De Caelo, che, secondo l'esegesi del filosofo neoplatonico, il vecchio filosofo di Elea - come altri filosofi che rappresentano la - anticipa Platone e, nella prospettiva della \u00b5 , anche Aristotele, nella misura in cui Parmenide concep\u00ec una ontologia dualista, che ingloba tanto il mondo dell'essere - uno quanto il mondo del divenire - molteplice, e nella quale la verit\u00e0 del mondo intelligibile conferisce uno statuto apparente al mondo sensibile'.","btype":1,"date":"2017","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Emh7KiLhMWFS6CV","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":246,"full_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":255,"pubplace":"Sankt Augustin","publisher":"Academia Verlag","series":"Symbolon","volume":"44","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2017]}

Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la métaphysique aristotéliecienne, 2017
By: Balansard, Anne (Ed.), Jaulin, Annick (Ed.)

Title	Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la métaphysique aristotéliecienne
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2017
Publication Place	Leuven – Paris – Bristol, CT
Publisher	Peeters
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Balansard, Anne , Jaulin, Annick
Translator(s)

Les neuf études de ce volume portent sur le Commentaire à la Métaphysique d'Aristote par Alexandre d'Aphrodise, écrit au tournant des IIe et IIIe siècles. Elles ont été suscitées par le colloque international "Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la métaphysique aristotélicienne", tenu à l'Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne du 22 au 24 juin 2015. La question de la réception est au cœur de ces études : réception de la Métaphysique par Alexandre, réception de son exégèse par la tradition ultérieure. En effet, le commentaire d'Alexandre établit la compréhension du texte d'Aristote à partir du IIIe siècle ; il servira de référence à toutes les interprétations ultérieures, qu'elles soient néoplatoniciennes, arabes ou latines. Ces études mettent en évidence les rapports complexes entre logique, physique, philosophie première et même éthique, établis par le commentaire d'Alexandre. La question la plus disputée est celle de l'usage des Catégories dans le commentaire à la Métaphysique. Les neuf études ont pour auteurs : Cristina Cerami, Riccardo Chiaradonna, Michel Crubellier, Silvia Fazzo, Pantelis Golitsis, Gweltaz Guyomarc'h, Annick Jaulin, Claire Louguet, Marwan Rashed.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6CJEJ5bTfAFzZdH

{"_index":"sire","_id":"273","_score":null,"_source":{"id":273,"authors_free":[{"id":2344,"entry_id":273,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":447,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Balansard, Anne","free_first_name":"Anne","free_last_name":"Balansard","norm_person":{"id":447,"first_name":"Anne","last_name":"Balansard","full_name":"Balansard, Anne","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107922548X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2345,"entry_id":273,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":448,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Jaulin, Annick","free_first_name":"Annick","free_last_name":"Jaulin","norm_person":{"id":448,"first_name":"Annick","last_name":"Jaulin","full_name":"Jaulin, Annick","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1203571127","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la m\u00e9taphysique aristot\u00e9liecienne","main_title":{"title":"Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la m\u00e9taphysique aristot\u00e9liecienne"},"abstract":"Les neuf \u00e9tudes de ce volume portent sur le Commentaire \u00e0 la M\u00e9taphysique d'Aristote par Alexandre d'Aphrodise, \u00e9crit au tournant des IIe et IIIe si\u00e8cles. Elles ont \u00e9t\u00e9 suscit\u00e9es par le colloque international \"Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la m\u00e9taphysique aristot\u00e9licienne\", tenu \u00e0 l'Universit\u00e9 Paris 1 Panth\u00e9on-Sorbonne du 22 au 24 juin 2015. La question de la r\u00e9ception est au c\u0153ur de ces \u00e9tudes : r\u00e9ception de la M\u00e9taphysique par Alexandre, r\u00e9ception de son ex\u00e9g\u00e8se par la tradition ult\u00e9rieure. En effet, le commentaire d'Alexandre \u00e9tablit la compr\u00e9hension du texte d'Aristote \u00e0 partir du IIIe si\u00e8cle ; il servira de r\u00e9f\u00e9rence \u00e0 toutes les interpr\u00e9tations ult\u00e9rieures, qu'elles soient n\u00e9oplatoniciennes, arabes ou latines. Ces \u00e9tudes mettent en \u00e9vidence les rapports complexes entre logique, physique, philosophie premi\u00e8re et m\u00eame \u00e9thique, \u00e9tablis par le commentaire d'Alexandre. La question la plus disput\u00e9e est celle de l'usage des Cat\u00e9gories dans le commentaire \u00e0 la M\u00e9taphysique. Les neuf \u00e9tudes ont pour auteurs : Cristina Cerami, Riccardo Chiaradonna, Michel Crubellier, Silvia Fazzo, Pantelis Golitsis, Gweltaz Guyomarc'h, Annick Jaulin, Claire Louguet, Marwan Rashed.","btype":4,"date":"2017","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6CJEJ5bTfAFzZdH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":447,"full_name":"Balansard, Anne","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":448,"full_name":"Jaulin, Annick","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":273,"pubplace":"Leuven \u2013 Paris \u2013 Bristol, CT","publisher":"Peeters","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2017]}

Pseudopythagorica Dorica. I trattati di argomento metafisico, logico ed epistemologico attribuiti ad Archita e a Brotino, 2017
By: Ulacco, Angela,

Title	Pseudopythagorica Dorica. I trattati di argomento metafisico, logico ed epistemologico attribuiti ad Archita e a Brotino
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2017
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Philosophie der Antike
Volume	41
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ulacco, Angela
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Ulacco, Angela() .

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Alexandre d’Aphrodise, Simplicius, et la cause efficiente de l’univers, 2017
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Balansard, Anne (Ed.), Jaulin, Annick (Ed.)

Title	Alexandre d’Aphrodise, Simplicius, et la cause efficiente de l’univers
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2017
Published in	Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la métaphysique aristotéliecienne
Pages	217-235
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Balansard, Anne , Jaulin, Annick
Translator(s)

Les commentaires aristotéliciens de Simplicius, du moins ceux sur le traité Du ciel et sur la Physique, seraient sensiblement différents si l’exégète néoplatonicien n’avait pas eu accès aux commentaires d’Alexandre d’Aphrodise. Simplicius appelle Alexandre « l’étudiant le plus attentif d’Aristote » et ses abondantes références aux explications de l’exégète péripatéticien montrent de manière éloquente que les commentaires de ce dernier étaient pour lui des outils indispensables : ils lui ont permis d’expliquer plusieurs difficultés du texte d’Aristote, exception faite des cas où Aristote critique (ou semble critiquer, comme dirait Simplicius lui-même) Platon. Dans l’un de ces cas, la position de Simplicius envers Alexandre est clairement exprimée : Je crois qu’Alexandre d’Aphrodise, dans les autres cas, suit manifestement de belle manière, plus belle que celle des autres philosophes péripatéticiens, les discours d’Aristote. Pourtant, à propos de ce que dit Aristote contre Platon, il me semble qu’il ne respecte plus le but de l’antilogie d’Aristote, but qui vise l’apparence des discours de Platon, mais il objecte à Platon en quelque sorte avec perfidie, puisqu’il n’essaie pas uniquement de réfuter, lui aussi, le sens apparent de ce que dit Platon par souci envers les gens simples, comme Aristote l’a précisément fait, mais il calomnie les concepts du divin Platon et tente de tirer des conclusions qui ne suivent fréquemment même pas le sens apparent de son discours. Par l’emploi de l’adverbe κακοσχόλως («malicieusement», «avec perfidie»), Simplicius suggère à ses lecteurs qu’Alexandre connaissait en réalité le vrai objectif des critiques d’Aristote, qu’il a pourtant caché à ses propres lecteurs à cause de son appartenance à une secte philosophique, à savoir celle des Péripatéticiens. Les critiques d’Aristote envers Platon font preuve, selon Simplicius, du souci pédagogique du Stagirite ; elles sont mises en œuvre pour protéger les âmes philosophantes des contresens qu’elles risquent de faire en abordant des doctrines philosophiques qui sont difficilement compréhensibles. Les critiques apparentes concernent surtout la doctrine platonicienne de l’âme, comme dans le passage précédemment cité, où Aristote, selon l’interprétation que Simplicius propose contre Alexandre, se livre à une critique apparente du Timée 36e2-4 : « [L’âme], tissée à travers le ciel, du centre à l’extrémité […] commença une vie perpétuelle et raisonnable » (ἡ δὲ ἐκ μέσου πρὸς τὸν ἔσχατον οὐρανὸν πάσῃ διεκλακεῖσα […] ἤρξατο ἀθανάτου καὶ φρονίμου βίου). Si Aristote a ainsi critiqué Platon, c’est pour que les philosophes débutants ne pensent pas, à cause de l’usage en réalité métaphorique du participe διεκλακεῖσα («tissée»), que l’âme du monde, matériellement présente dans le corps céleste, le contraigne à se mouvoir en cercle, ce qui aurait deux conséquences non voulues : Que le mouvement circulaire ne serait pas le mouvement naturel du ciel, Que l’âme, exerçant une contrainte sur le ciel, ne pourrait pas vraiment mener une vie bienheureuse. La critique d’Aristote concerne aussi la thèse, intenable, selon laquelle le monde fut « engendré » (γενητός) dans le temps, thèse qu’Aristote attribue à Platon seulement à un premier niveau de lecture, en adaptant son discours au degré de connaissance des âmes philosophantes. Ces dernières n’arrivent pas encore à saisir le sens de γενητός comme renvoyant, dans le contexte du Timée, à ce qui n’est pas « auto-constituant » (αὐτοσύστατον), mais qui reçoit son existence d’une autre réalité, aussi sous un mode intemporel. Du point de vue de Simplicius, Aristote ne critique pas Platon, mais il critique en guise de préliminaire une fausse interprétation de Platon, afin que les étudiants ne soient pas amenés à croire, par leur lecture superficielle du Timée, à la création du monde. Les critiques que Simplicius adresse à Alexandre, dans son Commentaire au traité Du ciel comme dans son Commentaire à la Physique, sont toutes liées au fait que l’Aphrodisien interprète Aristote à la lettre. Cela vaut aussi pour le problème philosophique que nous nous proposons d’examiner ici, à savoir celui de savoir si l’univers a une cause efficiente ou non. [introduction p. 217-219]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/z0tM2tB9CIsYiik

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1324","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1324,"authors_free":[{"id":1958,"entry_id":1324,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":129,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","free_first_name":"Pantelis","free_last_name":"Golitsis","norm_person":{"id":129,"first_name":"Pantelis","last_name":"Golitsis","full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2379,"entry_id":1324,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":447,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Balansard, Anne","free_first_name":"Anne","free_last_name":"Balansard","norm_person":{"id":447,"first_name":"Anne","last_name":"Balansard","full_name":"Balansard, Anne","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107922548X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2384,"entry_id":1324,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":448,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Jaulin, Annick","free_first_name":"Annick","free_last_name":"Jaulin","norm_person":{"id":448,"first_name":"Annick","last_name":"Jaulin","full_name":"Jaulin, Annick","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1203571127","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Alexandre d\u2019Aphrodise, Simplicius, et la cause efficiente de l\u2019univers","main_title":{"title":"Alexandre d\u2019Aphrodise, Simplicius, et la cause efficiente de l\u2019univers"},"abstract":"Les commentaires aristot\u00e9liciens de Simplicius, du moins ceux sur le trait\u00e9 Du ciel et sur la Physique, seraient sensiblement diff\u00e9rents si l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8te n\u00e9oplatonicien n\u2019avait pas eu acc\u00e8s aux commentaires d\u2019Alexandre d\u2019Aphrodise. Simplicius appelle Alexandre \u00ab l\u2019\u00e9tudiant le plus attentif d\u2019Aristote \u00bb et ses abondantes r\u00e9f\u00e9rences aux explications de l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8te p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticien montrent de mani\u00e8re \u00e9loquente que les commentaires de ce dernier \u00e9taient pour lui des outils indispensables : ils lui ont permis d\u2019expliquer plusieurs difficult\u00e9s du texte d\u2019Aristote, exception faite des cas o\u00f9 Aristote critique (ou semble critiquer, comme dirait Simplicius lui-m\u00eame) Platon. Dans l\u2019un de ces cas, la position de Simplicius envers Alexandre est clairement exprim\u00e9e :\r\n\r\n Je crois qu\u2019Alexandre d\u2019Aphrodise, dans les autres cas, suit manifestement de belle mani\u00e8re, plus belle que celle des autres philosophes p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticiens, les discours d\u2019Aristote. Pourtant, \u00e0 propos de ce que dit Aristote contre Platon, il me semble qu\u2019il ne respecte plus le but de l\u2019antilogie d\u2019Aristote, but qui vise l\u2019apparence des discours de Platon, mais il objecte \u00e0 Platon en quelque sorte avec perfidie, puisqu\u2019il n\u2019essaie pas uniquement de r\u00e9futer, lui aussi, le sens apparent de ce que dit Platon par souci envers les gens simples, comme Aristote l\u2019a pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment fait, mais il calomnie les concepts du divin Platon et tente de tirer des conclusions qui ne suivent fr\u00e9quemment m\u00eame pas le sens apparent de son discours.\r\n\r\nPar l\u2019emploi de l\u2019adverbe \u03ba\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u03c3\u03c7\u03cc\u03bb\u03c9\u03c2 (\u00abmalicieusement\u00bb, \u00abavec perfidie\u00bb), Simplicius sugg\u00e8re \u00e0 ses lecteurs qu\u2019Alexandre connaissait en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 le vrai objectif des critiques d\u2019Aristote, qu\u2019il a pourtant cach\u00e9 \u00e0 ses propres lecteurs \u00e0 cause de son appartenance \u00e0 une secte philosophique, \u00e0 savoir celle des P\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticiens. Les critiques d\u2019Aristote envers Platon font preuve, selon Simplicius, du souci p\u00e9dagogique du Stagirite ; elles sont mises en \u0153uvre pour prot\u00e9ger les \u00e2mes philosophantes des contresens qu\u2019elles risquent de faire en abordant des doctrines philosophiques qui sont difficilement compr\u00e9hensibles.\r\n\r\nLes critiques apparentes concernent surtout la doctrine platonicienne de l\u2019\u00e2me, comme dans le passage pr\u00e9c\u00e9demment cit\u00e9, o\u00f9 Aristote, selon l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation que Simplicius propose contre Alexandre, se livre \u00e0 une critique apparente du Tim\u00e9e 36e2-4 :\r\n\r\n \u00ab [L\u2019\u00e2me], tiss\u00e9e \u00e0 travers le ciel, du centre \u00e0 l\u2019extr\u00e9mit\u00e9 [\u2026] commen\u00e7a une vie perp\u00e9tuelle et raisonnable \u00bb (\u1f21 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f10\u03ba \u03bc\u03ad\u03c3\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f14\u03c3\u03c7\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03c1\u03b1\u03bd\u1f78\u03bd \u03c0\u03ac\u03c3\u1fc3 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b5\u03ba\u03bb\u03b1\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b1 [\u2026] \u1f24\u03c1\u03be\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf \u1f00\u03b8\u03b1\u03bd\u03ac\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c6\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd\u03af\u03bc\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b2\u03af\u03bf\u03c5).\r\n\r\nSi Aristote a ainsi critiqu\u00e9 Platon, c\u2019est pour que les philosophes d\u00e9butants ne pensent pas, \u00e0 cause de l\u2019usage en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 m\u00e9taphorique du participe \u03b4\u03b9\u03b5\u03ba\u03bb\u03b1\u03ba\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b1 (\u00abtiss\u00e9e\u00bb), que l\u2019\u00e2me du monde, mat\u00e9riellement pr\u00e9sente dans le corps c\u00e9leste, le contraigne \u00e0 se mouvoir en cercle, ce qui aurait deux cons\u00e9quences non voulues :\r\n\r\n Que le mouvement circulaire ne serait pas le mouvement naturel du ciel,\r\n Que l\u2019\u00e2me, exer\u00e7ant une contrainte sur le ciel, ne pourrait pas vraiment mener une vie bienheureuse.\r\n\r\nLa critique d\u2019Aristote concerne aussi la th\u00e8se, intenable, selon laquelle le monde fut \u00ab engendr\u00e9 \u00bb (\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03cc\u03c2) dans le temps, th\u00e8se qu\u2019Aristote attribue \u00e0 Platon seulement \u00e0 un premier niveau de lecture, en adaptant son discours au degr\u00e9 de connaissance des \u00e2mes philosophantes. Ces derni\u00e8res n\u2019arrivent pas encore \u00e0 saisir le sens de \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03cc\u03c2 comme renvoyant, dans le contexte du Tim\u00e9e, \u00e0 ce qui n\u2019est pas \u00ab auto-constituant \u00bb (\u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u03c3\u03cd\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd), mais qui re\u00e7oit son existence d\u2019une autre r\u00e9alit\u00e9, aussi sous un mode intemporel.\r\n\r\nDu point de vue de Simplicius, Aristote ne critique pas Platon, mais il critique en guise de pr\u00e9liminaire une fausse interpr\u00e9tation de Platon, afin que les \u00e9tudiants ne soient pas amen\u00e9s \u00e0 croire, par leur lecture superficielle du Tim\u00e9e, \u00e0 la cr\u00e9ation du monde.\r\n\r\nLes critiques que Simplicius adresse \u00e0 Alexandre, dans son Commentaire au trait\u00e9 Du ciel comme dans son Commentaire \u00e0 la Physique, sont toutes li\u00e9es au fait que l\u2019Aphrodisien interpr\u00e8te Aristote \u00e0 la lettre. Cela vaut aussi pour le probl\u00e8me philosophique que nous nous proposons d\u2019examiner ici, \u00e0 savoir celui de savoir si l\u2019univers a une cause efficiente ou non.\r\n[introduction p. 217-219]","btype":2,"date":"2017","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/z0tM2tB9CIsYiik","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":129,"full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":447,"full_name":"Balansard, Anne","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":448,"full_name":"Jaulin, Annick","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1324,"section_of":273,"pages":"217-235","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":273,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la m\u00e9taphysique aristot\u00e9liecienne","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Balansard-Jaulin_2017","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2017","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2017","abstract":"Les neuf \u00e9tudes de ce volume portent sur le Commentaire \u00e0 la M\u00e9taphysique d'Aristote par Alexandre d'Aphrodise, \u00e9crit au tournant des IIe et IIIe si\u00e8cles. Elles ont \u00e9t\u00e9 suscit\u00e9es par le colloque international \"Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la m\u00e9taphysique aristot\u00e9licienne\", tenu \u00e0 l'Universit\u00e9 Paris 1 Panth\u00e9on-Sorbonne du 22 au 24 juin 2015. La question de la r\u00e9ception est au c\u0153ur de ces \u00e9tudes : r\u00e9ception de la M\u00e9taphysique par Alexandre, r\u00e9ception de son ex\u00e9g\u00e8se par la tradition ult\u00e9rieure. En effet, le commentaire d'Alexandre \u00e9tablit la compr\u00e9hension du texte d'Aristote \u00e0 partir du IIIe si\u00e8cle ; il servira de r\u00e9f\u00e9rence \u00e0 toutes les interpr\u00e9tations ult\u00e9rieures, qu'elles soient n\u00e9oplatoniciennes, arabes ou latines. Ces \u00e9tudes mettent en \u00e9vidence les rapports complexes entre logique, physique, philosophie premi\u00e8re et m\u00eame \u00e9thique, \u00e9tablis par le commentaire d'Alexandre. La question la plus disput\u00e9e est celle de l'usage des Cat\u00e9gories dans le commentaire \u00e0 la M\u00e9taphysique. Les neuf \u00e9tudes ont pour auteurs : Cristina Cerami, Riccardo Chiaradonna, Michel Crubellier, Silvia Fazzo, Pantelis Golitsis, Gweltaz Guyomarc'h, Annick Jaulin, Claire Louguet, Marwan Rashed.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6CJEJ5bTfAFzZdH","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":273,"pubplace":"Leuven \u2013 Paris \u2013 Bristol, CT","publisher":"Peeters","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2017]}

La réception de la théologie d’Aristote chez Michel d’Éphèse et quelques auteurs néoplatoniciens, 2017
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Baghdassarian, Fabienne (Ed.)

Title	La réception de la théologie d’Aristote chez Michel d’Éphèse et quelques auteurs néoplatoniciens
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2017
Published in	Réceptions de la théologie aristotélicienne: D'Aristote à Michel d'Ephèse
Pages	239-256
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Baghdassarian, Fabienne
Translator(s)

This text discusses the reception of Aristotelian theology by Michel of Ephesus and some Neoplatonic authors. Michel is known for his commentaries on Aristotle's works, particularly the Ethics, which he wrote at the request of Princess Anne Comnène. Michel's personal tone and spirituality in his commentaries, particularly his invocation to Christ at the end of his commentary on the Ethics, may have been influenced by his teacher, Jean Italos, who was condemned for heresy in 1082 for accepting the Platonic Model of Ideas as real. Michel's praise of his teacher revolves around the Aristotelian concept of God as pure intellection, intelligible by rational souls, and the possibility for humans to participate in this Intellection. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gn5g7p3dYNiGdlE

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Réceptions de la théologie aristotélicienne: D'Aristote à Michel d'Ephèse, 2017
By: Baghdassarian, Fabienne (Ed.), Guyomarc'h, Gweltaz (Ed.)

Title	Réceptions de la théologie aristotélicienne: D'Aristote à Michel d'Ephèse
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2017
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Peeters Publishers
Series	Aristote. Traductions Et Etudes
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Baghdassarian, Fabienne , Guyomarc'h, Gweltaz
Translator(s)

La conception aristotélicienne des principes divins est parcourue de tensions épistémologiques, archéologiques et proprement théologiques, qui constituent à la fois un défi pour Aristote lui-même et un ensemble de problèmes qu'il lègue à la tradition, qu'elle se revendique de lui, ou se fasse critique à son égard. Restituée au mouvement de la tradition, aux vicissitudes de ses relectures, la théologie aristotélicienne voit s'actualiser les potentialités qu'elle portait en son sein, et qu'Aristote lui-même, déjà, commençait d'explorer. Ce volume, sans prétendre à l'exhaustivité, souhaite, par la diversité de ses contributions, donner à lire quelques-unes de ces actualisations, qu'elles soient exégétiques ou polémiques, et tracer quelques linéaments de leurs effets historiques. [Editor's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QiCqTTrNNH1upWZ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1327","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1327,"authors_free":[{"id":1960,"entry_id":1327,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":130,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Baghdassarian, Fabienne","free_first_name":" Fabienne","free_last_name":"Baghdassarian","norm_person":{"id":130,"first_name":"Fabienne","last_name":"Baghdassarian","full_name":"Baghdassarian, Fabienne","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1116095602","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2806,"entry_id":1327,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Guyomarc'h, Gweltaz","free_first_name":"Gweltaz","free_last_name":"Guyomarc'h","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"R\u00e9ceptions de la th\u00e9ologie aristot\u00e9licienne: D'Aristote \u00e0 Michel d'Eph\u00e8se","main_title":{"title":"R\u00e9ceptions de la th\u00e9ologie aristot\u00e9licienne: D'Aristote \u00e0 Michel d'Eph\u00e8se"},"abstract":"La conception aristot\u00e9licienne des principes divins est parcourue de tensions \u00e9pist\u00e9mologiques, arch\u00e9ologiques et proprement th\u00e9ologiques, qui constituent \u00e0 la fois un d\u00e9fi pour Aristote lui-m\u00eame et un ensemble de probl\u00e8mes qu'il l\u00e8gue \u00e0 la tradition, qu'elle se revendique de lui, ou se fasse critique \u00e0 son \u00e9gard. Restitu\u00e9e au mouvement de la tradition, aux vicissitudes de ses relectures, la th\u00e9ologie aristot\u00e9licienne voit s'actualiser les potentialit\u00e9s qu'elle portait en son sein, et qu'Aristote lui-m\u00eame, d\u00e9j\u00e0, commen\u00e7ait d'explorer. Ce volume, sans pr\u00e9tendre \u00e0 l'exhaustivit\u00e9, souhaite, par la diversit\u00e9 de ses contributions, donner \u00e0 lire quelques-unes de ces actualisations, qu'elles soient ex\u00e9g\u00e9tiques ou pol\u00e9miques, et tracer quelques lin\u00e9aments de leurs effets historiques. [Editor's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2017","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/QiCqTTrNNH1upWZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":130,"full_name":"Baghdassarian, Fabienne","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1327,"pubplace":"Leuven","publisher":"Peeters Publishers","series":"Aristote. Traductions Et Etudes","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2017]}

How Can the Perceptible World be Perceptible? Proclus on the Causes of Perceptibility, 2017
By: Van Riel, Gerd, Roskam, Geert (Ed.), Verheyden, Joseph (Ed.)

Title	How Can the Perceptible World be Perceptible? Proclus on the Causes of Perceptibility
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2017
Published in	Light on Creation. Ancient Commentators in Dialogue and Debate on the Origin of the World
Pages	49-59
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Van Riel, Gerd
Editor(s)	Roskam, Geert , Verheyden, Joseph
Translator(s)

This article explores the problem of how perceptibility can arise in a Platonic universe where causes are always immaterial. Dualistic accounts that posit irreducible differences between the res extensa and the res cogitans fail to explain the existence of the material world, which the Neoplatonists endorse as a monistic system where every possible part of the universe is ultimately produced by the First Principle. Proclus provides a subtle answer to this problem by arguing that perceptibility is not something matter has out of itself, but is the effect of a gift of the Demiurge. The ten gifts of the Demiurge are given in the third book of Proclus' Commentary on the Timaeus, with perceptibility being the first gift that determines the lower part of the cosmos, i.e., the corporeal realm. This article argues that perceptibility is not the effect of quantity as such but of the presence of qualities in the bulk that moulds it into the four primordial elements, and it ultimately brings the sensible realm back to intelligible causes. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KrcI8dAakPuz3gf

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1389","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1389,"authors_free":[{"id":2150,"entry_id":1389,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":105,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Van Riel, Gerd","free_first_name":"Gerd","free_last_name":"Van Riel","norm_person":{"id":105,"first_name":"Gerd ","last_name":"Van Riel","full_name":"Van Riel, Gerd ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140513264","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2153,"entry_id":1389,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":345,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Roskam, Geert","free_first_name":"Geert","free_last_name":"Roskam","norm_person":{"id":345,"first_name":"Geert","last_name":"Roskam","full_name":"Roskam, Geert","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1076800238","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2154,"entry_id":1389,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":346,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Verheyden, Joseph","free_first_name":"Joseph","free_last_name":"Verheyden","norm_person":{"id":346,"first_name":"Joseph","last_name":"Verheyden","full_name":"Verheyden, Joseph","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138082944","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"How Can the Perceptible World be Perceptible? Proclus on the Causes of Perceptibility","main_title":{"title":"How Can the Perceptible World be Perceptible? Proclus on the Causes of Perceptibility"},"abstract":"This article explores the problem of how perceptibility can arise in a Platonic universe where causes are always immaterial. Dualistic accounts that posit irreducible differences between the res extensa and the res cogitans fail to explain the existence of the material world, which the Neoplatonists endorse as a monistic system where every possible part of the universe is ultimately produced by the First Principle. Proclus provides a subtle answer to this problem by arguing that perceptibility is not something matter has out of itself, but is the effect of a gift of the Demiurge. The ten gifts of the Demiurge are given in the third book of Proclus' Commentary on the Timaeus, with perceptibility being the first gift that determines the lower part of the cosmos, i.e., the corporeal realm. This article argues that perceptibility is not the effect of quantity as such but of the presence of qualities in the bulk that moulds it into the four primordial elements, and it ultimately brings the sensible realm back to intelligible causes. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":2,"date":"2017","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KrcI8dAakPuz3gf","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":105,"full_name":"Van Riel, Gerd ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":345,"full_name":"Roskam, Geert","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":346,"full_name":"Verheyden, Joseph","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1389,"section_of":1390,"pages":"49-59","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1390,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Light on Creation. Ancient Commentators in Dialogue and Debate on the Origin of the World","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Roskam_Verheyden2017","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2017","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"The present volume contains the proceedings of an international colloquium held in February 2015 at the Arts Faculty of the KU Leuven that brought together specialists in (late) ancient philosophy and early Christian studies. Contributors were asked to reflect on the reception of two foundational texts dealing with the origin of the world - the third book of Plato's Timaeus and the Genesis account of the creation. The organizers had a double aim: They wished to offer a forum for furthering the dialogue between colleagues working in these respective fields and to do this by studying in a comparative perspective both a crucial topic shared by these traditions and the literary genres through which this topic was developed and transmitted. The two reference texts have been studied in antiquity in a selective way, through citations and essays dealing with specific issues, and in a more systematic way through commentaries. The book is divided into three parts. The first one deals with the so-called Middle- and Neoplatonic tradition. The second part is dedicated to the Christian tradition and contains papers on several of the more important Christian authors who dealt with the Hexaemeron. The third part is entitled \"Some Other Voices\" and deals with authors and movements that combine elements from various traditions. Special attention is given to the nature and dynamics of the often close relationship between the various traditions as envisaged by Jewish-Christian authors and to the remarkable lack of interest from the Neoplatonists for \"the other side\". [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/UyhI8rvumD2a8sx","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1390,"pubplace":"T\u00fcbingen","publisher":"Mohr Siebeck","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2017]}

Light on Creation. Ancient Commentators in Dialogue and Debate on the Origin of the World, 2017
By: Roskam, Geert (Ed.), Verheyden, Joseph (Ed.)

Title	Light on Creation. Ancient Commentators in Dialogue and Debate on the Origin of the World
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2017
Publication Place	Tübingen
Publisher	Mohr Siebeck
Series	Studies and Texts in Antiquity and Christianity
Volume	104
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Roskam, Geert , Verheyden, Joseph
Translator(s)

The present volume contains the proceedings of an international colloquium held in February 2015 at the Arts Faculty of the KU Leuven that brought together specialists in (late) ancient philosophy and early Christian studies. Contributors were asked to reflect on the reception of two foundational texts dealing with the origin of the world - the third book of Plato's Timaeus and the Genesis account of the creation. The organizers had a double aim: They wished to offer a forum for furthering the dialogue between colleagues working in these respective fields and to do this by studying in a comparative perspective both a crucial topic shared by these traditions and the literary genres through which this topic was developed and transmitted. The two reference texts have been studied in antiquity in a selective way, through citations and essays dealing with specific issues, and in a more systematic way through commentaries. The book is divided into three parts. The first one deals with the so-called Middle- and Neoplatonic tradition. The second part is dedicated to the Christian tradition and contains papers on several of the more important Christian authors who dealt with the Hexaemeron. The third part is entitled "Some Other Voices" and deals with authors and movements that combine elements from various traditions. Special attention is given to the nature and dynamics of the often close relationship between the various traditions as envisaged by Jewish-Christian authors and to the remarkable lack of interest from the Neoplatonists for "the other side". [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RheO6AHLHlNX3zp

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1390","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1390,"authors_free":[{"id":2151,"entry_id":1390,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":345,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Roskam, Geert","free_first_name":"Geert","free_last_name":"Roskam","norm_person":{"id":345,"first_name":"Geert","last_name":"Roskam","full_name":"Roskam, Geert","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1076800238","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2152,"entry_id":1390,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":346,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Verheyden, Joseph","free_first_name":"Joseph","free_last_name":"Verheyden","norm_person":{"id":346,"first_name":"Joseph","last_name":"Verheyden","full_name":"Verheyden, Joseph","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138082944","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Light on Creation. Ancient Commentators in Dialogue and Debate on the Origin of the World","main_title":{"title":"Light on Creation. Ancient Commentators in Dialogue and Debate on the Origin of the World"},"abstract":"The present volume contains the proceedings of an international colloquium held in February 2015 at the Arts Faculty of the KU Leuven that brought together specialists in (late) ancient philosophy and early Christian studies. Contributors were asked to reflect on the reception of two foundational texts dealing with the origin of the world - the third book of Plato's Timaeus and the Genesis account of the creation. The organizers had a double aim: They wished to offer a forum for furthering the dialogue between colleagues working in these respective fields and to do this by studying in a comparative perspective both a crucial topic shared by these traditions and the literary genres through which this topic was developed and transmitted. The two reference texts have been studied in antiquity in a selective way, through citations and essays dealing with specific issues, and in a more systematic way through commentaries. The book is divided into three parts. The first one deals with the so-called Middle- and Neoplatonic tradition. The second part is dedicated to the Christian tradition and contains papers on several of the more important Christian authors who dealt with the Hexaemeron. The third part is entitled \"Some Other Voices\" and deals with authors and movements that combine elements from various traditions. Special attention is given to the nature and dynamics of the often close relationship between the various traditions as envisaged by Jewish-Christian authors and to the remarkable lack of interest from the Neoplatonists for \"the other side\". [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2017","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RheO6AHLHlNX3zp","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":345,"full_name":"Roskam, Geert","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":346,"full_name":"Verheyden, Joseph","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1390,"pubplace":"T\u00fcbingen","publisher":"Mohr Siebeck","series":"Studies and Texts in Antiquity and Christianity","volume":"104","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2017]}

Zum Problem der Gattung des Seienden bei Marius Victorinus und im antiken Neuplatonismus, 2017
By: Němec, Václav

Title	Zum Problem der Gattung des Seienden bei Marius Victorinus und im antiken Neuplatonismus
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2017
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie (Neue Folge)
Volume	160
Pages	161-193
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Němec, Václav
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The article is concerned with the problem of the genus of being in Neoplatonism. Specifically, it focuses on Pierre Hadot’s hypothesis, according to which some Neoplatonic authors, such as Porphyry, and under his influence Marius Victorinus and Dexippus, presupposed a common genus of being or substance in the Aristotelian sense, encompassing various ontological levels of the Platonic universe, namely the intelligible and sensible being or substance. A comprehensive analysis of relevant texts of Neoplatonic interpreters of and commentators on Aristotle’s writings shows that Hadot’s hypothesis is not tenable. In fact, Neoplatonists from Plotinus to Porphyry and Dexippus to Simplicius presupposed one genus of intelligible substance, which is the source of being for every other substance, including the sensible substance. Nevertheless, the intelligible substance or being is the "highest genus" only in the sense of Plato’s Sophist, and not in the sense of Aristotle’s Categories. Accordingly, the relationship between the highest "genus" and other "arts" of substance is not regarded as one of synonymy but as one of homonymy. More precisely, this is not homonymy "by chance" but homonymy "by intention," which can be specified as homonymy "based on analogy," "based on derivation from a single source," or "based on relation to a single thing." Moreover, the author argues that the crucial passage from Victorinus’s Against Arius Ib, which Hadot considered the main basis for his hypothesis, allows an alternative reading that is fully in accordance with the Neoplatonic doctrine as reconstructed in the article. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1R6jT31lIQv4mO1

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The interpretation of Aristotle’s Categories in the Neoplatonic Commentary Tradition, 2017
By: Hauer, Mareike, D'Anna, Giuseppe (Ed.), Fossati, Lorenzo (Ed.)

Title	The interpretation of Aristotle’s Categories in the Neoplatonic Commentary Tradition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2017
Published in	Categories. Histories and Perspectives
Pages	35-48
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)	D'Anna, Giuseppe , Fossati, Lorenzo
Translator(s)

The present contribution deals with the exegesis of Aristotle’s Categories in the Neoplatonic commentaries. While Plotinus discusses Aristotle’s Categories in the course of his presentation of the Platonic metaphysical framework, later Neoplatonists, starting from Porphyry, comment on Aristotle’s Categories as a whole. There are eight Neoplatonic commentaries on Aristotle’s Categories that are still extant: the shorter of two commentaries by Porphyry, an equally short one by Dexippus, and the commentaries by Ammonius, Simplicius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus, David (Elias), and Boethius. References and remarks in these commentaries suggest that there have been further Neoplatonic commentaries, such as a commentary by Iamblichus. The present contribution focuses on two aspects of the Neoplatonic exegesis of Aristotle’s Categories: 1) the question of the Categories’ aim or purpose and 2) the understanding of the Aristotelian categories as predicates. In order to shed light on the first question, we will have a closer look at the Neoplatonic debate on the Categories’ σκοπός, i.e., its aim or purpose. The determination of a treatise’s σκοπός was conceived to be of utmost importance by Neoplatonists. Simplicius, for example, says: “For the goal (σκοπός), once correctly identified, defines and rectifies our thought, so that we are not vainly transported about in every direction, but refer everything to it.”¹ However, while many Neoplatonists agree on the importance of the σκοπός, they do not agree on the content of the Categories’ σκοπός. We will have a closer look at Simplicius’ presentation of the different positions, as he deals with them individually and discusses them thoroughly. However, we will also compare it with the remarks by other Neoplatonists. There are extensive and comprehensive scholarly articles that deal with the σκοπός debate in Neoplatonic commentaries and especially with Simplicius’ presentation of the σκοπός debate (see especially Hoffmann 1987), so that the present contribution should rather be regarded as an overview of, or introduction to, the topic. The contribution, moreover, also aims at connecting the debate with the Neoplatonic interpretation of the Aristotelian categories. Many Neoplatonists conceived of the Aristotelian categories as being only applicable to the sensible realm, i.e., the lowest level within the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework. Interestingly, their presentation of the Aristotelian categories involves different descriptions such as “highest genera,” “highest predicates,” or “common items.” I will focus on the Neoplatonic description of the Aristotelian categories as predicates and the fact that, though Neoplatonists commonly designate the categories as predicates, they do not all refer to the same meaning. For all the descriptions entail different theoretical contexts—participation, predication, and universality—which, in turn, stem from complex doctrinal discussions of different philosophical schools. [introduction p. 35-36]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rAqaBbReFwMMBhs

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While Plotinus discusses Aristotle\u2019s Categories in the course of his presentation of the Platonic metaphysical framework, later Neoplatonists, starting from Porphyry, comment on Aristotle\u2019s Categories as a whole. There are eight Neoplatonic commentaries on Aristotle\u2019s Categories that are still extant: the shorter of two commentaries by Porphyry, an equally short one by Dexippus, and the commentaries by Ammonius, Simplicius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus, David (Elias), and Boethius. References and remarks in these commentaries suggest that there have been further Neoplatonic commentaries, such as a commentary by Iamblichus.\r\n\r\nThe present contribution focuses on two aspects of the Neoplatonic exegesis of Aristotle\u2019s Categories: 1) the question of the Categories\u2019 aim or purpose and 2) the understanding of the Aristotelian categories as predicates. In order to shed light on the first question, we will have a closer look at the Neoplatonic debate on the Categories\u2019 \u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2, i.e., its aim or purpose. The determination of a treatise\u2019s \u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2 was conceived to be of utmost importance by Neoplatonists. Simplicius, for example, says:\r\n\r\n \u201cFor the goal (\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2), once correctly identified, defines and rectifies our thought, so that we are not vainly transported about in every direction, but refer everything to it.\u201d\u00b9\r\n\r\nHowever, while many Neoplatonists agree on the importance of the \u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2, they do not agree on the content of the Categories\u2019 \u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2. We will have a closer look at Simplicius\u2019 presentation of the different positions, as he deals with them individually and discusses them thoroughly. However, we will also compare it with the remarks by other Neoplatonists.\r\n\r\nThere are extensive and comprehensive scholarly articles that deal with the \u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2 debate in Neoplatonic commentaries and especially with Simplicius\u2019 presentation of the \u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2 debate (see especially Hoffmann 1987), so that the present contribution should rather be regarded as an overview of, or introduction to, the topic. The contribution, moreover, also aims at connecting the debate with the Neoplatonic interpretation of the Aristotelian categories. Many Neoplatonists conceived of the Aristotelian categories as being only applicable to the sensible realm, i.e., the lowest level within the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework.\r\n\r\nInterestingly, their presentation of the Aristotelian categories involves different descriptions such as \u201chighest genera,\u201d \u201chighest predicates,\u201d or \u201ccommon items.\u201d I will focus on the Neoplatonic description of the Aristotelian categories as predicates and the fact that, though Neoplatonists commonly designate the categories as predicates, they do not all refer to the same meaning. For all the descriptions entail different theoretical contexts\u2014participation, predication, and universality\u2014which, in turn, stem from complex doctrinal discussions of different philosophical schools. [introduction p. 35-36]","btype":2,"date":"2017","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rAqaBbReFwMMBhs","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":174,"full_name":"Hauer, Mareike","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":388,"full_name":"D'Anna, Giuseppe","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":389,"full_name":"Fossati, Lorenzo","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1407,"section_of":1408,"pages":"35-48","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1408,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Categories. Histories and Perspectives","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2017","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2am9O0Ljwyc5hy1","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1408,"pubplace":"Hildesheim, Zurich, New York","publisher":"Georg Olms Verlag","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2017]}

Categories. Histories and Perspectives, 2017
By: D'Anna, Giuseppe (Ed.), Fossati, Lorenzo (Ed.)

Title	Categories. Histories and Perspectives
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2017
Publication Place	Hildesheim, Zurich, New York
Publisher	Georg Olms Verlag
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	D'Anna, Giuseppe , Fossati, Lorenzo
Translator(s)

The reflection upon the categories leaves a fundamental mark in the history of philosophy. By theorizing such issue, philosophy gains a meta-reflexive feature, which is probably one of the most distinguishing traits of this kind of knowledge, including its method. In the history of philosophy, the question of the categories has been gradually investigated and clarified but it still remains to be solved. Therefore, from a philosophical perspective, the history of the categories is far from coming to an end: since ancient times, it has been debated and discussed, thus revealing all its theoretical potential. Such a broad history should be taken into account by any present study that wants to represent a real progress in the research, in order to avoid repeating errors that have been already made in the past. Among other things, this is one of the objectives of the present volume, which comes from the will to describe some paths and perspectives of this history, without claiming to deliver an exhaustive overview and rather representing the first partial contribution to a wider project. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5WHKZ8gLcfcivZ4

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Parmenide neoplatonico: intorno a un nuovo studio sulla presenza di Parmenide nel commento alla Fisica di Simplicio (Book discussion of: Ivan A. Licciardi, Parmenide tràdito, Parmenide tradìto nel commentario di Simplicio alla Fisica di Aristotele (Symbolon 42), Sankt Augustin, Academia Verlag, 2016), 2017
By: Hoine, Pieter d’

Title	Parmenide neoplatonico: intorno a un nuovo studio sulla presenza di Parmenide nel commento alla Fisica di Simplicio (Book discussion of: Ivan A. Licciardi, Parmenide tràdito, Parmenide tradìto nel commentario di Simplicio alla Fisica di Aristotele (Symbolon 42), Sankt Augustin, Academia Verlag, 2016)
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2017
Journal	Méthexis
Volume	29
Issue	1
Pages	188-198
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoine, Pieter d’
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In conclusione, mi permetto ancora alcune osservazioni sulla forma di quest’opera. Benché Simplicio apprezzi la laconicità (cioè la famosa brachylogia) degli antichi, credo che nessuno abbia mai pensato che il commentatore tenti di imitarla. Anzi, i suoi commentari sono caratterizzati da una certa prolissità e da ripetizioni che non sempre sono necessitate da bisogni esegetici. Per di più, il filo conduttore delle sue analisi è spesso interrotto da discussioni dossografiche o da digressioni che sono sì interessanti, ma non sempre pertinenti all’esegesi del testo in considerazione. Temo che anche il commentario di Ivan Licciardi non sia del tutto privo di queste imperfezioni. Inoltre, penso che alcune scelte formali – come quella di presentare il greco non a fronte della traduzione, ma piuttosto di seguito, e quella di non usare note nella parte del commentario – non abbiano contribuito a rendere più facile la navigazione attraverso le ricche informazioni che questo libro offre. Sotto questi aspetti, il libro ha l’impronta di un’opera prima, ma va detto che nella sua premessa l’autore stesso se ne mostra ben conscio (p. 19). Esprimendo queste riserve, non ho l’intenzione di ridurre i meriti di questo studio né di sollevare dubbi sul contributo dato da questo libro alla nostra comprensione dei temi discussi. Il merito di questo libro è soprattutto quello di aver consentito una migliore comprensione del contesto storico e filosofico in cui e delle ragioni per cui Simplicio ci ha trasmesso Parmenide. Anche se questo libro può aiutare gli studiosi dei presocratici a contestualizzare la loro stessa interpretazione del filosofo di Elea, è soprattutto agli studi neoplatonici che l’autore contribuisce. Infatti, il Parmenide di Simplicio è innanzitutto un Parmenide neoplatonico. Il senso storico e critico moderno fanno sì che noi non abbiamo più a nostra disposizione quella chiave ermeneutica neoplatonica che consiste nel riferire contraddizioni apparenti a diversi piani della realtà presenti solo implicitamente nel pensiero degli autori che studiamo. Il nostro obiettivo non è più quello di difendere la fondamentale unità del pensiero antico contro i cristiani né quello di mostrare la verità eternamente infallibile del platonismo. Diversamente, pensiamo che sia più sensato rintracciare non solo i punti di accordo, ma anche le discordanze e le discontinuità nella storia del pensiero, in cui lo stesso Simplicio merita una posizione di rilievo. L’interpretazione simpliciana di Parmenide ha sì ‘salvato’ parecchie linee del Poema dall’oblio, ma il prezzo che l’Eleate ha pagato è stato quello di essere stato forzato, nelle parole di Licciardi, in una ‘griglia concettuale totalmente estranea alla logica del Poema’ (p. 43). L’ironia di questa vicenda è che sia stato proprio l’intento di Simplicio di coltivare l’amicizia con tutti i filosofi pagani ad averlo spinto, in fin dei conti, a tradire tutti. [conclusion p. 197-198]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AZQTPKFglABgm9k

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Les principes cosmologiques du Platonisme : origines, influences et systématisation, 2017
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine (Ed.), Michalewski, Alexandra (Ed.)

Title	Les principes cosmologiques du Platonisme : origines, influences et systématisation
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2017
Publication Place	Turnhout
Publisher	Brepols
Series	Monothéisme et philosophie
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine , Michalewski, Alexandra
Translator(s)

Ce volume étudie les mutations de sens que la notion de principe a connues au sein de la cosmologie platonicienne, depuis l’ancienne Académie jusqu’au néoplatonisme tardif. Dans cet intervalle, la question de la nature et du nombre des principes cosmologiques est apparue comme un enjeu central de la défense du platonisme, dans sa confrontation avec les écoles rivales, mais aussi, à partir de l’époque impériale, avec le christianisme. Au sein de cette histoire, les critiques et réceptions aristotéliciennes ont joué un rôle déterminant et ont, d'un certain point de vue, préparé le tournant inauguré par Plotin : de Théophraste, qui le premier articule la causalité du Premier Moteur et l'héritage platonicien des Formes intelligibles, à Alexandre d'Aphrodise, qui critique l'anthropomorphisme inhérent aux théories providentialistes des platoniciens impériaux, les exégètes péripatéticiens ont ouvert des pistes qui seront adaptées et transformées à travers les différents systèmes néoplatoniciens. Reprenant à Alexandre sa critique des conceptions artificialistes de la cosmologie platonicienne, Plotin s'oppose à lui pour défendre l'efficience causale des Formes intelligibles, qu'il définit comme des réalités vivantes et intellectives, en les insérant dans un système de dérivation de toutes choses depuis l'Un. À sa suite, les différents diadoques néoplatoniciens placeront la vie au cœur du monde intelligible, définissant les Formes comme des réalités vivantes et intellectives dotées d’une efficience propre　: la puissance de faire advenir des réalités dérivées. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xevkNHC2VXe7Wgm

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Une histoire néoplatonicienne des principes Simplicius, In Phys., I, 1-2, 2017
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine, Gavray, Marc-Antoine (Ed.), Michalewski, Alexandra (Ed.)

Title	Une histoire néoplatonicienne des principes Simplicius, In Phys., I, 1-2
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2017
Published in	Les principes cosmologiques du Platonisme : origines, influences et systématisation
Pages	249-272
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine , Michalewski, Alexandra
Translator(s)

Saisir le but (σκοπός) de la Physique, souligne Simplicius au début de son Commentaire, implique de la situer au sein de la partie physique de la philosophie, voire de la philosophie d’Aristote dans son ensemble. Elle concerne « les principes de toutes les réalités naturelles en tant que naturelles, c’est-à-dire corporelles ». Par ces mots, Simplicius indique qu’en tant que science des principes, la Physique se place dans une perspective immanente, à la différence de l’approche (platonicienne) qui vise les principes transcendants des êtres naturels. Le présent traité a pour but d’enseigner ce qui appartient en commun à toutes les réalités naturelles en tant qu’elles sont naturelles, c’est-à-dire corporelles. Ce qui leur est commun, ce sont les principes et leurs concomitants. Les principes sont les causes dites au sens propre et les causes accessoires. Selon eux [i.e. les Péripatéticiens], les causes sont la cause productrice et la cause finale, les causes accessoires la forme, la matière et, en général, les éléments. Platon ajoute aux causes la cause paradigmatique, aux causes accessoires la cause instrumentale. La Physique concerne les principes et les concomitants communs, immanents, aux réalités naturelles. Simplicius identifie les principes aux quatre causes, qu’il répartit en deux groupes. Il reconnaît une supériorité à la cause productrice et à la cause finale, ce dont il trouve l’indice dans l’ordre que suit Aristote : matérielle et formelle, puis productrice et finale. Les premières sont des causes immanentes contenues dans le produit, les secondes des causes transcendantes et séparées de lui. Ces dernières sont plus proprement principes au sens où elles désignent ce d’où le produit provient et à quoi il retourne, tout en différant de lui. La séparation renferme le moyen d’en sortir, appelant à une transcendance qui reste néanmoins sur le même plan, celui de la physique. À ce degré, la séparation ne signifie pas la supériorité ontologique du principe, mais seulement son extériorité. De cette distinction, Simplicius conclut qu’Aristote mène une étude conversive des causes, puisqu’il part de la plus basse (la cause matérielle étudiée par les anciens qui ramenaient toute explication à la matière) et termine par la plus éminente (la cause finale, préoccupation ultime du physicien selon le Phédon, où Socrate enjoint à chercher ce en vue de quoi est ce qui vient à exister). Ce faisant, il souligne le soin permanent d’Aristote à provoquer chez le lecteur une prise de conscience progressive de la nécessité de dépasser le plan de la physique pour s’élever à d’autres principes de la nature. La conversion qu’Aristote opère reste néanmoins dans le plan d’immanence des réalités naturelles en tant que naturelles, car la Physique évacue deux types de causes, plus proprement platoniciennes : la cause paradigmatique et la cause instrumentale. Simplicius ne s’étend pas sur cette décision dans son introduction, mais il faut poursuivre le Commentaire pour en trouver les raisons. La cause paradigmatique se distingue de la cause formelle par sa transcendance. Elle est le modèle intellectif qui préside à l’information selon l’aptitude de ce qui le reçoit, « l’essence idéale par soi à l’image de laquelle est façonné ce qui est ici-bas ». Quant à la cause instrumentale, elle se distingue de la cause productrice comme ce au moyen de quoi (δι’ οὗ) à l’égard de ce par quoi (ὑφ’ οὗ) : elle est en quelque sorte une cause productrice intermédiaire et imparfaite, au sens où elle meut tout en étant elle-même mue. Si elle est absente de la Physique, c’est en raison de sa fonction première : commentant le Timée, Proclus explique que la cause instrumentale désigne le principe directement moteur de la matière et de la forme, mais dont le statut est intermédiaire car son rôle moteur provient d’un principe supérieur. Par là, il désigne plus précisément l’Âme du monde, dont la motricité procède ultimement du Démiurge. On le voit, ces deux causes n’ont pas leur place dans la Physique, parce qu’elles font intervenir des principes supérieurs aux réalités naturelles en tant que naturelles : les Idées et le Démiurge. En résumé, la Physique s’occupe des formes dans la matière, les formes non séparées, et elle actualise la cognition en puissance de l’intellect qui se produit au moyen de la sensation et de la représentation. Autrement dit, elle vise à comprendre les formes dans la matière grâce aux modes de connaissance qui leur sont adaptés, sans faire appel à d’autres modes supérieurs de compréhension. En tant que partie de la philosophie, elle examine les principes nécessaires pour saisir le monde (sensible) dans lequel nous vivons, d’un point de vue qui lui est propre et immanent. Sur cette base, je voudrais examiner où Simplicius situe la Physique dans l’histoire de la philosophie, et en particulier dans l’histoire des principes de la nature, en prenant pour cadre la systématicité qu’il trouve chez les philosophes présocratiques. Il s’agira d’un côté de comprendre comment ces principes s’articulent à ceux privilégiés par les formes concurrentes de la physique, celles qui traitent des causes supérieures, et de l’autre de montrer en quoi les Présocratiques expliquent le développement à la fois historique et taxinomique du système physique du néoplatonisme tardif. [introduction p. 249-251]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JiUJD0OfD6bN2xM

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1503","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1503,"authors_free":[{"id":2611,"entry_id":1503,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":125,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","free_first_name":"Marc-Antoine","free_last_name":"Gavray","norm_person":{"id":125,"first_name":"Marc-Antoine","last_name":"Gavray","full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1078511411","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2612,"entry_id":1503,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":125,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","free_first_name":"Marc-Antoine","free_last_name":"Gavray","norm_person":{"id":125,"first_name":"Marc-Antoine","last_name":"Gavray","full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1078511411","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2613,"entry_id":1503,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":553,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Michalewski, Alexandra","free_first_name":"Alexandra","free_last_name":"Michalewski","norm_person":{"id":553,"first_name":"Alexandra","last_name":"Michalewski","full_name":"Michalewski, Alexandra","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1194315127","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Une histoire n\u00e9oplatonicienne des principes Simplicius, In Phys., I, 1-2","main_title":{"title":"Une histoire n\u00e9oplatonicienne des principes Simplicius, In Phys., I, 1-2"},"abstract":"Saisir le but (\u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2) de la Physique, souligne Simplicius au d\u00e9but de son Commentaire, implique de la situer au sein de la partie physique de la philosophie, voire de la philosophie d\u2019Aristote dans son ensemble. Elle concerne \u00ab les principes de toutes les r\u00e9alit\u00e9s naturelles en tant que naturelles, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire corporelles \u00bb. Par ces mots, Simplicius indique qu\u2019en tant que science des principes, la Physique se place dans une perspective immanente, \u00e0 la diff\u00e9rence de l\u2019approche (platonicienne) qui vise les principes transcendants des \u00eatres naturels.\r\n\r\nLe pr\u00e9sent trait\u00e9 a pour but d\u2019enseigner ce qui appartient en commun \u00e0 toutes les r\u00e9alit\u00e9s naturelles en tant qu\u2019elles sont naturelles, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire corporelles. Ce qui leur est commun, ce sont les principes et leurs concomitants. Les principes sont les causes dites au sens propre et les causes accessoires. Selon eux [i.e. les P\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticiens], les causes sont la cause productrice et la cause finale, les causes accessoires la forme, la mati\u00e8re et, en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, les \u00e9l\u00e9ments. Platon ajoute aux causes la cause paradigmatique, aux causes accessoires la cause instrumentale.\r\n\r\nLa Physique concerne les principes et les concomitants communs, immanents, aux r\u00e9alit\u00e9s naturelles. Simplicius identifie les principes aux quatre causes, qu\u2019il r\u00e9partit en deux groupes. Il reconna\u00eet une sup\u00e9riorit\u00e9 \u00e0 la cause productrice et \u00e0 la cause finale, ce dont il trouve l\u2019indice dans l\u2019ordre que suit Aristote : mat\u00e9rielle et formelle, puis productrice et finale. Les premi\u00e8res sont des causes immanentes contenues dans le produit, les secondes des causes transcendantes et s\u00e9par\u00e9es de lui. Ces derni\u00e8res sont plus proprement principes au sens o\u00f9 elles d\u00e9signent ce d\u2019o\u00f9 le produit provient et \u00e0 quoi il retourne, tout en diff\u00e9rant de lui. La s\u00e9paration renferme le moyen d\u2019en sortir, appelant \u00e0 une transcendance qui reste n\u00e9anmoins sur le m\u00eame plan, celui de la physique. \u00c0 ce degr\u00e9, la s\u00e9paration ne signifie pas la sup\u00e9riorit\u00e9 ontologique du principe, mais seulement son ext\u00e9riorit\u00e9.\r\n\r\nDe cette distinction, Simplicius conclut qu\u2019Aristote m\u00e8ne une \u00e9tude conversive des causes, puisqu\u2019il part de la plus basse (la cause mat\u00e9rielle \u00e9tudi\u00e9e par les anciens qui ramenaient toute explication \u00e0 la mati\u00e8re) et termine par la plus \u00e9minente (la cause finale, pr\u00e9occupation ultime du physicien selon le Ph\u00e9don, o\u00f9 Socrate enjoint \u00e0 chercher ce en vue de quoi est ce qui vient \u00e0 exister). Ce faisant, il souligne le soin permanent d\u2019Aristote \u00e0 provoquer chez le lecteur une prise de conscience progressive de la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de d\u00e9passer le plan de la physique pour s\u2019\u00e9lever \u00e0 d\u2019autres principes de la nature. La conversion qu\u2019Aristote op\u00e8re reste n\u00e9anmoins dans le plan d\u2019immanence des r\u00e9alit\u00e9s naturelles en tant que naturelles, car la Physique \u00e9vacue deux types de causes, plus proprement platoniciennes : la cause paradigmatique et la cause instrumentale.\r\n\r\nSimplicius ne s\u2019\u00e9tend pas sur cette d\u00e9cision dans son introduction, mais il faut poursuivre le Commentaire pour en trouver les raisons. La cause paradigmatique se distingue de la cause formelle par sa transcendance. Elle est le mod\u00e8le intellectif qui pr\u00e9side \u00e0 l\u2019information selon l\u2019aptitude de ce qui le re\u00e7oit, \u00ab l\u2019essence id\u00e9ale par soi \u00e0 l\u2019image de laquelle est fa\u00e7onn\u00e9 ce qui est ici-bas \u00bb. Quant \u00e0 la cause instrumentale, elle se distingue de la cause productrice comme ce au moyen de quoi (\u03b4\u03b9\u2019 \u03bf\u1f57) \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9gard de ce par quoi (\u1f51\u03c6\u2019 \u03bf\u1f57) : elle est en quelque sorte une cause productrice interm\u00e9diaire et imparfaite, au sens o\u00f9 elle meut tout en \u00e9tant elle-m\u00eame mue. Si elle est absente de la Physique, c\u2019est en raison de sa fonction premi\u00e8re : commentant le Tim\u00e9e, Proclus explique que la cause instrumentale d\u00e9signe le principe directement moteur de la mati\u00e8re et de la forme, mais dont le statut est interm\u00e9diaire car son r\u00f4le moteur provient d\u2019un principe sup\u00e9rieur. Par l\u00e0, il d\u00e9signe plus pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment l\u2019\u00c2me du monde, dont la motricit\u00e9 proc\u00e8de ultimement du D\u00e9miurge. On le voit, ces deux causes n\u2019ont pas leur place dans la Physique, parce qu\u2019elles font intervenir des principes sup\u00e9rieurs aux r\u00e9alit\u00e9s naturelles en tant que naturelles : les Id\u00e9es et le D\u00e9miurge.\r\n\r\nEn r\u00e9sum\u00e9, la Physique s\u2019occupe des formes dans la mati\u00e8re, les formes non s\u00e9par\u00e9es, et elle actualise la cognition en puissance de l\u2019intellect qui se produit au moyen de la sensation et de la repr\u00e9sentation. Autrement dit, elle vise \u00e0 comprendre les formes dans la mati\u00e8re gr\u00e2ce aux modes de connaissance qui leur sont adapt\u00e9s, sans faire appel \u00e0 d\u2019autres modes sup\u00e9rieurs de compr\u00e9hension. En tant que partie de la philosophie, elle examine les principes n\u00e9cessaires pour saisir le monde (sensible) dans lequel nous vivons, d\u2019un point de vue qui lui est propre et immanent.\r\n\r\nSur cette base, je voudrais examiner o\u00f9 Simplicius situe la Physique dans l\u2019histoire de la philosophie, et en particulier dans l\u2019histoire des principes de la nature, en prenant pour cadre la syst\u00e9maticit\u00e9 qu\u2019il trouve chez les philosophes pr\u00e9socratiques. Il s\u2019agira d\u2019un c\u00f4t\u00e9 de comprendre comment ces principes s\u2019articulent \u00e0 ceux privil\u00e9gi\u00e9s par les formes concurrentes de la physique, celles qui traitent des causes sup\u00e9rieures, et de l\u2019autre de montrer en quoi les Pr\u00e9socratiques expliquent le d\u00e9veloppement \u00e0 la fois historique et taxinomique du syst\u00e8me physique du n\u00e9oplatonisme tardif. [introduction p. 249-251]","btype":2,"date":"2017","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/JiUJD0OfD6bN2xM","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":125,"full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":125,"full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":553,"full_name":"Michalewski, Alexandra","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1503,"section_of":1491,"pages":"249-272","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1491,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Les principes cosmologiques du Platonisme : origines, influences et syst\u00e9matisation","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Gavray2017","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2017","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Ce volume \u00e9tudie les mutations de sens que la notion de principe a connues au sein de la cosmologie platonicienne, depuis l\u2019ancienne Acad\u00e9mie jusqu\u2019au n\u00e9oplatonisme tardif. Dans cet intervalle, la question de la nature et du nombre des principes cosmologiques est apparue comme un enjeu central de la d\u00e9fense du platonisme, dans sa confrontation avec les \u00e9coles rivales, mais aussi, \u00e0 partir de l\u2019\u00e9poque imp\u00e9riale, avec le christianisme. Au sein de cette histoire, les critiques et r\u00e9ceptions aristot\u00e9liciennes ont jou\u00e9 un r\u00f4le d\u00e9terminant et ont, d'un certain point de vue, pr\u00e9par\u00e9 le tournant inaugur\u00e9 par Plotin : de Th\u00e9ophraste, qui le premier articule la causalit\u00e9 du Premier Moteur et l'h\u00e9ritage platonicien des Formes intelligibles, \u00e0 Alexandre d'Aphrodise, qui critique l'anthropomorphisme inh\u00e9rent aux th\u00e9ories providentialistes des platoniciens imp\u00e9riaux, les ex\u00e9g\u00e8tes p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticiens ont ouvert des pistes qui seront adapt\u00e9es et transform\u00e9es \u00e0 travers les diff\u00e9rents syst\u00e8mes n\u00e9oplatoniciens. Reprenant \u00e0 Alexandre sa critique des conceptions artificialistes de la cosmologie platonicienne, Plotin s'oppose \u00e0 lui pour d\u00e9fendre l'efficience causale des Formes intelligibles, qu'il d\u00e9finit comme des r\u00e9alit\u00e9s vivantes et intellectives, en les ins\u00e9rant dans un syst\u00e8me de d\u00e9rivation de toutes choses depuis l'Un. \u00c0 sa suite, les diff\u00e9rents diadoques n\u00e9oplatoniciens placeront la vie au c\u0153ur du monde intelligible, d\u00e9finissant les Formes comme des r\u00e9alit\u00e9s vivantes et intellectives dot\u00e9es d\u2019une efficience propre\u3000: la puissance de faire advenir des r\u00e9alit\u00e9s d\u00e9riv\u00e9es. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/xevkNHC2VXe7Wgm","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1491,"pubplace":"Turnhout","publisher":"Brepols","series":"Monoth\u00e9isme et philosophie ","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2017]}

La critique aristotélicienne des Idées en Physique II 2 et l’interprétation de Simplicius, 2017
By: Golitsis, Pantelis

Title	La critique aristotélicienne des Idées en Physique II 2 et l’interprétation de Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2017
Journal	Revue des Sciences Philosophiques et Théologiques
Volume	101
Pages	569-584
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In Physics II 2, 193b35–194a1, Aristotle criticizes in passing the partisans of the Ideas, comparing them to the mathematicians. The present article first attempts to specify the identity of the Academicians Aristotle has in view and to explain how their method resembles the mathematical one. In a second step, the article sheds light on Simplicius' manner of deflecting the Aristotelian critique, showing that, despite appearances, the Stagirite acknowledges that the forms of natural realities, after the fashion of mathematical realities, can be thought of separately, that is to say, without matter. The Neoplatonist's reflection casts new light on the notion of methexis, basically identical to that of phusikos logos or "form in itself," which is like intelligible Form. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CX8My3vkHJrymmk

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1509","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1509,"authors_free":[{"id":2622,"entry_id":1509,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":129,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","free_first_name":"Pantelis","free_last_name":"Golitsis","norm_person":{"id":129,"first_name":"Pantelis","last_name":"Golitsis","full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La critique aristot\u00e9licienne des Id\u00e9es en Physique II 2 et l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation de Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"La critique aristot\u00e9licienne des Id\u00e9es en Physique II 2 et l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation de Simplicius"},"abstract":"In Physics II 2, 193b35\u2013194a1, Aristotle criticizes in passing the partisans of the Ideas, comparing them to the mathematicians. The present article first attempts to specify the identity of the Academicians Aristotle has in view and to explain how their method resembles the mathematical one.\r\n\r\nIn a second step, the article sheds light on Simplicius' manner of deflecting the Aristotelian critique, showing that, despite appearances, the Stagirite acknowledges that the forms of natural realities, after the fashion of mathematical realities, can be thought of separately, that is to say, without matter.\r\n\r\nThe Neoplatonist's reflection casts new light on the notion of methexis, basically identical to that of phusikos logos or \"form in itself,\" which is like intelligible Form. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2017","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CX8My3vkHJrymmk","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":129,"full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1509,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue des Sciences Philosophiques et Th\u00e9ologiques","volume":"101","issue":"","pages":"569-584"}},"sort":[2017]}

The notion of ἐπιτηδειότης in Simplicius' discussion of quality, 2016
By: Hauer, Mareike

Title	The notion of ἐπιτηδειότης in Simplicius' discussion of quality
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2016
Journal	Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale
Volume	27
Pages	65-83
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper deals with the meaning and function of epitêdeiotês in Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories, particularly in chapter 8, the discussion of the category of quality. Based on the question as to whether Simplicius uses epitêdeiotês as a technical term or as a mere substitute for the Aristotelian notion of dynamis, different passages of chapter 8 will be analyzed and compared with Aristotle's discussion of dynamis. It will be argued that Simplicius distinguishes between two senses of epitêdeiotês, one of which can be associated with the Aristotelian notion of dynamis; the other sense, however, differs from the Aristotelian notion of dynamis and, instead, appears to be in agreement with the use of epitêdeiotês in the theory of participation established by Simplicius' Neoplatonic predecessors. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/uZGcu7N3ynTApz0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1150","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1150,"authors_free":[{"id":1725,"entry_id":1150,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":174,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hauer, Mareike","free_first_name":"Mareike","free_last_name":"Hauer","norm_person":{"id":174,"first_name":"Mareike","last_name":"Hauer","full_name":"Hauer, Mareike","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The notion of \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 in Simplicius' discussion of quality","main_title":{"title":"The notion of \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03b7\u03b4\u03b5\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 in Simplicius' discussion of quality"},"abstract":"This paper deals with the meaning and function of epit\u00eadeiot\u00eas in Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories, particularly in chapter 8, the discussion of the category of quality. Based on the question as to whether Simplicius uses epit\u00eadeiot\u00eas as a technical term or as a mere substitute for the Aristotelian notion of dynamis, different passages of chapter 8 will be analyzed and compared with Aristotle's discussion of dynamis. It will be argued that Simplicius distinguishes between two senses of epit\u00eadeiot\u00eas, one of which can be associated with the Aristotelian notion of dynamis; the other sense, however, differs from the Aristotelian notion of dynamis and, instead, appears to be in agreement with the use of epit\u00eadeiot\u00eas in the theory of participation established by Simplicius' Neoplatonic predecessors. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/uZGcu7N3ynTApz0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":174,"full_name":"Hauer, Mareike","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1150,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale","volume":"27","issue":"","pages":"65-83"}},"sort":[2016]}

The Life and Works of Simplicius in Greek and Arabic Sources, 2016
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	The Life and Works of Simplicius in Greek and Arabic Sources
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Pages	295-326
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Here, therefore, are the conclusions to which one might be led as regards Simplicius’ works. We have extant: the commentaries on Epictetus’ Encheiridion, on Aristotle’s De Caelo, Physics, Categories, and probably on his De Anima. Lost, though attested in a more or less certain fashion: a commentary on the first book of Euclid’s Elements, a commentary on Aristotle’s Metaphysics, a commentary on Iamblichus’ work devoted to the Pythagorean sect, an epitome of Theophrastus’ Physics (if the commentary on the De Anima, where one finds a reference to this work, is authentic), and perhaps a commentary on Hermogenes’ Tekhnê. [conclusion p. 326]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/SguvcKAd2fhClm6

{"_index":"sire","_id":"670","_score":null,"_source":{"id":670,"authors_free":[{"id":982,"entry_id":670,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":983,"entry_id":670,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Life and Works of Simplicius in Greek and Arabic Sources","main_title":{"title":"The Life and Works of Simplicius in Greek and Arabic Sources"},"abstract":"Here, therefore, are the conclusions to which one might be led as regards Simplicius\u2019 works. We have extant: the commentaries on Epictetus\u2019 Encheiridion, on Aristotle\u2019s De Caelo, Physics, Categories, and probably on his De Anima. Lost, though attested in a more or less certain fashion: a commentary on the first book of Euclid\u2019s Elements, a commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Metaphysics, a commentary on Iamblichus\u2019 work devoted to the Pythagorean sect, an epitome of Theophrastus\u2019 Physics (if the commentary on the De Anima, where one finds a reference to this work, is authentic), and perhaps a commentary on Hermogenes\u2019 Tekhn\u00ea. [conclusion p. 326]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/SguvcKAd2fhClm6","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":670,"section_of":200,"pages":"295-326","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":200,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabji1990","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1990","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1990","abstract":"The story of the ancient commentators on Aristotle has not previously been told \r\nat book length. Here it is assembled for the fi rst time by drawing both on some \r\nof the classic articles translated into English or revised and on the very latest \r\nresearch. Some of the chapters will be making revisionary suggestions unfamiliar \r\neven to specialists in the fi eld. Th e philosophical interest of the commentators \r\nhas been illustrated elsewhere. 1 Th e aim here is not so much to do this again as \r\nto set out the background of the commentary tradition against which further \r\nphilosophical discussion and discussions of other kinds can take place. \r\n Th e importance of the commentators lies partly in their representing the \r\nthought and classroom teaching of the Aristotelian and Neoplatonist schools, \r\npartly in the panorama they provide of the 1100 years of Ancient Greek \r\nphilosophy, preserving as they do many original quotations from lost philosophical \r\nworks. Still more signifi cant is their profound infl uence, uncovered in some of the \r\nchapters below, on subsequent philosophy, Islamic and European. Th is was due \r\npartly to their preserving anti-Aristotelian material which helped to inspire \r\nmedieval and Renaissance science, but still more to their presenting an Aristotle \r\ntransformed in ways which happened to make him acceptable to the Christian \r\nChurch. It is not just Aristotle, but this Aristotle transformed and embedded in \r\nthe philosophy of the commentators, that lies behind the views of later thinkers. [authors abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/b7EaNXJNckqKKqB","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":200,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"2","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Simplicius de Cilicie, 2016
By: Goulet, Richard, Coda, Elisa, Goulet, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius de Cilicie
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2016
Published in	Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol. VI: de Sabinillus à Tyrsénos
Pages	341-394
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Goulet, Richard , Coda, Elisa
Editor(s)	Goulet, Richard
Translator(s)

Philosophe et commentateur néoplatonicien, disciple d’Ammonius à Alexandrie, puis de Damascius à Athènes. La notice a été rédigée par Richard Goulet (informations biographiques et œuvres) et Elisa Coda (In De caelo et In Physica : Simplicius dans la tradition arabe). Par souci de cohérence, la numérotation des références propre à chacune de ces deux parties a été conservée. Simplicius fait depuis quelques dizaines d’années l’objet de vifs débats. Des contributions importantes, faites notamment dans des colloques dont les actes n’ont pas encore été publiés, n’ont pu être prises en compte dans la présente notice. Mme I. Hadot, en collaboration avec Ph. Vallat, a rédigé une longue mise au point (de plus de 160 pages) sur l’ensemble des problèmes soulevés par Simplicius : il est apparu que cette importante contribution ne pouvait pas être publiée sous la forme d’une notice de ce dictionnaire et qu’il était préférable de la faire paraître ailleurs, dans son intégralité et sous son format originel. Son riche contenu ne sera donc malheureusement pas pris en compte dans la rédaction de la présente notice. L’ouvrage est maintenant paru : Ilsetraut Hadot, Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines. Un bilan critique. Avec deux contributions de Philippe Vallat, coll. « Academia Philosophical Studies » 48, Sankt Augustin, 2014, 309 p. Des astérisques dans le texte annoncent des ajouts ponctuels dans les compléments du présent tome. [introduction p. 341]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0VMZHkLRvtbfenF

{"_index":"sire","_id":"899","_score":null,"_source":{"id":899,"authors_free":[{"id":1328,"entry_id":899,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":136,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Goulet, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Goulet","norm_person":{"id":136,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Goulet","full_name":"Goulet, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1042353395","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1981,"entry_id":899,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":143,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Coda, Elisa","free_first_name":"Elisa","free_last_name":"Coda","norm_person":{"id":143,"first_name":"Elisa","last_name":"Coda","full_name":"Coda, Elisa","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1168595843","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1983,"entry_id":899,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":136,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Goulet, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Goulet","norm_person":{"id":136,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Goulet","full_name":"Goulet, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1042353395","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius de Cilicie","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius de Cilicie"},"abstract":"Philosophe et commentateur n\u00e9oplatonicien, disciple d\u2019Ammonius \u00e0 Alexandrie, puis de Damascius \u00e0 Ath\u00e8nes.\r\n\r\nLa notice a \u00e9t\u00e9 r\u00e9dig\u00e9e par Richard Goulet (informations biographiques et \u0153uvres) et Elisa Coda (In De caelo et In Physica : Simplicius dans la tradition arabe). Par souci de coh\u00e9rence, la num\u00e9rotation des r\u00e9f\u00e9rences propre \u00e0 chacune de ces deux parties a \u00e9t\u00e9 conserv\u00e9e.\r\n\r\nSimplicius fait depuis quelques dizaines d\u2019ann\u00e9es l\u2019objet de vifs d\u00e9bats. Des contributions importantes, faites notamment dans des colloques dont les actes n\u2019ont pas encore \u00e9t\u00e9 publi\u00e9s, n\u2019ont pu \u00eatre prises en compte dans la pr\u00e9sente notice. Mme I. Hadot, en collaboration avec Ph. Vallat, a r\u00e9dig\u00e9 une longue mise au point (de plus de 160 pages) sur l\u2019ensemble des probl\u00e8mes soulev\u00e9s par Simplicius : il est apparu que cette importante contribution ne pouvait pas \u00eatre publi\u00e9e sous la forme d\u2019une notice de ce dictionnaire et qu\u2019il \u00e9tait pr\u00e9f\u00e9rable de la faire para\u00eetre ailleurs, dans son int\u00e9gralit\u00e9 et sous son format originel.\r\n\r\nSon riche contenu ne sera donc malheureusement pas pris en compte dans la r\u00e9daction de la pr\u00e9sente notice. L\u2019ouvrage est maintenant paru : Ilsetraut Hadot, Le n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re des recherches contemporaines. Un bilan critique. Avec deux contributions de Philippe Vallat, coll. \u00ab Academia Philosophical Studies \u00bb 48, Sankt Augustin, 2014, 309 p.\r\n\r\nDes ast\u00e9risques dans le texte annoncent des ajouts ponctuels dans les compl\u00e9ments du pr\u00e9sent tome. [introduction p. 341]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/0VMZHkLRvtbfenF","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":136,"full_name":"Goulet, Richard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":143,"full_name":"Coda, Elisa","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":136,"full_name":"Goulet, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":899,"section_of":375,"pages":"341-394","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":375,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol. VI: de Sabinillus \u00e0 Tyrs\u00e9nos","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Goulet2016","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2016","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1994","abstract":"Rebiew by Udo Hartmann, Institut f\u00fcr Altertumswissenschaften, Friedrich-Schiller-Universit\u00e4t Jena: Der von Richard Goulet herausgegebene Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques geh\u00f6rt zweifellos zu den wichtigsten Projekten auf dem Gebiet der Philosophiegeschichte der Antike in den letzten Jahrzehnten. Mit dem siebenten ist nun der letzte der gewichtigen B\u00e4nde dieses Lexikons erschienen, das in umfassender Weise \u00fcber alle Philosophen der Antike informiert. Seit 1981 arbeiteten zahlreiche Wissenschaftler unter Leitung Goulets an diesem Projekt des CNRS, der erste Band des Lexikons mit dem Buchstaben A wurde dann im Jahr 1989 ver\u00f6ffentlicht. Nunmehr liegen die sieben B\u00e4nde und ein Supplementband (von 2003) des Nachschlagewerks vor, das in teilweise sehr umfangreichen Artikeln alle bezeugten Philosophen von den Vorsokratikern bis zu den Neuplatonikern des 6. Jahrhunderts in biographischen Eintr\u00e4gen in alphabetischer Form \u2013 versehen mit Nummern \u2013 vorstellt. Dabei werden nicht nur die bedeutenden griechischen und r\u00f6mischen Philosophen und ihre Sch\u00fcler, sondern alle Personen aufgenommen, die in den Quellen als \u201aPhilosophen\u2018 charakterisiert werden, an einer Philosophenschule studiert haben oder im Umfeld von Philosophen t\u00e4tig waren. In diesem Dictionnaire finden sich somit auch zahlreiche weitgehend unbekannte Philosophen und Gelehrte mit philosophischen Interessen (Sophisten, Mediziner, Mathematiker oder Dichter) sowie alle Personen, die auf Grund ihrer Gelehrsamkeit oder Lebenshaltung in literarischen, epigraphischen und papyrologischen Zeugnissen als \u201aPhilosophen\u2018 bezeichnet werden. Neben dieser Vollst\u00e4ndigkeit der Erfassung antiker Philosophen beeindruckt das Lexikon auch durch seine Gr\u00fcndlichkeit: Die zumeist hervorragenden Eintr\u00e4ge informieren \u00fcber den Lebenslauf und die Werke der Gelehrten, listen aber auch die Forschungsliteratur zu den Philosophen in enzyklop\u00e4discher Weise auf; die Autoren diskutieren zudem die relevanten Forschungsfragen und besprechen auch die ikonographischen Zeugnisse zu den Gelehrten. Dabei werden sowohl die griechischen und lateinischen Quellen als auch die orientalische \u00dcberlieferung bei syrischen, armenischen, georgischen und arabischen Autoren f\u00fcr den Leser erschlossen. F\u00fcr sehr viele Artikel konnten zudem ausgewiesene Fachleute zum jeweiligen Denker als Autoren gewonnen werden. Zahlreiche qualit\u00e4tsvolle Artikel stammen aber auch aus der Feder Goulets (im vorliegenden siebenten Band sind es 83 Artikel), der sich in unz\u00e4hligen Arbeiten um die Erforschung der antiken Philosophiegeschichte verdient gemacht hat. Der Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques ist somit f\u00fcr alle, die sich mit der Philosophie und dem Bildungswesen der Antike besch\u00e4ftigen, zu einem unverzichtbaren Hilfsmittel geworden.\r\n\r\nUmso erfreulicher ist es, dass nun alle Artikel vorliegen. Auch der letzte Band des Dictionnaire erf\u00fcllt die in ihn gesteckten Erwartungen: In gewohnter Qualit\u00e4t werden hier die Philosophen von U bis Z vorgestellt. Doch bietet der von Goulet sorgf\u00e4ltig redigierte Band weitaus mehr:1 Nach der Liste der Autoren des Bandes und der Abk\u00fcrzungen (S. 9\u201382)2 und einem ersten Lexikonsteil, in dem die Philosophen mit den Anfangsbuchstaben U, V, X und Z aufgef\u00fchrt werden (S. 85\u2013451), folgen im zweiten Teil \u201eCompl\u00e9ments\u201c (S. 453\u20131018), also Supplementeintr\u00e4ge zu Philosophen von A bis T, die in den fr\u00fcheren B\u00e4nden nicht aufgenommen wurden, und Erg\u00e4nzung zu bereits publizierten Artikeln, etwa zu Aristoteles oder Heraklit. Die beiden Anh\u00e4nge im dritten Teil des Bandes (S. 1019\u20131174) stellen die bislang im Dictionnaire noch nicht besprochenen philosophischen Schulen vor: In der sehr knapp gehaltenen und mit nur wenigen Literaturhinweisen versehenen \u201eAnnexe I\u201c bespricht Marco Di Branco Lykeion, Stoa und Epikurs Garten sowie die neuplatonische Schule von Apameia (S. 1019\u20131024), wobei er sich auf die baulichen Strukturen konzentriert und kaum etwas zu den Institutionen sagt; in der umfangreichen \u201eAnnexe II\u201c (\u201eCompl\u00e9ments\u201c zu P 333. Pythagore de Samos, S. 1025\u20131174) stellt Constantinos Macris die Pythagoreer, ihre Lehren und die pythagoreischen Traditionen bis in die Sp\u00e4tantike sowie das Nachleben bis in die Fr\u00fche Neuzeit vor, wobei Macris in erster Linie die umf\u00e4ngliche Literatur zu den verschiedenen Aspekten zusammenstellt.3\r\n\r\nDen Abschluss des Bandes bildet ein Epimetrum (S. 1175\u20131217), in dem Goulet in Tabellen, Diagrammen und \u00dcbersichten eine statistische Auswertung zu den antiken Philosophen vorlegt. Goulet betrachtet dabei die Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu den antiken Philosophenschulen, Herkunft, Ausbildungsort und Geschlecht und analysiert die Angaben auch in der Abfolge der Jahrhunderte. Die Aussagekraft der statistischen Ergebnisse erschlie\u00dft sich dem Leser allerdings nicht immer, da Goulet zumeist keine Interpretation bietet. Was bedeutet es etwa, wenn 19 Prozent aller bekannten Philosophen Platoniker und 8 Prozent Epikureer waren? Was hei\u00dft es, dass mit 105 Inschriften die meisten epigraphischen Zeugnisse f\u00fcr Philosophen aus dem 2. Jahrhundert stammen (gefolgt von 43 im 1. Jahrhundert)? Was bedeutet es, dass unter den Philosophinnen im 5. Jahrhundert v.Chr. die meisten Frauen Pythagoreerinnen (12) waren (gefolgt von 8 Epikureerinnen im 4. Jahrhundert v.Chr.)? Die Register (S. 1219\u20131465) erschlie\u00dfen die Eigennamen (und geben \u2013 wenn vorhanden \u2013 den prosopographischen Eintrag fett an), Namen und Begriffe aus den Werktiteln der antiken Philosophen sowie die Kommentare, Paraphrasen und antiken \u00dcbersetzungen zu philosophischen Werken aus allen B\u00e4nden des Dictionnaire. Die drei Register erm\u00f6glichen nun also eine hervorragende Orientierung in diesem umfangreichen Nachschlagewerk.\r\n\r\nIm ersten Teil des siebenten Bandes werden alle bekannten Philosophen von Ulpianos von Gaza (Goulet, U 1, S. 85), einem Kommilitonen des Proklos in Alexandreia, bis zum Plotin-Sch\u00fcler Zotikos (Luc Brisson, Z 44, S. 451) betrachtet. Die umfangreichsten Beitr\u00e4ge sind dabei den bekannten Philosophen gewidmet, so dem sp\u00e4tantiken Platoniker und Theologen Marius Victorinus (Lenka Karf\u00edkov\u00e1, V 14, S. 153\u2013166), zu dem ausf\u00fchrlich die Thesen \u00fcber m\u00f6gliche Einfl\u00fcsse des Plotin, des Porphyrios, der Mittelplatoniker und der Neuplatoniker nach Porphyrios auf sein Denken vorgestellt werden, dem Vorsokratiker Xenophanes (Dominique Arnould \/ Goulet, X 15, S. 211\u2013219), dem Schulhaupt der Akademie Xenokrates (Margherita Isnardi Parente, X 10, S. 194\u2013208), dem Sokratiker Xenophon (Louis-Andr\u00e9 Dorion \/ J\u00f6rn Lang, X 19, S. 227\u2013290), in dessen Eintrag auch der \u201aAlte Oligarch\u2018 kurz besprochen wird, dem Eleaten Zenon (Daniel de Smet, Z 19, S. 346\u2013363) sowie dem Begr\u00fcnder der Stoa, Zenon von Kition (Jean-Baptiste Gourinat \/ Lang, Z 20, S. 364\u2013396). Dan Dana stellt das legend\u00e4re Material zum Geten Zalmoxis, dem Sklaven und Sch\u00fcler des Pythagoras, vor (Z 3, S. 317\u2013322). Aber auch in diesem Band finden sich neben den Philosophen wieder viele Gelehrte mit philosophischen Interessen: Lange Artikel er\u00f6rtern so Leben und Werk sowie philosophische Beeinflussungen des Universalgelehrten M. Terentius Varro, der in Athen studiert hat (Yves Lehmann, V 5, S. 94\u2013133), des Dichters Vergil (R\u00e9gine Chambert, V 10, S. 136\u2013147), dessen Bildungsweg ausf\u00fchrlich nachgezeichnet wird, des Theologen Zacharias Rhetor (Fr\u00e9d\u00e9ric Alpi, Z 1, S. 301\u2013308), dessen polemische Schriften gegen pagane Neuplatoniker genauer vorgestellt werden4, sowie des Alchemisten Zosimos von Panopolis (Matteo Martelli, Z 42, 447\u2013450), der auch eine Platon-Vita verfa\u00dft haben soll.5 Neben diesen prominenten Namen vereint der siebente Band aber auch wieder zahlreiche kaum bekannte Philosophen und viele nur an wenigen Stellen in philosophischen Werken erw\u00e4hnte, schattenhafte Gelehrte wie den Skeptiker Xeniades von Korinth (Marie-Odile Goulet-Caz\u00e9, X 4, S. 189f.), den Diadochen Zenodotos an der Athener Schule aus dem sp\u00e4ten 5. Jahrhundert, dessen Scholarchat Goulet jedoch bezweifelt (Z 10, S. 341f.)6, den Juden und Proklos-Sch\u00fcler Zenon von Alexandreia (Goulet, Z 18, S. 345)7 oder den Stoiker Zenothemis, eine erfundene Gestalt aus einem Dialog Lukians (Patrick Robiano, Z 26, S. 417f.). Aufgenommen wurden schlie\u00dflich einige nur epigraphisch bezeugte Philosophen und philosophierende Beamte wie der von Goulet als Epikureer gedeutete Ritter und praefectus Mesopotamiae et Osrhoenae L. Valerius Valerianus signo Dardanius (V 2, S. 89f.)8, der Stoiker P. Avianius Valerius (V 3, S. 90), der laut Bernadette Puech im 2. Jahrhundert im mysischen Hadrianoi wirkte9, der Platoniker Zosimos oder der Athener Stoiker Zosimianos (Puech, Z 41, S. 447; Z 43, S. 450).10\r\n\r\nIm Supplementteil werden ebenfalls einige bekannte Philosophen besprochen, der ausf\u00fchrlichste Beitrag ist indes Pythagoras gewidmet (P 333, S. 681\u2013884): Detailliert er\u00f6rtert Macris hier die biographischen Traditionen \u00fcber Pythagoras vom Zeitgenossen Xenophanes \u00fcber die hellenistischen Viten bis zu Iamblichs Pythagoras-Schrift, die ikonographischen Zeugnisse sowie die Berichte \u00fcber Pythagoras\u2019 Leben, Schule und Lehren. Macris erschlie\u00dft zudem in geradezu enzyklop\u00e4discher Weise die Literatur zu allen Aspekten (S. 681\u2013850).11 Erg\u00e4nzt wird diese Beitrag von einer Analyse der gnomologischen Tradition durch Katarzyna Prochenko (S. 851\u2013860) sowie der syrischen und arabischen \u00dcberlieferung durch Anna Izdebska (S. 860\u2013884). Etwas k\u00fcnstlich wirkt indes die Auslagerung der Besprechung der Pythagoreer durch Macris in die bereits erw\u00e4hnte \u201eAnnexe II\u201c, l\u00e4\u00dft sich die Tradition doch kaum scharf in Berichte \u00fcber Pythagoras und \u00fcber die Pythagoreer und deren Lehren trennen. Ausf\u00fchrliche Beitr\u00e4ge stellen zudem den Theologen und Exegeten Didymos den Blinden (Marco Zambon, D 106a, S. 485\u2013513), den Theologen Gregor von Nyssa und sein Verh\u00e4ltnis zur Philosophie (Matthieu Cassin, G 34a, S. 534\u2013571), den Pythagoreer Philolaos (Macris, P 143, S. 637\u2013667) und den Sokratiker Simmias von Theben (Macris, S 86, S. 904\u2013933) vor. Aber auch im Supplementteil finden sich viele in den fr\u00fcheren B\u00e4nden \u00fcbersehene, wenig bekannte Philosophen, die oft blo\u00dfe Namen bleiben, halblegend\u00e4re Personen wie Themistokleia, eine Priesterin aus Delphi und \u201aLehrerin\u2018 des Pythagoras (Macris, T 39a, S. 963\u2013965), sowie erfundene, literarische Gestalten wie die sicherlich fiktiven Dialogpartner Aigyptos und Euxitheos im Theophrastos des Aineas von Gaza (Goulet, A 59a, S. 456; E 182a, 525).12 Erg\u00e4nzt werden im Supplementteil zudem einige lediglich epigraphisch bezeugte Philosophen wie T. Coponius Maximus (Puech, M 72a, S. 607\u2013608), einige philosophieinteressierte Gelehrte wie der Mediziner Magnos von Nisibis (Richard Goulet \/ V\u00e9ronique Boudon-Millot, M 13a, S. 584\u2013588) sowie bildungsbeflissene Beamte wie der comes Orientis Iulianus, den Libanios als Philosoph beschreibt (epist. 1261, 4\u20135; Goulet, I 43a, S. 579), oder der praefectus Augustalis Pentadios (Goulet, P 78a, S. 633).13 Der Sophist und Hermogenes-Kommentator Euagoras wurde von Goulet erg\u00e4nzt, da Syrianus ihn als Philosophen qualifiziert (E 182b, S. 525).14 Bislang unbeachtet blieb in allen Prosopographien der bei Pappos von Alexandreia erw\u00e4hnte \u201aPhilosoph\u2018 Hierios, der im fr\u00fchen 4. Jahrhundert in Alexandreia Mathematik unterrichtete (Goulet, H 119a, S. 578).15 Ob allerdings der auch als Schriftsteller t\u00e4tige Augustus seinen knappen Eintrag im Supplementteil des Philosophenlexikons wirklich verdient hat (Yasmina Benferhat, O 7a, S. 626), kann man sicher bezweifeln.\r\n\r\nAuch der siebente und letzte Band des Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques erfasst somit in hervorragender Weise das Quellenmaterial und die Forschungen zu den Philosophen von U bis Z und bietet im Supplementteil wichtige Erg\u00e4nzungen zu den bislang erschienenen B\u00e4nden, deren Inhalt nun auch durch das umf\u00e4ngliche Gesamtregister erfasst werden kann. Der gut gebundene und relativ preiswerte Band sollte daher in keiner altertumswissenschaftlichen Bibliothek fehlen. Man kann den Autoren der Beitr\u00e4ge und allen voran dem Herausgeber Goulet nur f\u00fcr ihre sorgf\u00e4ltige und hervorragende Arbeit danken, dank der nun nach knapp drei Jahrzehnten ein ausgezeichnetes Nachschlagewerk vorliegt, das die Welt der antiken Philosophen vollst\u00e4ndig erschlie\u00dft.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tuaXpGlzy0XByyW","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":375,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"CNRS \u00c9ditions","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

An Intellective Perspective on Aristotle: Iamblichus the Divine, 2016
By: Opsomer, Jan, Falcon, Andrea (Ed.)

Title	An Intellective Perspective on Aristotle: Iamblichus the Divine
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Brill’ Companion to the Reception of Aristotle in Antiquity
Pages	341-357
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Opsomer, Jan
Editor(s)	Falcon, Andrea
Translator(s)

Iamblichus (ccl 245-320) is sometimes called the second founder of Neoplatonism.1 His innovations were essential to late Neoplatonic philosophy as it developed in the schools of Athens in particular» but also Alexandria. These innovations do not just pertain to philosophical tenets» but also to philosophi cal method and style. Iamblichus defined stricter exegetical rules and new metaphysical laws. He also created an alliance between philosophy and theurgy and insisted on the philosophical value of various religious traditions and reli gious-philosophical texts like the Chaldaean oracles. Iamblichus was» more over, decisive in shaping the school curriculum and, more generally, the canon of texts that, whether philosophical or religious, carried authority for philo sophical research. He, for instance, systematically included texts belonging to a Pythagorean tradition— a tradition which to some extent was of his own construal. His selection of philosophically important texts was in line with cer tain earlier developments, but it was Iamblichus who established a real canon. Indeed, after Iamblichus the canon remained more or less stable.If we look at the importance assigned to Aristotle and the Peripatetic tra dition, it is clear that the difference between Iamblichus and his arch-rival Porphyry does not reside in which texts were held to be worthy of profound study. Hie difference is situated rather in the role and status attributed to them within the Platonic philosophical system. From the early Imperial era onward, Aristotle was seen by most Platonists as an ally, unlike the Stoics and Epicureans, who were regarded as opponents. Yet the extent to which Aristotelian ideas were incorporated varied greatly. Different parts of Aristotle's thought attracted different Platonists and the strategies used for integrating and assimilating them diverged. Here Iamblichus made his mark, as will become clear below. [Introduction, p. 341]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/aCdD22AdndA4ijA

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These \r\ninnovations do not just pertain to philosophical tenets\u00bb but also to philosophi\u00ad\r\ncal method and style. Iamblichus defined stricter exegetical rules and new \r\nmetaphysical laws. He also created an alliance between philosophy and theurgy \r\nand insisted on the philosophical value of various religious traditions and reli\u00ad\r\ngious-philosophical texts like the Chaldaean oracles. Iamblichus was\u00bb more\u00ad\r\nover, decisive in shaping the school curriculum and, more generally, the canon \r\nof texts that, whether philosophical or religious, carried authority for philo\u00ad\r\nsophical research. He, for instance, systematically included texts belonging \r\nto a Pythagorean tradition\u2014 a tradition which to some extent was of his own \r\nconstrual. His selection of philosophically important texts was in line with cer\u00ad\r\ntain earlier developments, but it was Iamblichus who established a real canon. \r\nIndeed, after Iamblichus the canon remained more or less stable.If we look at the importance assigned to Aristotle and the Peripatetic tra\u00ad\r\ndition, it is clear that the difference between Iamblichus and his arch-rival \r\nPorphyry does not reside in which texts were held to be worthy of profound \r\nstudy. Hie difference is situated rather in the role and status attributed to them \r\nwithin the Platonic philosophical system. From the early Imperial era onward, \r\nAristotle was seen by most Platonists as an ally, unlike the Stoics and Epicureans, \r\nwho were regarded as opponents. Yet the extent to which Aristotelian ideas \r\nwere incorporated varied greatly. Different parts of Aristotle's thought attracted \r\ndifferent Platonists and the strategies used for integrating and assimilating \r\nthem diverged. Here Iamblichus made his mark, as will become clear below. 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To date, there has been no comprehensive attempt to explain this complex phenomenon. This volume fills this lacuna by offering broad coverage of the subject from Hellenistic times to the sixth century AD. It is laid out chronologically and the 23 articles are divided into three sections: I. The Hellenistic Reception of Aristotle; II. The Post-Hellenistic Engagement with Aristotle; III. Aristotle in Late Antiquity. Topics include Aristotle and the Stoa, Andronicus of Rhodes and the construction of the Aristotelian corpus, the return to Aristotle in the first century BC, and the role of Alexander of Aphrodisias and Porphyry in the transmission of Aristotle's philosophy to Late Antiquity. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TjdS065EwQq3iWS","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":304,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston","publisher":"Brill","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Philosophers, Exegetes, Scholars: The Ancient Philosophical Commentary from Plato to Simplicius, 2016
By: Baltussen, Han, Kraus, Christina S. (Ed.), Stray, Christopher (Ed.)

Title	Philosophers, Exegetes, Scholars: The Ancient Philosophical Commentary from Plato to Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Classical Commentaries: Explorations in a Scholarly Genre
Pages	173-194
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Kraus, Christina S. , Stray, Christopher
Translator(s)

This chapter traces the evolution of the philosophical commentary and aims to show how the increasingly scholarly nature of the commentary culture exerted a distinctive influence on philosophical methods and discourses. While Plato was perhaps a proto-exegete, systematic commenting only took off in the first century bee once an authoritative “corpus” of works had been established. Commenting on specific texts became an important way to philosophize. The ancient philosophical commentary thus emerged as a “natural by-product” of the ongoing dialogue between teachers and students. Good evidence for written commentary is found in the first century BCE and CE, foreshadowing the rise of the full running commentary of a quite scholarly nature by Aristotelians like Aspasius and Alexander of Aphrodisias (2nd c. CE); after Plotinus (205-270 CE) the Platonists added their own interpretive works on Aristotle, leading to the comprehensive exegeses of Proclus (fifth c.) and Simplicius (sixth c. CE).

Online Resources

Classical Commentaries: Explorations in a Scholarly Genre, 2016
By: Kraus, Christina S. (Ed.), Stray, Christopher (Ed.)

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Title	Classical Commentaries: Explorations in a Scholarly Genre
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2016
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Kraus, Christina S. , Stray, Christopher
Translator(s)

This book consists of twenty-six chapters on classical commentaries which deal with commentaries from the ancient world to the twentieth century. The book contributes to the interface between two emerging fields of study: the history of scholarship and the history of the book. It builds on earlier work on this area by paying particular attention to: (1) specific editions, whether those regarded as classics in their own right, or those that seem representative of important trends or orientations in scholarship; (2) traditions of commentary on specific classical authors; and (3) the processes of publishing and printing as they have related to the production of editions. The book takes account of the material form of commentaries and of their role in education: the chapters deal both with academic books and also with books written for schools, and pay particular attention to the role of commentaries in the reception of classical texts.

Online Resources

Brill’ Companion to the Reception of Aristotle in Antiquity, 2016
By: Falcon, Andrea (Ed.)

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Title	Brill’ Companion to the Reception of Aristotle in Antiquity
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2016
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston
Publisher	Brill
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Falcon, Andrea
Translator(s)

Brill’s Companion to the Reception of Aristotle provides a systematic yet accessible account of the reception of Aristotle’s philosophy in Antiquity. To date, there has been no comprehensive attempt to explain this complex phenomenon. This volume fills this lacuna by offering broad coverage of the subject from Hellenistic times to the sixth century AD. It is laid out chronologically and the 23 articles are divided into three sections: I. The Hellenistic Reception of Aristotle; II. The Post-Hellenistic Engagement with Aristotle; III. Aristotle in Late Antiquity. Topics include Aristotle and the Stoa, Andronicus of Rhodes and the construction of the Aristotelian corpus, the return to Aristotle in the first century BC, and the role of Alexander of Aphrodisias and Porphyry in the transmission of Aristotle's philosophy to Late Antiquity. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TjdS065EwQq3iWS

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Princeps philosophorum. Platone nell’Occidente tardo-antico, medievale e umanistico, 2016
By: Vitale, Angelo Maria (Ed.), Boriello, Maria (Ed.)

Title	Princeps philosophorum. Platone nell’Occidente tardo-antico, medievale e umanistico
Type	Edited Book
Language	Italian
Date	2016
Publication Place	Rom
Publisher	Città Nuova
Series	Progetto Paradigma Medievale, Institutiones. Saggi, ricerche e sintesi di pensiero tardo-antico, medievale e umanistico
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Vitale, Angelo Maria , Boriello, Maria
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zhlNQUCxw75dmrB

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Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol. VI: de Sabinillus à Tyrsénos, 2016
By: Goulet, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol. VI: de Sabinillus à Tyrsénos
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2016
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	CNRS Éditions
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Goulet, Richard
Translator(s)

Rebiew by Udo Hartmann, Institut für Altertumswissenschaften, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena: Der von Richard Goulet herausgegebene Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques gehört zweifellos zu den wichtigsten Projekten auf dem Gebiet der Philosophiegeschichte der Antike in den letzten Jahrzehnten. Mit dem siebenten ist nun der letzte der gewichtigen Bände dieses Lexikons erschienen, das in umfassender Weise über alle Philosophen der Antike informiert. Seit 1981 arbeiteten zahlreiche Wissenschaftler unter Leitung Goulets an diesem Projekt des CNRS, der erste Band des Lexikons mit dem Buchstaben A wurde dann im Jahr 1989 veröffentlicht. Nunmehr liegen die sieben Bände und ein Supplementband (von 2003) des Nachschlagewerks vor, das in teilweise sehr umfangreichen Artikeln alle bezeugten Philosophen von den Vorsokratikern bis zu den Neuplatonikern des 6. Jahrhunderts in biographischen Einträgen in alphabetischer Form – versehen mit Nummern – vorstellt. Dabei werden nicht nur die bedeutenden griechischen und römischen Philosophen und ihre Schüler, sondern alle Personen aufgenommen, die in den Quellen als ‚Philosophen‘ charakterisiert werden, an einer Philosophenschule studiert haben oder im Umfeld von Philosophen tätig waren. In diesem Dictionnaire finden sich somit auch zahlreiche weitgehend unbekannte Philosophen und Gelehrte mit philosophischen Interessen (Sophisten, Mediziner, Mathematiker oder Dichter) sowie alle Personen, die auf Grund ihrer Gelehrsamkeit oder Lebenshaltung in literarischen, epigraphischen und papyrologischen Zeugnissen als ‚Philosophen‘ bezeichnet werden. Neben dieser Vollständigkeit der Erfassung antiker Philosophen beeindruckt das Lexikon auch durch seine Gründlichkeit: Die zumeist hervorragenden Einträge informieren über den Lebenslauf und die Werke der Gelehrten, listen aber auch die Forschungsliteratur zu den Philosophen in enzyklopädischer Weise auf; die Autoren diskutieren zudem die relevanten Forschungsfragen und besprechen auch die ikonographischen Zeugnisse zu den Gelehrten. Dabei werden sowohl die griechischen und lateinischen Quellen als auch die orientalische Überlieferung bei syrischen, armenischen, georgischen und arabischen Autoren für den Leser erschlossen. Für sehr viele Artikel konnten zudem ausgewiesene Fachleute zum jeweiligen Denker als Autoren gewonnen werden. Zahlreiche qualitätsvolle Artikel stammen aber auch aus der Feder Goulets (im vorliegenden siebenten Band sind es 83 Artikel), der sich in unzähligen Arbeiten um die Erforschung der antiken Philosophiegeschichte verdient gemacht hat. Der Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques ist somit für alle, die sich mit der Philosophie und dem Bildungswesen der Antike beschäftigen, zu einem unverzichtbaren Hilfsmittel geworden. Umso erfreulicher ist es, dass nun alle Artikel vorliegen. Auch der letzte Band des Dictionnaire erfüllt die in ihn gesteckten Erwartungen: In gewohnter Qualität werden hier die Philosophen von U bis Z vorgestellt. Doch bietet der von Goulet sorgfältig redigierte Band weitaus mehr:1 Nach der Liste der Autoren des Bandes und der Abkürzungen (S. 9–82)2 und einem ersten Lexikonsteil, in dem die Philosophen mit den Anfangsbuchstaben U, V, X und Z aufgeführt werden (S. 85–451), folgen im zweiten Teil „Compléments“ (S. 453–1018), also Supplementeinträge zu Philosophen von A bis T, die in den früheren Bänden nicht aufgenommen wurden, und Ergänzung zu bereits publizierten Artikeln, etwa zu Aristoteles oder Heraklit. Die beiden Anhänge im dritten Teil des Bandes (S. 1019–1174) stellen die bislang im Dictionnaire noch nicht besprochenen philosophischen Schulen vor: In der sehr knapp gehaltenen und mit nur wenigen Literaturhinweisen versehenen „Annexe I“ bespricht Marco Di Branco Lykeion, Stoa und Epikurs Garten sowie die neuplatonische Schule von Apameia (S. 1019–1024), wobei er sich auf die baulichen Strukturen konzentriert und kaum etwas zu den Institutionen sagt; in der umfangreichen „Annexe II“ („Compléments“ zu P 333. Pythagore de Samos, S. 1025–1174) stellt Constantinos Macris die Pythagoreer, ihre Lehren und die pythagoreischen Traditionen bis in die Spätantike sowie das Nachleben bis in die Frühe Neuzeit vor, wobei Macris in erster Linie die umfängliche Literatur zu den verschiedenen Aspekten zusammenstellt.3 Den Abschluss des Bandes bildet ein Epimetrum (S. 1175–1217), in dem Goulet in Tabellen, Diagrammen und Übersichten eine statistische Auswertung zu den antiken Philosophen vorlegt. Goulet betrachtet dabei die Zugehörigkeit zu den antiken Philosophenschulen, Herkunft, Ausbildungsort und Geschlecht und analysiert die Angaben auch in der Abfolge der Jahrhunderte. Die Aussagekraft der statistischen Ergebnisse erschließt sich dem Leser allerdings nicht immer, da Goulet zumeist keine Interpretation bietet. Was bedeutet es etwa, wenn 19 Prozent aller bekannten Philosophen Platoniker und 8 Prozent Epikureer waren? Was heißt es, dass mit 105 Inschriften die meisten epigraphischen Zeugnisse für Philosophen aus dem 2. Jahrhundert stammen (gefolgt von 43 im 1. Jahrhundert)? Was bedeutet es, dass unter den Philosophinnen im 5. Jahrhundert v.Chr. die meisten Frauen Pythagoreerinnen (12) waren (gefolgt von 8 Epikureerinnen im 4. Jahrhundert v.Chr.)? Die Register (S. 1219–1465) erschließen die Eigennamen (und geben – wenn vorhanden – den prosopographischen Eintrag fett an), Namen und Begriffe aus den Werktiteln der antiken Philosophen sowie die Kommentare, Paraphrasen und antiken Übersetzungen zu philosophischen Werken aus allen Bänden des Dictionnaire. Die drei Register ermöglichen nun also eine hervorragende Orientierung in diesem umfangreichen Nachschlagewerk. Im ersten Teil des siebenten Bandes werden alle bekannten Philosophen von Ulpianos von Gaza (Goulet, U 1, S. 85), einem Kommilitonen des Proklos in Alexandreia, bis zum Plotin-Schüler Zotikos (Luc Brisson, Z 44, S. 451) betrachtet. Die umfangreichsten Beiträge sind dabei den bekannten Philosophen gewidmet, so dem spätantiken Platoniker und Theologen Marius Victorinus (Lenka Karfíková, V 14, S. 153–166), zu dem ausführlich die Thesen über mögliche Einflüsse des Plotin, des Porphyrios, der Mittelplatoniker und der Neuplatoniker nach Porphyrios auf sein Denken vorgestellt werden, dem Vorsokratiker Xenophanes (Dominique Arnould / Goulet, X 15, S. 211–219), dem Schulhaupt der Akademie Xenokrates (Margherita Isnardi Parente, X 10, S. 194–208), dem Sokratiker Xenophon (Louis-André Dorion / Jörn Lang, X 19, S. 227–290), in dessen Eintrag auch der ‚Alte Oligarch‘ kurz besprochen wird, dem Eleaten Zenon (Daniel de Smet, Z 19, S. 346–363) sowie dem Begründer der Stoa, Zenon von Kition (Jean-Baptiste Gourinat / Lang, Z 20, S. 364–396). Dan Dana stellt das legendäre Material zum Geten Zalmoxis, dem Sklaven und Schüler des Pythagoras, vor (Z 3, S. 317–322). Aber auch in diesem Band finden sich neben den Philosophen wieder viele Gelehrte mit philosophischen Interessen: Lange Artikel erörtern so Leben und Werk sowie philosophische Beeinflussungen des Universalgelehrten M. Terentius Varro, der in Athen studiert hat (Yves Lehmann, V 5, S. 94–133), des Dichters Vergil (Régine Chambert, V 10, S. 136–147), dessen Bildungsweg ausführlich nachgezeichnet wird, des Theologen Zacharias Rhetor (Frédéric Alpi, Z 1, S. 301–308), dessen polemische Schriften gegen pagane Neuplatoniker genauer vorgestellt werden4, sowie des Alchemisten Zosimos von Panopolis (Matteo Martelli, Z 42, 447–450), der auch eine Platon-Vita verfaßt haben soll.5 Neben diesen prominenten Namen vereint der siebente Band aber auch wieder zahlreiche kaum bekannte Philosophen und viele nur an wenigen Stellen in philosophischen Werken erwähnte, schattenhafte Gelehrte wie den Skeptiker Xeniades von Korinth (Marie-Odile Goulet-Cazé, X 4, S. 189f.), den Diadochen Zenodotos an der Athener Schule aus dem späten 5. Jahrhundert, dessen Scholarchat Goulet jedoch bezweifelt (Z 10, S. 341f.)6, den Juden und Proklos-Schüler Zenon von Alexandreia (Goulet, Z 18, S. 345)7 oder den Stoiker Zenothemis, eine erfundene Gestalt aus einem Dialog Lukians (Patrick Robiano, Z 26, S. 417f.). Aufgenommen wurden schließlich einige nur epigraphisch bezeugte Philosophen und philosophierende Beamte wie der von Goulet als Epikureer gedeutete Ritter und praefectus Mesopotamiae et Osrhoenae L. Valerius Valerianus signo Dardanius (V 2, S. 89f.)8, der Stoiker P. Avianius Valerius (V 3, S. 90), der laut Bernadette Puech im 2. Jahrhundert im mysischen Hadrianoi wirkte9, der Platoniker Zosimos oder der Athener Stoiker Zosimianos (Puech, Z 41, S. 447; Z 43, S. 450).10 Im Supplementteil werden ebenfalls einige bekannte Philosophen besprochen, der ausführlichste Beitrag ist indes Pythagoras gewidmet (P 333, S. 681–884): Detailliert erörtert Macris hier die biographischen Traditionen über Pythagoras vom Zeitgenossen Xenophanes über die hellenistischen Viten bis zu Iamblichs Pythagoras-Schrift, die ikonographischen Zeugnisse sowie die Berichte über Pythagoras’ Leben, Schule und Lehren. Macris erschließt zudem in geradezu enzyklopädischer Weise die Literatur zu allen Aspekten (S. 681–850).11 Ergänzt wird diese Beitrag von einer Analyse der gnomologischen Tradition durch Katarzyna Prochenko (S. 851–860) sowie der syrischen und arabischen Überlieferung durch Anna Izdebska (S. 860–884). Etwas künstlich wirkt indes die Auslagerung der Besprechung der Pythagoreer durch Macris in die bereits erwähnte „Annexe II“, läßt sich die Tradition doch kaum scharf in Berichte über Pythagoras und über die Pythagoreer und deren Lehren trennen. Ausführliche Beiträge stellen zudem den Theologen und Exegeten Didymos den Blinden (Marco Zambon, D 106a, S. 485–513), den Theologen Gregor von Nyssa und sein Verhältnis zur Philosophie (Matthieu Cassin, G 34a, S. 534–571), den Pythagoreer Philolaos (Macris, P 143, S. 637–667) und den Sokratiker Simmias von Theben (Macris, S 86, S. 904–933) vor. Aber auch im Supplementteil finden sich viele in den früheren Bänden übersehene, wenig bekannte Philosophen, die oft bloße Namen bleiben, halblegendäre Personen wie Themistokleia, eine Priesterin aus Delphi und ‚Lehrerin‘ des Pythagoras (Macris, T 39a, S. 963–965), sowie erfundene, literarische Gestalten wie die sicherlich fiktiven Dialogpartner Aigyptos und Euxitheos im Theophrastos des Aineas von Gaza (Goulet, A 59a, S. 456; E 182a, 525).12 Ergänzt werden im Supplementteil zudem einige lediglich epigraphisch bezeugte Philosophen wie T. Coponius Maximus (Puech, M 72a, S. 607–608), einige philosophieinteressierte Gelehrte wie der Mediziner Magnos von Nisibis (Richard Goulet / Véronique Boudon-Millot, M 13a, S. 584–588) sowie bildungsbeflissene Beamte wie der comes Orientis Iulianus, den Libanios als Philosoph beschreibt (epist. 1261, 4–5; Goulet, I 43a, S. 579), oder der praefectus Augustalis Pentadios (Goulet, P 78a, S. 633).13 Der Sophist und Hermogenes-Kommentator Euagoras wurde von Goulet ergänzt, da Syrianus ihn als Philosophen qualifiziert (E 182b, S. 525).14 Bislang unbeachtet blieb in allen Prosopographien der bei Pappos von Alexandreia erwähnte ‚Philosoph‘ Hierios, der im frühen 4. Jahrhundert in Alexandreia Mathematik unterrichtete (Goulet, H 119a, S. 578).15 Ob allerdings der auch als Schriftsteller tätige Augustus seinen knappen Eintrag im Supplementteil des Philosophenlexikons wirklich verdient hat (Yasmina Benferhat, O 7a, S. 626), kann man sicher bezweifeln. Auch der siebente und letzte Band des Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques erfasst somit in hervorragender Weise das Quellenmaterial und die Forschungen zu den Philosophen von U bis Z und bietet im Supplementteil wichtige Ergänzungen zu den bislang erschienenen Bänden, deren Inhalt nun auch durch das umfängliche Gesamtregister erfasst werden kann. Der gut gebundene und relativ preiswerte Band sollte daher in keiner altertumswissenschaftlichen Bibliothek fehlen. Man kann den Autoren der Beiträge und allen voran dem Herausgeber Goulet nur für ihre sorgfältige und hervorragende Arbeit danken, dank der nun nach knapp drei Jahrzehnten ein ausgezeichnetes Nachschlagewerk vorliegt, das die Welt der antiken Philosophen vollständig erschließt.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tuaXpGlzy0XByyW

{"_index":"sire","_id":"375","_score":null,"_source":{"id":375,"authors_free":[{"id":1982,"entry_id":375,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":136,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Goulet, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Goulet","norm_person":{"id":136,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Goulet","full_name":"Goulet, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1042353395","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol. VI: de Sabinillus \u00e0 Tyrs\u00e9nos","main_title":{"title":"Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol. VI: de Sabinillus \u00e0 Tyrs\u00e9nos"},"abstract":"Rebiew by Udo Hartmann, Institut f\u00fcr Altertumswissenschaften, Friedrich-Schiller-Universit\u00e4t Jena: Der von Richard Goulet herausgegebene Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques geh\u00f6rt zweifellos zu den wichtigsten Projekten auf dem Gebiet der Philosophiegeschichte der Antike in den letzten Jahrzehnten. Mit dem siebenten ist nun der letzte der gewichtigen B\u00e4nde dieses Lexikons erschienen, das in umfassender Weise \u00fcber alle Philosophen der Antike informiert. Seit 1981 arbeiteten zahlreiche Wissenschaftler unter Leitung Goulets an diesem Projekt des CNRS, der erste Band des Lexikons mit dem Buchstaben A wurde dann im Jahr 1989 ver\u00f6ffentlicht. Nunmehr liegen die sieben B\u00e4nde und ein Supplementband (von 2003) des Nachschlagewerks vor, das in teilweise sehr umfangreichen Artikeln alle bezeugten Philosophen von den Vorsokratikern bis zu den Neuplatonikern des 6. Jahrhunderts in biographischen Eintr\u00e4gen in alphabetischer Form \u2013 versehen mit Nummern \u2013 vorstellt. Dabei werden nicht nur die bedeutenden griechischen und r\u00f6mischen Philosophen und ihre Sch\u00fcler, sondern alle Personen aufgenommen, die in den Quellen als \u201aPhilosophen\u2018 charakterisiert werden, an einer Philosophenschule studiert haben oder im Umfeld von Philosophen t\u00e4tig waren. In diesem Dictionnaire finden sich somit auch zahlreiche weitgehend unbekannte Philosophen und Gelehrte mit philosophischen Interessen (Sophisten, Mediziner, Mathematiker oder Dichter) sowie alle Personen, die auf Grund ihrer Gelehrsamkeit oder Lebenshaltung in literarischen, epigraphischen und papyrologischen Zeugnissen als \u201aPhilosophen\u2018 bezeichnet werden. Neben dieser Vollst\u00e4ndigkeit der Erfassung antiker Philosophen beeindruckt das Lexikon auch durch seine Gr\u00fcndlichkeit: Die zumeist hervorragenden Eintr\u00e4ge informieren \u00fcber den Lebenslauf und die Werke der Gelehrten, listen aber auch die Forschungsliteratur zu den Philosophen in enzyklop\u00e4discher Weise auf; die Autoren diskutieren zudem die relevanten Forschungsfragen und besprechen auch die ikonographischen Zeugnisse zu den Gelehrten. Dabei werden sowohl die griechischen und lateinischen Quellen als auch die orientalische \u00dcberlieferung bei syrischen, armenischen, georgischen und arabischen Autoren f\u00fcr den Leser erschlossen. F\u00fcr sehr viele Artikel konnten zudem ausgewiesene Fachleute zum jeweiligen Denker als Autoren gewonnen werden. Zahlreiche qualit\u00e4tsvolle Artikel stammen aber auch aus der Feder Goulets (im vorliegenden siebenten Band sind es 83 Artikel), der sich in unz\u00e4hligen Arbeiten um die Erforschung der antiken Philosophiegeschichte verdient gemacht hat. Der Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques ist somit f\u00fcr alle, die sich mit der Philosophie und dem Bildungswesen der Antike besch\u00e4ftigen, zu einem unverzichtbaren Hilfsmittel geworden.\r\n\r\nUmso erfreulicher ist es, dass nun alle Artikel vorliegen. Auch der letzte Band des Dictionnaire erf\u00fcllt die in ihn gesteckten Erwartungen: In gewohnter Qualit\u00e4t werden hier die Philosophen von U bis Z vorgestellt. Doch bietet der von Goulet sorgf\u00e4ltig redigierte Band weitaus mehr:1 Nach der Liste der Autoren des Bandes und der Abk\u00fcrzungen (S. 9\u201382)2 und einem ersten Lexikonsteil, in dem die Philosophen mit den Anfangsbuchstaben U, V, X und Z aufgef\u00fchrt werden (S. 85\u2013451), folgen im zweiten Teil \u201eCompl\u00e9ments\u201c (S. 453\u20131018), also Supplementeintr\u00e4ge zu Philosophen von A bis T, die in den fr\u00fcheren B\u00e4nden nicht aufgenommen wurden, und Erg\u00e4nzung zu bereits publizierten Artikeln, etwa zu Aristoteles oder Heraklit. Die beiden Anh\u00e4nge im dritten Teil des Bandes (S. 1019\u20131174) stellen die bislang im Dictionnaire noch nicht besprochenen philosophischen Schulen vor: In der sehr knapp gehaltenen und mit nur wenigen Literaturhinweisen versehenen \u201eAnnexe I\u201c bespricht Marco Di Branco Lykeion, Stoa und Epikurs Garten sowie die neuplatonische Schule von Apameia (S. 1019\u20131024), wobei er sich auf die baulichen Strukturen konzentriert und kaum etwas zu den Institutionen sagt; in der umfangreichen \u201eAnnexe II\u201c (\u201eCompl\u00e9ments\u201c zu P 333. Pythagore de Samos, S. 1025\u20131174) stellt Constantinos Macris die Pythagoreer, ihre Lehren und die pythagoreischen Traditionen bis in die Sp\u00e4tantike sowie das Nachleben bis in die Fr\u00fche Neuzeit vor, wobei Macris in erster Linie die umf\u00e4ngliche Literatur zu den verschiedenen Aspekten zusammenstellt.3\r\n\r\nDen Abschluss des Bandes bildet ein Epimetrum (S. 1175\u20131217), in dem Goulet in Tabellen, Diagrammen und \u00dcbersichten eine statistische Auswertung zu den antiken Philosophen vorlegt. Goulet betrachtet dabei die Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu den antiken Philosophenschulen, Herkunft, Ausbildungsort und Geschlecht und analysiert die Angaben auch in der Abfolge der Jahrhunderte. Die Aussagekraft der statistischen Ergebnisse erschlie\u00dft sich dem Leser allerdings nicht immer, da Goulet zumeist keine Interpretation bietet. Was bedeutet es etwa, wenn 19 Prozent aller bekannten Philosophen Platoniker und 8 Prozent Epikureer waren? Was hei\u00dft es, dass mit 105 Inschriften die meisten epigraphischen Zeugnisse f\u00fcr Philosophen aus dem 2. Jahrhundert stammen (gefolgt von 43 im 1. Jahrhundert)? Was bedeutet es, dass unter den Philosophinnen im 5. Jahrhundert v.Chr. die meisten Frauen Pythagoreerinnen (12) waren (gefolgt von 8 Epikureerinnen im 4. Jahrhundert v.Chr.)? Die Register (S. 1219\u20131465) erschlie\u00dfen die Eigennamen (und geben \u2013 wenn vorhanden \u2013 den prosopographischen Eintrag fett an), Namen und Begriffe aus den Werktiteln der antiken Philosophen sowie die Kommentare, Paraphrasen und antiken \u00dcbersetzungen zu philosophischen Werken aus allen B\u00e4nden des Dictionnaire. Die drei Register erm\u00f6glichen nun also eine hervorragende Orientierung in diesem umfangreichen Nachschlagewerk.\r\n\r\nIm ersten Teil des siebenten Bandes werden alle bekannten Philosophen von Ulpianos von Gaza (Goulet, U 1, S. 85), einem Kommilitonen des Proklos in Alexandreia, bis zum Plotin-Sch\u00fcler Zotikos (Luc Brisson, Z 44, S. 451) betrachtet. Die umfangreichsten Beitr\u00e4ge sind dabei den bekannten Philosophen gewidmet, so dem sp\u00e4tantiken Platoniker und Theologen Marius Victorinus (Lenka Karf\u00edkov\u00e1, V 14, S. 153\u2013166), zu dem ausf\u00fchrlich die Thesen \u00fcber m\u00f6gliche Einfl\u00fcsse des Plotin, des Porphyrios, der Mittelplatoniker und der Neuplatoniker nach Porphyrios auf sein Denken vorgestellt werden, dem Vorsokratiker Xenophanes (Dominique Arnould \/ Goulet, X 15, S. 211\u2013219), dem Schulhaupt der Akademie Xenokrates (Margherita Isnardi Parente, X 10, S. 194\u2013208), dem Sokratiker Xenophon (Louis-Andr\u00e9 Dorion \/ J\u00f6rn Lang, X 19, S. 227\u2013290), in dessen Eintrag auch der \u201aAlte Oligarch\u2018 kurz besprochen wird, dem Eleaten Zenon (Daniel de Smet, Z 19, S. 346\u2013363) sowie dem Begr\u00fcnder der Stoa, Zenon von Kition (Jean-Baptiste Gourinat \/ Lang, Z 20, S. 364\u2013396). Dan Dana stellt das legend\u00e4re Material zum Geten Zalmoxis, dem Sklaven und Sch\u00fcler des Pythagoras, vor (Z 3, S. 317\u2013322). Aber auch in diesem Band finden sich neben den Philosophen wieder viele Gelehrte mit philosophischen Interessen: Lange Artikel er\u00f6rtern so Leben und Werk sowie philosophische Beeinflussungen des Universalgelehrten M. Terentius Varro, der in Athen studiert hat (Yves Lehmann, V 5, S. 94\u2013133), des Dichters Vergil (R\u00e9gine Chambert, V 10, S. 136\u2013147), dessen Bildungsweg ausf\u00fchrlich nachgezeichnet wird, des Theologen Zacharias Rhetor (Fr\u00e9d\u00e9ric Alpi, Z 1, S. 301\u2013308), dessen polemische Schriften gegen pagane Neuplatoniker genauer vorgestellt werden4, sowie des Alchemisten Zosimos von Panopolis (Matteo Martelli, Z 42, 447\u2013450), der auch eine Platon-Vita verfa\u00dft haben soll.5 Neben diesen prominenten Namen vereint der siebente Band aber auch wieder zahlreiche kaum bekannte Philosophen und viele nur an wenigen Stellen in philosophischen Werken erw\u00e4hnte, schattenhafte Gelehrte wie den Skeptiker Xeniades von Korinth (Marie-Odile Goulet-Caz\u00e9, X 4, S. 189f.), den Diadochen Zenodotos an der Athener Schule aus dem sp\u00e4ten 5. Jahrhundert, dessen Scholarchat Goulet jedoch bezweifelt (Z 10, S. 341f.)6, den Juden und Proklos-Sch\u00fcler Zenon von Alexandreia (Goulet, Z 18, S. 345)7 oder den Stoiker Zenothemis, eine erfundene Gestalt aus einem Dialog Lukians (Patrick Robiano, Z 26, S. 417f.). Aufgenommen wurden schlie\u00dflich einige nur epigraphisch bezeugte Philosophen und philosophierende Beamte wie der von Goulet als Epikureer gedeutete Ritter und praefectus Mesopotamiae et Osrhoenae L. Valerius Valerianus signo Dardanius (V 2, S. 89f.)8, der Stoiker P. Avianius Valerius (V 3, S. 90), der laut Bernadette Puech im 2. Jahrhundert im mysischen Hadrianoi wirkte9, der Platoniker Zosimos oder der Athener Stoiker Zosimianos (Puech, Z 41, S. 447; Z 43, S. 450).10\r\n\r\nIm Supplementteil werden ebenfalls einige bekannte Philosophen besprochen, der ausf\u00fchrlichste Beitrag ist indes Pythagoras gewidmet (P 333, S. 681\u2013884): Detailliert er\u00f6rtert Macris hier die biographischen Traditionen \u00fcber Pythagoras vom Zeitgenossen Xenophanes \u00fcber die hellenistischen Viten bis zu Iamblichs Pythagoras-Schrift, die ikonographischen Zeugnisse sowie die Berichte \u00fcber Pythagoras\u2019 Leben, Schule und Lehren. Macris erschlie\u00dft zudem in geradezu enzyklop\u00e4discher Weise die Literatur zu allen Aspekten (S. 681\u2013850).11 Erg\u00e4nzt wird diese Beitrag von einer Analyse der gnomologischen Tradition durch Katarzyna Prochenko (S. 851\u2013860) sowie der syrischen und arabischen \u00dcberlieferung durch Anna Izdebska (S. 860\u2013884). Etwas k\u00fcnstlich wirkt indes die Auslagerung der Besprechung der Pythagoreer durch Macris in die bereits erw\u00e4hnte \u201eAnnexe II\u201c, l\u00e4\u00dft sich die Tradition doch kaum scharf in Berichte \u00fcber Pythagoras und \u00fcber die Pythagoreer und deren Lehren trennen. Ausf\u00fchrliche Beitr\u00e4ge stellen zudem den Theologen und Exegeten Didymos den Blinden (Marco Zambon, D 106a, S. 485\u2013513), den Theologen Gregor von Nyssa und sein Verh\u00e4ltnis zur Philosophie (Matthieu Cassin, G 34a, S. 534\u2013571), den Pythagoreer Philolaos (Macris, P 143, S. 637\u2013667) und den Sokratiker Simmias von Theben (Macris, S 86, S. 904\u2013933) vor. Aber auch im Supplementteil finden sich viele in den fr\u00fcheren B\u00e4nden \u00fcbersehene, wenig bekannte Philosophen, die oft blo\u00dfe Namen bleiben, halblegend\u00e4re Personen wie Themistokleia, eine Priesterin aus Delphi und \u201aLehrerin\u2018 des Pythagoras (Macris, T 39a, S. 963\u2013965), sowie erfundene, literarische Gestalten wie die sicherlich fiktiven Dialogpartner Aigyptos und Euxitheos im Theophrastos des Aineas von Gaza (Goulet, A 59a, S. 456; E 182a, 525).12 Erg\u00e4nzt werden im Supplementteil zudem einige lediglich epigraphisch bezeugte Philosophen wie T. Coponius Maximus (Puech, M 72a, S. 607\u2013608), einige philosophieinteressierte Gelehrte wie der Mediziner Magnos von Nisibis (Richard Goulet \/ V\u00e9ronique Boudon-Millot, M 13a, S. 584\u2013588) sowie bildungsbeflissene Beamte wie der comes Orientis Iulianus, den Libanios als Philosoph beschreibt (epist. 1261, 4\u20135; Goulet, I 43a, S. 579), oder der praefectus Augustalis Pentadios (Goulet, P 78a, S. 633).13 Der Sophist und Hermogenes-Kommentator Euagoras wurde von Goulet erg\u00e4nzt, da Syrianus ihn als Philosophen qualifiziert (E 182b, S. 525).14 Bislang unbeachtet blieb in allen Prosopographien der bei Pappos von Alexandreia erw\u00e4hnte \u201aPhilosoph\u2018 Hierios, der im fr\u00fchen 4. Jahrhundert in Alexandreia Mathematik unterrichtete (Goulet, H 119a, S. 578).15 Ob allerdings der auch als Schriftsteller t\u00e4tige Augustus seinen knappen Eintrag im Supplementteil des Philosophenlexikons wirklich verdient hat (Yasmina Benferhat, O 7a, S. 626), kann man sicher bezweifeln.\r\n\r\nAuch der siebente und letzte Band des Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques erfasst somit in hervorragender Weise das Quellenmaterial und die Forschungen zu den Philosophen von U bis Z und bietet im Supplementteil wichtige Erg\u00e4nzungen zu den bislang erschienenen B\u00e4nden, deren Inhalt nun auch durch das umf\u00e4ngliche Gesamtregister erfasst werden kann. Der gut gebundene und relativ preiswerte Band sollte daher in keiner altertumswissenschaftlichen Bibliothek fehlen. Man kann den Autoren der Beitr\u00e4ge und allen voran dem Herausgeber Goulet nur f\u00fcr ihre sorgf\u00e4ltige und hervorragende Arbeit danken, dank der nun nach knapp drei Jahrzehnten ein ausgezeichnetes Nachschlagewerk vorliegt, das die Welt der antiken Philosophen vollst\u00e4ndig erschlie\u00dft.","btype":4,"date":"2016","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tuaXpGlzy0XByyW","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":136,"full_name":"Goulet, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":375,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"CNRS \u00c9ditions","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Simplicius on the Relation between Quality and Qualified, 2016
By: Hauer, Mareike

Title	Simplicius on the Relation between Quality and Qualified
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2016
Journal	Méthexis
Volume	28
Pages	111-140
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius claims in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categoriesthat quality is prior to the qualified according to nature. However, in an interesting passage in the same commentary, Simplicius describes the relation between quality and qualified in such a way that it strongly suggests an ontological simultaneity. The aim of this paper is to clarify Simplicius' notion of natural priority and to investigate the extent to which the assumption of a natural priority of the quality over the qualified is compatible with the assumption of a co-existence of quality and qualified. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DTcssHAheWWZmpg

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Il Parmenide e il Sofista di Platone riletti da Simplicio, 2016
By: Licciardi, Ivan Adriano, Boriello, Maria (Ed.), Vitale, Angelo Maria (Ed.)

Title	Il Parmenide e il Sofista di Platone riletti da Simplicio
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	2016
Published in	Princeps philosophorum. Platone nell’Occidente tardo-antico, medievale e umanistico
Pages	171-188
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)	Boriello, Maria , Vitale, Angelo Maria
Translator(s)

È bene trarre a questo punto qualche considerazione conclusiva da quanto detto in questo studio, nel quale spero di avere sufficientemente mostrato il peso e il valore che Platone riveste in Simplicio a correzione del modo in cui il rapporto essere-uno viene discusso criticamente da Aristotele in Phys. 1,2. Il contributo teorico di Simplicio pare sostanziarsi sia nel reperimento, nel Parmenide, di quella che secondo lui è la nozione eleatica di essere-uno, sia nella precisazione che in tale dialogo si trova anche una nozione di uno superiore all’essere, l’uno che non è. Tale nozione si ritroverebbe anche nel Sofista sotto forma di critica di Platone alla posizione dei filosofi monisti. Il Parmenide e il Sofista sarebbero, quindi, i dialoghi in cui Platone avrebbe risolto l’aporia dell’uni-molteplicità sia nell’ambito del sensibile che in quello dell’intelligibile. Questa rielaborazione di Platone, la quale richiama in maniera implicita la storia delle esegesi neoplatoniche del Parmenide, costituirebbe verosimilmente un indizio della rielaborazione neoplatonica del platonismo a cui Simplicio fornisce il suo contributo, ovvero di un platonismo che (eccezione fatta, forse, per il solo Porfirio), da Plotino in poi, reca in sé le tracce precise della svolta meontologica operata da quest’ultimo. Se Aristotele ha risolto l’aporia dell’uno e dei molti sul piano sensibile, pensa Simplicio, facendo coesistere l’unità della sostanza (la quale garantisce l’unità dell’intero in virtù del suo sussistere per sé) e la molteplicità degli accidenti (che invece non sussistono per sé), Platone ha invece affrontato e risolto l’aporia sotto un duplice profilo, sensibile (Parmenide) e intelligibile (Sofista) a un tempo. Anche a proposito della soluzione all’aporia dell’uno e dei molti, Simplicio tende, dunque, ad analizzare la posizione di Aristotele alla luce di quella di Platone e in subordine a questa, o perlomeno intendendo questa come completiva di quella, analogamente a quanto si è visto in riferimento alla querelle sugli Eleati. Anche a proposito di quest’ultima Simplicio si mostra lettore attento, quando è possibile aderente ad Aristotele, che era considerato da tutti i neoplatonici filosofo di straordinario ingegno, ma senza mai dimenticare che la somma auctoritas spetta senza dubbio a Platone, in linea con un atteggiamento ermeneutico, risalente almeno a Porfirio, che è conciliarista ma in un rapporto decisamente asimmetrico, dal momento che è solo Platone, per Simplicio come per tutti i platonici d’ogni tempo, l’unico vero princeps philosophorum. [conclusion 187–188]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/o07B1GK3GIK7dVY

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Il contributo teorico di Simplicio pare sostanziarsi sia nel reperimento, nel Parmenide, di quella che secondo lui \u00e8 la nozione eleatica di essere-uno, sia nella precisazione che in tale dialogo si trova anche una nozione di uno superiore all\u2019essere, l\u2019uno che non \u00e8. Tale nozione si ritroverebbe anche nel Sofista sotto forma di critica di Platone alla posizione dei filosofi monisti.\r\n\r\nIl Parmenide e il Sofista sarebbero, quindi, i dialoghi in cui Platone avrebbe risolto l\u2019aporia dell\u2019uni-molteplicit\u00e0 sia nell\u2019ambito del sensibile che in quello dell\u2019intelligibile. Questa rielaborazione di Platone, la quale richiama in maniera implicita la storia delle esegesi neoplatoniche del Parmenide, costituirebbe verosimilmente un indizio della rielaborazione neoplatonica del platonismo a cui Simplicio fornisce il suo contributo, ovvero di un platonismo che (eccezione fatta, forse, per il solo Porfirio), da Plotino in poi, reca in s\u00e9 le tracce precise della svolta meontologica operata da quest\u2019ultimo.\r\n\r\nSe Aristotele ha risolto l\u2019aporia dell\u2019uno e dei molti sul piano sensibile, pensa Simplicio, facendo coesistere l\u2019unit\u00e0 della sostanza (la quale garantisce l\u2019unit\u00e0 dell\u2019intero in virt\u00f9 del suo sussistere per s\u00e9) e la molteplicit\u00e0 degli accidenti (che invece non sussistono per s\u00e9), Platone ha invece affrontato e risolto l\u2019aporia sotto un duplice profilo, sensibile (Parmenide) e intelligibile (Sofista) a un tempo. Anche a proposito della soluzione all\u2019aporia dell\u2019uno e dei molti, Simplicio tende, dunque, ad analizzare la posizione di Aristotele alla luce di quella di Platone e in subordine a questa, o perlomeno intendendo questa come completiva di quella, analogamente a quanto si \u00e8 visto in riferimento alla querelle sugli Eleati.\r\n\r\nAnche a proposito di quest\u2019ultima Simplicio si mostra lettore attento, quando \u00e8 possibile aderente ad Aristotele, che era considerato da tutti i neoplatonici filosofo di straordinario ingegno, ma senza mai dimenticare che la somma auctoritas spetta senza dubbio a Platone, in linea con un atteggiamento ermeneutico, risalente almeno a Porfirio, che \u00e8 conciliarista ma in un rapporto decisamente asimmetrico, dal momento che \u00e8 solo Platone, per Simplicio come per tutti i platonici d\u2019ogni tempo, l\u2019unico vero princeps philosophorum. [conclusion 187\u2013188]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/o07B1GK3GIK7dVY","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":246,"full_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":248,"full_name":"Boriello, Maria","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":249,"full_name":"Vitale, Angelo Maria","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":403,"section_of":343,"pages":"171-188","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":343,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"it","title":"Princeps philosophorum. Platone nell\u2019Occidente tardo-antico, medievale e umanistico","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Vitale2016","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2016","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2016","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/zhlNQUCxw75dmrB","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":343,"pubplace":"Rom","publisher":"Citt\u00e0 Nuova","series":"Progetto Paradigma Medievale, Institutiones. Saggi, ricerche e sintesi di pensiero tardo-antico, medievale e umanistico","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

L'esperienza estetica fra logica e cosmologia nel Commentario alla Fisica di Simplicio, 2016
By: Licciardi, Ivan Adriano

Title	L'esperienza estetica fra logica e cosmologia nel Commentario alla Fisica di Simplicio
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2016
Journal	Athenaeum
Volume	104
Issue	1
Pages	186-200
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper I will explain some passages of Simplicius, in Phys. 1, in which the Commentator discusses the Aristotelian expression pephyke de ek tôn gvorimoteron (Phys. 1.1, 184a. 16). Here Simplicius distinguishes ta gnorimotera from to autopiston, such as the definitions and the immediate premises, and from the dianoetic knowledge, which is syllogistic and demonstrative. Notwithstanding the topic o f these passages is epistemological, here the Commentator, through a syllogism in which there is an evident reminiscence o f Plato’s Timaeus, cites the beauty o f the universe as an initial step to raise to the goodness o f die Demiurge. After an articulated investigation (in which are involved, as well, Aristotle’s Rhetoric and above all P osteriorA nalytics), Simplicius concludes that to kalon has the same statute of gnorimoteron hemîn (Arise. Phys. 1.1.184a.l6). The purpose o f the Commentator seems that to conciliate Plato and Aristotle, and the result is an original and creative, but at the same rime exact and careful, way to do the exegesis of Aristotle’s Physics. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5jR4LzCbg0vHYAp

{"_index":"sire","_id":"405","_score":null,"_source":{"id":405,"authors_free":[{"id":544,"entry_id":405,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":246,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","free_first_name":"Ivan Adriano","free_last_name":"Licciardi","norm_person":{"id":246,"first_name":"Ivan Adriano","last_name":"Licciardi","full_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"L'esperienza estetica fra logica e cosmologia nel Commentario alla Fisica di Simplicio","main_title":{"title":"L'esperienza estetica fra logica e cosmologia nel Commentario alla Fisica di Simplicio"},"abstract":"In this paper I will explain some passages of Simplicius, in Phys. 1, in which the Commentator discusses the Aristotelian expression pephyke de ek t\u00f4n gvorimoteron (Phys. 1.1, 184a. 16). Here Simplicius distinguishes ta gnorimotera from to autopiston, such as the def\u00adinitions and the immediate premises, and from the dianoetic knowledge, which is syllogistic and demonstrative. Notwithstanding the topic o f these passages is epistemological, here the Com\u00admentator, through a syllogism in which there is an evident reminiscence o f Plato\u2019s Timaeus, cites the beauty o f the universe as an initial step to raise to the goodness o f die Demiurge. After an articulated investigation (in which are involved, as well, Aristotle\u2019s Rhetoric and above all P osteriorA nalytics), Simplicius concludes that to kalon has the same statute of gnorimoteron hem\u00een (Arise. Phys. 1.1.184a.l6). The purpose o f the Commentator seems that to conciliate Plato and Aristotle, and the result is an original and creative, but at the same rime exact and careful, way to do the exegesis of Aristotle\u2019s Physics. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2016","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5jR4LzCbg0vHYAp","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":246,"full_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":405,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Athenaeum","volume":"104","issue":"1","pages":"186-200"}},"sort":[2016]}

Forms, Souls, and Embryos: Neoplatonists on Human Reproduction, 2016
By: Wilberding, James

Title	Forms, Souls, and Embryos: Neoplatonists on Human Reproduction
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2016
Publication Place	London – New York
Publisher	Routledge
Series	Issues in ancient philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wilberding, James
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Forms, Souls, and Embryos allows readers coming from different backgrounds to appreciate the depth and originality with which the Neoplatonists engaged with and responded to a number of philosophical questions central to human reproduction, including: What is the causal explanation of the embryo’s formation? How and to what extent are Platonic Forms involved? In what sense is a fetus ‘alive,’ and when does it become a human being? Where does the embryo’s soul come from, and how is it connected to its body? This is the first full-length study in English of this fascinating subject, and is a must-read for anyone interested in Neoplatonism or the history of medicine and embryology.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pFINi0kWts6jqtF

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Rational Assent and Self-Reversion: A Neoplatonist Response to the Stoics, 2016
By: Coope, Ursula

Title	Rational Assent and Self-Reversion: A Neoplatonist Response to the Stoics
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2016
Journal	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Volume	50
Pages	237-288
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Coope, Ursula
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper, we have seen how ps.-Simplicius draws upon the Neoplatonic notion of self-reversion to explain the nature of rational assent. I have argued that this account of assent provides a basis for explaining a fundamental difference between assenting and having impressions: the fact that we can assent for a reason but cannot (in the same sense) have an impression for a reason. Ps.-Simplicius' account thus suggests an interesting new view of the nature of assent, a view that combines elements of Aristotelian, Stoic, and Neoplatonist thought. From the Stoics, he inherits the view that believing involves assenting. He draws upon the Neoplatonist notion of self-reversion to explain the essentially self-reflexive nature of assent. This enables him to defend Aristotle's claim that we cannot believe at will. On this account, though we do not believe at will, we nevertheless have a kind of rational control over our beliefs: beliefs, by their very nature, are such as to be revised or maintained for reasons. This account thus provides an answer to the question we raised for the Stoics: what is it about the nature of assent that explains why you are responsible for assenting in a way in which you are not responsible for having impressions? You are responsible for assenting just because you can assent (or withhold assent) for reasons, and you can assent for reasons just because of the essentially self-reflexive nature of the act of assent. [conclusion p. 286]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EAq0q2QllqJrF4y

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1276","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1276,"authors_free":[{"id":1865,"entry_id":1276,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":53,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Coope, Ursula","free_first_name":"Ursula","free_last_name":"Coope","norm_person":{"id":53,"first_name":"Ursula","last_name":"Coope","full_name":"Coope, Ursula","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1078072639","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Rational Assent and Self-Reversion: A Neoplatonist Response to the Stoics","main_title":{"title":"Rational Assent and Self-Reversion: A Neoplatonist Response to the Stoics"},"abstract":"In this paper, we have seen how ps.-Simplicius draws upon the Neoplatonic notion of self-reversion to explain the nature of rational assent. I have argued that this account of assent provides a basis for explaining a fundamental difference between assenting and having impressions: the fact that we can assent for a reason but cannot (in the same sense) have an impression for a reason.\r\n\r\nPs.-Simplicius' account thus suggests an interesting new view of the nature of assent, a view that combines elements of Aristotelian, Stoic, and Neoplatonist thought. From the Stoics, he inherits the view that believing involves assenting. He draws upon the Neoplatonist notion of self-reversion to explain the essentially self-reflexive nature of assent. This enables him to defend Aristotle's claim that we cannot believe at will.\r\n\r\nOn this account, though we do not believe at will, we nevertheless have a kind of rational control over our beliefs: beliefs, by their very nature, are such as to be revised or maintained for reasons.\r\n\r\nThis account thus provides an answer to the question we raised for the Stoics: what is it about the nature of assent that explains why you are responsible for assenting in a way in which you are not responsible for having impressions?\r\n\r\nYou are responsible for assenting just because you can assent (or withhold assent) for reasons, and you can assent for reasons just because of the essentially self-reflexive nature of the act of assent.\r\n[conclusion p. 286]","btype":3,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/EAq0q2QllqJrF4y","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":53,"full_name":"Coope, Ursula","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1276,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy ","volume":"50","issue":"","pages":"237-288"}},"sort":[2016]}

The Earliest Aristotelian Commentators, 2016
By: Gottschalk, Hans B., Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	The Earliest Aristotelian Commentators
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Pages	61-88
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gottschalk, Hans B.
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

In Chapter 3, Hans Gottschalk surveys the commentators on Aristotle from the fi rst century bc to late in the second century ad , and some of their Platonist opponents. He gives the most space to the fi rst of them, Andronicus, persuasively rguing that he worked in Athens without going to Rome, and telling something of Andronicus’ philosophical comments on Aristotle and of his editorial work on Aristotle’s school writings (as opposed to his works then better known, but now largely lost, for publication outside the school). He rightly says that Andronicus presented Aristotle as a system. As I indicated in commenting on Chapter 1 above, his younger contemporary in Athens, Boethus, stimulated enormous reaction from later commentators by his detailed and idiosyncratic interpretation of Aristotle, fragments of which they recorded. So the description ‘scholasticism’, insofar as it suggests to us something rather dry, is not a description we should now be likely to use, especially aft er the recent discovery of new fragments of Boethus. But Aristotle Re-Interpreted will include a contribution on some of Boethus’ achievement and further detail on the commentators aft er him is supplied in other recent works listed above in note 6. Th e only big matter of controversy concerns the two words ‘critical edition’ at the opening of Gottschalk’s chapter, which could be taken for granted in 1990. It was challenged by Jonathan Barnes in 1997. 9 A critical edition is produced by comparing diff erent copies of the original in order to discover more closely what the original may have said. Barnes argued powerfully that this is not what Andronicus did. Indeed, if he did not go to Rome to examine the manuscript there, it is even less likely that he did. One reaction was to think that this greatly reduced the importance of Andronicus. But a contribution in Aristotle Re- Interpreted will take up the other editorial activity including the presentation of Aristotle’s school writings as a system. It was far more valuable, according to this argument, to create a coherent canon of Aristotle’s voluminous school writings, by joining or separating pieces and arranging them in a coherent order for reading, than to seek the original wording in a critical edition. [Sorabji: Introduction to the Second Edition, p. xii]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nJ4WSAlewntt7lZ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"535","_score":null,"_source":{"id":535,"authors_free":[{"id":756,"entry_id":535,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":135,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gottschalk, Hans B.","free_first_name":"Hans B.","free_last_name":"Gottschalk","norm_person":{"id":135,"first_name":"Hans B.","last_name":"Gottschalk","full_name":"Gottschalk, Hans B.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1161498559","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":757,"entry_id":535,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Earliest Aristotelian Commentators","main_title":{"title":"The Earliest Aristotelian Commentators"},"abstract":" In Chapter 3, Hans Gottschalk surveys the commentators on Aristotle from the \r\nfi rst century bc to late in the second century ad , and some of their Platonist \r\nopponents. He gives the most space to the fi rst of them, Andronicus, persuasively rguing that he worked in Athens without going to Rome, and telling something \r\nof Andronicus\u2019 philosophical comments on Aristotle and of his editorial work \r\non Aristotle\u2019s school writings (as opposed to his works then better known, but \r\nnow largely lost, for publication outside the school). He rightly says that \r\nAndronicus presented Aristotle as a system. As I indicated in commenting on \r\nChapter 1 above, his younger contemporary in Athens, Boethus, stimulated \r\nenormous reaction from later commentators by his detailed and idiosyncratic \r\ninterpretation of Aristotle, fragments of which they recorded. So the description \r\n\u2018scholasticism\u2019, insofar as it suggests to us something rather dry, is not a \r\ndescription we should now be likely to use, especially aft er the recent discovery \r\nof new fragments of Boethus. But Aristotle Re-Interpreted will include a \r\ncontribution on some of Boethus\u2019 achievement and further detail on the \r\ncommentators aft er him is supplied in other recent works listed above in note 6. \r\nTh e only big matter of controversy concerns the two words \u2018critical edition\u2019 at the \r\nopening of Gottschalk\u2019s chapter, which could be taken for granted in 1990. It was \r\nchallenged by Jonathan Barnes in 1997. 9 A critical edition is produced by \r\ncomparing diff erent copies of the original in order to discover more closely what \r\nthe original may have said. Barnes argued powerfully that this is not what \r\nAndronicus did. Indeed, if he did not go to Rome to examine the manuscript \r\nthere, it is even less likely that he did. One reaction was to think that this greatly \r\nreduced the importance of Andronicus. But a contribution in Aristotle Re-\r\nInterpreted will take up the other editorial activity including the presentation of \r\nAristotle\u2019s school writings as a system. It was far more valuable, according to this \r\nargument, to create a coherent canon of Aristotle\u2019s voluminous school writings, \r\nby joining or separating pieces and arranging them in a coherent order for \r\nreading, than to seek the original wording in a critical edition. [Sorabji: Introduction to the Second Edition, p. xii]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nJ4WSAlewntt7lZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":135,"full_name":"Gottschalk, Hans B.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":535,"section_of":200,"pages":"61-88","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":200,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabji1990","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1990","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1990","abstract":"The story of the ancient commentators on Aristotle has not previously been told \r\nat book length. Here it is assembled for the fi rst time by drawing both on some \r\nof the classic articles translated into English or revised and on the very latest \r\nresearch. Some of the chapters will be making revisionary suggestions unfamiliar \r\neven to specialists in the fi eld. Th e philosophical interest of the commentators \r\nhas been illustrated elsewhere. 1 Th e aim here is not so much to do this again as \r\nto set out the background of the commentary tradition against which further \r\nphilosophical discussion and discussions of other kinds can take place. \r\n Th e importance of the commentators lies partly in their representing the \r\nthought and classroom teaching of the Aristotelian and Neoplatonist schools, \r\npartly in the panorama they provide of the 1100 years of Ancient Greek \r\nphilosophy, preserving as they do many original quotations from lost philosophical \r\nworks. Still more signifi cant is their profound infl uence, uncovered in some of the \r\nchapters below, on subsequent philosophy, Islamic and European. Th is was due \r\npartly to their preserving anti-Aristotelian material which helped to inspire \r\nmedieval and Renaissance science, but still more to their presenting an Aristotle \r\ntransformed in ways which happened to make him acceptable to the Christian \r\nChurch. It is not just Aristotle, but this Aristotle transformed and embedded in \r\nthe philosophy of the commentators, that lies behind the views of later thinkers. [authors abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/b7EaNXJNckqKKqB","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":200,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"2","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Chapter 7. Simplicius’ reply to Aristotle, 2016
By: Panayiotis Tzamalikos

Title	Chapter 7. Simplicius’ reply to Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonism: The Legacy of Anaxagoras to Classical and Late Antiquity
Pages	421-487
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Panayiotis Tzamalikos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The figment that Aristotle represented as the philosophy of Anaxagoras, without quoting any passage from it, was not an account of it; it was only a caricature contrived to serve the exposition of Aristotle’s own views while either obscuring or berating critical points on which Anaxagoras had preceded Aristotle himself. This misrepresentation was based on two fundamental presumptions: one, that incorporeal principles were treated as corporeal elements; and two, that the number of these principles was infinite. Once this became the basis of consideration, Anaxagoras’ propositions were bound to appear absurd and sometimes preposterous. In this chapter, I will discuss Simplicius’ reply to this. It is important to note from the outset that Simplicius was always gentle with Aristotle, which is one of the reasons that determined his methodology: he considered the arguments themselves, as well as their premises and context, but he took them to their ultimate consequences. This resulted in illogical theses that, of necessity, were attributed to Anaxagoras; yet those inferences were so self-defeating that not only this philosopher, but even the most unlearned writer, could never have presumed to posit them. This methodology is extended also to Aristotle’s commentators, showing that the reproduction of their master’s arguments (sometimes qualified but sometimes taken to their extreme consequences) only added to the absurdity of considering Anaxagoras on the basis of Aristotle’s allegations. We have seen so far that Simplicius explained that Anaxagoras’ principles and his relevant considerations could make sense only if these principles are incorporeal. Scholars have always been all too quick to dismiss Simplicius’ explanation, branding it as “Neoplatonic.” It never occurred to them that the case might have been that Neoplatonists (starting with Plotinus) found insightful notions in Anaxagoras, which they employed and built upon.¹ In this section, we shall see that the incorporeality and non-infinity of the principles are the only way for this philosophy to make sense and to be interpreted consistently. Since Simplicius is virtually the sole source supplying us with Anaxagoras’ own words, it should be observed that nowhere does Anaxagoras use the term “incorporeal,” even though his considerations can make sense only on that major postulate. So what? Is this a good reason to brush the idea aside? Were the term “incorporeal” a sine qua non condition for allowing the notion of incorporeality, I see no reason why God in Judaism, Christianity, or even Islam should not be described as corporeal (which indeed certain Christians, such as Melito of Sardis and Tertullian, did). Neither the Old nor the New Testament ever describes God with any term meaning “incorporeal.” God is depicted (and indeed described directly only in the Old Testament) as being unlike any of His created beings, from which Philo and later Origen derived their doctrine of the incorporeality of God.² In the scriptures, God is only described as elevated above any likeness to creatures. Little wonder, then, that Tertullian (c. 180–125 AD) boldly asserted that “God is a body even though He is a spirit, since spirit is also a sui generis body”;³ for “nothing is, unless it is a body; whatever is, it is a body of sorts; nothing is incorporeal, unless that which is not.”⁴ So did the apologist Melito of Sardis (died c. 180 AD, a Millenarist following Irenaeus), who was rebuked by Origen, even though the wise inquisitors of Christian doctrine canonized him as a saint while anathematizing Origen as a heretic. What is important, therefore, is not seeking whether the term “incorporeal” (or indeed the term “principle”) is explicitly stated or not. What is really needed is a perusal of what all aspects of a certain philosophy conspire to express, and this is what a brilliant intellect such as Simplicius offered. He explained Anaxagoras’ principles as being incorporeal not because he aimed anachronistically to make him a Neoplatonist, but because all the aspects of that philosophy conduce to incorporeality, which was the sole way for any reader of Simplicius, and indeed of Anaxagoras himself, to be “logical to the bitter end.”⁵ It is now time for us to see Simplicius’ reply to Aristotle and his commentators. Following his statements confirming the notion of incorporeal principles, he will also rebut the idea of these principles being infinite in number, arguing that not only did Anaxagoras not hold this notion, but also that he did not need it at all. [introduction p. 421-422]

Online Resources

Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonism: The Legacy of Anaxagoras to Classical and Late Antiquity, 2016
By: Panayiotis Tzamalikos

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1597","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1597,"authors_free":[{"id":2798,"entry_id":1597,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Panayiotis Tzamalikos","free_first_name":"Panayiotis","free_last_name":"Tzamalikos","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Chapter 7. Simplicius\u2019 reply to Aristotle","main_title":{"title":"Chapter 7. Simplicius\u2019 reply to Aristotle"},"abstract":"The figment that Aristotle represented as the philosophy of Anaxagoras, without quoting any passage from it, was not an account of it; it was only a caricature contrived to serve the exposition of Aristotle\u2019s own views while either obscuring or berating critical points on which Anaxagoras had preceded Aristotle himself. This misrepresentation was based on two fundamental presumptions: one, that incorporeal principles were treated as corporeal elements; and two, that the number of these principles was infinite. Once this became the basis of consideration, Anaxagoras\u2019 propositions were bound to appear absurd and sometimes preposterous.\r\n\r\nIn this chapter, I will discuss Simplicius\u2019 reply to this. It is important to note from the outset that Simplicius was always gentle with Aristotle, which is one of the reasons that determined his methodology: he considered the arguments themselves, as well as their premises and context, but he took them to their ultimate consequences. This resulted in illogical theses that, of necessity, were attributed to Anaxagoras; yet those inferences were so self-defeating that not only this philosopher, but even the most unlearned writer, could never have presumed to posit them. This methodology is extended also to Aristotle\u2019s commentators, showing that the reproduction of their master\u2019s arguments (sometimes qualified but sometimes taken to their extreme consequences) only added to the absurdity of considering Anaxagoras on the basis of Aristotle\u2019s allegations.\r\n\r\nWe have seen so far that Simplicius explained that Anaxagoras\u2019 principles and his relevant considerations could make sense only if these principles are incorporeal. Scholars have always been all too quick to dismiss Simplicius\u2019 explanation, branding it as \u201cNeoplatonic.\u201d It never occurred to them that the case might have been that Neoplatonists (starting with Plotinus) found insightful notions in Anaxagoras, which they employed and built upon.\u00b9\r\n\r\nIn this section, we shall see that the incorporeality and non-infinity of the principles are the only way for this philosophy to make sense and to be interpreted consistently. Since Simplicius is virtually the sole source supplying us with Anaxagoras\u2019 own words, it should be observed that nowhere does Anaxagoras use the term \u201cincorporeal,\u201d even though his considerations can make sense only on that major postulate. So what? Is this a good reason to brush the idea aside? Were the term \u201cincorporeal\u201d a sine qua non condition for allowing the notion of incorporeality, I see no reason why God in Judaism, Christianity, or even Islam should not be described as corporeal (which indeed certain Christians, such as Melito of Sardis and Tertullian, did). Neither the Old nor the New Testament ever describes God with any term meaning \u201cincorporeal.\u201d God is depicted (and indeed described directly only in the Old Testament) as being unlike any of His created beings, from which Philo and later Origen derived their doctrine of the incorporeality of God.\u00b2 In the scriptures, God is only described as elevated above any likeness to creatures. Little wonder, then, that Tertullian (c. 180\u2013125 AD) boldly asserted that \u201cGod is a body even though He is a spirit, since spirit is also a sui generis body\u201d;\u00b3 for \u201cnothing is, unless it is a body; whatever is, it is a body of sorts; nothing is incorporeal, unless that which is not.\u201d\u2074 So did the apologist Melito of Sardis (died c. 180 AD, a Millenarist following Irenaeus), who was rebuked by Origen, even though the wise inquisitors of Christian doctrine canonized him as a saint while anathematizing Origen as a heretic.\r\n\r\nWhat is important, therefore, is not seeking whether the term \u201cincorporeal\u201d (or indeed the term \u201cprinciple\u201d) is explicitly stated or not. What is really needed is a perusal of what all aspects of a certain philosophy conspire to express, and this is what a brilliant intellect such as Simplicius offered. He explained Anaxagoras\u2019 principles as being incorporeal not because he aimed anachronistically to make him a Neoplatonist, but because all the aspects of that philosophy conduce to incorporeality, which was the sole way for any reader of Simplicius, and indeed of Anaxagoras himself, to be \u201clogical to the bitter end.\u201d\u2075\r\n\r\nIt is now time for us to see Simplicius\u2019 reply to Aristotle and his commentators. Following his statements confirming the notion of incorporeal principles, he will also rebut the idea of these principles being infinite in number, arguing that not only did Anaxagoras not hold this notion, but also that he did not need it at all. [introduction p. 421-422]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/jKf4u1rcI40bQSE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1597,"section_of":1598,"pages":"421-487","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1598,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":1,"language":"en","title":"Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonism: The Legacy of Anaxagoras to Classical and Late Antiquity","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Tzamalikos2016","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2016","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Origen has been always studied as a theologian and too much credit has been given to Eusebius\u2019 implausible hagiography of him. This book explores who Origen really was, by pondering into his philosophical background, which determines his theological exposition implicitly, yet decisively. For this background to come to light, it took a ground-breaking exposition of Anaxagoras\u2019 philosophy and its legacy to Classical and Late Antiquity, assessing critically Aristotle\u2019s distorted representation of Anaxagoras. Origen, formerly a Greek philosopher of note, whom Proclus styled an anti-Platonist, is placed in the history of philosophy for the first time. By drawing on his Anaxagorean background, and being the first to revive the Anaxagorean Theory of Logoi, he paved the way to Nicaea. He was an anti-Platonist because he was an Anaxagorean philosopher with far-reaching influence, also on Neoplatonists such as Porphyry. His theology made an impact not only on the Cappadocians, but also on later Christian authors. His theory of the soul, now expounded in the light of his philosophical background, turns out more orthodox than that of some Christian stars of the Byzantine imperial orthodoxy. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/jKf4u1rcI40bQSE","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1598,"pubplace":"Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"Arbeiten Zur Kirchengeschichte","volume":"128","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Title	Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonism: The Legacy of Anaxagoras to Classical and Late Antiquity
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2016
Publication Place	Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Arbeiten Zur Kirchengeschichte
Volume	128
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Panayiotis Tzamalikos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Origen has been always studied as a theologian and too much credit has been given to Eusebius’ implausible hagiography of him. This book explores who Origen really was, by pondering into his philosophical background, which determines his theological exposition implicitly, yet decisively. For this background to come to light, it took a ground-breaking exposition of Anaxagoras’ philosophy and its legacy to Classical and Late Antiquity, assessing critically Aristotle’s distorted representation of Anaxagoras. Origen, formerly a Greek philosopher of note, whom Proclus styled an anti-Platonist, is placed in the history of philosophy for the first time. By drawing on his Anaxagorean background, and being the first to revive the Anaxagorean Theory of Logoi, he paved the way to Nicaea. He was an anti-Platonist because he was an Anaxagorean philosopher with far-reaching influence, also on Neoplatonists such as Porphyry. His theology made an impact not only on the Cappadocians, but also on later Christian authors. His theory of the soul, now expounded in the light of his philosophical background, turns out more orthodox than that of some Christian stars of the Byzantine imperial orthodoxy. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

Simplicius and Philoponus on the Authority of Aristotle, 2016
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Falcon, Andrea (Ed.)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1598","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1598,"authors_free":[{"id":2797,"entry_id":1598,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Panayiotis Tzamalikos","free_first_name":"Panayiotis","free_last_name":"Tzamalikos","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonism: The Legacy of Anaxagoras to Classical and Late Antiquity","main_title":{"title":"Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonism: The Legacy of Anaxagoras to Classical and Late Antiquity"},"abstract":"Origen has been always studied as a theologian and too much credit has been given to Eusebius\u2019 implausible hagiography of him. This book explores who Origen really was, by pondering into his philosophical background, which determines his theological exposition implicitly, yet decisively. For this background to come to light, it took a ground-breaking exposition of Anaxagoras\u2019 philosophy and its legacy to Classical and Late Antiquity, assessing critically Aristotle\u2019s distorted representation of Anaxagoras. Origen, formerly a Greek philosopher of note, whom Proclus styled an anti-Platonist, is placed in the history of philosophy for the first time. By drawing on his Anaxagorean background, and being the first to revive the Anaxagorean Theory of Logoi, he paved the way to Nicaea. He was an anti-Platonist because he was an Anaxagorean philosopher with far-reaching influence, also on Neoplatonists such as Porphyry. His theology made an impact not only on the Cappadocians, but also on later Christian authors. His theory of the soul, now expounded in the light of his philosophical background, turns out more orthodox than that of some Christian stars of the Byzantine imperial orthodoxy. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/jKf4u1rcI40bQSE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1598,"pubplace":"Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"Arbeiten Zur Kirchengeschichte","volume":"128","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Title	Simplicius and Philoponus on the Authority of Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Brill’ Companion to the Reception of Aristotle in Antiquity
Pages	419-438
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Falcon, Andrea
Translator(s)

Simplicius of Cilicia and John Philoponus of Alexandria share many common features but differ in one most important respect: their interpretation of Aristotle. They were contemporaries and both attended the seminars of Ammonius, son of Hermias, in Alexandria. Ammonius (died shortly before AD 517) was a Neoplatonist who focused his teaching more on Aristotle than on Plato, and it was presumably under his influence that both Simplicius and Philoponus commented on Aristotle and not on Plato. Throughout their commentaries, however, one is guided to radically opposing interpretations of Aristotle’s philosophy. Simplicius endeavored to establish Aristotle not only as an unshakable authority in philosophy of language and natural philosophy but also as a philosopher who fully shared with Plato knowledge of the divine truth (i.e., the truth about the first realities of the cosmos: the Soul, the Intelligence, and the One). Philoponus, on the other hand, rejected Aristotle as an authority, countered many of his arguments in his Aristotelian commentaries, and openly opposed Aristotle in his treatise On the Eternity of the World against Aristotle. One should abstain, however, from thinking in a simplistic manner of Simplicius as the “traditionalist” and of Philoponus as the “modernist.” Philoponus seems to have fully accepted the authority of Moses while commenting on Genesis, and the fully equal rank that Simplicius granted to Aristotle and Plato was a novelty within the Neoplatonic tradition. Both philosophers, we might say, served a religious purpose by using a philosophical method; they both had recourse to philosophical exegesis, the former in order to demolish Hellenic authorities and establish the truth of Christianity, mainly its doctrine of creationism, the latter in order to defend Hellenism as a unitary and perennial system of thought. [introduction p. 419-420]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TO7oBHK7aGfz4Zy

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1323","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1323,"authors_free":[{"id":1957,"entry_id":1323,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":129,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","free_first_name":"Pantelis","free_last_name":"Golitsis","norm_person":{"id":129,"first_name":"Pantelis","last_name":"Golitsis","full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2222,"entry_id":1323,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":95,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Falcon, Andrea","free_first_name":"Andrea","free_last_name":"Falcon","norm_person":{"id":95,"first_name":"Andrea","last_name":"Falcon","full_name":"Falcon, Andrea","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1138844241","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius and Philoponus on the Authority of Aristotle","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius and Philoponus on the Authority of Aristotle"},"abstract":"Simplicius of Cilicia and John Philoponus of Alexandria share many common features but differ in one most important respect: their interpretation of Aristotle. They were contemporaries and both attended the seminars of Ammonius, son of Hermias, in Alexandria. Ammonius (died shortly before AD 517) was a Neoplatonist who focused his teaching more on Aristotle than on Plato, and it was presumably under his influence that both Simplicius and Philoponus commented on Aristotle and not on Plato. Throughout their commentaries, however, one is guided to radically opposing interpretations of Aristotle\u2019s philosophy.\r\n\r\nSimplicius endeavored to establish Aristotle not only as an unshakable authority in philosophy of language and natural philosophy but also as a philosopher who fully shared with Plato knowledge of the divine truth (i.e., the truth about the first realities of the cosmos: the Soul, the Intelligence, and the One). Philoponus, on the other hand, rejected Aristotle as an authority, countered many of his arguments in his Aristotelian commentaries, and openly opposed Aristotle in his treatise On the Eternity of the World against Aristotle. One should abstain, however, from thinking in a simplistic manner of Simplicius as the \u201ctraditionalist\u201d and of Philoponus as the \u201cmodernist.\u201d\r\n\r\nPhiloponus seems to have fully accepted the authority of Moses while commenting on Genesis, and the fully equal rank that Simplicius granted to Aristotle and Plato was a novelty within the Neoplatonic tradition. Both philosophers, we might say, served a religious purpose by using a philosophical method; they both had recourse to philosophical exegesis, the former in order to demolish Hellenic authorities and establish the truth of Christianity, mainly its doctrine of creationism, the latter in order to defend Hellenism as a unitary and perennial system of thought. [introduction p. 419-420]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TO7oBHK7aGfz4Zy","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":129,"full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":95,"full_name":"Falcon, Andrea","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1323,"section_of":304,"pages":"419-438","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":304,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Brill\u2019 Companion to the Reception of Aristotle in Antiquity","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Falcon2016","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2016","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2016","abstract":"Brill\u2019s Companion to the Reception of Aristotle provides a systematic yet accessible account of the reception of Aristotle\u2019s philosophy in Antiquity. To date, there has been no comprehensive attempt to explain this complex phenomenon. This volume fills this lacuna by offering broad coverage of the subject from Hellenistic times to the sixth century AD. It is laid out chronologically and the 23 articles are divided into three sections: I. The Hellenistic Reception of Aristotle; II. The Post-Hellenistic Engagement with Aristotle; III. Aristotle in Late Antiquity. Topics include Aristotle and the Stoa, Andronicus of Rhodes and the construction of the Aristotelian corpus, the return to Aristotle in the first century BC, and the role of Alexander of Aphrodisias and Porphyry in the transmission of Aristotle's philosophy to Late Antiquity. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TjdS065EwQq3iWS","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":304,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston","publisher":"Brill","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Parmenide tràdito, Parmenide tradìto nel Commentario di Simplicio alla Fisica di Aristotele. Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi in greco, traduzione e commentario, 2016
By: Licciardi, Ivan Adriano

Title	Parmenide tràdito, Parmenide tradìto nel Commentario di Simplicio alla Fisica di Aristotele. Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi in greco, traduzione e commentario
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2016
Publication Place	Sankt Augustin
Publisher	Academia Verlag
Series	Symbolon
Volume	42
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Questo libro di Ivan Adriano Licciardi su Parmenide nel Commento alla Fisica di Simplicio colma una vistosa e per certi aspetti paradossale lacuna negli studi sul Neoplatonismo: sebbene Simplicio (VI sec. d.C.) rappresenti una delle fonti più importanti per la ricostruzione del poema di Parmenide (costituisce l'unico testimone dei celebri frr. 6 e 8), manca a tutt'oggi uno studio approfondito dedicato alla sua interpretazione della figura di Parmenide e in generale della filosofia eleatica. Il lavoro di Licciardi, accurato dal punto di vista filologico, ben documentato sotto l'aspetto storiografico e dotato di acume filosofico, costituisce dunque un contributo prezioso, e per più di un aspetto seminale, su un nodo strategico della trasmissione e della ricezione del pensiero di Parmenide. L'ipotesi interpretativa che regge l'impianto storiografico di questo studio è che il Parmenide tràdito di Simplicio sia contemporaneamente un Parmenide tradìto. In effetti, Simplicio si impegna a promuovere un'immagine di Parmenide che risulti omogenea alla strategia concordista che attraversa una larga parte del tardo neoplatoni-smo pagano. La sostanziale convergenza tra Platone e Aristotele viene estesa da Simplicio anche a Parmenide, al quale egli attribuisce un'attitudine filosofica che anticipa il bi-mondismo formu-lato da Platone. Come già prima di lui aveva fatto Plutarco di Cheronea, anche Simplicio attri-buisce a Parmenide la formulazione dell'opposizione 'platonica' tra intelligibile e sensibile; sul-le orme di Plotino Simplicio interpreta il monismo ontologico di Parmenide, ossia la concezione dell'essere-uno, come una prefigurazione della seconda 'ipotesi' dell'esercizio del Parmenide platonico, dove vengono esaminate le conseguenze a partire dall'uno che è. Del resto la stessa critica che Aristotele muove a Parmenide e all'Eleatismo viene fortemente indebolita da Simplicio, che la piega alle esigenze della sua attitudine concordista. Il risultato di una simile operazione è, come spiega bene Licciardi, che il Parmenide di Simplicio non è né quello storico, né quello 'platonico', ossia quello messo in scena nel Parmenide, e neppure quello 'aristotelico', cioè quello contenuto nel I libro della Fisica. [Franco Ferrari]

Online Resources

Parmenide tradìto nel Commentario di Simplicio

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1402","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1402,"authors_free":[{"id":2298,"entry_id":1402,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":246,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","free_first_name":"Ivan Adriano","free_last_name":"Licciardi","norm_person":{"id":246,"first_name":"Ivan Adriano","last_name":"Licciardi","full_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Parmenide tr\u00e0dito, Parmenide trad\u00ecto nel Commentario di Simplicio alla Fisica di Aristotele. Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi in greco, traduzione e commentario","main_title":{"title":"Parmenide tr\u00e0dito, Parmenide trad\u00ecto nel Commentario di Simplicio alla Fisica di Aristotele. Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi in greco, traduzione e commentario"},"abstract":"Questo libro di Ivan Adriano Licciardi su Parmenide nel Commento alla Fisica di Simplicio colma una vistosa e per certi aspetti paradossale lacuna negli studi sul Neoplatonismo: sebbene Simplicio (VI sec. d.C.) rappresenti una delle fonti pi\u00f9 importanti per la ricostruzione del poema di Parmenide (costituisce l'unico testimone dei celebri frr. 6 e 8), manca a tutt'oggi uno studio approfondito dedicato alla sua interpretazione della figura di Parmenide e in generale della filosofia eleatica.\r\nIl lavoro di Licciardi, accurato dal punto di vista filologico, ben documentato sotto l'aspetto storiografico e dotato di acume filosofico, costituisce dunque un contributo prezioso, e per pi\u00f9 di un aspetto seminale, su un nodo strategico della trasmissione e della ricezione del pensiero di Parmenide. L'ipotesi interpretativa che regge l'impianto storiografico di questo studio \u00e8 che il Parmenide tr\u00e0dito di Simplicio sia contemporaneamente un Parmenide trad\u00ecto. In effetti, Simplicio si impegna a promuovere un'immagine di Parmenide che risulti omogenea alla strategia concordista che attraversa una larga parte del tardo neoplatoni-smo pagano. La sostanziale convergenza tra Platone e Aristotele viene estesa da Simplicio anche a Parmenide, al quale egli attribuisce un'attitudine filosofica che anticipa il bi-mondismo formu-lato da Platone. Come gi\u00e0 prima di lui aveva fatto Plutarco di Cheronea, anche Simplicio attri-buisce a Parmenide la formulazione dell'opposizione 'platonica' tra intelligibile e sensibile; sul-le orme di Plotino Simplicio interpreta il monismo ontologico di Parmenide, ossia la concezione dell'essere-uno, come una prefigurazione della seconda 'ipotesi' dell'esercizio del Parmenide platonico, dove vengono esaminate le conseguenze a partire dall'uno che \u00e8. Del resto la stessa critica che Aristotele muove a Parmenide e all'Eleatismo viene fortemente indebolita da Simplicio, che la piega alle esigenze della sua attitudine concordista. Il risultato di una simile operazione \u00e8, come spiega bene Licciardi, che il Parmenide di Simplicio non \u00e8 n\u00e9 quello storico, n\u00e9 quello 'platonico', ossia quello messo in scena nel Parmenide, e neppure quello 'aristotelico', cio\u00e8 quello contenuto nel I libro della Fisica. [Franco Ferrari]","btype":1,"date":"2016","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"Parmenide trad\u00ecto nel Commentario di Simplicio","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":246,"full_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1402,"pubplace":"Sankt Augustin","publisher":"Academia Verlag","series":"Symbolon","volume":"42","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Review: Bowen, A.C., Simplicius on the Planets and Their Motions. In Defense of a Heresy, 2016
By: D'Ancona Costa, Cristina

Title	Review: Bowen, A.C., Simplicius on the Planets and Their Motions. In Defense of a Heresy
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2016
Journal	Studia graeco-arabica
Volume	6
Pages	294-301
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Within the history of the reception of ancient cosmology in later ages, Aristotle’s De Caelo plays an important role. Simplicius’ work on the planets and their motions is devoted to a specific point in the late antique exegesis of this Aristotelian treatise, namely the problem of planetary motions and the solution to it provided by Simplicius (d. 555 AD) in his commentary on De Caelo. Planetary motions indeed pose a problem for him: while throughout his commentary he is committed to showing that Aristotle’s description of the heavens is the correct one, on this particular issue he substitutes Ptolemy’s system for Aristotle’s (pp. 84-86). Bowen focuses on Simplicius’ “preference for post-Aristotelian planetary hypotheses” (p. 51) and questions the reason for this. For Bowen, the answer lies in the well-known debate on the nature of the heavens that arose in the first half of the 6th century between Simplicius and Philoponus. Challenged by Philoponus in a lost work—whose main, though not exclusive, source of knowledge for us is Simplicius himself—the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity and divinity of the heavens was defended by Simplicius in his commentary on De Caelo, where he also directed harsh criticisms at Philoponus. In Bowen’s book, four introductory chapters (pp. 27-93) precede the translation of Simplicius’ In De Caelo II, 10-12 (= pp. 470.29-510.35 Heiberg), followed by a series of comments on selected topics (pp. 201-98). Figures and tables are provided at the end of the introduction (pp. 22-25) and between the translation and the comments (pp. 181-97). Bowen frames much of his discussion against the backdrop of Simplicius’ struggle against Philoponus. Chapter One opens with the claim: “The great digression at the end of Simplicius’ In De Caelo 2.12 [492.25-510.35] is an apologia precipitated by Philoponus, the renegade Platonist, and his attack on Aristotle’s arguments for a fifth simple body, aether” (p. 27). Even though Philoponus’ rejection of Aristotelian cosmology is not explicitly mentioned in Simplicius’ commentary on De Caelo II, 10-12, Bowen considers it Simplicius’ real target. Philoponus’ attack on the theory of the aether and its movement lies in the background of what, at first glance, appears to be a highly specialized discussion of the difficulties in the homocentric theory and an excursus on their solutions. Bowen’s interpretation centers on the idea that Simplicius was well aware of the limitations of the homocentric theory. Faced with Philoponus’ objections, he sought a solution that was compatible with his own assumption of the circular and, consequently, eternal motion of the heavens. Philoponus’ main objection is as follows: if it were true that the entire cosmos rotates about its center, then the planets should not exhibit rotations about their own axes, nor should they have apogees and perigees—an argument that, according to Bowen, Simplicius could only agree with. In fact, this was precisely the reason he sided with Ptolemy. However, Simplicius could by no means endorse the general conclusion Philoponus drew from this, namely that there is no aether endowed with circular, eternal motion. Bowen argues that Philoponus’ criticism “brings to the fore two points against Aristotle,” namely the rotation of the planets about their axes and their apogees and perigees, “in which he sides with Philoponus.” The danger here is heresy: Simplicius is now obliged to show that his agreement with Philoponus does not lead to Philoponus’ blasphemous conclusion (p. 28), hence the subtitle of Bowen’s book, In Defense of a Heresy. This reconstruction hinges on linking Simplicius’ statements in his commentary on De Caelo II, 10-12—especially in the section labeled “digression”—to Philoponus. As Bowen puts it, “The digression is the apologia in full” (p. 64). As noted earlier, this long passage, which concludes Simplicius’ commentary on De Caelo II, 12, addresses difficulties in the cosmic model presented in Metaphysics XII 8, where all the spheres rotate around the Earth, the center of the universe (pp. 14, 92). However, Bowen maintains that, beyond its explicit content, the “digression” is in reality a response to Philoponus. The latter is not mentioned directly; instead, Simplicius presents Xenarchus’ objections and counters them with the arguments developed by Alexander of Aphrodisias. Only after addressing these objections, “long after Philoponus’ objections to the Aristotelian aether have been answered, does Simplicius again take up, without mentioning Philoponus, the question of the homocentric planetary theory (...). So the astronomical digression (παρέκβασις) at the close of In De Caelo 2.12 is, logically speaking, a part of Simplicius’ attempt to deal with Philoponus” (p. 15). [introduction p. 294-295]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PxYyMRyYuxV6BPl

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1410","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1410,"authors_free":[{"id":2205,"entry_id":1410,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":60,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","free_first_name":"D'Ancona Costa","free_last_name":"Cristina","norm_person":{"id":60,"first_name":"Cristina","last_name":"D'Ancona Costa","full_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138912297","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review: Bowen, A.C., Simplicius on the Planets and Their Motions. In Defense of a Heresy","main_title":{"title":"Review: Bowen, A.C., Simplicius on the Planets and Their Motions. In Defense of a Heresy"},"abstract":"Within the history of the reception of ancient cosmology in later ages, Aristotle\u2019s De Caelo plays an important role. Simplicius\u2019 work on the planets and their motions is devoted to a specific point in the late antique exegesis of this Aristotelian treatise, namely the problem of planetary motions and the solution to it provided by Simplicius (d. 555 AD) in his commentary on De Caelo. Planetary motions indeed pose a problem for him: while throughout his commentary he is committed to showing that Aristotle\u2019s description of the heavens is the correct one, on this particular issue he substitutes Ptolemy\u2019s system for Aristotle\u2019s (pp. 84-86). Bowen focuses on Simplicius\u2019 \u201cpreference for post-Aristotelian planetary hypotheses\u201d (p. 51) and questions the reason for this.\r\n\r\nFor Bowen, the answer lies in the well-known debate on the nature of the heavens that arose in the first half of the 6th century between Simplicius and Philoponus. Challenged by Philoponus in a lost work\u2014whose main, though not exclusive, source of knowledge for us is Simplicius himself\u2014the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity and divinity of the heavens was defended by Simplicius in his commentary on De Caelo, where he also directed harsh criticisms at Philoponus.\r\n\r\nIn Bowen\u2019s book, four introductory chapters (pp. 27-93) precede the translation of Simplicius\u2019 In De Caelo II, 10-12 (= pp. 470.29-510.35 Heiberg), followed by a series of comments on selected topics (pp. 201-98). Figures and tables are provided at the end of the introduction (pp. 22-25) and between the translation and the comments (pp. 181-97). Bowen frames much of his discussion against the backdrop of Simplicius\u2019 struggle against Philoponus. Chapter One opens with the claim:\r\n\r\n \u201cThe great digression at the end of Simplicius\u2019 In De Caelo 2.12 [492.25-510.35] is an apologia precipitated by Philoponus, the renegade Platonist, and his attack on Aristotle\u2019s arguments for a fifth simple body, aether\u201d (p. 27).\r\n\r\nEven though Philoponus\u2019 rejection of Aristotelian cosmology is not explicitly mentioned in Simplicius\u2019 commentary on De Caelo II, 10-12, Bowen considers it Simplicius\u2019 real target. Philoponus\u2019 attack on the theory of the aether and its movement lies in the background of what, at first glance, appears to be a highly specialized discussion of the difficulties in the homocentric theory and an excursus on their solutions.\r\n\r\nBowen\u2019s interpretation centers on the idea that Simplicius was well aware of the limitations of the homocentric theory. Faced with Philoponus\u2019 objections, he sought a solution that was compatible with his own assumption of the circular and, consequently, eternal motion of the heavens. Philoponus\u2019 main objection is as follows: if it were true that the entire cosmos rotates about its center, then the planets should not exhibit rotations about their own axes, nor should they have apogees and perigees\u2014an argument that, according to Bowen, Simplicius could only agree with. In fact, this was precisely the reason he sided with Ptolemy. However, Simplicius could by no means endorse the general conclusion Philoponus drew from this, namely that there is no aether endowed with circular, eternal motion.\r\n\r\nBowen argues that Philoponus\u2019 criticism \u201cbrings to the fore two points against Aristotle,\u201d namely the rotation of the planets about their axes and their apogees and perigees, \u201cin which he sides with Philoponus.\u201d The danger here is heresy: Simplicius is now obliged to show that his agreement with Philoponus does not lead to Philoponus\u2019 blasphemous conclusion (p. 28), hence the subtitle of Bowen\u2019s book, In Defense of a Heresy.\r\n\r\nThis reconstruction hinges on linking Simplicius\u2019 statements in his commentary on De Caelo II, 10-12\u2014especially in the section labeled \u201cdigression\u201d\u2014to Philoponus. As Bowen puts it, \u201cThe digression is the apologia in full\u201d (p. 64). As noted earlier, this long passage, which concludes Simplicius\u2019 commentary on De Caelo II, 12, addresses difficulties in the cosmic model presented in Metaphysics XII 8, where all the spheres rotate around the Earth, the center of the universe (pp. 14, 92). However, Bowen maintains that, beyond its explicit content, the \u201cdigression\u201d is in reality a response to Philoponus. The latter is not mentioned directly; instead, Simplicius presents Xenarchus\u2019 objections and counters them with the arguments developed by Alexander of Aphrodisias.\r\n\r\nOnly after addressing these objections, \u201clong after Philoponus\u2019 objections to the Aristotelian aether have been answered, does Simplicius again take up, without mentioning Philoponus, the question of the homocentric planetary theory (...). So the astronomical digression (\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03ad\u03ba\u03b2\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) at the close of In De Caelo 2.12 is, logically speaking, a part of Simplicius\u2019 attempt to deal with Philoponus\u201d (p. 15). [introduction p. 294-295]","btype":3,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PxYyMRyYuxV6BPl","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":60,"full_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1410,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Studia graeco-arabica","volume":"6","issue":"","pages":"294-301"}},"sort":[2016]}

Mixis: le problème du mélange dans la philosophie grecque d'Aristote à Simplicius, 2016
By: Groisard, Jocelyn

Title	Mixis: le problème du mélange dans la philosophie grecque d'Aristote à Simplicius
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2016
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Belles lettres
Series	Anagôgê
Volume	9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Groisard, Jocelyn
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Que se passe-t-il quand de l'eau et du vin se melangent ? Comment les quatre elements simples du monde physique se melent-ils les uns aux autres pour former les choses qui nous entourent ? La multitude des couleurs vient-elle aussi d'un melange de couleurs simples ? Deux corps melanges sont-ils simplement juxtaposes a une echelle microscopique ou bien peuvent-ils se compenetrer de sorte qu'il y aurait deux corps dans le meme lieu ? L'union de l'ame et du corps est-elle un melange ? Telles sont quelques-unes des questions etonnamment diverses que croise cette histoire du probleme du melange dans la philosophie grecque. Le recit propose ici suit trois lignes principales : la tradition peripateticienne, qui, d'Aristote a son commentateur Alexandre d'Aphrodise, elabore un modele de melange par mediation ou les ingredients de depart s'assimilent reciproquement pour s'unifier en un compose qualitativement intermediaire ; la doctrine stoicienne de la mixtion de part en part , ou les ingredients se compenetrent jusqu'a devenir parfaitement coextensifs ; le neoplatonisme et les transpositions qu'il opere a partir des modeles physiques precedents pour penser non seulement des relations entre corps mais aussi celle entre l'ame et le corps ou bien entre les realites incorporelles ou immaterielles de l'arriere-monde suprasensible. Fondee sur un vaste corpus de textes couvrant pres d'un millenaire d'histoire de la philosophie grecque, cette etude se veut aussi une proposition de methode : donner a lire les textes eux-memes et rester au plus pres de l'analyse des sources pour suivre parmi l'etonnant foisonnement des doctrines les developpements aussi divers qu'inattendus que la raison humaine, dans sa luxuriante imagination theorique, sait donner a la meme idee, fut-elle aussi courante et intuitive que celle de melange. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4jHtsWKi2OwB3cO

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1415","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1415,"authors_free":[{"id":2216,"entry_id":1415,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":394,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Groisard, Jocelyn","free_first_name":"Jocelyn","free_last_name":"Groisard","norm_person":{"id":394,"first_name":"Jocelyn","last_name":"Groisard","full_name":"Groisard, Jocelyn","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1105076865","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Mixis: le probl\u00e8me du m\u00e9lange dans la philosophie grecque d'Aristote \u00e0 Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Mixis: le probl\u00e8me du m\u00e9lange dans la philosophie grecque d'Aristote \u00e0 Simplicius"},"abstract":"Que se passe-t-il quand de l'eau et du vin se melangent ? Comment les quatre elements simples du monde physique se melent-ils les uns aux autres pour former les choses qui nous entourent ? La multitude des couleurs vient-elle aussi d'un melange de couleurs simples ? Deux corps melanges sont-ils simplement juxtaposes a une echelle microscopique ou bien peuvent-ils se compenetrer de sorte qu'il y aurait deux corps dans le meme lieu ? L'union de l'ame et du corps est-elle un melange ? Telles sont quelques-unes des questions etonnamment diverses que croise cette histoire du probleme du melange dans la philosophie grecque. Le recit propose ici suit trois lignes principales : la tradition peripateticienne, qui, d'Aristote a son commentateur Alexandre d'Aphrodise, elabore un modele de melange par mediation ou les ingredients de depart s'assimilent reciproquement pour s'unifier en un compose qualitativement intermediaire ; la doctrine stoicienne de la mixtion de part en part , ou les ingredients se compenetrent jusqu'a devenir parfaitement coextensifs ; le neoplatonisme et les transpositions qu'il opere a partir des modeles physiques precedents pour penser non seulement des relations entre corps mais aussi celle entre l'ame et le corps ou bien entre les realites incorporelles ou immaterielles de l'arriere-monde suprasensible. Fondee sur un vaste corpus de textes couvrant pres d'un millenaire d'histoire de la philosophie grecque, cette etude se veut aussi une proposition de methode : donner a lire les textes eux-memes et rester au plus pres de l'analyse des sources pour suivre parmi l'etonnant foisonnement des doctrines les developpements aussi divers qu'inattendus que la raison humaine, dans sa luxuriante imagination theorique, sait donner a la meme idee, fut-elle aussi courante et intuitive que celle de melange. [official abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2016","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/4jHtsWKi2OwB3cO","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":394,"full_name":"Groisard, Jocelyn","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1415,"pubplace":"Paris ","publisher":"Belles lettres","series":"Anag\u00f4g\u00ea","volume":"9","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

John Philoponus’ Commentary on the Third Book of Aristotle’s De Anima, Wrongly Attributed to Stephanus, 2016
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	John Philoponus’ Commentary on the Third Book of Aristotle’s De Anima, Wrongly Attributed to Stephanus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	393-412
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Philoponus’ denial of the existence of unformed matter in his Contra Proclum, composed in 529, allows us to date the commentary on DA 3 before the Contra Proclum, since the existence of unformed matter is accepted in the former work. To conclude: we should discard Stephanus as a possible author of in DA 3, which is an attribution depending on a Byzantine addition to a manuscript with no title, and reassign this commentary to Philoponus on the grounds of self-reference, exegetical attitude, and general style. This commentary, possibly through the initiative of a pupil who recorded it, replaced Ammonius’ commentary on Book 3, as previously published by Philoponus, thus allowing two different editions to reach Byzantium: Philoponus’ edition of Ammonius’ lectures and the composite edition in which Ammonius’ lectures on Book 3 were replaced by those of Philoponus. The second edition was the one copied by D1, whereas D3 had access only to the first edition. [conclusion p. 412]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QH2oMIgPb9H8EAI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1418","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1418,"authors_free":[{"id":2219,"entry_id":1418,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":129,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","free_first_name":"Pantelis","free_last_name":"Golitsis","norm_person":{"id":129,"first_name":"Pantelis","last_name":"Golitsis","full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2221,"entry_id":1418,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"John Philoponus\u2019 Commentary on the Third Book of Aristotle\u2019s De Anima, Wrongly Attributed to Stephanus","main_title":{"title":"John Philoponus\u2019 Commentary on the Third Book of Aristotle\u2019s De Anima, Wrongly Attributed to Stephanus"},"abstract":"Philoponus\u2019 denial of the existence of unformed matter in his Contra Proclum, composed in 529, allows us to date the commentary on DA 3 before the Contra Proclum, since the existence of unformed matter is accepted in the former work.\r\n\r\nTo conclude: we should discard Stephanus as a possible author of in DA 3, which is an attribution depending on a Byzantine addition to a manuscript with no title, and reassign this commentary to Philoponus on the grounds of self-reference, exegetical attitude, and general style. This commentary, possibly through the initiative of a pupil who recorded it, replaced Ammonius\u2019 commentary on Book 3, as previously published by Philoponus, thus allowing two different editions to reach Byzantium: Philoponus\u2019 edition of Ammonius\u2019 lectures and the composite edition in which Ammonius\u2019 lectures on Book 3 were replaced by those of Philoponus. The second edition was the one copied by D1, whereas D3 had access only to the first edition. [conclusion p. 412]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/QH2oMIgPb9H8EAI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":129,"full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1418,"section_of":1419,"pages":"393-412","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1419,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2016","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This volume presents collected essays \u2013 some brand new, some republished, and others newly translated \u2013 on the ancient commentators on Aristotle and showcases the leading research of the last three decades. Through the work and scholarship inspired by Richard Sorabji in his series of translations of the commentators started in the 1980s, these ancient texts have become a key field within ancient philosophy. Building on the strength of the series, which has been hailed as \u2018a scholarly marvel\u2019, \u2018a truly breath-taking achievement\u2019 and \u2018one of the great scholarly achievements of our time\u2019 and on the widely praised edited volume brought out in 1990 (Aristotle Transformed) this new book brings together critical new scholarship that is a must-read for any scholar in the field.\r\n\r\nWith a wide range of contributors from across the globe, the articles look at the commentators themselves, discussing problems of analysis and interpretation that have arisen through close study of the texts. Richard Sorabji introduces the volume and himself contributes two new papers. A key recent area of research has been into the Arabic, Latin and Hebrew versions of texts, and several important essays look in depth at these. With all text translated and transliterated, the volume is accessible to readers without specialist knowledge of Greek or other languages, and should reach a wide audience across the disciplines of Philosophy, Classics and the study of ancient texts. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/thdAvlIvWl4EdKB","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1419,"pubplace":"New York","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators, 2016
By: Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2016
Publication Place	New York
Publisher	Bloomsbury Academic
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

This volume presents collected essays – some brand new, some republished, and others newly translated – on the ancient commentators on Aristotle and showcases the leading research of the last three decades. Through the work and scholarship inspired by Richard Sorabji in his series of translations of the commentators started in the 1980s, these ancient texts have become a key field within ancient philosophy. Building on the strength of the series, which has been hailed as ‘a scholarly marvel’, ‘a truly breath-taking achievement’ and ‘one of the great scholarly achievements of our time’ and on the widely praised edited volume brought out in 1990 (Aristotle Transformed) this new book brings together critical new scholarship that is a must-read for any scholar in the field. With a wide range of contributors from across the globe, the articles look at the commentators themselves, discussing problems of analysis and interpretation that have arisen through close study of the texts. Richard Sorabji introduces the volume and himself contributes two new papers. A key recent area of research has been into the Arabic, Latin and Hebrew versions of texts, and several important essays look in depth at these. With all text translated and transliterated, the volume is accessible to readers without specialist knowledge of Greek or other languages, and should reach a wide audience across the disciplines of Philosophy, Classics and the study of ancient texts. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gZ0ZaTAlMe0PYrI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1419","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1419,"authors_free":[{"id":2220,"entry_id":1419,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators"},"abstract":"This volume presents collected essays \u2013 some brand new, some republished, and others newly translated \u2013 on the ancient commentators on Aristotle and showcases the leading research of the last three decades. Through the work and scholarship inspired by Richard Sorabji in his series of translations of the commentators started in the 1980s, these ancient texts have become a key field within ancient philosophy. Building on the strength of the series, which has been hailed as \u2018a scholarly marvel\u2019, \u2018a truly breath-taking achievement\u2019 and \u2018one of the great scholarly achievements of our time\u2019 and on the widely praised edited volume brought out in 1990 (Aristotle Transformed) this new book brings together critical new scholarship that is a must-read for any scholar in the field.\r\n\r\nWith a wide range of contributors from across the globe, the articles look at the commentators themselves, discussing problems of analysis and interpretation that have arisen through close study of the texts. Richard Sorabji introduces the volume and himself contributes two new papers. A key recent area of research has been into the Arabic, Latin and Hebrew versions of texts, and several important essays look in depth at these. With all text translated and transliterated, the volume is accessible to readers without specialist knowledge of Greek or other languages, and should reach a wide audience across the disciplines of Philosophy, Classics and the study of ancient texts. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gZ0ZaTAlMe0PYrI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1419,"pubplace":"New York","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Simplicius’ Corollary on Place: Method of Philosophising and Doctrines, 2016
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Golitsis, Pantelis, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius’ Corollary on Place: Method of Philosophising and Doctrines
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	531–540
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe , Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Simplicius’ Corollary on Place (Corollarium de loco) is not a doxographic text but a strictly Neoplatonic philosophical work, with its own philosophical method. It takes the form of a digression interrupting the continuity of Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics (itself a written work intended for readers, hoi entugkhanontes, hoi enteuxomenoi), and its literary genre is that of a monograph treatise using dialectic and exegesis as its principal methods. The dialectical method consists in discussing the opinions of Simplicius’ predecessors, ancient and modern, mainly Aristotle and Proclus, to pave the way for the exposition of the truth, following the method inaugurated by Aristotle in the Topics and still very much alive. It also proceeds by puzzles and solutions (aporiai kai luseis). Th e exegetic method reappears even within a digression which breaks with the continuous commentary and Simplicius devotes sometimes long passages to quoting and commenting on texts from Aristotle, Theophrastus, Proclus, and Damascius, but also from the Chaldaean Oracles, Iamblichus, or Syrianus. Throughout this piece Simplicius maintains complete control over his material which includes the art of rhetoric, dialectical technique, and his philosophic intention. In it, he replaces the Aristotelian defi nition of place (‘the first unmoved boundary of the surrounding body’ (to tou periekhontos peras akinêton prôton), Phys . 4.4, 212a20–1) with a new defi nition taken from his master Damascius (place is the measure of the intrinsic positioning (metron tês theseôs) of the parts of a body, and of its right position in a greater surrounding whole), and he departs from Aristotle’s thought with a radical innovation which progressively works its way in. [introduction p. 531-532]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nyFqYhK3Z7baSF2

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1508","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1508,"authors_free":[{"id":2619,"entry_id":1508,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2620,"entry_id":1508,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":129,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","free_first_name":"Pantelis","free_last_name":"Golitsis","norm_person":{"id":129,"first_name":"Pantelis","last_name":"Golitsis","full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2621,"entry_id":1508,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius\u2019 Corollary on Place: Method of Philosophising and Doctrines","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius\u2019 Corollary on Place: Method of Philosophising and Doctrines"},"abstract":"Simplicius\u2019 Corollary on Place (Corollarium de loco) is not a doxographic text but a strictly Neoplatonic philosophical work, with its own philosophical method. It takes the form of a digression interrupting the continuity of Simplicius\u2019 commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics (itself a written work intended for readers, hoi entugkhanontes, hoi enteuxomenoi), and its literary genre is that of a monograph treatise using dialectic and exegesis as its principal methods. The dialectical method consists in discussing the opinions of Simplicius\u2019 predecessors, ancient and modern, mainly Aristotle and Proclus, to pave the way for the exposition of the truth, following the method inaugurated by Aristotle in the Topics and still very much alive. It also proceeds by puzzles and solutions (aporiai kai luseis). Th e exegetic method reappears even within a digression which breaks with the continuous commentary and Simplicius devotes sometimes long passages to quoting and commenting on texts from Aristotle, Theophrastus, Proclus, and Damascius, but also from the Chaldaean Oracles, Iamblichus, or Syrianus. Throughout this piece Simplicius maintains complete control over his material which includes the art of rhetoric, dialectical technique, and his philosophic intention. In it, he replaces the Aristotelian defi nition of place (\u2018the first unmoved boundary of the surrounding body\u2019 (to tou periekhontos peras akin\u00eaton pr\u00f4ton), Phys . 4.4, 212a20\u20131) with a new defi nition taken from his master Damascius (place is the measure of the intrinsic positioning (metron t\u00eas these\u00f4s) of the parts of a body, and of its right position in a greater surrounding whole), and he departs from Aristotle\u2019s thought with a radical innovation which progressively works its way in. [introduction p. 531-532]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nyFqYhK3Z7baSF2","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":129,"full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1508,"section_of":1419,"pages":"531\u2013540","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1419,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabji2016","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2016","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This volume presents collected essays \u2013 some brand new, some republished, and others newly translated \u2013 on the ancient commentators on Aristotle and showcases the leading research of the last three decades. Through the work and scholarship inspired by Richard Sorabji in his series of translations of the commentators started in the 1980s, these ancient texts have become a key field within ancient philosophy. Building on the strength of the series, which has been hailed as \u2018a scholarly marvel\u2019, \u2018a truly breath-taking achievement\u2019 and \u2018one of the great scholarly achievements of our time\u2019 and on the widely praised edited volume brought out in 1990 (Aristotle Transformed) this new book brings together critical new scholarship that is a must-read for any scholar in the field.\r\n\r\nWith a wide range of contributors from across the globe, the articles look at the commentators themselves, discussing problems of analysis and interpretation that have arisen through close study of the texts. Richard Sorabji introduces the volume and himself contributes two new papers. A key recent area of research has been into the Arabic, Latin and Hebrew versions of texts, and several important essays look in depth at these. With all text translated and transliterated, the volume is accessible to readers without specialist knowledge of Greek or other languages, and should reach a wide audience across the disciplines of Philosophy, Classics and the study of ancient texts. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gZ0ZaTAlMe0PYrI","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1419,"pubplace":"New York","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

A Philosophical Portrait of Stephanus the Philosopher, 2016
By: Roueché, Mossman, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	A Philosophical Portrait of Stephanus the Philosopher
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	541-564
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Roueché, Mossman
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

The role played by Stephanus the Philosopher in the history of philosophy in the sixth century has been poorly studied. Th e clearest indication of this is the absence of any entry for Stephanus in either the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy or the recent Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity. He is universally acknowledged to be the author of an extant commentary on Aristotle’s De Interpretatione but beyond that, there has been considerable uncertainty concerning the identity, the date and the works attributed to someone who has been called ‘a very shadowy figure’. From the time of Hermann Usener’s classic dissertation, De Stephano Alexandrino, interest in Stephanus as a philosopher has been over- shadowed by interest in his non- philosophical activities. These include his supposed appointment as an ‘ecumenical teacher’ in Constantinople during the reign of Heraclius and his authorship of certain astrological, astronomical, alchemical and medical works that are attributed to ‘Stephanus’ in some manuscripts. It has recently been shown that the arguments for ascribing to him these non- philosophical activities are based on anachronistic evidence and that the conclusions are no longer valid. The removal of this‘evidence’ and the conclusions drawn from it provides a timely opportunity to examine afresh the genuine evidence that we have for his life and works as a philosopher and to draw some important conclusions regarding his influence. Far from being a shadowy figure, Stephanus was an important philosopher in sixth century Alexandria. He was a student of John Philoponus and, as one of the Christian successors of Olympiodorus, he continued the Christianisation of the introductory philosophical curriculum. His lectures covered the entire Organon and became the source of a philosophical vocabulary widely used by Christian theologians, including Maximus the Confessor and John Damascene, during the seventh and eighth centuries. Through translations into Syriac and Arabic, his commentaries continued to influence Syrian and Arabic philosophers well into the mediaeval period. [introduction p. 541-542]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/N5kDdYi5KDU6EBg

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1527","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1527,"authors_free":[{"id":2659,"entry_id":1527,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rouech\u00e9, Mossman","free_first_name":"Mossman","free_last_name":"Rouech\u00e9","norm_person":null},{"id":2660,"entry_id":1527,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"A Philosophical Portrait of Stephanus the Philosopher","main_title":{"title":"A Philosophical Portrait of Stephanus the Philosopher"},"abstract":"The role played by Stephanus the Philosopher in the history of philosophy in the sixth century has been poorly studied. Th e clearest indication of this is the absence of any entry for Stephanus in either the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy or the recent Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity. He is universally acknowledged to be the author of an extant commentary on Aristotle\u2019s De Interpretatione but beyond that, there has been considerable uncertainty concerning the identity, the date and the works attributed to someone who has been called \u2018a very shadowy figure\u2019. From the time of Hermann Usener\u2019s classic dissertation, De Stephano Alexandrino, interest in Stephanus as a philosopher has been over- shadowed by interest in his non- philosophical activities. These include his supposed appointment as an \u2018ecumenical teacher\u2019 in Constantinople during the reign of Heraclius and his authorship of certain astrological, astronomical, alchemical and medical works that are attributed to \u2018Stephanus\u2019 in some manuscripts. It has recently been shown that the arguments for ascribing to him these non- philosophical activities are based on anachronistic evidence and that the conclusions are no longer valid. The removal of this\u2018evidence\u2019 and the conclusions drawn from it provides a timely opportunity to examine afresh the genuine evidence that we have for his life and works as a philosopher and to draw some important conclusions regarding his influence. Far from being a shadowy figure, Stephanus was an important philosopher in sixth century Alexandria. He was a student of John Philoponus and, as one of the Christian successors of Olympiodorus, he continued the Christianisation of the introductory philosophical curriculum. His lectures covered the entire Organon and became the source of a philosophical vocabulary widely used by Christian theologians, including Maximus the Confessor and John Damascene, during the seventh and eighth centuries. Through translations into Syriac and Arabic, his commentaries continued to influence Syrian and Arabic philosophers well into the mediaeval period. [introduction p. 541-542]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/N5kDdYi5KDU6EBg","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1527,"section_of":1419,"pages":"541-564","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1419,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabji2016","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2016","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This volume presents collected essays \u2013 some brand new, some republished, and others newly translated \u2013 on the ancient commentators on Aristotle and showcases the leading research of the last three decades. Through the work and scholarship inspired by Richard Sorabji in his series of translations of the commentators started in the 1980s, these ancient texts have become a key field within ancient philosophy. Building on the strength of the series, which has been hailed as \u2018a scholarly marvel\u2019, \u2018a truly breath-taking achievement\u2019 and \u2018one of the great scholarly achievements of our time\u2019 and on the widely praised edited volume brought out in 1990 (Aristotle Transformed) this new book brings together critical new scholarship that is a must-read for any scholar in the field.\r\n\r\nWith a wide range of contributors from across the globe, the articles look at the commentators themselves, discussing problems of analysis and interpretation that have arisen through close study of the texts. Richard Sorabji introduces the volume and himself contributes two new papers. A key recent area of research has been into the Arabic, Latin and Hebrew versions of texts, and several important essays look in depth at these. With all text translated and transliterated, the volume is accessible to readers without specialist knowledge of Greek or other languages, and should reach a wide audience across the disciplines of Philosophy, Classics and the study of ancient texts. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gZ0ZaTAlMe0PYrI","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1419,"pubplace":"New York","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Dating of Philoponus’ Commentaries on Aristotle and of his Divergence from his Teacher Ammonius, 2016
By: Sorabji, Richard, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Dating of Philoponus’ Commentaries on Aristotle and of his Divergence from his Teacher Ammonius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	367-392
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

There have been two major hypotheses since 1990, and much valuable discussion concerning the dating of Philoponus’ commentaries on Aristotle and of his divergence from Ammonius. In 1990, Koenraad Verrycken summarized in Aristotle Transformed his new datings for Philoponus’ work, drawing on apparent contradictions in his statements about the eternity or coming-into-being of the universe and its contents, about the nature of place, and about the possibility of vacuum and of motion in a vacuum. His earlier dissertation of 1985 also included Philoponus’ changing treatment of Aristotle’s prime matter. He suggested solving these problems by postulating a phase around 517 CE in which Philoponus accepted his teacher Ammonius’ Neoplatonism and interpretation of Aristotle as agreeing with Plato and with Neoplatonism, and a later phase in which he reverted to his Christian origins on the level of doctrine and repudiated the Neoplatonist and Aristotelian ideas, especially where, as with eternity or the Creation of the universe, they contradicted Christian ideas. This called for a second edition of some earlier commentaries on Aristotle after 529 CE. Verrycken was aware that his particular dating might not be accepted, and even that the appearance of a Neoplatonist or Aristotelian view might sometimes be due to the expository nature of commentary on Aristotle. This and other explanations have since been proffered, and the particular dating has received widespread criticism, which I have summarized elsewhere. Nonetheless, even if Philoponus does not juxtapose as often as suggested different viewpoints of his own, Verrycken’s citations establish that he does develop different viewpoints across a wide range of texts and topics, so that it remains necessary to consider his evidence in formulating any alternative dating. The second major hypothesis was offered in 2008 by Pantelis Golitsis, who exploited an underused source of evidence that bears on several questions. He has also been kind enough to discuss at two workshops his further work in preparation. I shall, however, refer to his 2008 publication, except where explicitly stated. Philoponus’ seven commentaries on Aristotle are divided into books, and four commentaries are, or at least some books in four commentaries are, described in their titles as being Philoponus’ commentarial (skholastikai) notes (aposêmeiôseis) from the meetings (sunousiai), i.e., seminar sessions, of Ammonius (his teacher), with Philoponus’ name or other designation coming first. The four are in An. Pr., in An. Post., in DA, and in GC. The last three of these four are described as containing further (critical) reflections (more below on the meaning of epistaseis) of his own (idiôn) by Philoponus. The remaining three of Philoponus’ commentaries on Aristotle are not ascribed to the seminars of Ammonius. Philoponus also refers twice to a commentary, now lost, on Porphyry’s Introduction (Isagôgê), his introduction that is, on one interpretation, to Aristotle’s logic. All this could have several important implications. First, although the titles of his commentaries were written in by successive scribes, Golitsis has sought out the best manuscripts and has taken them to represent Philoponus’ own description, and from this he has inferred quite a precise timetable for Philoponus’ commentaries on Aristotle. The commentaries whose book titles refer to Ammonius’ seminars were written first and commissioned as editions of Ammonius’ lectures as they were delivered in the order of the standard curriculum between 510 and 515. Philoponus’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, which contains a lecture dated to 517, is not connected in its book titles with Ammonius’ lectures in the modern edition of Vitelli under the general editorship of Diels, and moreover, it contains open disagreement with Ammonius. If that is right, the commentary will reflect courses that Philoponus himself was giving. However, Golitsis allows me to mention that in further work, he will now be taking seriously Trincavelli’s earlier alternative reading of the manuscript title, which does, at the beginning of the commentary on Physics Book One, mention both Ammonius’ seminars and Philoponus’ (critical) reflections, and he will be explaining the transformative consequences. Philoponus’ editions of Ammonius’ lectures will have included, again, Golitsis suggests, in the order of the standard curriculum: on Porphyry’s Isagôgê, and on Aristotle’s Categories, then on the eighth book of his Physics, which precedes the lecture of 517 on the Physics, whether or not the series includes more on the Physics. So far, Golitsis’ conclusion rightly observes the standard view that most commentaries on Aristotle reflect teaching classes. But, by way of exception, the commentary on Aristotle’s Meteorology is not connected by any titles to Ammonius, and Golitsis argues it does not appear to reflect teaching either, so was written after Philoponus had stopped teaching courses on Aristotle. The task now, as I see it, is to consider how far the new considerations about titles, combined with many others, including some highlighted by Verrycken, can enable us to confirm or disconfirm the details of dating and divergence and provide a modified picture. [introduction p. 367-369]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6Gmj6C363y2Apg8

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1531","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1531,"authors_free":[{"id":2667,"entry_id":1531,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2668,"entry_id":1531,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Dating of Philoponus\u2019 Commentaries on Aristotle and of his Divergence from his Teacher Ammonius","main_title":{"title":"Dating of Philoponus\u2019 Commentaries on Aristotle and of his Divergence from his Teacher Ammonius"},"abstract":"There have been two major hypotheses since 1990, and much valuable discussion concerning the dating of Philoponus\u2019 commentaries on Aristotle and of his divergence from Ammonius. In 1990, Koenraad Verrycken summarized in Aristotle Transformed his new datings for Philoponus\u2019 work, drawing on apparent contradictions in his statements about the eternity or coming-into-being of the universe and its contents, about the nature of place, and about the possibility of vacuum and of motion in a vacuum. His earlier dissertation of 1985 also included Philoponus\u2019 changing treatment of Aristotle\u2019s prime matter. He suggested solving these problems by postulating a phase around 517 CE in which Philoponus accepted his teacher Ammonius\u2019 Neoplatonism and interpretation of Aristotle as agreeing with Plato and with Neoplatonism, and a later phase in which he reverted to his Christian origins on the level of doctrine and repudiated the Neoplatonist and Aristotelian ideas, especially where, as with eternity or the Creation of the universe, they contradicted Christian ideas. This called for a second edition of some earlier commentaries on Aristotle after 529 CE. Verrycken was aware that his particular dating might not be accepted, and even that the appearance of a Neoplatonist or Aristotelian view might sometimes be due to the expository nature of commentary on Aristotle. This and other explanations have since been proffered, and the particular dating has received widespread criticism, which I have summarized elsewhere. Nonetheless, even if Philoponus does not juxtapose as often as suggested different viewpoints of his own, Verrycken\u2019s citations establish that he does develop different viewpoints across a wide range of texts and topics, so that it remains necessary to consider his evidence in formulating any alternative dating.\r\n\r\nThe second major hypothesis was offered in 2008 by Pantelis Golitsis, who exploited an underused source of evidence that bears on several questions. He has also been kind enough to discuss at two workshops his further work in preparation. I shall, however, refer to his 2008 publication, except where explicitly stated. Philoponus\u2019 seven commentaries on Aristotle are divided into books, and four commentaries are, or at least some books in four commentaries are, described in their titles as being Philoponus\u2019 commentarial (skholastikai) notes (apos\u00eamei\u00f4seis) from the meetings (sunousiai), i.e., seminar sessions, of Ammonius (his teacher), with Philoponus\u2019 name or other designation coming first. The four are in An. Pr., in An. Post., in DA, and in GC. The last three of these four are described as containing further (critical) reflections (more below on the meaning of epistaseis) of his own (idi\u00f4n) by Philoponus. The remaining three of Philoponus\u2019 commentaries on Aristotle are not ascribed to the seminars of Ammonius. Philoponus also refers twice to a commentary, now lost, on Porphyry\u2019s Introduction (Isag\u00f4g\u00ea), his introduction that is, on one interpretation, to Aristotle\u2019s logic. All this could have several important implications.\r\n\r\nFirst, although the titles of his commentaries were written in by successive scribes, Golitsis has sought out the best manuscripts and has taken them to represent Philoponus\u2019 own description, and from this he has inferred quite a precise timetable for Philoponus\u2019 commentaries on Aristotle. The commentaries whose book titles refer to Ammonius\u2019 seminars were written first and commissioned as editions of Ammonius\u2019 lectures as they were delivered in the order of the standard curriculum between 510 and 515. Philoponus\u2019 commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics, which contains a lecture dated to 517, is not connected in its book titles with Ammonius\u2019 lectures in the modern edition of Vitelli under the general editorship of Diels, and moreover, it contains open disagreement with Ammonius. If that is right, the commentary will reflect courses that Philoponus himself was giving.\r\n\r\nHowever, Golitsis allows me to mention that in further work, he will now be taking seriously Trincavelli\u2019s earlier alternative reading of the manuscript title, which does, at the beginning of the commentary on Physics Book One, mention both Ammonius\u2019 seminars and Philoponus\u2019 (critical) reflections, and he will be explaining the transformative consequences. Philoponus\u2019 editions of Ammonius\u2019 lectures will have included, again, Golitsis suggests, in the order of the standard curriculum: on Porphyry\u2019s Isag\u00f4g\u00ea, and on Aristotle\u2019s Categories, then on the eighth book of his Physics, which precedes the lecture of 517 on the Physics, whether or not the series includes more on the Physics.\r\n\r\nSo far, Golitsis\u2019 conclusion rightly observes the standard view that most commentaries on Aristotle reflect teaching classes. But, by way of exception, the commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Meteorology is not connected by any titles to Ammonius, and Golitsis argues it does not appear to reflect teaching either, so was written after Philoponus had stopped teaching courses on Aristotle. The task now, as I see it, is to consider how far the new considerations about titles, combined with many others, including some highlighted by Verrycken, can enable us to confirm or disconfirm the details of dating and divergence and provide a modified picture. [introduction p. 367-369]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6Gmj6C363y2Apg8","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1531,"section_of":1419,"pages":"367-392","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1419,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabji2016","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2016","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This volume presents collected essays \u2013 some brand new, some republished, and others newly translated \u2013 on the ancient commentators on Aristotle and showcases the leading research of the last three decades. Through the work and scholarship inspired by Richard Sorabji in his series of translations of the commentators started in the 1980s, these ancient texts have become a key field within ancient philosophy. Building on the strength of the series, which has been hailed as \u2018a scholarly marvel\u2019, \u2018a truly breath-taking achievement\u2019 and \u2018one of the great scholarly achievements of our time\u2019 and on the widely praised edited volume brought out in 1990 (Aristotle Transformed) this new book brings together critical new scholarship that is a must-read for any scholar in the field.\r\n\r\nWith a wide range of contributors from across the globe, the articles look at the commentators themselves, discussing problems of analysis and interpretation that have arisen through close study of the texts. Richard Sorabji introduces the volume and himself contributes two new papers. A key recent area of research has been into the Arabic, Latin and Hebrew versions of texts, and several important essays look in depth at these. With all text translated and transliterated, the volume is accessible to readers without specialist knowledge of Greek or other languages, and should reach a wide audience across the disciplines of Philosophy, Classics and the study of ancient texts. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gZ0ZaTAlMe0PYrI","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1419,"pubplace":"New York","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Smoothing over the Differences: Proclus and Ammonius on Plato’s Cratylus and Aristotle’s De Interpretatione, 2016
By: van den Berg, Robbert Maarten , Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Smoothing over the Differences: Proclus and Ammonius on Plato’s Cratylus and Aristotle’s De Interpretatione
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	353-366
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	van den Berg, Robbert Maarten
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Ammonius, the son of Hermeias († between 517 and 526), was not a prolific author, unlike his teacher Proclus (412–485). Whereas the latter wrote up to seven hundred lines a day, the only large work that Ammonius ever wrote was his commentary on Aristotle’s De Interpretatione. Remarkably enough, for someone whose entire reputation rests on his study of Aristotle, he does not claim any credit for its content. His work, he writes at the beginning, is a record of the interpretations of his divine teacher Proclus. If he too is able to add anything to the clarification of the book, he ‘owes a great thanks to the god of eloquence.’ How much did the god of eloquence allow Ammonius to add? No other sources of Proclus’ course on the Int. survive. Yet in one case we are able to study Ammonius’ originality or the lack of it: his discussion of Aristotle’s views on onomata, a group of words that corresponds roughly speaking to our nouns and which I shall refer to as ‘names’ in this paper. One of the major issues in Greek linguistic thought throughout Antiquity was the relation between names and their objects. Does there exist some sort of natural relation between names and their objects, or are names just a matter of convention? Plato had discussed the question in his Cratylus, in which he had made a certain Hermogenes the spokesman of the conventionalist position and the eponymous character Cratylus an adherent of the naturalist position. In the end, Socrates forces both Hermogenes and Cratylus to admit that names are partly by nature and partly by convention, hence that they are both right and wrong. Many scholars, both ancient and modern, believe that in the first chapters of Int. Aristotle responded at least in part to the views expressed in the Cratylus. As it so happens, an excerpt of Proclus’ lecture notes on that Platonic dialogue has survived. A first reading of the two commentaries seems indeed to suggest that there is a substantial overlap between them on the relevant issue, even though Proclus may at times be critical of Aristotle. As we shall see, this apparent correspondence has even inspired an attempt to emend Proclus’ text at one point on the basis of Ammonius’ commentary. In this paper, I will argue that in fact Ammonius’ concept of onoma is significantly different from that of Proclus. As Proclus had observed, but as Ammonius tried to downplay, Aristotle had been arguing against Plato. For Proclus, this did not pose any particular problem. Like all Neoplatonists, Ammonius included, he was convinced that the divinely inspired Plato had to be right. If Aristotle chose to deviate from Plato and the truth, that was his problem. Proclus sets Socrates up as a judge (in Crat. §10, p. 4,12) between the conventionalist Hermogenes and the naturalist Cratylus, a judge who shows that they are both right and wrong. Aristotle is explicitly counted among the partisans of Hermogenes. On the whole, one can say that Proclus is very critical of Aristotle in in Crat. Ammonius, on the other hand, wanted to show that Plato and Aristotle were in complete harmony with each other, even where this is not evident. He too presents Socrates as a mediator between Hermogenes and Cratylus (in Int. 37,1), but this time Aristotle is not grouped together with Hermogenes but presented as being of the same mind as Socrates. As we shall see, Ammonius, when discussing the nature of names, takes his point of departure from Aristotle. Since Aristotle’s idea of what a name is differs from Plato’s, Ammonius will arrive at a concept of name that is fundamentally different from that of Proclus, who takes Plato as his starting point. On the assumption that Proclus, who for the most part appears to be quite consistent throughout his enormous œuvre, did not radically change his views when lecturing on Int., we may thus infer from this that Ammonius was not slavishly following Proclus. This becomes all the more apparent in the case of Ammonius’ interpretation of Cratylus’ position in the dialogue. In order to harmonize Plato with Aristotle, Ammonius offers a rather original, albeit not very convincing, reading of that position. Once we have established the fundamental difference between the two of them, we will be better able to explain a phenomenon to which Richard Sorabji has recently drawn attention: the absence of any interest in divine names in Ammonius’ commentary. Finally, this case study will allow us to make a more general observation about the relation between the Athenian and Alexandrian commentators. [introduction p. 353-355]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/U7I3LYIXJL83A4Y

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Whereas the latter wrote up to seven hundred lines a day, the only large work that Ammonius ever wrote was his commentary on Aristotle\u2019s De Interpretatione. Remarkably enough, for someone whose entire reputation rests on his study of Aristotle, he does not claim any credit for its content. His work, he writes at the beginning, is a record of the interpretations of his divine teacher Proclus. If he too is able to add anything to the clarification of the book, he \u2018owes a great thanks to the god of eloquence.\u2019\r\n\r\nHow much did the god of eloquence allow Ammonius to add? No other sources of Proclus\u2019 course on the Int. survive. Yet in one case we are able to study Ammonius\u2019 originality or the lack of it: his discussion of Aristotle\u2019s views on onomata, a group of words that corresponds roughly speaking to our nouns and which I shall refer to as \u2018names\u2019 in this paper.\r\n\r\nOne of the major issues in Greek linguistic thought throughout Antiquity was the relation between names and their objects. Does there exist some sort of natural relation between names and their objects, or are names just a matter of convention? Plato had discussed the question in his Cratylus, in which he had made a certain Hermogenes the spokesman of the conventionalist position and the eponymous character Cratylus an adherent of the naturalist position. In the end, Socrates forces both Hermogenes and Cratylus to admit that names are partly by nature and partly by convention, hence that they are both right and wrong. Many scholars, both ancient and modern, believe that in the first chapters of Int. Aristotle responded at least in part to the views expressed in the Cratylus. As it so happens, an excerpt of Proclus\u2019 lecture notes on that Platonic dialogue has survived. A first reading of the two commentaries seems indeed to suggest that there is a substantial overlap between them on the relevant issue, even though Proclus may at times be critical of Aristotle. As we shall see, this apparent correspondence has even inspired an attempt to emend Proclus\u2019 text at one point on the basis of Ammonius\u2019 commentary.\r\n\r\nIn this paper, I will argue that in fact Ammonius\u2019 concept of onoma is significantly different from that of Proclus. As Proclus had observed, but as Ammonius tried to downplay, Aristotle had been arguing against Plato. For Proclus, this did not pose any particular problem. Like all Neoplatonists, Ammonius included, he was convinced that the divinely inspired Plato had to be right. If Aristotle chose to deviate from Plato and the truth, that was his problem. Proclus sets Socrates up as a judge (in Crat. \u00a710, p. 4,12) between the conventionalist Hermogenes and the naturalist Cratylus, a judge who shows that they are both right and wrong. Aristotle is explicitly counted among the partisans of Hermogenes. On the whole, one can say that Proclus is very critical of Aristotle in in Crat.\r\n\r\nAmmonius, on the other hand, wanted to show that Plato and Aristotle were in complete harmony with each other, even where this is not evident. He too presents Socrates as a mediator between Hermogenes and Cratylus (in Int. 37,1), but this time Aristotle is not grouped together with Hermogenes but presented as being of the same mind as Socrates. As we shall see, Ammonius, when discussing the nature of names, takes his point of departure from Aristotle. Since Aristotle\u2019s idea of what a name is differs from Plato\u2019s, Ammonius will arrive at a concept of name that is fundamentally different from that of Proclus, who takes Plato as his starting point. On the assumption that Proclus, who for the most part appears to be quite consistent throughout his enormous \u0153uvre, did not radically change his views when lecturing on Int., we may thus infer from this that Ammonius was not slavishly following Proclus. This becomes all the more apparent in the case of Ammonius\u2019 interpretation of Cratylus\u2019 position in the dialogue. In order to harmonize Plato with Aristotle, Ammonius offers a rather original, albeit not very convincing, reading of that position.\r\n\r\nOnce we have established the fundamental difference between the two of them, we will be better able to explain a phenomenon to which Richard Sorabji has recently drawn attention: the absence of any interest in divine names in Ammonius\u2019 commentary. Finally, this case study will allow us to make a more general observation about the relation between the Athenian and Alexandrian commentators. [introduction p. 353-355]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/U7I3LYIXJL83A4Y","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1532,"section_of":1419,"pages":"353-366","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1419,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Re-Interpreted. 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Building on the strength of the series, which has been hailed as \u2018a scholarly marvel\u2019, \u2018a truly breath-taking achievement\u2019 and \u2018one of the great scholarly achievements of our time\u2019 and on the widely praised edited volume brought out in 1990 (Aristotle Transformed) this new book brings together critical new scholarship that is a must-read for any scholar in the field.\r\n\r\nWith a wide range of contributors from across the globe, the articles look at the commentators themselves, discussing problems of analysis and interpretation that have arisen through close study of the texts. Richard Sorabji introduces the volume and himself contributes two new papers. A key recent area of research has been into the Arabic, Latin and Hebrew versions of texts, and several important essays look in depth at these. With all text translated and transliterated, the volume is accessible to readers without specialist knowledge of Greek or other languages, and should reach a wide audience across the disciplines of Philosophy, Classics and the study of ancient texts. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gZ0ZaTAlMe0PYrI","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1419,"pubplace":"New York","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Mixture in Philoponus: An Encounter with a Third Kind of Potentiality, 2016
By: de Haas, Frans A. J., Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Mixture in Philoponus: An Encounter with a Third Kind of Potentiality
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	413-436
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	de Haas, Frans A. J.
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

In this study, I have tried to show that Philoponus’ commentary on Aristotle’s account of mixture has to be understood against the background of a discussion between three views of mixture that dominated the Aristotelian tradition as a whole. The starting point was Zabarella’s classification of solutions to the main problem of mixture: how to interpret Aristotle’s claim that the ingredients are preserved in the mixture in potentiality. In a sense, Proclus and Simplicius belong with Avicenna because they accept the preservation of the elements in actuality, along with reduced actuality and interaction in the realm of qualities. However, since they reject Aristotelian mixture and discuss the problem in terms of body vs. qualities rather than forms vs. qualities, they are best regarded as belonging to a different school altogether. Alexander is probably the main source of the influential account of Averroes. Philoponus belongs with the fourth group due to his criticism of Aristotle (or rather Alexander). He accepts the corruption of the ingredients while only their qualities are preserved in reduced actuality. It remains to be seen whether his influence on the medieval authors that subscribe to a similar view can be established. Zabarella’s reports on his sources should be handled with care. His summaries of Alexander are inadequate, his understanding of Philoponus is wrong. He himself claims that his ‘true’ interpretation of Averroes was not followed by any Averroist (see e.g. 465A, 466B), which should give us pause as well. Moreover, I fail to see how he can believe that his complicated interpretation of Averroes can be backed up by his interpretation of Alexander and Philoponus: they seem to represent three quite different doctrines indeed. Although a quick glance at Zabarella’s other medieval sources seems to confirm his classification of them, it cannot be ruled out that closer inspection will yield some surprises, as it did with Philoponus. The details of Zabarella’s own theory of mixture still await further investigation. To conclude on a more general note: in charting the commentary tradition on Aristotle’s work from Late Antiquity through Arabic, Latin Medieval, and Renaissance authors, it is tempting to assume we are dealing with a single line of tradition. However, it is still far from clear which ancient commentaries were available (in Greek or in Arabic, Syrian, or Latin translation) at what date. But even if this can be established, we cannot be sure that a particular commentator actually used his predecessors’ commentaries, even when he refers to them by name: perhaps he merely copied a reference from another commentary. In this way, Zabarella’s mistake may have arisen. More importantly, every commentator who analyzes the problem of the potentiality of the ingredients in a mixture as it is presented in Aristotle’s texts in On Generation and Corruption is faced with a limited number of possible solutions. Every commentator, then, is perfectly capable of re-inventing the wheel. However, the application of the third kind of potentiality in the context of mixture seems to have been invented for the first time by John Philoponus. [conclusion p. 434-435]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ldUX6hfn5ClzTTs

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J.","free_last_name":"de Haas","norm_person":null},{"id":2662,"entry_id":1528,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Mixture in Philoponus: An Encounter with a Third Kind of Potentiality","main_title":{"title":"Mixture in Philoponus: An Encounter with a Third Kind of Potentiality"},"abstract":"In this study, I have tried to show that Philoponus\u2019 commentary on Aristotle\u2019s account of mixture has to be understood against the background of a discussion between three views of mixture that dominated the Aristotelian tradition as a whole. The starting point was Zabarella\u2019s classification of solutions to the main problem of mixture: how to interpret Aristotle\u2019s claim that the ingredients are preserved in the mixture in potentiality. In a sense, Proclus and Simplicius belong with Avicenna because they accept the preservation of the elements in actuality, along with reduced actuality and interaction in the realm of qualities. However, since they reject Aristotelian mixture and discuss the problem in terms of body vs. qualities rather than forms vs. qualities, they are best regarded as belonging to a different school altogether. Alexander is probably the main source of the influential account of Averroes. Philoponus belongs with the fourth group due to his criticism of Aristotle (or rather Alexander). He accepts the corruption of the ingredients while only their qualities are preserved in reduced actuality. It remains to be seen whether his influence on the medieval authors that subscribe to a similar view can be established.\r\n\r\nZabarella\u2019s reports on his sources should be handled with care. His summaries of Alexander are inadequate, his understanding of Philoponus is wrong. He himself claims that his \u2018true\u2019 interpretation of Averroes was not followed by any Averroist (see e.g. 465A, 466B), which should give us pause as well. Moreover, I fail to see how he can believe that his complicated interpretation of Averroes can be backed up by his interpretation of Alexander and Philoponus: they seem to represent three quite different doctrines indeed. Although a quick glance at Zabarella\u2019s other medieval sources seems to confirm his classification of them, it cannot be ruled out that closer inspection will yield some surprises, as it did with Philoponus. The details of Zabarella\u2019s own theory of mixture still await further investigation.\r\n\r\nTo conclude on a more general note: in charting the commentary tradition on Aristotle\u2019s work from Late Antiquity through Arabic, Latin Medieval, and Renaissance authors, it is tempting to assume we are dealing with a single line of tradition. However, it is still far from clear which ancient commentaries were available (in Greek or in Arabic, Syrian, or Latin translation) at what date. But even if this can be established, we cannot be sure that a particular commentator actually used his predecessors\u2019 commentaries, even when he refers to them by name: perhaps he merely copied a reference from another commentary. In this way, Zabarella\u2019s mistake may have arisen. More importantly, every commentator who analyzes the problem of the potentiality of the ingredients in a mixture as it is presented in Aristotle\u2019s texts in On Generation and Corruption is faced with a limited number of possible solutions. Every commentator, then, is perfectly capable of re-inventing the wheel. However, the application of the third kind of potentiality in the context of mixture seems to have been invented for the first time by John Philoponus.\r\n[conclusion p. 434-435]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ldUX6hfn5ClzTTs","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1528,"section_of":1419,"pages":"413-436","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1419,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabji2016","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2016","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This volume presents collected essays \u2013 some brand new, some republished, and others newly translated \u2013 on the ancient commentators on Aristotle and showcases the leading research of the last three decades. Through the work and scholarship inspired by Richard Sorabji in his series of translations of the commentators started in the 1980s, these ancient texts have become a key field within ancient philosophy. Building on the strength of the series, which has been hailed as \u2018a scholarly marvel\u2019, \u2018a truly breath-taking achievement\u2019 and \u2018one of the great scholarly achievements of our time\u2019 and on the widely praised edited volume brought out in 1990 (Aristotle Transformed) this new book brings together critical new scholarship that is a must-read for any scholar in the field.\r\n\r\nWith a wide range of contributors from across the globe, the articles look at the commentators themselves, discussing problems of analysis and interpretation that have arisen through close study of the texts. Richard Sorabji introduces the volume and himself contributes two new papers. A key recent area of research has been into the Arabic, Latin and Hebrew versions of texts, and several important essays look in depth at these. With all text translated and transliterated, the volume is accessible to readers without specialist knowledge of Greek or other languages, and should reach a wide audience across the disciplines of Philosophy, Classics and the study of ancient texts. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gZ0ZaTAlMe0PYrI","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1419,"pubplace":"New York","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Rediscovered Categories Commentary: Porphyry(?) with Fragments of Boethus, 2016
By: Chiaradonna, Riccardo, Rashed, Marwan, Sedley, David N., Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Rediscovered Categories Commentary: Porphyry(?) with Fragments of Boethus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	231-262
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chiaradonna, Riccardo , Rashed, Marwan , Sedley, David N.
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

The celebrated Archimedes Palimpsest has turned out to include not only seminal works of Archimedes but also two speeches by Hyperides and—identified as recently as 2005—fourteen pages of an otherwise unknown commentary on Aristotle’s Categories, in a copy written around 900 CE. Even if it contained nothing else, the citations that this last manuscript preserves from named earlier commentators—Andronicus, Boethus, Nicostratus, and Herminus—would be enough to make it an important addition to our knowledge of the Categories tradition. Its new evidence on the first-century BCE Aristotelian Boethus is especially significant. Two of the three citations from him (3,19–22; 14,4–12) probably embody his words more or less verbatim, to judge from the combination of direct speech and peculiarly crabbed language, very unlike the author’s usual style. In addition, the author mentions a group of anonymous commentators already criticized by Boethus, thus giving further unexpected insights into the early reception of Aristotle’s work. But the author’s own contributions are rich and fascinating too. If his date and identity could be established, the new text would make an even greater impact on our present state of understanding. In this article, it will be argued that the new fragment is, to all appearances, a remnant of the most important of all the ancient Categories commentaries, Porphyry’s lost Ad Gedalium. The grounds for such an attribution will be set out in this introduction. There will then follow a translation of the passage, and finally a commentary on the commentary. Our aim is not, in the space of a single article, to settle all the interpretative questions but, on the contrary, to initiate discussion, to develop our proposal regarding authorship, and, above all, to bring the already published text to the attention of interested scholars in the field of ancient philosophy. The commentary consists of seven consecutive folios, recto and verso, each with thirty lines per side and around forty letters per line. For ease of reference, we have renumbered the sides into a simple consecutive run, 1–14. Despite its severely damaged state, it has proved possible to decipher much of the greater part of the text on these fourteen pages. In what follows, we start with a brief description, then turn to the question of authorship. The entire fourteen pages deal, incompletely, with just two consecutive lemmata from the Categories. The passage already under discussion when the text opens is 1a20-b15, a strikingly long lemma, especially given that the same passage is divided into three lemmata by Ammonius and into five by Simplicius. The commentator has by this point already dealt, presumably at some length, with Aristotle’s well-known distinction there between properties that are ‘said of a subject’ and those that are ‘in a subject.’ As the text opens, he is discussing the later part of the lemma, 1b10–15, where Aristotle explains a principle of transitivity according to which when predicate B is said of subject A, and predicate C is said of subject B, then predicate C is said of subject A. Various aspects of this theorem, and problems arising from it, occupy the commentator from 1,1 to 7,8. But he then returns (7,8–9,30) to the opening part of the main lemma, its fourfold division of predicates (1a20-b9), which he presents as applying a neglected Aristotelian method of division, one that can also, as he proceeds to illustrate, be used effectively in the doxographical mapping out of philosophical theories. At 9,30–10,12, we encounter the transition to a new lemma, Categories 1b16–24, where Aristotle explains his thesis that any two different genera, such as animal and knowledge, which are not subordinated one to the other, will normally be divided by two specifically (tôi eidei) different sets of differentiae. The commentator takes the opportunity here to explain the basic vocabulary of genus, species, and differentia, as befits the opening pages of a work that was itself placed first in the Aristotelian corpus. Otherwise, his discussion, as for the preceding lemma, is largely taken up with the resolution of the exegetical problems raised by his predecessors. The Categories was the earliest Aristotelian treatise to attract commentaries and critiques from the first century BCE onwards. The numerous exegetes, of whose work only a small proportion has survived, included not only Aristotelians but also Platonists, Stoics, and others of uncertain philosophical allegiance. The surviving commentaries are in fact all the work of Neoplatonists, starting with the short question-and-answer commentary by Porphyry (third century CE), but they contain plentiful reports of the views of earlier commentators and critics. Since our commentary repeatedly cites previous commentators from the first century BCE to the second century CE but none later than that, we can be confident that it was written in the Roman imperial era, not earlier than the time of Alexander of Aphrodisias (c. 200), whose teacher Herminus is the latest commentator cited, and probably not very much later either. This enables us to set about searching for its author’s identity systematically, since we are fortunate, in the case of this particular Aristotelian treatise, to have from Simplicius (in Cat. 1,9–2,29 Kalbfleisch) a detailed survey of the commentary tradition down to the beginning of the sixth century. [introduction p. 231-233]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/boTHRcfBsw3NuBU

Iamblichus’ Noera Theôria of Aristotle’s Categories, 2016
By: Dillon, John, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Iamblichus’ Noera Theôria of Aristotle’s Categories
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	313-326
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dillon, John
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

It will be seen that it is Iamblichus’ purpose to salvage Aristotle, reconciling him both with his perceived doctrine elsewhere (as, for example, in the Metaphysics and the Physics), and with that of Plato and the Pythagoreans. The aim is to establish a metaphysical framework for the interpretation of the Categories, revealing the hidden levels of truth inherent in it. This is achieved, of course, at the cost of ignoring what seems to us the essentially anti-metaphysical, as well as tentative and exploratory, nature of the Categories, but it would be somewhat anachronistic to condemn Iamblichus too severely for that. The text of the Categories had been a battleground for at least three hundred years before his time, from the period of Andronicus, Ariston, and Eudorus of Alexandria, and the Stoic Apollodorus of Tarsus in the first century BCE, through that of the Platonists Lucius and Nicostratus, and then Atticus, and the Stoic Cornutus, and lastly Alexander of Aphrodisias in the first and second centuries CE, down to Plotinus and Porphyry in his own day, with every phrase and word of the text liable to challenge and requiring defense. Iamblichus’ distinctive contribution is to take the Categories as a coherent description of reality in the Neoplatonic sense, and that, bizarre as it may seem to us, is not really all that more perverse than many of the various ways in which the work had been treated in the centuries before him. [conclusion p. 324-325]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/d9iiR3Sr5aRY9S7

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The aim is to establish a metaphysical framework for the interpretation of the Categories, revealing the hidden levels of truth inherent in it. This is achieved, of course, at the cost of ignoring what seems to us the essentially anti-metaphysical, as well as tentative and exploratory, nature of the Categories, but it would be somewhat anachronistic to condemn Iamblichus too severely for that. The text of the Categories had been a battleground for at least three hundred years before his time, from the period of Andronicus, Ariston, and Eudorus of Alexandria, and the Stoic Apollodorus of Tarsus in the first century BCE, through that of the Platonists Lucius and Nicostratus, and then Atticus, and the Stoic Cornutus, and lastly Alexander of Aphrodisias in the first and second centuries CE, down to Plotinus and Porphyry in his own day, with every phrase and word of the text liable to challenge and requiring defense. Iamblichus\u2019 distinctive contribution is to take the Categories as a coherent description of reality in the Neoplatonic sense, and that, bizarre as it may seem to us, is not really all that more perverse than many of the various ways in which the work had been treated in the centuries before him. [conclusion p. 324-325]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/d9iiR3Sr5aRY9S7","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":97,"full_name":"Dillon, John","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1533,"section_of":1419,"pages":"313-326","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1419,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Re-Interpreted. 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Building on the strength of the series, which has been hailed as \u2018a scholarly marvel\u2019, \u2018a truly breath-taking achievement\u2019 and \u2018one of the great scholarly achievements of our time\u2019 and on the widely praised edited volume brought out in 1990 (Aristotle Transformed) this new book brings together critical new scholarship that is a must-read for any scholar in the field.\r\n\r\nWith a wide range of contributors from across the globe, the articles look at the commentators themselves, discussing problems of analysis and interpretation that have arisen through close study of the texts. Richard Sorabji introduces the volume and himself contributes two new papers. A key recent area of research has been into the Arabic, Latin and Hebrew versions of texts, and several important essays look in depth at these. 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Universals Transformed in the Commentators on Aristotle, 2016
By: Sorabji, Richard, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Universals Transformed in the Commentators on Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	291-312
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Let me survey what transformations we have noticed in the idea of universals in the tradition of ancient commentary on Aristotle. Boethus downgraded them. Alexander multiplied grades, going beyond Aristotle by including as a grade on the same scale conceptual universals, but ameliorated the low status of both grades by giving the non-conceptual ones certain explanatory roles. He also innovated in discussing Aristotle’s rejection of Plato’s Ideas by saying that even if Ideas and particulars were synonymous, sharing both name and definition, yet the definition might not be properly shared by the particular. Porphyry followed Alexander by accepting multigrade universals, but Ammonius influenced posterity by associating Porphyry with the idea that only concepts are universals. Proclus and Simplicius drew from Aristotle’s concepts in Alexander when they gave reasons why Aristotle was wrong on both counts about Plato’s Ideas: Ideas were not universals, except in a qualified sense, but they were causes. Proclus accepted three levels of reality: Ideas before the many particulars and two grades of universal, one in the many particulars and a conceptual one modeled after the many particulars. His pupil Ammonius accepted three levels but transformed the highest one into non-universal concepts in the mind of Plato’s Creator God. This was the first of two steps in presenting Aristotle as agreeing with Plato, contrary to the complaints of Proclus, because Aristotle’s God was a thinker who entertained concepts in his mind. Ammonius’ harmonization of Aristotle with Plato was completed by rejecting the claim of Proclus, and of Proclus’ teacher Syrianus, that Aristotle did not recognize his own arguments as implying that God was a Creator, just as Plato thought. Philoponus diverged from Ammonius, and from Ammonius’ anonymous editor, by giving to concepts the role of being what we define and predicate. But only in his theological work did he reach the final transformation of making concepts into the only universals, thus concluding that the Christian Trinity consisted of three godheads having no unity except as a universal Godhead existing only in our minds. [conclusion p. 312]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fOcJ4wUL2cQ6Ysg

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Alexander multiplied grades, going beyond Aristotle by including as a grade on the same scale conceptual universals, but ameliorated the low status of both grades by giving the non-conceptual ones certain explanatory roles. He also innovated in discussing Aristotle\u2019s rejection of Plato\u2019s Ideas by saying that even if Ideas and particulars were synonymous, sharing both name and definition, yet the definition might not be properly shared by the particular.\r\n\r\nPorphyry followed Alexander by accepting multigrade universals, but Ammonius influenced posterity by associating Porphyry with the idea that only concepts are universals. Proclus and Simplicius drew from Aristotle\u2019s concepts in Alexander when they gave reasons why Aristotle was wrong on both counts about Plato\u2019s Ideas: Ideas were not universals, except in a qualified sense, but they were causes. Proclus accepted three levels of reality: Ideas before the many particulars and two grades of universal, one in the many particulars and a conceptual one modeled after the many particulars. His pupil Ammonius accepted three levels but transformed the highest one into non-universal concepts in the mind of Plato\u2019s Creator God.\r\n\r\nThis was the first of two steps in presenting Aristotle as agreeing with Plato, contrary to the complaints of Proclus, because Aristotle\u2019s God was a thinker who entertained concepts in his mind. Ammonius\u2019 harmonization of Aristotle with Plato was completed by rejecting the claim of Proclus, and of Proclus\u2019 teacher Syrianus, that Aristotle did not recognize his own arguments as implying that God was a Creator, just as Plato thought.\r\n\r\nPhiloponus diverged from Ammonius, and from Ammonius\u2019 anonymous editor, by giving to concepts the role of being what we define and predicate. But only in his theological work did he reach the final transformation of making concepts into the only universals, thus concluding that the Christian Trinity consisted of three godheads having no unity except as a universal Godhead existing only in our minds.\r\n[conclusion p. 312]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/fOcJ4wUL2cQ6Ysg","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1534,"section_of":1419,"pages":"291-312","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1419,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Re-Interpreted. 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Building on the strength of the series, which has been hailed as \u2018a scholarly marvel\u2019, \u2018a truly breath-taking achievement\u2019 and \u2018one of the great scholarly achievements of our time\u2019 and on the widely praised edited volume brought out in 1990 (Aristotle Transformed) this new book brings together critical new scholarship that is a must-read for any scholar in the field.\r\n\r\nWith a wide range of contributors from across the globe, the articles look at the commentators themselves, discussing problems of analysis and interpretation that have arisen through close study of the texts. Richard Sorabji introduces the volume and himself contributes two new papers. A key recent area of research has been into the Arabic, Latin and Hebrew versions of texts, and several important essays look in depth at these. With all text translated and transliterated, the volume is accessible to readers without specialist knowledge of Greek or other languages, and should reach a wide audience across the disciplines of Philosophy, Classics and the study of ancient texts. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gZ0ZaTAlMe0PYrI","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1419,"pubplace":"New York","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Boethus’ Aristotelian Ontology, 2016
By: Rashed, Marwan, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Boethus’ Aristotelian Ontology
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	103-124
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Boethus is surely one of the most important thinkers of the first century BCE. Though only a few testimonies, and no clear fragment, remain, their number and content are sufficient to show how insightful he was in commenting upon Aristotle. It is not just that he was typical of this first generation of commentators who have struck modern historians by their free spirit towards Aristotle’s text. Boethus’ fragments on substance testify to more than a free attitude towards the Philosopher: it is also possible to recognize, through the many layers of the tradition—Alexander, Porphyry, Iamblichus, and Simplicius—a coherent and unitary doctrine. His doctrine, of course, is not un-Aristotelian; it does not even stand somewhere halfway between Aristotle and other thinkers of Antiquity, the Stoics in particular (even if it is obviously inspired by a general Stoic atmosphere). Boethus has consciously built, out of some rare Aristotelian indications, a certain kind of Aristotelianism among other possible ones. This doctrinal approach is probably both the cause and the effect of a cultural fact: the Peripatos’ nearly exclusive focus, in the first century BCE, on the Categories. For sure, the treatise of the Categories, by itself, does not necessarily produce a definite account of the world. But by contrast with what is the case with other parts of the Aristotelian corpus, its basic ontological features seem naturally at home in the framework of a doctrine holding the primacy of the individual material substance. [introduction p. 103-104]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xYH889DSksf6EXe

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1536","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1536,"authors_free":[{"id":2679,"entry_id":1536,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2680,"entry_id":1536,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Boethus\u2019 Aristotelian Ontology","main_title":{"title":"Boethus\u2019 Aristotelian Ontology"},"abstract":"Boethus is surely one of the most important thinkers of the first century BCE. Though only a few testimonies, and no clear fragment, remain, their number and content are sufficient to show how insightful he was in commenting upon Aristotle. It is not just that he was typical of this first generation of commentators who have struck modern historians by their free spirit towards Aristotle\u2019s text. Boethus\u2019 fragments on substance testify to more than a free attitude towards the Philosopher: it is also possible to recognize, through the many layers of the tradition\u2014Alexander, Porphyry, Iamblichus, and Simplicius\u2014a coherent and unitary doctrine.\r\n\r\nHis doctrine, of course, is not un-Aristotelian; it does not even stand somewhere halfway between Aristotle and other thinkers of Antiquity, the Stoics in particular (even if it is obviously inspired by a general Stoic atmosphere). Boethus has consciously built, out of some rare Aristotelian indications, a certain kind of Aristotelianism among other possible ones. This doctrinal approach is probably both the cause and the effect of a cultural fact: the Peripatos\u2019 nearly exclusive focus, in the first century BCE, on the Categories.\r\n\r\nFor sure, the treatise of the Categories, by itself, does not necessarily produce a definite account of the world. But by contrast with what is the case with other parts of the Aristotelian corpus, its basic ontological features seem naturally at home in the framework of a doctrine holding the primacy of the individual material substance.\r\n[introduction p. 103-104]","btype":2,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/xYH889DSksf6EXe","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1536,"section_of":1419,"pages":"103-124","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1419,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabji2016","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2016","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This volume presents collected essays \u2013 some brand new, some republished, and others newly translated \u2013 on the ancient commentators on Aristotle and showcases the leading research of the last three decades. Through the work and scholarship inspired by Richard Sorabji in his series of translations of the commentators started in the 1980s, these ancient texts have become a key field within ancient philosophy. Building on the strength of the series, which has been hailed as \u2018a scholarly marvel\u2019, \u2018a truly breath-taking achievement\u2019 and \u2018one of the great scholarly achievements of our time\u2019 and on the widely praised edited volume brought out in 1990 (Aristotle Transformed) this new book brings together critical new scholarship that is a must-read for any scholar in the field.\r\n\r\nWith a wide range of contributors from across the globe, the articles look at the commentators themselves, discussing problems of analysis and interpretation that have arisen through close study of the texts. Richard Sorabji introduces the volume and himself contributes two new papers. A key recent area of research has been into the Arabic, Latin and Hebrew versions of texts, and several important essays look in depth at these. With all text translated and transliterated, the volume is accessible to readers without specialist knowledge of Greek or other languages, and should reach a wide audience across the disciplines of Philosophy, Classics and the study of ancient texts. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gZ0ZaTAlMe0PYrI","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1419,"pubplace":"New York","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

The Texts of Plato and Aristotle in the First Century BCE: Andronicus’ Canon, 2016
By: Hatzimichali, Myrto, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	The Texts of Plato and Aristotle in the First Century BCE: Andronicus’ Canon
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	81-102
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hatzimichali, Myrto
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

If we recall at this point the information gathered on the state of Plato’s text in the first century BCE, we can see that by comparison the study of Aristotle’s text was indeed revolutionized. In the case of the Aristotelian corpus, our sources tell a story of true peripeteia, with the appearance of new texts or at least new copies with special claims of antiquity and pedigree, and with the standardization and ordering of the canon in Andronicus’ Pinakes. A scrutiny of our sources has shown that it was the processes of cataloging, canon formation, and corpus organization that had the greatest impact on the texts we now read, and not the appearance of new ‘editions’ and text-critical initiatives. If this appears counterintuitive, we should remember that judgments about the importance or otherwise of ancient editorial activity can be misleading if they are too dependent on modern experiences and expectations. [conclusion p. 102]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hzJ6JONomuuLaQX

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The Peripatetics: Aristotle’s Heirs 322 BCE - 200 CE, 2016
By: Baltussen, Han

Title	The Peripatetics: Aristotle’s Heirs 322 BCE - 200 CE
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2016
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The Peripatetics explores the development of Peripatetic thought from Theophrastus and Strato to the work of the commentator Alexander of Aphrodisias. The book examines whether the internal dynamics of this philosophical school allowed for a unity of Peripatetic thought, or whether there was a fundamental tension between philosophical creativity and the notions of core teachings and canonisation. The book discusses the major philosophical preoccupations of the Peripatetics, interactions with Hellenistic schools of thought, and the shift in focus among Greek philosophers in a changing political landscape. It is the first book of its kind to provide a survey of this important philosophical tradition. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sUfFKmXdreu0SDf

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1553","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1553,"authors_free":[{"id":2716,"entry_id":1553,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Baltussen, Han","free_first_name":"Han","free_last_name":"Baltussen","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"The Peripatetics: Aristotle\u2019s Heirs 322 BCE - 200 CE","main_title":{"title":"The Peripatetics: Aristotle\u2019s Heirs 322 BCE - 200 CE"},"abstract":" The Peripatetics explores the development of Peripatetic thought from Theophrastus and Strato to the work of the commentator Alexander of Aphrodisias. The book examines whether the internal dynamics of this philosophical school allowed for a unity of Peripatetic thought, or whether there was a fundamental tension between philosophical creativity and the notions of core teachings and canonisation. The book discusses the major philosophical preoccupations of the Peripatetics, interactions with Hellenistic schools of thought, and the shift in focus among Greek philosophers in a changing political landscape. It is the first book of its kind to provide a survey of this important philosophical tradition. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2016","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/sUfFKmXdreu0SDf","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2016]}

Book review: Simplicius on Aristotle Physics 8.1-5, written by Istvan Bodnár, Michael Chase and Michael Share, 2015
By: Hatzistavrou, Antony

Title	Book review: Simplicius on Aristotle Physics 8.1-5, written by Istvan Bodnár, Michael Chase and Michael Share
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2015
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	9
Issue	1
Pages	124 –125
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hatzistavrou, Antony
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This is a fine addition to the Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series, which is under the general editorship of Richard Sorabji. The volume contains a translation of Simplicius’ commentary on the first five chapters of the eighth book of Aristotle’s Physics. The translators are Michael Chase (who has been involved in the translation of most of the chapters), Istvan Bodnár, and Michael Slate. The translation is accompanied by a series of notes. Some of the notes identify the ancient texts Simplicius refers to in his commentary, while others are primarily of philological interest. There is also a number of exegetical notes that are particularly useful in helping the reader understand the logic of Simplicius’ arguments and in elucidating the conceptual apparatus of his commentary. The volume also includes: A preface by Richard Sorabji, which explains the importance of the commentary for scholarship on the ancient commentators on Aristotle. An introduction by Michael Chase, which focuses on Simplicius’ polemic against Philoponus. A list of departures of the translation from Diels’ edition of Simplicius’ commentary. An English-Greek glossary. A Greek-English index. A subject index. A bibliography. The volume is clearly designed with the needs of the specialist scholar in mind and aims to become the primary reference text in English for the study of Simplicius’ commentary. Where does the importance of Simplicius’ commentary lie? It is instructive that both Sorabji, in his preface, and Chase, in his introduction, focus on its importance for the history of philosophy in late antiquity. First, it sheds light on an aspect of the philosophical and ideological debate between pagan and Christian thinkers at the end of antiquity concerning the intelligibility of the creation of the world. In Physics 8.1, Aristotle argues that time and motion are eternal. For any arbitrarily chosen moment in time or motion in space, one will always be able to identify a preceding and a subsequent moment or motion. This means that the world as a whole is eternal. Philoponus understood Aristotle’s arguments for the eternity of the universe to pose problems for a creationist account of the world, as advocated by the Judeo-Christian religion. In his polemic Against Aristotle On the Eternity of the World, Philoponus undertakes the task of defending a creationist account of the world by attacking Aristotle’s arguments for the eternity of motion and time. In his commentary, Simplicius attacks Philoponus, accusing him, among other things, of failing to understand and thus misrepresenting Aristotle’s position. A primary aim of his commentary on Physics 8.1 is, on the one hand, to identify and correct what he takes to be Philoponus’ distortions of Aristotle’s arguments and, on the other hand, to vindicate the cogency of Aristotle’s theory against Philoponus’ polemic. Simplicius makes no attempt to conceal his disdain for Philoponus’ scholarly abilities and intellectual integrity, describing his arguments as "garbage" and accusing him of being motivated by his "zeal for contradicting." In his introduction, Michael Chase clarifies that Simplicius’ attack is not restricted to issues concerning the proper interpretation of Aristotle’s theory but has a wider scope. It is meant as an attack on Philoponus’ Christian faith. In this attack, Simplicius occasionally reveals himself to be conversant with intricate Christian theological debates, such as the debate concerning the nature of Christ (i.e., whether Christ was begotten or made). Second, as Richard Sorabji mentions in his preface, Simplicius’ commentary reports and makes extensive use of Alexander of Aphrodisias’ lost commentary on Aristotle’s Physics. On Sorabji’s view, Simplicius, on the whole, reports Alexander’s views accurately. Furthermore, despite occasional disagreements about the interpretation of Aristotle’s philosophy, Simplicius shows respect for Alexander’s abilities as a commentator and values his intellectual integrity. Simplicius’ attitude towards Alexander is thus sharply contrasted with his attitude towards Philoponus. Scholars interested in the debate between pagan and Christian philosophers at the end of antiquity and in the history of the ancient commentators on Aristotle will welcome the translation into English of Simplicius’ commentary. They may also find much material in the notes to the translation to grapple with. The volume will also appeal to anyone interested in Aristotle’s natural philosophy and, more specifically, in Aristotle’s views about the eternity of the world and the prime mover. The detailed English-Greek glossary and the indices make the volume a significant research tool likely to become a reference point in relevant scholarship. In addition, the volume is nicely produced. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/um5b6staCmgDtbZ

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The volume contains a translation of Simplicius\u2019 commentary on the first five chapters of the eighth book of Aristotle\u2019s Physics. The translators are Michael Chase (who has been involved in the translation of most of the chapters), Istvan Bodn\u00e1r, and Michael Slate. The translation is accompanied by a series of notes. Some of the notes identify the ancient texts Simplicius refers to in his commentary, while others are primarily of philological interest. There is also a number of exegetical notes that are particularly useful in helping the reader understand the logic of Simplicius\u2019 arguments and in elucidating the conceptual apparatus of his commentary. The volume also includes:\r\n\r\n A preface by Richard Sorabji, which explains the importance of the commentary for scholarship on the ancient commentators on Aristotle.\r\n An introduction by Michael Chase, which focuses on Simplicius\u2019 polemic against Philoponus.\r\n A list of departures of the translation from Diels\u2019 edition of Simplicius\u2019 commentary.\r\n An English-Greek glossary.\r\n A Greek-English index.\r\n A subject index.\r\n A bibliography.\r\n\r\nThe volume is clearly designed with the needs of the specialist scholar in mind and aims to become the primary reference text in English for the study of Simplicius\u2019 commentary.\r\n\r\nWhere does the importance of Simplicius\u2019 commentary lie? It is instructive that both Sorabji, in his preface, and Chase, in his introduction, focus on its importance for the history of philosophy in late antiquity. First, it sheds light on an aspect of the philosophical and ideological debate between pagan and Christian thinkers at the end of antiquity concerning the intelligibility of the creation of the world. In Physics 8.1, Aristotle argues that time and motion are eternal. For any arbitrarily chosen moment in time or motion in space, one will always be able to identify a preceding and a subsequent moment or motion. This means that the world as a whole is eternal. Philoponus understood Aristotle\u2019s arguments for the eternity of the universe to pose problems for a creationist account of the world, as advocated by the Judeo-Christian religion. In his polemic Against Aristotle On the Eternity of the World, Philoponus undertakes the task of defending a creationist account of the world by attacking Aristotle\u2019s arguments for the eternity of motion and time.\r\n\r\nIn his commentary, Simplicius attacks Philoponus, accusing him, among other things, of failing to understand and thus misrepresenting Aristotle\u2019s position. A primary aim of his commentary on Physics 8.1 is, on the one hand, to identify and correct what he takes to be Philoponus\u2019 distortions of Aristotle\u2019s arguments and, on the other hand, to vindicate the cogency of Aristotle\u2019s theory against Philoponus\u2019 polemic. Simplicius makes no attempt to conceal his disdain for Philoponus\u2019 scholarly abilities and intellectual integrity, describing his arguments as \"garbage\" and accusing him of being motivated by his \"zeal for contradicting.\" In his introduction, Michael Chase clarifies that Simplicius\u2019 attack is not restricted to issues concerning the proper interpretation of Aristotle\u2019s theory but has a wider scope. It is meant as an attack on Philoponus\u2019 Christian faith. In this attack, Simplicius occasionally reveals himself to be conversant with intricate Christian theological debates, such as the debate concerning the nature of Christ (i.e., whether Christ was begotten or made).\r\n\r\nSecond, as Richard Sorabji mentions in his preface, Simplicius\u2019 commentary reports and makes extensive use of Alexander of Aphrodisias\u2019 lost commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics. On Sorabji\u2019s view, Simplicius, on the whole, reports Alexander\u2019s views accurately. Furthermore, despite occasional disagreements about the interpretation of Aristotle\u2019s philosophy, Simplicius shows respect for Alexander\u2019s abilities as a commentator and values his intellectual integrity. Simplicius\u2019 attitude towards Alexander is thus sharply contrasted with his attitude towards Philoponus.\r\n\r\nScholars interested in the debate between pagan and Christian philosophers at the end of antiquity and in the history of the ancient commentators on Aristotle will welcome the translation into English of Simplicius\u2019 commentary. They may also find much material in the notes to the translation to grapple with. The volume will also appeal to anyone interested in Aristotle\u2019s natural philosophy and, more specifically, in Aristotle\u2019s views about the eternity of the world and the prime mover. The detailed English-Greek glossary and the indices make the volume a significant research tool likely to become a reference point in relevant scholarship. In addition, the volume is nicely produced. [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"2015","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/um5b6staCmgDtbZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":173,"full_name":"Hatzistavrou, Antony","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1014,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition","volume":"9","issue":"1","pages":"124 \u2013125"}},"sort":[2015]}

Neoplatonists on the causes of vegetative life, 2015
By: Wilberding, James, Marmodoro, Anna (Ed.), Prince, Brian (Ed.)

Title	Neoplatonists on the causes of vegetative life
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2015
Published in	Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity
Pages	171-185
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wilberding, James
Editor(s)	Marmodoro, Anna , Prince, Brian
Translator(s)

In the Neoplatonism of late antiquity, there was an exciting and revolutionary development in the understanding of the aetiology involved in the generation of living things. Here, it will be argued that this extended all the way to the Neoplatonic understanding of the causes of vegetative life. In a way, this should come as no surprise. Hippocratics, Aristotle, and Galen all viewed the processes involved in the generation of plants as analogous to those in the generation of embryos. In fact, the embryo was commonly held to have the life-status of a plant, with the mother taking on the role of the earth, at least at the earliest stages of its generation. As a result, these thinkers saw the same causal models that govern the generation of embryos at work in the generation of plants. Indeed, Galen even advises those who wish to investigate the formation of embryos to begin by looking into the generation of plants. The above-mentioned analogy is certainly part of the motivation behind Galen’s counsel, but equally important is that plants are simpler, in terms of both their physiology and their psychology, and thus more perspicuous objects of study. This is what gives us "hope to discover among the plants [biological] administration in its pure and unadulterated form." What is surprising is the conception of vegetative generation and life that results for Neoplatonists. As I shall show here, they ultimately concluded that the vegetative souls of individual plants are not self-sufficient. That is to say, the dependence of individual plants on the earth, in terms of both their generation and their preservation, extends beyond mere nutritive needs into the psychological domain of their life activities. In order to see how they arrived at this surprising conclusion, it will be necessary to begin with a brief sketch of Neoplatonic embryological theory, as it can be found across a wide range of core Neoplatonic authors and texts. This theory may be encapsulated into four theses: (i) First, all Neoplatonists are one-seed theorists: there is no female seed. In this, the Neoplatonists were in full agreement with Peripatetic embryology and in opposition to the two-seed theories advanced by the Hippocratics and Galen, though this opposition remains only implicit, as they never even acknowledge the possibility of a female seed. (ii) Second, Neoplatonists universally understand the seed to be a collection of form-principles (logoi) corresponding to individual parts of the father (and by extension of the offspring). Since these form-principles are immaterial, they are wholly present in every part of the seed, allowing the seed to be completely homoiomerous. (iii) Third, these seminal form-principles are in a state of potentiality. (iv) Fourth, they must be led to a state of actuality by an external cause that possesses these same principles in actuality. This cause is generally identified with the nature of the mother, who is additionally responsible for supplying the matter in the form of menses. It is these final two theses that establish the Neoplatonic theory as an exciting new development in ancient embryology. On Aristotle’s one-seed theory, by contrast, the male seed serves as the formal and efficient cause of embryological development, requiring only matter from the female. Aristotle establishes the self-sufficiency of the male seed as an efficient cause by attributing actual motion to it. Even on Galen’s two-seed theory, where one might have expected the female to be granted greater causal efficacy in the embryological process, the male seed remains the sole efficient cause, with the female seed more or less demoted to serving as nourishment for the male seed. What is revolutionary, therefore, in the Neoplatonic account of embryology is its placing the female on equal footing with the male in terms of their causal contributions in embryology. This new conceptualization of the respective contributions of the male and female should be seen as resulting from the application of the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework of procession and reversion to embryology. Within this framework, the creation of an offspring consists of two distinct causal moments. In the first moment, procession, an inchoate offspring is generated that is a likeness of its progenitor but in a state of potentiality. The procession from the One, for example, results in the generation of the Pre-Intellect, which is still only potentially the Intellect. The second moment, reversion, is what accounts for this potentiality being led to a state of activity: by reversion, the Pre-Intellect becomes the genuine Intellect. When this framework is applied to embryology, the theses (iii) and (iv) above follow. The male’s emission of a seed is likened to procession, with the form-principles in the seed still being in a state of potentiality. This potentiality is led to actuality by the mother at conception and throughout the process of gestation. Thus, the male and the female are on a par insofar as each corresponds to one of the two moments of the One’s creative activity. [introduction p. 171-174]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ElblvTuFCEVCpgN

{"_index":"sire","_id":"913","_score":null,"_source":{"id":913,"authors_free":[{"id":1346,"entry_id":913,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":257,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wilberding, James","free_first_name":"James","free_last_name":"Wilberding","norm_person":{"id":257,"first_name":"James","last_name":"Wilberding","full_name":"Wilberding, James","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/143517465","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1347,"entry_id":913,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":47,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Marmodoro, Anna","free_first_name":"Anna","free_last_name":"Marmodoro","norm_person":{"id":47,"first_name":"Anna","last_name":"Marmodoro","full_name":"Marmodoro, Anna","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1043592326","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1348,"entry_id":913,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":48,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Prince, Brian","free_first_name":"Brian","free_last_name":"Prince","norm_person":{"id":48,"first_name":"Brian","last_name":"Prince","full_name":"Prince, Brian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Neoplatonists on the causes of vegetative life","main_title":{"title":"Neoplatonists on the causes of vegetative life"},"abstract":"In the Neoplatonism of late antiquity, there was an exciting and revolutionary development in the understanding of the aetiology involved in the generation of living things. Here, it will be argued that this extended all the way to the Neoplatonic understanding of the causes of vegetative life. In a way, this should come as no surprise. Hippocratics, Aristotle, and Galen all viewed the processes involved in the generation of plants as analogous to those in the generation of embryos. In fact, the embryo was commonly held to have the life-status of a plant, with the mother taking on the role of the earth, at least at the earliest stages of its generation. As a result, these thinkers saw the same causal models that govern the generation of embryos at work in the generation of plants. Indeed, Galen even advises those who wish to investigate the formation of embryos to begin by looking into the generation of plants. The above-mentioned analogy is certainly part of the motivation behind Galen\u2019s counsel, but equally important is that plants are simpler, in terms of both their physiology and their psychology, and thus more perspicuous objects of study. This is what gives us \"hope to discover among the plants [biological] administration in its pure and unadulterated form.\"\r\n\r\nWhat is surprising is the conception of vegetative generation and life that results for Neoplatonists. As I shall show here, they ultimately concluded that the vegetative souls of individual plants are not self-sufficient. That is to say, the dependence of individual plants on the earth, in terms of both their generation and their preservation, extends beyond mere nutritive needs into the psychological domain of their life activities. In order to see how they arrived at this surprising conclusion, it will be necessary to begin with a brief sketch of Neoplatonic embryological theory, as it can be found across a wide range of core Neoplatonic authors and texts. This theory may be encapsulated into four theses:\r\n\r\n(i) First, all Neoplatonists are one-seed theorists: there is no female seed. In this, the Neoplatonists were in full agreement with Peripatetic embryology and in opposition to the two-seed theories advanced by the Hippocratics and Galen, though this opposition remains only implicit, as they never even acknowledge the possibility of a female seed.\r\n\r\n(ii) Second, Neoplatonists universally understand the seed to be a collection of form-principles (logoi) corresponding to individual parts of the father (and by extension of the offspring). Since these form-principles are immaterial, they are wholly present in every part of the seed, allowing the seed to be completely homoiomerous.\r\n\r\n(iii) Third, these seminal form-principles are in a state of potentiality.\r\n\r\n(iv) Fourth, they must be led to a state of actuality by an external cause that possesses these same principles in actuality. This cause is generally identified with the nature of the mother, who is additionally responsible for supplying the matter in the form of menses.\r\n\r\nIt is these final two theses that establish the Neoplatonic theory as an exciting new development in ancient embryology. On Aristotle\u2019s one-seed theory, by contrast, the male seed serves as the formal and efficient cause of embryological development, requiring only matter from the female. Aristotle establishes the self-sufficiency of the male seed as an efficient cause by attributing actual motion to it. Even on Galen\u2019s two-seed theory, where one might have expected the female to be granted greater causal efficacy in the embryological process, the male seed remains the sole efficient cause, with the female seed more or less demoted to serving as nourishment for the male seed.\r\n\r\nWhat is revolutionary, therefore, in the Neoplatonic account of embryology is its placing the female on equal footing with the male in terms of their causal contributions in embryology. This new conceptualization of the respective contributions of the male and female should be seen as resulting from the application of the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework of procession and reversion to embryology. Within this framework, the creation of an offspring consists of two distinct causal moments. In the first moment, procession, an inchoate offspring is generated that is a likeness of its progenitor but in a state of potentiality. The procession from the One, for example, results in the generation of the Pre-Intellect, which is still only potentially the Intellect. The second moment, reversion, is what accounts for this potentiality being led to a state of activity: by reversion, the Pre-Intellect becomes the genuine Intellect.\r\n\r\nWhen this framework is applied to embryology, the theses (iii) and (iv) above follow. The male\u2019s emission of a seed is likened to procession, with the form-principles in the seed still being in a state of potentiality. This potentiality is led to actuality by the mother at conception and throughout the process of gestation. Thus, the male and the female are on a par insofar as each corresponds to one of the two moments of the One\u2019s creative activity. [introduction p. 171-174]","btype":2,"date":"2015","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ElblvTuFCEVCpgN","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":257,"full_name":"Wilberding, James","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":47,"full_name":"Marmodoro, Anna","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":48,"full_name":"Prince, Brian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":913,"section_of":155,"pages":"171-185","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":155,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Marmodoro\/Prince2015","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2015","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2015","abstract":"Written by a group of leading scholars, this unique collection of essays investigates the views of both pagan and Christian philosophers on causation and the creation of the cosmos. Structured in two parts, the volume first looks at divine agency and how late antique thinkers, including the Stoics, Plotinus, Porphyry, Simplicius, Philoponus and Gregory of Nyssa, tackled questions such as: is the cosmos eternal? Did it come from nothing or from something pre-existing? How was it caused to come into existence? Is it material or immaterial? The second part looks at questions concerning human agency and responsibility, including the problem of evil and the nature of will, considering thinkers such as Plotinus, Porphyry, Proclus and Augustine. Highlighting some of the most important and interesting aspects of these philosophical debates, the volume will be of great interest to upper-level students and scholars of philosophy, classics, theology and ancient history. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lpl3CeEXUUAj1hP","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":155,"pubplace":"Cambridge","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2015]}

Aristotle's Categories in the Early Roman Empire, 2015
By: Griffin, Michael J.

Title	Aristotle's Categories in the Early Roman Empire
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2015
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Griffin, Michael J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This volume studies the origin and evolution of philosophical interest in Aristotle's Categories. After centuries of neglect, the Categories became the focus of philosophical discussion in the first century BCE, and was subsequently adopted as the basic introductory textbook for philosophy in the Aristotelian and Platonic traditions. In this study, Michael Griffin builds on earlier work to reconstruct the fragments of the earliest commentaries on the treatise, and illuminates the earliest arguments for Aristotle's approach to logic as the foundation of higher education. Griffin argues that Andronicus of Rhodes played a critical role in the Categories' rise to prominence, and that his motivations for interest in the text can be recovered. The volume also tracks Platonic and Stoic debate over the Categories, and suggests reasons for its adoption into the mainstream of both schools. Covering the period from the first century BCE to the third century CE, the volume focuses on individual philosophers whose views can be recovered from later, mostly Neoplatonic sources, including Andronicus of Rhodes, Eudorus of Alexandria, Pseudo-Archytas, Lucius, Nicostratus, Athenodorus, and Cornutus. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CCYdqxs5shlkkzs

{"_index":"sire","_id":"248","_score":null,"_source":{"id":248,"authors_free":[{"id":317,"entry_id":248,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":148,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","free_first_name":"Michael J.","free_last_name":"Griffin","norm_person":{"id":148,"first_name":"Michael J.","last_name":"Griffin","full_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1065676603","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle's Categories in the Early Roman Empire","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle's Categories in the Early Roman Empire"},"abstract":"This volume studies the origin and evolution of philosophical interest in Aristotle's Categories. After centuries of neglect, the Categories became the focus of philosophical discussion in the first century BCE, and was subsequently adopted as the basic introductory textbook for philosophy in the Aristotelian and Platonic traditions.\r\n\r\nIn this study, Michael Griffin builds on earlier work to reconstruct the fragments of the earliest commentaries on the treatise, and illuminates the earliest arguments for Aristotle's approach to logic as the foundation of higher education. Griffin argues that Andronicus of Rhodes played a critical role in the Categories' rise to prominence, and that his motivations for interest in the text can be recovered. The volume also tracks Platonic and Stoic debate over the Categories, and suggests reasons for its adoption into the mainstream of both schools.\r\n\r\nCovering the period from the first century BCE to the third century CE, the volume focuses on individual philosophers whose views can be recovered from later, mostly Neoplatonic sources, including Andronicus of Rhodes, Eudorus of Alexandria, Pseudo-Archytas, Lucius, Nicostratus, Athenodorus, and Cornutus. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2015","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CCYdqxs5shlkkzs","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":148,"full_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":248,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Oxford University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2015]}

Review of: Ph. Soulier, Simplicius et l'infini, préface par Ph. Hoffmann, 2015
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine

Title	Review of: Ph. Soulier, Simplicius et l'infini, préface par Ph. Hoffmann
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2015
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	33
Pages	115-128
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ajoutons que Ph. Soulier donne en annexe un résumé analytique du texte de Simplicius. À défaut d’une traduction complète (qui est annoncée aux éditions des Belles Lettres), il s’agit là d’un formidable support pour suivre les analyses aussi denses que rigoureuses. Simplicius n’a ni le prestige d’un Proclus ni l’audace philosophique d’un Damascius. Sans doute son rôle de Commentateur d’Aristote est à la fois la cause de sa relégation et le cœur de son originalité. Contraint de suivre la logique d’un texte différent de celle du système qui lui sert de grille d’analyse, il tire de cette lecture systématique des éléments qu’il doit harmoniser avec l’orthodoxie néoplatonicienne. À cet égard, la question de l’infini est symptomatique de sa méthode, puisqu’elle montre de quelle façon se construit une doctrine originale sur la base du texte aristotélicien et de la toile de fond néoplatonicienne : Simplicius évince l’ἄπειρον du sensible, pour le réserver à l’intelligible, mais il retient un procès à l’infini, τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἄπειρον, et lui attribue une assise ontologique. Autrement dit, il n’admet pas simplement un « bon » et un « mauvais » infini, l’un qui vaudrait dans l’intelligible, l’autre qui en serait l’image sensible et dégradée. Il pose plutôt une forme positive de l’infinité dans le sensible même. On peut dès lors remercier Ph. Soulier d’avoir fait la pleine lumière sur la revalorisation du sensible dans les dernières pages du néoplatonisme tardo-antique, c’est-à-dire d’avoir exposé avec une telle minutie comment l’analyse de la Physique permettait de déployer les propriétés de l’infini qui étaient caractéristiques du sensible, en accord avec la thèse néoplatonicienne la plus autorisée. [conclusion p. 127-128]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5DpQiBfHF99tVXi

{"_index":"sire","_id":"406","_score":null,"_source":{"id":406,"authors_free":[{"id":2456,"entry_id":406,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":125,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","free_first_name":"Marc-Antoine","free_last_name":"Gavray","norm_person":{"id":125,"first_name":"Marc-Antoine","last_name":"Gavray","full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1078511411","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of: Ph. Soulier, Simplicius et l'infini, pr\u00e9face par Ph. Hoffmann","main_title":{"title":"Review of: Ph. Soulier, Simplicius et l'infini, pr\u00e9face par Ph. Hoffmann"},"abstract":"Ajoutons que Ph. Soulier donne en annexe un r\u00e9sum\u00e9 analytique du texte de Simplicius. \u00c0 d\u00e9faut d\u2019une traduction compl\u00e8te (qui est annonc\u00e9e aux \u00e9ditions des Belles Lettres), il s\u2019agit l\u00e0 d\u2019un formidable support pour suivre les analyses aussi denses que rigoureuses.\r\n\r\nSimplicius n\u2019a ni le prestige d\u2019un Proclus ni l\u2019audace philosophique d\u2019un Damascius. Sans doute son r\u00f4le de Commentateur d\u2019Aristote est \u00e0 la fois la cause de sa rel\u00e9gation et le c\u0153ur de son originalit\u00e9. Contraint de suivre la logique d\u2019un texte diff\u00e9rent de celle du syst\u00e8me qui lui sert de grille d\u2019analyse, il tire de cette lecture syst\u00e9matique des \u00e9l\u00e9ments qu\u2019il doit harmoniser avec l\u2019orthodoxie n\u00e9oplatonicienne.\r\n\r\n\u00c0 cet \u00e9gard, la question de l\u2019infini est symptomatique de sa m\u00e9thode, puisqu\u2019elle montre de quelle fa\u00e7on se construit une doctrine originale sur la base du texte aristot\u00e9licien et de la toile de fond n\u00e9oplatonicienne : Simplicius \u00e9vince l\u2019\u1f04\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd du sensible, pour le r\u00e9server \u00e0 l\u2019intelligible, mais il retient un proc\u00e8s \u00e0 l\u2019infini, \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f10\u03c0\u1fbd \u1f04\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd, et lui attribue une assise ontologique. Autrement dit, il n\u2019admet pas simplement un \u00ab bon \u00bb et un \u00ab mauvais \u00bb infini, l\u2019un qui vaudrait dans l\u2019intelligible, l\u2019autre qui en serait l\u2019image sensible et d\u00e9grad\u00e9e. Il pose plut\u00f4t une forme positive de l\u2019infinit\u00e9 dans le sensible m\u00eame.\r\n\r\nOn peut d\u00e8s lors remercier Ph. Soulier d\u2019avoir fait la pleine lumi\u00e8re sur la revalorisation du sensible dans les derni\u00e8res pages du n\u00e9oplatonisme tardo-antique, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire d\u2019avoir expos\u00e9 avec une telle minutie comment l\u2019analyse de la Physique permettait de d\u00e9ployer les propri\u00e9t\u00e9s de l\u2019infini qui \u00e9taient caract\u00e9ristiques du sensible, en accord avec la th\u00e8se n\u00e9oplatonicienne la plus autoris\u00e9e.\r\n[conclusion p. 127-128]","btype":3,"date":"2015","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5DpQiBfHF99tVXi","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":125,"full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":406,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue de Philosophie Ancienne","volume":"33","issue":"","pages":"115-128"}},"sort":[2015]}

Simplicius on Predication, 2015
By: Hauer, Mareike

Title	Simplicius on Predication
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2015
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	33
Issue	2
Pages	173-200
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper deals with Simplicius’ discussion of Aristotle’s account of predication in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories. Of particular interest is the relation between synonymous predication and essential predication. In Aristotle, as well as in Simplicius, both kinds of predication are closely connected. It has been argued in Aristotelian scholarship that, for Aristotle, synonymous predication yields essential predication. It has been equally argued that this assumption is compatible with Aristotle’s theoretical framework, but if applied to Plato, would pose a problem for Plato. Simplicius’ extensive discussion of both synonymous predication and essential predication suggests that he was aware of the deeper problem raised by the assumption that synonymous predication yields essential predication. In this paper, I will argue that Simplicius, by means of an original interpretation of the predicate, not only turns the assumption that synonymous predication yields essential predication into a supposition that is less problematic for Plato, but also creates a framework for a possible harmonization of Plato and Aristotle. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yxvHetwfUgsPb6f

{"_index":"sire","_id":"407","_score":null,"_source":{"id":407,"authors_free":[{"id":545,"entry_id":407,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":174,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hauer, Mareike","free_first_name":"Mareike","free_last_name":"Hauer","norm_person":{"id":174,"first_name":"Mareike","last_name":"Hauer","full_name":"Hauer, Mareike","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius on Predication","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius on Predication"},"abstract":"This paper deals with Simplicius\u2019 discussion of Aristotle\u2019s account of predication in his Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Categories. Of particular interest is the relation between synonymous predication and essential predication. In Aristotle, as well as in Simplicius, both kinds of predication are closely connected. It has been argued in Aristotelian scholarship that, for Aristotle, synonymous predication yields essential predication. It has been equally argued that this assumption is compatible with Aristotle\u2019s theoretical framework, but if applied to Plato, would pose a problem for Plato. Simplicius\u2019 extensive discussion of both synonymous predication and essential predication suggests that he was aware of the deeper problem raised by the assumption that synonymous predication yields essential predication. In this paper, I will argue that Simplicius, by means of an original interpretation of the predicate, not only turns the assumption that synonymous predication yields essential predication into a supposition that is less problematic for Plato, but also creates a framework for a possible harmonization of Plato and Aristotle. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2015","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yxvHetwfUgsPb6f","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":174,"full_name":"Hauer, Mareike","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":407,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue de Philosophie Ancienne","volume":"33","issue":"2","pages":"173-200"}},"sort":[2015]}

Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 2015
By: Marmodoro, Anna (Ed.), Prince, Brian (Ed.)

Title	Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2015
Publication Place	Cambridge
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Marmodoro, Anna , Prince, Brian
Translator(s)

Written by a group of leading scholars, this unique collection of essays investigates the views of both pagan and Christian philosophers on causation and the creation of the cosmos. Structured in two parts, the volume first looks at divine agency and how late antique thinkers, including the Stoics, Plotinus, Porphyry, Simplicius, Philoponus and Gregory of Nyssa, tackled questions such as: is the cosmos eternal? Did it come from nothing or from something pre-existing? How was it caused to come into existence? Is it material or immaterial? The second part looks at questions concerning human agency and responsibility, including the problem of evil and the nature of will, considering thinkers such as Plotinus, Porphyry, Proclus and Augustine. Highlighting some of the most important and interesting aspects of these philosophical debates, the volume will be of great interest to upper-level students and scholars of philosophy, classics, theology and ancient history. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lpl3CeEXUUAj1hP

{"_index":"sire","_id":"155","_score":null,"_source":{"id":155,"authors_free":[{"id":1857,"entry_id":155,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":47,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Marmodoro, Anna","free_first_name":"Anna","free_last_name":"Marmodoro","norm_person":{"id":47,"first_name":"Anna","last_name":"Marmodoro","full_name":"Marmodoro, Anna","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1043592326","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1858,"entry_id":155,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":48,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Prince, Brian","free_first_name":"Brian","free_last_name":"Prince","norm_person":{"id":48,"first_name":"Brian","last_name":"Prince","full_name":"Prince, Brian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity","main_title":{"title":"Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity"},"abstract":"Written by a group of leading scholars, this unique collection of essays investigates the views of both pagan and Christian philosophers on causation and the creation of the cosmos. Structured in two parts, the volume first looks at divine agency and how late antique thinkers, including the Stoics, Plotinus, Porphyry, Simplicius, Philoponus and Gregory of Nyssa, tackled questions such as: is the cosmos eternal? Did it come from nothing or from something pre-existing? How was it caused to come into existence? Is it material or immaterial? The second part looks at questions concerning human agency and responsibility, including the problem of evil and the nature of will, considering thinkers such as Plotinus, Porphyry, Proclus and Augustine. Highlighting some of the most important and interesting aspects of these philosophical debates, the volume will be of great interest to upper-level students and scholars of philosophy, classics, theology and ancient history. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2015","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lpl3CeEXUUAj1hP","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":47,"full_name":"Marmodoro, Anna","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":48,"full_name":"Prince, Brian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":155,"pubplace":"Cambridge","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2015]}

Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonism and the Harmonization of Aristotle and Plato, 2015
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut,

Title	Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonism and the Harmonization of Aristotle and Plato
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2015
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston
Publisher	Brill
Series	Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic tradition
Volume	18
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Chase, Michael(Chase, Michael ) .

Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonism and the Harmonization of Aristotle and Plato by I. Hadot deals with the Neoplatonist tendency to harmonize the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle. It shows that this harmonizing tendency, born in Middle Platonism, prevailed in Neoplatonism from Porphyry and Iamblichus, where it persisted until the end of this philosophy. Hadot aims to illustrate that it is not the different schools themselves, for instance those of Athens and Alexandria, that differ from one another by the intensity of the will to harmonization, but groups of philosophers within these schools.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xEQzdHCzqjAUU9w

{"_index":"sire","_id":"217","_score":null,"_source":{"id":217,"authors_free":[{"id":278,"entry_id":217,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2562,"entry_id":217,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":25,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Chase, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Chase","norm_person":{"id":25,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Chase","full_name":"Chase, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031917152","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonism and the Harmonization of Aristotle and Plato","main_title":{"title":"Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonism and the Harmonization of Aristotle and Plato"},"abstract":"Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonism and the Harmonization of Aristotle and Plato by I. Hadot deals with the Neoplatonist tendency to harmonize the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle. It shows that this harmonizing tendency, born in Middle Platonism, prevailed in Neoplatonism from Porphyry and Iamblichus, where it persisted until the end of this philosophy. Hadot aims to illustrate that it is not the different schools themselves, for instance those of Athens and Alexandria, that differ from one another by the intensity of the will to harmonization, but groups of philosophers within these schools.","btype":1,"date":"2015","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/xEQzdHCzqjAUU9w","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":25,"full_name":"Chase, Michael ","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}}],"book":{"id":217,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston","publisher":"Brill","series":"Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic tradition","volume":"18","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2015]}

Le σκοπός du traité aristotélicien Du Ciel selon Simplicius. Exégèse, dialectique, théologie, 2015
By: Hoffmann, Philippe

Title	Le σκοπός du traité aristotélicien Du Ciel selon Simplicius. Exégèse, dialectique, théologie
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2015
Journal	Studia graeco-arabica
Volume	5
Pages	27-51
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A six-page Prologue introduces the commentary on Aristotle’s De Caelo written by Simplicius after 529 AD. As usual in the exegeses typical of the Neoplatonic schools of late Antiquity, this Prologue addresses a series of preliminary questions that are meant to steer the interpretation in its entirety, as well as to frame the text to be commented upon within the reading canon of the Aristotelian works, which were intended to provide the propaedeutics to the reading canon of Plato’s dialogues. Simplicius addresses the question of the scope of De Caelo, discussing the interpretations advanced by Alexander of Aphrodisias, Iamblichus, and Syrianus. According to Alexander, this treatise deals with the universe as a whole, as well as with the five simple bodies contained in it. It was with Iamblichus, who advocated the idea that for each Platonic dialogue there was only one skopos, that the unity of a philosophical work was raised to the rank of a general rule. According to Iamblichus, the skopos of the De Caelo is the divine body of heaven. As a consequence, the primary elements that depend upon the heavens are included in the treatise. Syrianus deepens the theological tendency implied in Iamblichus’ interpretation: for him, the skopos of the De Caelo is primarily the divine body of heaven, and only secondarily the set of sublunar elements. Simplicius treasures the commentary by Alexander; nevertheless, he questions the skopos assigned by him: Alexander underestimated the importance of the unity of the treatise, even though his intention to account for each and every question raised by Aristotle was laudable. Contrarily, Syrianus was right in emphasizing the theological vein of the De Caelo, but focussed only on the section on the divine body of heaven, playing down books III and IV as if they were only ancillary, thus forgetting that the skopos must account for the whole of the treatise at hand. Between the two positions, Simplicius advocates the idea of a synthetical skopos, following in the footsteps of Iamblichus’ interpretation, but taking systematically into account the best of Alexander’s. The skopos of the De Caelo is the divine heaven, that “communicates” its perfections to the entire universe. Simplicius’ position is revealed to be very different with respect to that of other commentators like Ammonius and Philoponus, who both considered that the title was self-evident and required no special investigation. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IkThMj3dyL4pqPR

{"_index":"sire","_id":"581","_score":null,"_source":{"id":581,"authors_free":[{"id":824,"entry_id":581,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le \u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2 du trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien Du Ciel selon Simplicius. Ex\u00e9g\u00e8se, dialectique, th\u00e9ologie","main_title":{"title":"Le \u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03cc\u03c2 du trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien Du Ciel selon Simplicius. Ex\u00e9g\u00e8se, dialectique, th\u00e9ologie"},"abstract":"A six-page Prologue introduces the commentary on Aristotle\u2019s De Caelo written by Simplicius after 529 AD. As usual in the exegeses typical of the Neoplatonic schools of late Antiquity, this Prologue addresses a series of preliminary \r\nquestions that are meant to steer the interpretation in its entirety, as well as to frame the text to be commented upon within the reading canon of the Aristotelian works, which were intended to provide the propaedeutics to the reading canon of Plato\u2019s dialogues. Simplicius addresses the question of the scope of De Caelo, discussing the interpretations advanced by Alexander of Aphrodisias, Iamblichus, and Syrianus. According to Alexander, this treatise deals with the universe as a whole, as well as with the five simple bodies contained in it. It was with Iamblichus, who advocated the idea that for each Platonic dialogue there was only one skopos, that the unity of a philosophical work was raised \r\nto the rank of a general rule. According to Iamblichus, the skopos of the De Caelo is the divine body of heaven. As a consequence, the primary elements that depend upon the heavens are included in the treatise. Syrianus deepens \r\nthe theological tendency implied in Iamblichus\u2019 interpretation: for him, the skopos of the De Caelo is primarily the divine body of heaven, and only secondarily the set of sublunar elements. Simplicius treasures the commentary by \r\nAlexander; nevertheless, he questions the skopos assigned by him: Alexander underestimated the importance of the unity of the treatise, even though his intention to account for each and every question raised by Aristotle was laudable. Contrarily, Syrianus was right in emphasizing the theological vein of the De Caelo, but focussed only on the section on the divine body of heaven, playing down books III and IV as if they were only ancillary, thus forgetting that the skopos must account for the whole of the treatise at hand. Between the two positions, Simplicius advocates the idea of a synthetical skopos, following in the footsteps of Iamblichus\u2019 interpretation, but taking systematically into account the best of Alexander\u2019s. The skopos of the De Caelo is the divine heaven, that \u201ccommunicates\u201d its perfections to the \r\nentire universe. Simplicius\u2019 position is revealed to be very different with respect to that of other commentators like Ammonius and Philoponus, who both considered that the title was self-evident and required no special investigation. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2015","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/IkThMj3dyL4pqPR","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":581,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Studia graeco-arabica","volume":"5","issue":"","pages":"27-51"}},"sort":[2015]}

Review of: I. Hadot, Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines, 2015
By: Chemi, Germana

Title	Review of: I. Hadot, Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2015
Journal	Studia graeco-arabica
Volume	5
Pages	385-388
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chemi, Germana
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

L’A. présente en ce volume un bilan raisonné des recherches contemporaines concernant la vie et l’œuvre du néoplatonicien Simplicius, ainsi que des études sur sa réception dans le monde arabe. Le volume contient aussi deux contributions de Ph. Vallat portant respectivement sur la biographie de Simplicius (p. 102-129) et sur la réception arabe de son commentaire aux Catégories d’Aristote (p. 241-264). La première section (Biographie, p. 13-134), qui fait suite à la préface (p. 11-12), concerne la biographie de Simplicius. Cette partie du volume aborde les sujets suivants : le nom de Simplicius (p. 13-14), son origine et sa formation (p. 14-16), le milieu culturel d’Alexandrie à l’époque de ses études avec Ammonius (p. 16-17), le départ d’Athènes (p. 17-19), l’exil en Perse (p. 23-24) et la question du lieu où Simplicius et ses collègues se seraient rendus après avoir quitté la cour de Chosroès Ier (p. 25-129). Cette section s’achève par un sommaire général (p. 130-133) et trois épigrammes que l’A. attribue à Simplicius (p. 133-134). La deuxième section (Les œuvres conservées sauf In Phys. et In De Caelo, p. 135-266) concerne les commentaires de Simplicius sur le Manuel d’Épictète (p. 148-181), sur le De Anima (p. 182-228) et sur les Catégories d’Aristote (p. 228-266). L’A. introduit son analyse de ces trois ouvrages par un aperçu général sur la datation des commentaires de Simplicius (p. 135-148) : conformément à la thèse déjà avancée dans ses travaux antérieurs, elle considère les commentaires de Simplicius comme ayant tous été écrits après l’exil en Perse. La troisième section (Les œuvres partiellement ou entièrement perdues, p. 267-283) a pour objet les textes suivants, que l’A. attribue à Simplicius : un commentaire aux Éléments d’Euclide, un commentaire sur le Phédon (p. 267-269), un épitomé de la Physique de Théophraste (p. 269), un commentaire sur la Métaphysique d’Aristote (p. 269-277), un commentaire sur La secte pythagoricienne de Jamblique (p. 277-278), un commentaire sur les Météorologiques d’Aristote (p. 279-280), un commentaire sur l’Ars oratoria d’Hermogène (p. 280-282) et un traité sur les syllogismes (p. 282). Suivent enfin un Épilogue (p. 285-288) et une bibliographie (p. 289-311). [introduction p. 385]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dB50Tmjq5TVAe1v

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1310","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1310,"authors_free":[{"id":1936,"entry_id":1310,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":99,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Chemi, Germana","free_first_name":"Germana","free_last_name":"Chemi","norm_person":{"id":99,"first_name":"Germana","last_name":"Chemi","full_name":"Chemi, Germana","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of: I. Hadot, Le n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re des recherches contemporaines","main_title":{"title":"Review of: I. Hadot, Le n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re des recherches contemporaines"},"abstract":"L\u2019A. pr\u00e9sente en ce volume un bilan raisonn\u00e9 des recherches contemporaines concernant la vie et l\u2019\u0153uvre du n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius, ainsi que des \u00e9tudes sur sa r\u00e9ception dans le monde arabe. Le volume contient aussi deux contributions de Ph. Vallat portant respectivement sur la biographie de Simplicius (p. 102-129) et sur la r\u00e9ception arabe de son commentaire aux Cat\u00e9gories d\u2019Aristote (p. 241-264).\r\n\r\nLa premi\u00e8re section (Biographie, p. 13-134), qui fait suite \u00e0 la pr\u00e9face (p. 11-12), concerne la biographie de Simplicius. Cette partie du volume aborde les sujets suivants : le nom de Simplicius (p. 13-14), son origine et sa formation (p. 14-16), le milieu culturel d\u2019Alexandrie \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9poque de ses \u00e9tudes avec Ammonius (p. 16-17), le d\u00e9part d\u2019Ath\u00e8nes (p. 17-19), l\u2019exil en Perse (p. 23-24) et la question du lieu o\u00f9 Simplicius et ses coll\u00e8gues se seraient rendus apr\u00e8s avoir quitt\u00e9 la cour de Chosro\u00e8s Ier (p. 25-129). Cette section s\u2019ach\u00e8ve par un sommaire g\u00e9n\u00e9ral (p. 130-133) et trois \u00e9pigrammes que l\u2019A. attribue \u00e0 Simplicius (p. 133-134).\r\n\r\nLa deuxi\u00e8me section (Les \u0153uvres conserv\u00e9es sauf In Phys. et In De Caelo, p. 135-266) concerne les commentaires de Simplicius sur le Manuel d\u2019\u00c9pict\u00e8te (p. 148-181), sur le De Anima (p. 182-228) et sur les Cat\u00e9gories d\u2019Aristote (p. 228-266). L\u2019A. introduit son analyse de ces trois ouvrages par un aper\u00e7u g\u00e9n\u00e9ral sur la datation des commentaires de Simplicius (p. 135-148) : conform\u00e9ment \u00e0 la th\u00e8se d\u00e9j\u00e0 avanc\u00e9e dans ses travaux ant\u00e9rieurs, elle consid\u00e8re les commentaires de Simplicius comme ayant tous \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9crits apr\u00e8s l\u2019exil en Perse.\r\n\r\nLa troisi\u00e8me section (Les \u0153uvres partiellement ou enti\u00e8rement perdues, p. 267-283) a pour objet les textes suivants, que l\u2019A. attribue \u00e0 Simplicius : un commentaire aux \u00c9l\u00e9ments d\u2019Euclide, un commentaire sur le Ph\u00e9don (p. 267-269), un \u00e9pitom\u00e9 de la Physique de Th\u00e9ophraste (p. 269), un commentaire sur la M\u00e9taphysique d\u2019Aristote (p. 269-277), un commentaire sur La secte pythagoricienne de Jamblique (p. 277-278), un commentaire sur les M\u00e9t\u00e9orologiques d\u2019Aristote (p. 279-280), un commentaire sur l\u2019Ars oratoria d\u2019Hermog\u00e8ne (p. 280-282) et un trait\u00e9 sur les syllogismes (p. 282).\r\n\r\nSuivent enfin un \u00c9pilogue (p. 285-288) et une bibliographie (p. 289-311).\r\n[introduction p. 385]","btype":3,"date":"2015","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dB50Tmjq5TVAe1v","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":99,"full_name":"Chemi, Germana","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1310,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Studia graeco-arabica","volume":"5","issue":"","pages":"385-388"}},"sort":[2015]}

On Simplicius’ Life and Works: A Response to Hadot, 2015
By: Golitsis, Pantelis

Title	On Simplicius’ Life and Works: A Response to Hadot
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2015
Journal	Aestimatio
Volume	12
Pages	56-82
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text is a response to Ilsetraut Hadot's book, "Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contem¬poraines. Un bilan critique," which provides a critical overview of scholarly research on the Neoplatonist Simplicius. The author critiques Hadot's approach, arguing that her use of the Neoplatonic curriculum and medieval testimonies is an unsafe guide for assessing Simplicius' life and works. The article concludes by thanking Hadot for her previous work on Simplicius and acknowledging the value of her contributions to the field. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iph5X72ry3ZiZ9P

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Au terme d’une tradition: Simplicius, lecteur du Phédon, 2015
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine, Delcomminette, Sylvain (Ed.), Hoine, Pieter d’ (Ed.), Gavray, Marc-Antoine (Ed.)

Title	Au terme d’une tradition: Simplicius, lecteur du Phédon
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2015
Published in	Ancient Readings of Plato’s Phaedo
Pages	293-310
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)	Delcomminette, Sylvain , Hoine, Pieter d’ , Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Translator(s)

Une qualité indéniable des Commentaires de Simplicius réside dans leur utilisation abondante de la tradition philosophique. Ils comportent de nombreuses citations des Présocratiques, des Platoniciens et des Péripatéticiens, mais surtout d’Aristote et de Platon. C’est notamment à travers cet usage des références que l’on peut mesurer l’originalité (ou la particularité) philosophique de Simplicius. Ses thèses s’élaborent au fil d’une exégèse qui croise les textes et tisse patiemment la synthèse de la culture païenne. Dès lors, c’est dans une certaine pratique de l’intertextualité que se joue sa contribution à l’histoire de la philosophie et que se dessine parfois une interprétation novatrice de certains classiques de la tradition. Or, pour autant que nous le sachions, Simplicius n’a pas écrit de commentaire sur le Phédon. En tant que membre de l’École d’Athènes, il a certes dû lire et interpréter ce dialogue, qui faisait partie du canon de lecture. Disciple de Damascius, il a peut-être même assisté à l’une (au moins) des deux séries de cours dispensées par son maître. À tout le moins, il devait en connaître l’existence et avoir pris position par rapport à une telle lecture. Aussi, pour retrouver son interprétation du Phédon, il faut emprunter un chemin détourné, en examinant les citations et allusions liées à ce dialogue à travers ses différents Commentaires. Comment surgissent ces renvois au Phédon et à quelle fin ? Dans cette étude, je souhaite poursuivre trois objectifs, tous relativement modestes. Tout d’abord, j’aimerais examiner l’apport personnel de Simplicius à l’interprétation du Phédon, par rapport à la tradition dans laquelle il s’inscrit. Ensuite, plus particulièrement, je voudrais évaluer la distance de Simplicius à l’égard des Commentaires de Damascius, afin de mesurer leur impact au sein de l’École platonicienne en exil. Enfin, et plus largement, j’espère contribuer à la compréhension de la méthode et de l’originalité de Simplicius, en tant que philosophe et commentateur. [introduction p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QqG0Y1xgt1bzrvI

Ancient Readings of Plato’s Phaedo, 2015
By: Delcomminette, Sylvain (Ed.), Hoine, Pieter d’ (Ed.), Gavray, Marc-Antoine (Ed.)

Title	Ancient Readings of Plato’s Phaedo
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2015
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua
Volume	140
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Delcomminette, Sylvain , Hoine, Pieter d’ , Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Translator(s)

Plato’s Phaedo has never failed to attract the attention of philosophers and scholars. Yet the history of its reception in Antiquity has been little studied. The present volume therefore proposes to examine not only the Platonic exegetical tradition surrounding this dialogue, which culminates in the commentaries of Damascius and Olympiodorus, but also its place in the reflections of the rival Peripatetic, Stoic, and Sceptical schools. This volume thus aims to shed light on the surviving commentaries and their sources, as well as on less familiar aspects of the history of the Phaedo’s ancient reception. By doing so, it may help to clarify what ancient interpreters of Plato can and cannot offer their contemporary counterparts. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/V5pyD4OzXUkorzM

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Collation but not contamination: On some textual problems of Aristotle’s Metaphysics Kappa 1065a 25sqq, 2015
By: Golitsis, Pantelis

Title	Collation but not contamination: On some textual problems of Aristotle’s Metaphysics Kappa 1065a 25sqq
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2015
Journal	Revue d’histoire des textes, nouvelle série
Volume	10
Pages	1-23
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

One of the less felicitous terms in textual criticism, despite its being amply used in modern scholarship, is the term « contamination » (Kontamination), which Paul Maas first coined in his famous Textkritik. By modern-day standards the term is supposed to account, roughly, for two phenomena : (1) the phenomenon of having variant readings in margine or inter lineas of a text, which is an obvious sign that, next to the principal model, at least one other manuscript has been at some point involved in the copying of the text ; (2) the more complicated phenomenon of detecting in the body of the text readings that are not expected to be found there. What we detect in (2) is in principle the result of what has happened in (1). Any scholar acquainted with Byzantine manuscripts produced from the ninth century down to the Fall of Constantinople should know that cases like those described above were frequent in Byzantium’s Buchwesen, provided that an adequately circulating text was concerned. As Byzantine scribes and scholars mostly worked and studied in significant libraries that owned several copies of the same text, the idea of comparing them in order to verify dubious readings and to produce a more satisfying text would naturally occur to their mind. Scribes and scholars in Byzantium were well aware that material damages and copyist errors could happen. And as we nowadays do, they tried to counter such textual problems by collating different manuscripts – not by contaminating them. If we leave aside copies made purely for commercial purposes, we can reasonably say that collation of at least two manuscripts before producing a new copy of a text was something of a rule in Byzantium. I shall henceforth call this rule « the principle of collation » ; it can be formulated like this : « Unless otherwise proved, each Byzantine copy of an adequately circulating text is the product of collation of at least two different manuscripts. » [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HitzMXpWqjAaGGB

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Simplicius in Thirteenth-Century Paris: A Question, 2015
By: Bowen, Alan C., Holmes, Brooke (Ed.), Fischer, Klaus-Dietrich (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius in Thirteenth-Century Paris: A Question
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2015
Published in	The Frontiers of Ancient Science: Essays in Honor of Heinrich von Staden
Pages	67-73
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bowen, Alan C.
Editor(s)	Holmes, Brooke , Fischer, Klaus-Dietrich
Translator(s)

The debate in the sixth century between the Christian philosopher JohnPhiloponus and the Platonist philosopher Simplicius about whether the cosmos was created or eternal was of momentous importance not only to their understanding of the world and of the means to salvation from its trials but also to their views of what astronomical science was and how it should proceed in making its arguments. This brief chapter outlines this debate and then explores the main lines of attack to be taken in determining how Thomas Aquinas, who was supplied by William of Moerbeke with a translation of the text in which Simplicius responds to Philoponus, dealt with Simplicius’ reading of Aristotle in advancing a vigorous polemic against his Christian faith. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rIm87BQ2FbfPk81

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The Frontiers of Ancient Science: Essays in Honor of Heinrich von Staden, 2015
By: Holmes, Brooke (Ed.), Fischer, Klaus-Dietrich (Ed.)

Title	The Frontiers of Ancient Science: Essays in Honor of Heinrich von Staden
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2015
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Beiträge zur Altertumskunde
Volume	338
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Holmes, Brooke , Fischer, Klaus-Dietrich
Translator(s)

Our understanding of science, mathematics, and medicine today can be deeply enriched by studying the historical roots of these areas of inquiry in the ancient Near East and Mediterranean. The present volume brings together contributions from more than thirty of the most important scholars working in these fields in the United States and Europe in honor of the eminent historian of ancient science and medicine Heinrich von Staden. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1YGQJ7tLmJ8jROq

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La puissance de l'intelligible: la théorie plotinienne des Formes au miroir de l'héritage médioplatonicien, 2015
By: Michalewski, Alexandra

Title	La puissance de l'intelligible: la théorie plotinienne des Formes au miroir de l'héritage médioplatonicien
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2015
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Leuven University Press
Series	De Wulf-Mansion Centre, Ancient and Medieval Philosophy
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Michalewski, Alexandra
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

L'ouvrage propose une histoire de l’interprétation de la nature des Formes intelligibles d’Antiochus à Plotin. Il met en lumière l’importance du refus plotinien de l’artificialisme médioplatonicien qui considère les Formes comme des pensées du dieu et subordonne leur causalité à celle du démiurge, fabricant du monde. En considérant les Formes comme des réalités vivantes et intellectives, Plotin bouleverse le sens de la causalité paradigmatique de l’intelligible. Il reprend les concepts de la théologie aristotélicienne, les détourne et les met au service d’une théorie de la causalité des intelligibles qui répond aux objections du Stagirite contre l’hypothèse des Formes. S’appuyant sur l’identité de l’intellect et des intelligibles, il montre que c’est précisément en restant en elles-mêmes que les Formes exercent une puissance générative, productrice du sensible. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xzSLdm0SmNASjln

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1505","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1505,"authors_free":[{"id":2615,"entry_id":1505,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":553,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Michalewski, Alexandra","free_first_name":"Alexandra","free_last_name":"Michalewski","norm_person":{"id":553,"first_name":"Alexandra","last_name":"Michalewski","full_name":"Michalewski, Alexandra","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1194315127","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La puissance de l'intelligible: la th\u00e9orie plotinienne des Formes au miroir de l'h\u00e9ritage m\u00e9dioplatonicien","main_title":{"title":"La puissance de l'intelligible: la th\u00e9orie plotinienne des Formes au miroir de l'h\u00e9ritage m\u00e9dioplatonicien"},"abstract":"L'ouvrage propose une histoire de l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation de la nature des Formes intelligibles d\u2019Antiochus \u00e0 Plotin. Il met en lumi\u00e8re l\u2019importance du refus plotinien de l\u2019artificialisme m\u00e9dioplatonicien qui consid\u00e8re les Formes comme des pens\u00e9es du dieu et subordonne leur causalit\u00e9 \u00e0 celle du d\u00e9miurge, fabricant du monde. En consid\u00e9rant les Formes comme des r\u00e9alit\u00e9s vivantes et intellectives, Plotin bouleverse le sens de la causalit\u00e9 paradigmatique de l\u2019intelligible. Il reprend les concepts de la th\u00e9ologie aristot\u00e9licienne, les d\u00e9tourne et les met au service d\u2019une th\u00e9orie de la causalit\u00e9 des intelligibles qui r\u00e9pond aux objections du Stagirite contre l\u2019hypoth\u00e8se des Formes. S\u2019appuyant sur l\u2019identit\u00e9 de l\u2019intellect et des intelligibles, il montre que c\u2019est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment en restant en elles-m\u00eames que les Formes exercent une puissance g\u00e9n\u00e9rative, productrice du sensible. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2015","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/xzSLdm0SmNASjln","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":553,"full_name":"Michalewski, Alexandra","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1505,"pubplace":"Leuven","publisher":"Leuven University Press","series":"De Wulf-Mansion Centre, Ancient and Medieval Philosophy","volume":"1","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2015]}

Simplicius on elements and causes in Greek philosophy: critical appraisal or philosophical synthesis?, 2015
By: Baltussen, Han, Marmodoro, Anna (Ed.), Prince, Brian (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius on elements and causes in Greek philosophy: critical appraisal or philosophical synthesis?
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2015
Published in	Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity
Pages	111-128
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Marmodoro, Anna , Prince, Brian
Translator(s)

One of Simplicius’ contributions on causes in the commentaries, as has been pointed out recently, is that he clarifies the use of ‘principle,’ ‘cause,’ and ‘element’ in Aristotle and disagrees with the notion that they can be used interchangeably. His overall exegesis becomes quite distinctive by incorporating many more views from previous exegetes into his textual analysis than one would think necessary. A good example comes at In physicorum libris 19.21–20.2, where Alexander is quoted as saying that Aristotle may be referring to axioms (axiomata) when speaking about general descriptions of principles (ta koina). Simplicius disagrees: he seems to think that we acquire knowledge of the principles through observation. That the problematic nature of the ‘elements’ requires further attention is clear from Simplicius’ analysis of Aristotle’s Physics A, the book dedicated to a review of earlier theories on principles. My aim in this chapter is to examine Simplicius’ technique of composition and how it helps structure his evaluative comments. Such an investigation will clarify how his remarkably inclusive selection procedure seeks to draw on whatever sources he thinks useful for his purpose. In past studies, some of Simplicius’ own views on principles and causes in natural philosophy have been stated with considerable clarity and acumen. In response to Aristotle’s text, he will, directly or indirectly, declare his own position regarding the nature and knowledge of principles and causes. He analyzes Aristotle’s ideas on elements, matter, and their relationship with reference to Aristotle’s corpus, to Plato, or by applying Neoplatonic ideas. These analyses are often based on his famous essays on place and time (In phys. 4), where Simplicius’ own views are clearly stated. By contrast, it is not so easy to separate out views from his discursive evaluations, and scholars often make assumptions about the relative value of the materials encountered—the different ‘sources,’ so to speak, which he selected and gave a place in his account. [introduction p. 111-112]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/g1SyUqDyUcBATre

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His overall exegesis becomes quite distinctive by incorporating many more views from previous exegetes into his textual analysis than one would think necessary. A good example comes at In physicorum libris 19.21\u201320.2, where Alexander is quoted as saying that Aristotle may be referring to axioms (axiomata) when speaking about general descriptions of principles (ta koina). Simplicius disagrees: he seems to think that we acquire knowledge of the principles through observation. That the problematic nature of the \u2018elements\u2019 requires further attention is clear from Simplicius\u2019 analysis of Aristotle\u2019s Physics A, the book dedicated to a review of earlier theories on principles.\r\n\r\nMy aim in this chapter is to examine Simplicius\u2019 technique of composition and how it helps structure his evaluative comments. Such an investigation will clarify how his remarkably inclusive selection procedure seeks to draw on whatever sources he thinks useful for his purpose. In past studies, some of Simplicius\u2019 own views on principles and causes in natural philosophy have been stated with considerable clarity and acumen. In response to Aristotle\u2019s text, he will, directly or indirectly, declare his own position regarding the nature and knowledge of principles and causes. He analyzes Aristotle\u2019s ideas on elements, matter, and their relationship with reference to Aristotle\u2019s corpus, to Plato, or by applying Neoplatonic ideas. These analyses are often based on his famous essays on place and time (In phys. 4), where Simplicius\u2019 own views are clearly stated. By contrast, it is not so easy to separate out views from his discursive evaluations, and scholars often make assumptions about the relative value of the materials encountered\u2014the different \u2018sources,\u2019 so to speak, which he selected and gave a place in his account. [introduction p. 111-112]","btype":2,"date":"2015","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/g1SyUqDyUcBATre","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":39,"full_name":"Baltussen, Han","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":47,"full_name":"Marmodoro, Anna","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":48,"full_name":"Prince, Brian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":912,"section_of":155,"pages":"111-128","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":155,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Marmodoro\/Prince2015","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2015","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2015","abstract":"Written by a group of leading scholars, this unique collection of essays investigates the views of both pagan and Christian philosophers on causation and the creation of the cosmos. Structured in two parts, the volume first looks at divine agency and how late antique thinkers, including the Stoics, Plotinus, Porphyry, Simplicius, Philoponus and Gregory of Nyssa, tackled questions such as: is the cosmos eternal? Did it come from nothing or from something pre-existing? How was it caused to come into existence? Is it material or immaterial? The second part looks at questions concerning human agency and responsibility, including the problem of evil and the nature of will, considering thinkers such as Plotinus, Porphyry, Proclus and Augustine. Highlighting some of the most important and interesting aspects of these philosophical debates, the volume will be of great interest to upper-level students and scholars of philosophy, classics, theology and ancient history. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lpl3CeEXUUAj1hP","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":155,"pubplace":"Cambridge","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2015]}

Simplikios: Wstęp do Komentarza do Encheiridionu Epikteta (wybór), 2014
By: Łapiński, Krzysztof

Title	Simplikios: Wstęp do Komentarza do Encheiridionu Epikteta (wybór)
Type	Article
Language	Polish
Date	2014
Journal	Przegląd Filozoficzno-Literacki
Volume	40
Issue	3-4
Pages	45-49
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Łapiński, Krzysztof
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The translation includes an introduction to the Simplicius’ commentary on Epictetus’ Enchiridion. The author of the commentary explains to whom is the work of Epictetus addressed, what is the scope o f the Enchiridion, the meaning of the title and the literary genre to which it belongs. The supposed audience is the reader who wants to live in accordance with reason on the level of ethical and political virtues. Such a reader ought to internalize Epictetus’ teaching and appeal to it in the challenging moments of life. The Stoic content has been enriched with the Platonic teaching drawn from Alcibiades I about relationship between the soul and the body. The first Polish translation of Simplicius’ text has been based on the Ilsetraut Hadot’s edition. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PcngrYGo5jPGQtC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1138","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1138,"authors_free":[{"id":1712,"entry_id":1138,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":235,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"\u0141api\u0144ski, Krzysztof","free_first_name":"Krzysztof","free_last_name":"\u0141api\u0144ski","norm_person":{"id":235,"first_name":"Krzysztof","last_name":"\u0141api\u0144ski","full_name":"\u0141api\u0144ski, Krzysztof","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1155501799","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplikios: Wst\u0119p do Komentarza do Encheiridionu Epikteta (wyb\u00f3r)","main_title":{"title":"Simplikios: Wst\u0119p do Komentarza do Encheiridionu Epikteta (wyb\u00f3r)"},"abstract":"The translation includes an introduction to the Simplicius\u2019 commentary \r\non Epictetus\u2019 Enchiridion. The author of the commentary explains to whom \r\nis the work of Epictetus addressed, what is the scope o f the Enchiridion, \r\nthe meaning of the title and the literary genre to which it belongs. \r\nThe supposed audience is the reader who wants to live in accordance \r\nwith reason on the level of ethical and political virtues. Such a reader \r\nought to internalize Epictetus\u2019 teaching and appeal to it in the challenging \r\nmoments of life. The Stoic content has been enriched with the Platonic \r\nteaching drawn from Alcibiades I about relationship between the soul \r\nand the body. The first Polish translation of Simplicius\u2019 text has been based \r\non the Ilsetraut Hadot\u2019s edition. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2014","language":"Polish","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PcngrYGo5jPGQtC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":235,"full_name":"\u0141api\u0144ski, Krzysztof","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1138,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Przegl\u0105d Filozoficzno-Literacki","volume":"40","issue":"3-4","pages":"45-49"}},"sort":[2014]}

Simplikios, czytelnik Epikteta, 2014
By: Łapiński, Krzysztof

Title	Simplikios, czytelnik Epikteta
Type	Article
Language	Polish
Date	2014
Journal	Przegląd Filozoficzno-Literacki
Volume	40
Issue	3-4
Pages	35-43
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Łapiński, Krzysztof
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius, the Neoplatonic philosopher, and commentator from late antiquity, devoted one of his commentaries to Epictetus’ Enchiridion. In the article, the author posed the question about the place of the text by the Stoic writer within the whole Neoplatonic education system. In addition, he asked to what extent the act of commenting on Epictetus’ work could be conceived by Simplicius as a kind of spiritual exercise. In the second part of the article, the hypothesis by M. Tardieu and I. Hadot is presented, suggesting that the city of Harran could be regarded as the possible place of exile where the group of philosophers settled after the Platonic Academy had been closed. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VGw8HfmmOi2CqbW

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1139","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1139,"authors_free":[{"id":1713,"entry_id":1139,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":235,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"\u0141api\u0144ski, Krzysztof","free_first_name":"Krzysztof","free_last_name":"\u0141api\u0144ski","norm_person":{"id":235,"first_name":"Krzysztof","last_name":"\u0141api\u0144ski","full_name":"\u0141api\u0144ski, Krzysztof","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1155501799","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplikios, czytelnik Epikteta","main_title":{"title":"Simplikios, czytelnik Epikteta"},"abstract":"Simplicius, the Neoplatonic philosopher, and commentator from late antiquity, devoted one of his commentaries to Epictetus\u2019 Enchiridion. In the article, the author posed the question about the place of the text by the Stoic writer within the whole Neoplatonic education system. In addition, he asked to what extent the act of commenting on Epictetus\u2019 work could be conceived by Simplicius as a kind of spiritual exercise. In the second part of the article, the hypothesis by M. Tardieu and I. Hadot is presented, suggesting that the city of Harran could be regarded as the possible place of exile where the group of philosophers settled after the Platonic Academy had been closed. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2014","language":"Polish","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VGw8HfmmOi2CqbW","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":235,"full_name":"\u0141api\u0144ski, Krzysztof","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1139,"section_of":346,"pages":"35-43","is_catalog":null,"book":null},"article":{"id":1139,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Przegl\u0105d Filozoficzno-Literacki","volume":"40","issue":"3-4","pages":"35-43"}},"sort":[2014]}

Akrasia and Enkrateia in Simplicius’s Commentary on Epictetus’s Emcheiridion, 2014
By: Lawrence, Marilynn, Layne, Danielle A. (Ed.), Tarrant, Harold (Ed.)

Title	Akrasia and Enkrateia in Simplicius’s Commentary on Epictetus’s Emcheiridion
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2014
Published in	The Neoplatonic Socrates
Pages	127-142
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lawrence, Marilynn
Editor(s)	Layne, Danielle A. , Tarrant, Harold
Translator(s)

This text explores the problem of akrasia, or the phenomenon of knowingly erring, within Socratic philosophy, and its relationship to Socratic intellectualism. The denial of akrasia by Socrates and Aristotle's response to it have been discussed by scholars, with interpretations and critiques of the argument that no one willingly chooses to do what they know is wrong. Simplicius attempted to reconcile these differing views and harmonize the phenomenon of akrasia while preserving Socrates' intellectualist position through his commentary on Epictetus's Encheiridion. The text concludes with Simplicius's reflections on the antiphilosophical culture of his time and the importance of philosophical education. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hnBeShzJI9WChDr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1157","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1157,"authors_free":[{"id":1730,"entry_id":1157,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":86,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Lawrence, Marilynn","free_first_name":"Marilynn","free_last_name":"Lawrence","norm_person":{"id":86,"first_name":"Marilynn ","last_name":"Lawrence","full_name":"Lawrence, Marilynn ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1152956507","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2074,"entry_id":1157,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":202,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Layne, Danielle A.","free_first_name":"Danielle A.","free_last_name":"Layne","norm_person":{"id":202,"first_name":"Danielle A.","last_name":"Layne","full_name":"Layne, Danielle A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1068033177","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2075,"entry_id":1157,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":122,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Tarrant, Harold","free_first_name":"Harold","free_last_name":"Tarrant","norm_person":{"id":122,"first_name":"Harold ","last_name":"Tarrant","full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132040077","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Akrasia and Enkrateia in Simplicius\u2019s Commentary on Epictetus\u2019s Emcheiridion","main_title":{"title":"Akrasia and Enkrateia in Simplicius\u2019s Commentary on Epictetus\u2019s Emcheiridion"},"abstract":"This text explores the problem of akrasia, or the phenomenon of knowingly erring, within Socratic philosophy, and its relationship to Socratic intellectualism. The denial of akrasia by Socrates and Aristotle's response to it have been discussed by scholars, with interpretations and critiques of the argument that no one willingly chooses to do what they know is wrong. Simplicius attempted to reconcile these differing views and harmonize the phenomenon of akrasia while preserving Socrates' intellectualist position through his commentary on Epictetus's Encheiridion. The text concludes with Simplicius's reflections on the antiphilosophical culture of his time and the importance of philosophical education. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":2,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/hnBeShzJI9WChDr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":86,"full_name":"Lawrence, Marilynn ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":202,"full_name":"Layne, Danielle A.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":122,"full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1157,"section_of":344,"pages":"127-142","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":344,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Neoplatonic Socrates","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Tarrant_Layne_2014","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2014","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2014","abstract":"Today the name Socrates invokes a powerful idealization of wisdom and nobility that would surprise many of his contemporaries, who excoriated the philosopher for corrupting youth. The problem of who Socrates \"really\" was\u2014the true history of his activities and beliefs\u2014has long been thought insoluble, and most recent Socratic studies have instead focused on reconstructing his legacy and tracing his ideas through other philosophical traditions. But this scholarship has neglected to examine closely a period of philosophy that has much to reveal about what Socrates stood for and how he taught: the Neoplatonic tradition of the first six centuries C.E., which at times decried or denied his importance yet relied on his methods.\r\n\r\nIn The Neoplatonic Socrates, leading scholars in classics and philosophy address this gap by examining Neoplatonic attitudes toward the Socratic method, Socratic love, Socrates's divine mission and moral example, and the much-debated issue of moral rectitude. Collectively, they demonstrate the importance of Socrates for the majority of Neoplatonists, a point that has often been questioned owing to the comparative neglect of surviving commentaries on the Alcibiades, Gorgias, Phaedo, and Phaedrus, in favor of dialogues dealing explicitly with metaphysical issues. Supplemented with a contextualizing introduction and a substantial appendix detailing where evidence for Socrates can be found in the extant literature, The Neoplatonic Socrates makes a clear case for the significant place Socrates held in the education and philosophy of late antiquity.\r\n\r\nContributors: Crystal Addey, James M. Ambury, John F. Finamore, Michael Griffin, Marilynn Lawrence, Danielle A. Layne, Christina-Panagiota Manolea, Fran\u00e7ois Renaud, Geert Roskam, Harold Tarrant.\r\n[official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/snzmSDTs2gXuRXn","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":344,"pubplace":"Philadelphia","publisher":"University of Pennsylvania Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

Una polemica filologica di Simplicio contro Alessandro di Afrodisia su Aristotele, Phy. 1.2, 185A17-19, 2014
By: Licciardi, Ivan Adriano, Cardullo, R. Loredana (Ed.), Iozzia, Daniele (Ed.)

Title	Una polemica filologica di Simplicio contro Alessandro di Afrodisia su Aristotele, Phy. 1.2, 185A17-19
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	2014
Published in	ΚΑΛΛΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΕΤΗ. Bellezza e virtù. Studi in onore die Maria Barbanti
Pages	537-549
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)	Cardullo, R. Loredana , Iozzia, Daniele
Translator(s)

L'obiettivo che mi propongo di raggiungere in questa mia indagine è duplice: da un lato, cercherò di comprendere il posizionamento di Simplicio in merito a una delicata questione ermeneutica, sollevata da due linee interpretative differenti. L'esegesi del passo aristotelico in questione è considerata da alcuni come filosoficamente indegna della natura oppure no; dall’altro lato, mi adopererò per mettere in luce un aspetto del metodo con cui Simplicio affronta l'interpretazione di Aristotele, ponendo particolare attenzione alla terminologia e al fine della quale egli si confronta con altri esegeti aristotelici, in particolare con Alessandro di Afrodisia e con Porfirio. Preciso subito che non ricercherò di risolvere la questione concernente il senso aristotelico, al quale intendo dedicare uno studio a parte, ma mi concentrerò piuttosto sull’interpretazione di Simplicio, il quale ricorre frequentemente a questione ermeneutiche al fine di ricostruire il senso genuino del testo di Aristotele. Mi limito dunque a presentare molto brevemente il problema inerente al testo della Fisica. La critica che Aristotele muove agli Eleati in Fisica I, 2 è nota per la sua problematicità, che riguarda non soltanto le argomentazioni che vengono addotte contro Parmenide e Melisso, ma anche lo statuto complessivo della critica stessa (Phys. I, 2, 184b25-185a14). Aristoteles affermato è che indagare se l’essere è uno e immobile non è indegno della natura, e che, comunque, non lo è se presupposto dalla fisica aristotelica, che studia enti molteplici e numerosi soggetti al divenire. In questo contesto, la formulazione testuale assume un'importanza fondamentale per la corretta comprensione del pensiero aristotelico. In particolare, la frase trasmessa nelle edizioni critiche più recenti, cioè quelle di Ross e di Carteron, con la punteggiatura che ho sopra riportato, significherebbe—ed è così interpretata dalla quasi totalità dei traduttori moderni della Fisica aristotelica—che gli Eleati non avrebbero indagato sulla natura e tuttavia avrebbero sollevato problemi che riguardano la natura e, dunque, la sua scienza. Tuttavia, ci sono interpreti che intendono questa stessa frase in modo diverso, spostando la virgola che nelle edizioni di Ross e di Carteron si legge dopo il secondo ou, prima di questa negazione. Così, il testo risulterebbe nel senso che gli Eleati avrebbero indagato sulla natura e tuttavia avrebbero sollevato problemi che non riguardano la natura. Lungi dall’essere un problema ozioso, la diversa lettura della punteggiatura solleva un dubbio teorico di grande importanza. Ponendo la virgola prima o dopo la negazione ou, infatti, il senso del passo aristotelico risulta ribaltato: secondo la prima lettura, Parmenide e Melisso non sarebbero, secondo Aristotele, dei fisici; mentre secondo la seconda lettura, essi, al contrario, sarebbero filosofi che hanno indagato a pieno titolo sulla natura. Quest'ultimo modo di intendere il passo aristotelico, contrario a quello comunemente adottato, è stato assunto in passato da diversi interpreti. Tra questi, sia Averroè sia Tommaso d'Aquino hanno inteso che gli Eleati abbiano indagato sulla natura; tra i moderni, Augustin Mansion e Pierre Pellegrin. Mansion, per giustificare la sua interpretazione, si richiama prevalentemente alle traduzioni arabe, da cui derivano le versioni latine di Gerardo da Cremona e di Michele Scoto. Pellegrin, invece, si sofferma sull'affermazione di Aristotele secondo la quale il filosofo ritiene opportuno risolvere non tutte le aporie, ma solo quelle di cui si può mostrare la falsità a partire dai principi (Phys. I, 2, 185a14-16). Egli analizza l’esempio della quadratura del cerchio, la cui soluzione da parte di Antifonte non è considerata da Aristotele come una questione che debba essere affrontata dal geometra, al contrario della procedura per mezzo delle sezioni, la cui risoluzione è precisamente di competenza del geometra. Di qui, Pellegrin stabilisce un’analogia tra Parmenide e Melisso da un lato—i quali assumono che l’essere è uno e immobile—e Antifonte dall’altro lato—il quale cercò di risolvere il problema della quadratura del cerchio mediante l’iscrizione nel cerchio di poligoni regolari—procedura che per Aristotele non è accettabile dal punto di vista del geometra. Sia Mansion che Pellegrin riconoscono che la lettura secondo la quale Parmenide e Melisso avrebbero sì indagato sulla natura, ma avrebbero sollevato aporie che non riguardano la natura, si trova già in Porfirio e in Alessandro, come si desume dal testo di Simplicio. Nessuno dei due studiosi, tuttavia, ha presentato in dettaglio la discussione di Simplicio, che presenta diversi tratti interessanti e che vale la pena interpretare correttamente. Non solo perché Alessandro, tra le due interpretazioni possibili, sceglie quella secondo cui, per Aristotele, gli Eleati non avrebbero indagato sulla natura, ma anche perché alla fine del suo commento Simplicio stesso sembra sfumare la radicalità della sua critica ad Alessandro e, quindi, anche della sua propensione a interpretare nel senso che gli Eleati avrebbero indagato sulla natura. [introduction p. 537-539]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/U8p9nMTxWVQUE6R

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1162","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1162,"authors_free":[{"id":1740,"entry_id":1162,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":246,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","free_first_name":"Ivan Adriano","free_last_name":"Licciardi","norm_person":{"id":246,"first_name":"Ivan Adriano","last_name":"Licciardi","full_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2076,"entry_id":1162,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":24,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana","free_first_name":"R. Loredana","free_last_name":"Cardullo","norm_person":{"id":24,"first_name":"R. Loredana ","last_name":"Cardullo","full_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139800220","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2077,"entry_id":1162,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":247,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Iozzia, Daniele","free_first_name":"Daniele ","free_last_name":"Iozzia","norm_person":{"id":247,"first_name":"Daniele ","last_name":"Iozzia","full_name":"Iozzia, Daniele ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1036757870","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Una polemica filologica di Simplicio contro Alessandro di Afrodisia su Aristotele, Phy. 1.2, 185A17-19","main_title":{"title":"Una polemica filologica di Simplicio contro Alessandro di Afrodisia su Aristotele, Phy. 1.2, 185A17-19"},"abstract":"L'obiettivo che mi propongo di raggiungere in questa mia indagine \u00e8 duplice: da un lato, cercher\u00f2 di comprendere il posizionamento di Simplicio in merito a una delicata questione ermeneutica, sollevata da due linee interpretative differenti. L'esegesi del passo aristotelico in questione \u00e8 considerata da alcuni come filosoficamente indegna della natura oppure no; dall\u2019altro lato, mi adoperer\u00f2 per mettere in luce un aspetto del metodo con cui Simplicio affronta l'interpretazione di Aristotele, ponendo particolare attenzione alla terminologia e al fine della quale egli si confronta con altri esegeti aristotelici, in particolare con Alessandro di Afrodisia e con Porfirio.\r\nPreciso subito che non ricercher\u00f2 di risolvere la questione concernente il senso aristotelico, al quale intendo dedicare uno studio a parte, ma mi concentrer\u00f2 piuttosto sull\u2019interpretazione di Simplicio, il quale ricorre frequentemente a questione ermeneutiche al fine di ricostruire il senso genuino del testo di Aristotele. Mi limito dunque a presentare molto brevemente il problema inerente al testo della Fisica.\r\nLa critica che Aristotele muove agli Eleati in Fisica I, 2 \u00e8 nota per la sua problematicit\u00e0, che riguarda non soltanto le argomentazioni che vengono addotte contro Parmenide e Melisso, ma anche lo statuto complessivo della critica stessa (Phys. I, 2, 184b25-185a14). Aristoteles affermato \u00e8 che indagare se l\u2019essere \u00e8 uno e immobile non \u00e8 indegno della natura, e che, comunque, non lo \u00e8 se presupposto dalla fisica aristotelica, che studia enti molteplici e numerosi soggetti al divenire. In questo contesto, la formulazione testuale assume un'importanza fondamentale per la corretta comprensione del pensiero aristotelico.\r\nIn particolare, la frase trasmessa nelle edizioni critiche pi\u00f9 recenti, cio\u00e8 quelle di Ross e di Carteron, con la punteggiatura che ho sopra riportato, significherebbe\u2014ed \u00e8 cos\u00ec interpretata dalla quasi totalit\u00e0 dei traduttori moderni della Fisica aristotelica\u2014che gli Eleati non avrebbero indagato sulla natura e tuttavia avrebbero sollevato problemi che riguardano la natura e, dunque, la sua scienza. Tuttavia, ci sono interpreti che intendono questa stessa frase in modo diverso, spostando la virgola che nelle edizioni di Ross e di Carteron si legge dopo il secondo ou, prima di questa negazione. Cos\u00ec, il testo risulterebbe nel senso che gli Eleati avrebbero indagato sulla natura e tuttavia avrebbero sollevato problemi che non riguardano la natura.\r\nLungi dall\u2019essere un problema ozioso, la diversa lettura della punteggiatura solleva un dubbio teorico di grande importanza. Ponendo la virgola prima o dopo la negazione ou, infatti, il senso del passo aristotelico risulta ribaltato: secondo la prima lettura, Parmenide e Melisso non sarebbero, secondo Aristotele, dei fisici; mentre secondo la seconda lettura, essi, al contrario, sarebbero filosofi che hanno indagato a pieno titolo sulla natura.\r\nQuest'ultimo modo di intendere il passo aristotelico, contrario a quello comunemente adottato, \u00e8 stato assunto in passato da diversi interpreti. Tra questi, sia Averro\u00e8 sia Tommaso d'Aquino hanno inteso che gli Eleati abbiano indagato sulla natura; tra i moderni, Augustin Mansion e Pierre Pellegrin. Mansion, per giustificare la sua interpretazione, si richiama prevalentemente alle traduzioni arabe, da cui derivano le versioni latine di Gerardo da Cremona e di Michele Scoto. Pellegrin, invece, si sofferma sull'affermazione di Aristotele secondo la quale il filosofo ritiene opportuno risolvere non tutte le aporie, ma solo quelle di cui si pu\u00f2 mostrare la falsit\u00e0 a partire dai principi (Phys. I, 2, 185a14-16). Egli analizza l\u2019esempio della quadratura del cerchio, la cui soluzione da parte di Antifonte non \u00e8 considerata da Aristotele come una questione che debba essere affrontata dal geometra, al contrario della procedura per mezzo delle sezioni, la cui risoluzione \u00e8 precisamente di competenza del geometra.\r\nDi qui, Pellegrin stabilisce un\u2019analogia tra Parmenide e Melisso da un lato\u2014i quali assumono che l\u2019essere \u00e8 uno e immobile\u2014e Antifonte dall\u2019altro lato\u2014il quale cerc\u00f2 di risolvere il problema della quadratura del cerchio mediante l\u2019iscrizione nel cerchio di poligoni regolari\u2014procedura che per Aristotele non \u00e8 accettabile dal punto di vista del geometra.\r\nSia Mansion che Pellegrin riconoscono che la lettura secondo la quale Parmenide e Melisso avrebbero s\u00ec indagato sulla natura, ma avrebbero sollevato aporie che non riguardano la natura, si trova gi\u00e0 in Porfirio e in Alessandro, come si desume dal testo di Simplicio. Nessuno dei due studiosi, tuttavia, ha presentato in dettaglio la discussione di Simplicio, che presenta diversi tratti interessanti e che vale la pena interpretare correttamente. Non solo perch\u00e9 Alessandro, tra le due interpretazioni possibili, sceglie quella secondo cui, per Aristotele, gli Eleati non avrebbero indagato sulla natura, ma anche perch\u00e9 alla fine del suo commento Simplicio stesso sembra sfumare la radicalit\u00e0 della sua critica ad Alessandro e, quindi, anche della sua propensione a interpretare nel senso che gli Eleati avrebbero indagato sulla natura.\r\n[introduction p. 537-539]","btype":2,"date":"2014","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/U8p9nMTxWVQUE6R","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":246,"full_name":"Licciardi, Ivan Adriano","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":24,"full_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":247,"full_name":"Iozzia, Daniele ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1162,"section_of":323,"pages":"537-549","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":323,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"it","title":"\u039a\u0391\u039b\u039b\u039f\u03a3 \u039a\u0391\u0399 \u0391\u03a1\u0395\u03a4\u0397. Bellezza e virt\u00f9. Studi in onore die Maria Barbanti","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Cardullo2014","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2014","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2014","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/iYDFyV0tpKo9lmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":323,"pubplace":"Acireale - Rom","publisher":"Bonanno","series":"Analecta humanitatis. Collana del Dipartimento di Scienze della Formazione dell'Universit\u00e0 degli Studi di Catania diretta da Santo Di Nuovo","volume":"29","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

El testimonio de Aristóteles sobre Zenòn de Elea como un detractor de "lo uno", 2014
By: Gardella, Mariana

Title	El testimonio de Aristóteles sobre Zenòn de Elea como un detractor de "lo uno"
Type	Article
Language	Spanish
Date	2014
Journal	Eidos: Revista de Filosofía de la Universidad del Norte
Volume	23
Pages	157-181
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gardella, Mariana
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The aim of this paper is to discuss the traditional interpretation according to which the arguments of Zeno of Elea against multiplicity constitute a defense of monism. I will try to prove that Zeno’s objections on plurality suppose a previous critique to the existence of the one. Therefore Zeno is neither a monist nor a pluralist but a philosopher who criticizes metaphysical theories that consider being in numerical terms, i. e. as many or as one. I will focus on the analysis of the interpretation of Zeno’s philosophy developed by Aristotle. I will consider some passages from Physics, Sophistical Refutations and mainly Metaphysics Hi. 4. 1001b7-I3 (DK 29 A 21). I will also include some testimonies from Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, where he discusses the interpretations of Eudemus of Rhodes and Alexander of Aphrodisias that support the Aristotelian point of view on Zeno’s philosophy (In Ph. 99.7-18, DK 29 A 21; 138. 3-6, DK 29 A 22). [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YSCgmZjhBUMltzI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"621","_score":null,"_source":{"id":621,"authors_free":[{"id":877,"entry_id":621,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":124,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gardella, Mariana","free_first_name":"Mariana","free_last_name":"Gardella","norm_person":{"id":124,"first_name":"Mariana","last_name":"Gardella","full_name":"Gardella, Mariana","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"El testimonio de Arist\u00f3teles sobre Zen\u00f2n de Elea como un detractor de \"lo uno\"","main_title":{"title":"El testimonio de Arist\u00f3teles sobre Zen\u00f2n de Elea como un detractor de \"lo uno\""},"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to discuss the traditional interpretation according to which the arguments of Zeno of Elea against multiplicity constitute a defense of monism. I will try to prove that Zeno\u2019s objections on plurality suppose a previous critique to the existence of the one. Therefore Zeno is neither a monist nor a pluralist but a philosopher who criticizes metaphysical theories that consider being in numerical terms, i. e. as many or as one. I will focus on the analysis of the interpretation of Zeno\u2019s philosophy developed by Aristotle. I will consider some passages from Physics, Sophistical Re\u00adfutations and mainly Metaphysics Hi. 4. 1001b7-I3 (DK 29 A 21). I will also include some testimonies from Simplicius\u2019 commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics, where he discusses the interpretations of Eudemus of Rhodes and Alexander of Aphrodisias that support the Aristotelian point of view on Zeno\u2019s philosophy (In Ph. 99.7-18, DK 29 A 21; 138. 3-6, DK 29 A 22). [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2014","language":"Spanish","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YSCgmZjhBUMltzI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":124,"full_name":"Gardella, Mariana","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":621,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Eidos: Revista de Filosof\u00eda de la Universidad del Norte","volume":"23","issue":"","pages":"157-181"}},"sort":[2014]}

Iamblichus on Soul, 2014
By: Finamore, John F., Remes, Pauliina (Ed.), Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla (Ed.)

Title	Iamblichus on Soul
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2014
Published in	The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism
Pages	280-292
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Finamore, John F.
Editor(s)	Remes, Pauliina , Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla
Translator(s)

Central to lamblichus’ philosophy is his doctrine o f the soul. The hum an soul strad dles two worlds (the realms o f the Intelligible and o f Nature) and can operate in both. H um an souls descend to live a life on earth, but their real hom e is in the Intelligible W orld o f the Forms. Through the help o f the interm ediary divinities, hum an souls re ascend to the Intelligible and regain their proper abode. The hum an soul is the central character in this dram a, and its purification through philosophy and ritual is central to its eventual ascent.As in other areas, lamblichus’ philosophy o f the soul had a large im pact on later Neoplatonists. We are lucky enough to have large sections o f his de Anima, preserved by John Stobaeus. His de Mysteriis and fragments from his Platonic com m entaries also shed light on Iamblichean psychology, but the m ost im portant fragments are preserved by the author o f the com m entary to A ristotle’s de Anima, who may or may not be Simplicius,2 and by Priscianus o f Lydia. We will consider all o f these sources as we examine lamblichus’ unique doctrine of the soul. [p. 280]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IYcaU85hLlbEvz5

{"_index":"sire","_id":"807","_score":null,"_source":{"id":807,"authors_free":[{"id":1194,"entry_id":807,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":120,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Finamore, John F.","free_first_name":"John F.","free_last_name":"Finamore","norm_person":{"id":120,"first_name":"John F.","last_name":"Finamore","full_name":"Finamore, John F.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1055775080","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2103,"entry_id":807,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":118,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Remes, Pauliina","free_first_name":"Pauliina","free_last_name":"Remes","norm_person":{"id":118,"first_name":"Pauliina","last_name":"Remes","full_name":"Remes, Pauliina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1103255665","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2104,"entry_id":807,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":119,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla","free_first_name":"Svetla","free_last_name":"Slaveva-Griffin","norm_person":{"id":119,"first_name":"Svetla","last_name":"Slaveva-Griffin","full_name":"Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137698070","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Iamblichus on Soul","main_title":{"title":"Iamblichus on Soul"},"abstract":"Central to lamblichus\u2019 philosophy is his doctrine o f the soul. The hum an soul strad\u00ad\r\ndles two worlds (the realms o f the Intelligible and o f Nature) and can operate in both. \r\nH um an souls descend to live a life on earth, but their real hom e is in the Intelligible \r\nW orld o f the Forms. Through the help o f the interm ediary divinities, hum an souls re\u00ad\r\nascend to the Intelligible and regain their proper abode. The hum an soul is the central \r\ncharacter in this dram a, and its purification through philosophy and ritual is central to \r\nits eventual ascent.As in other areas, lamblichus\u2019 philosophy o f the soul had a large im pact on later \r\nNeoplatonists. We are lucky enough to have large sections o f his de Anima, preserved by \r\nJohn Stobaeus. His de Mysteriis and fragments from his Platonic com m entaries also shed \r\nlight on Iamblichean psychology, but the m ost im portant fragments are preserved by the \r\nauthor o f the com m entary to A ristotle\u2019s de Anima, who may or may not be Simplicius,2 \r\nand by Priscianus o f Lydia. We will consider all o f these sources as we examine lamblichus\u2019 \r\nunique doctrine of the soul. [p. 280]","btype":2,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/IYcaU85hLlbEvz5","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":120,"full_name":"Finamore, John F.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":118,"full_name":"Remes, Pauliina","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":119,"full_name":"Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":807,"section_of":345,"pages":"280-292","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":345,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Remes\/Slaveva-Griffin2014","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2014","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2014","abstract":"The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism is an authoritative and comprehensive survey of the most important issues and developments in one of the fastest growing areas of research in ancient philosophy. An international team of scholars situates and re-evaluates Neoplatonism within the history of ancient philosophy and thought, and explores its influence on philosophical and religious schools worldwide. Over thirty chapters are divided into seven clear parts:\r\n\r\n (Re)sources, instruction and interaction\r\n Methods and Styles of Exegesis\r\n Metaphysics and Metaphysical Perspectives\r\n Language, Knowledge, Soul, and Self\r\n Nature: Physics, Medicine and Biology\r\n Ethics, Political Theory and Aesthetics\r\n The legacy of Neoplatonism.\r\n\r\nThe Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism is a major reference source for all students and scholars in Neoplatonism and ancient philosophy, as well as researchers in the philosophy of science, ethics, aesthetics and religion. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/i2TdBQo2LLSOZ3S","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":345,"pubplace":"London \u2013 New York","publisher":"Routledge","series":"Routledge Handbooks in Philosophy","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

La postérité arabe du commentaire de Simplicius sur les Catégories d’après le Fihrist d’Ibn al-Nadīm, 2014
By: Vallat, Philippe, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	La postérité arabe du commentaire de Simplicius sur les Catégories d’après le Fihrist d’Ibn al-Nadīm
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2014
Published in	Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines. Un Bilan critique
Pages	240-264
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Vallat, Philippe
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pjkBxNt8HyD0f6J

{"_index":"sire","_id":"828","_score":null,"_source":{"id":828,"authors_free":[{"id":1229,"entry_id":828,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":498,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Vallat, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Vallat","norm_person":{"id":498,"first_name":"Philippe","last_name":"Vallat","full_name":"Vallat, Philippe\t ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1230,"entry_id":828,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La post\u00e9rit\u00e9 arabe du commentaire de Simplicius sur les Cat\u00e9gories d\u2019apr\u00e8s le Fihrist d\u2019Ibn al-Nad\u012bm","main_title":{"title":"La post\u00e9rit\u00e9 arabe du commentaire de Simplicius sur les Cat\u00e9gories d\u2019apr\u00e8s le Fihrist d\u2019Ibn al-Nad\u012bm"},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"2014","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/pjkBxNt8HyD0f6J","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":498,"full_name":"Vallat, Philippe\t ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":828,"section_of":74,"pages":"240-264","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":74,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"fr","title":"Le n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re des recherches contemporaines. Un Bilan critique","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot2014","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2014","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2014","abstract":"This book offers a synthesis of modern research devoted to Simplicius's life and to three of his five commentaries: On Epictetus' Handbook, On Aristotle's De anima, On Aristotle's Categories. Its biographical part brings to light the historical role played by this Neoplatonic philosopher. Born in Cilicia, Asia Minor, he studied in Alexandria and Athens and apparently ended his life teaching in Syria on the frontier between the Byzantine and Sassanide Empires. His role was that of a mediator between the Greco-Roman world and philosophy and Syriac philosophy, which would feed Arabic philosophy at its beginning. The second part of the book, devoted to doctrinal and authorship issues, also deals with the underlying pedagogical curriculum and methods proper to Neoplatonic commentaries, which modern interpretation all too often tends to neglect in studies on Simplicius and other Neoplatonists. [offical abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/R8AdHRdKYfqtT76","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":74,"pubplace":"Sankt Augustin","publisher":"Academia Verlag","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

Le dédicataire d’un commentaire de Simplicius sur le De anima d’après le Fihrist d’Ibn al-Nadīm, 2014
By: Vallat, Philippe, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Le dédicataire d’un commentaire de Simplicius sur le De anima d’après le Fihrist d’Ibn al-Nadīm
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2014
Published in	Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines. Un Bilan critique
Pages	102-129
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Vallat, Philippe
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FUC3RJY9ty0CDoV

{"_index":"sire","_id":"829","_score":null,"_source":{"id":829,"authors_free":[{"id":1231,"entry_id":829,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":498,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Vallat, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Vallat","norm_person":{"id":498,"first_name":"Philippe","last_name":"Vallat","full_name":"Vallat, Philippe\t ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1232,"entry_id":829,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le d\u00e9dicataire d\u2019un commentaire de Simplicius sur le De anima d\u2019apr\u00e8s le Fihrist d\u2019Ibn al-Nad\u012bm","main_title":{"title":"Le d\u00e9dicataire d\u2019un commentaire de Simplicius sur le De anima d\u2019apr\u00e8s le Fihrist d\u2019Ibn al-Nad\u012bm"},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"2014","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FUC3RJY9ty0CDoV","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":498,"full_name":"Vallat, Philippe\t ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":829,"section_of":74,"pages":"102-129","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":74,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"fr","title":"Le n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re des recherches contemporaines. Un Bilan critique","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot2014","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2014","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2014","abstract":"This book offers a synthesis of modern research devoted to Simplicius's life and to three of his five commentaries: On Epictetus' Handbook, On Aristotle's De anima, On Aristotle's Categories. Its biographical part brings to light the historical role played by this Neoplatonic philosopher. Born in Cilicia, Asia Minor, he studied in Alexandria and Athens and apparently ended his life teaching in Syria on the frontier between the Byzantine and Sassanide Empires. His role was that of a mediator between the Greco-Roman world and philosophy and Syriac philosophy, which would feed Arabic philosophy at its beginning. The second part of the book, devoted to doctrinal and authorship issues, also deals with the underlying pedagogical curriculum and methods proper to Neoplatonic commentaries, which modern interpretation all too often tends to neglect in studies on Simplicius and other Neoplatonists. [offical abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/R8AdHRdKYfqtT76","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":74,"pubplace":"Sankt Augustin","publisher":"Academia Verlag","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

Perceptual awareness in the ancient commentators, 2014
By: Lautner, Peter, Remes, Pauliina (Ed.), Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla (Ed.)

Title	Perceptual awareness in the ancient commentators
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2014
Published in	The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism
Pages	323-338
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lautner, Peter
Editor(s)	Remes, Pauliina , Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla
Translator(s)

Most Neoplatonists were convinced that the perceptual activity of the senses is a conscious activity, including even the reception of primary sense qualities such as colors and sounds. This means that we cannot perceive anything unless we are aware of the specific impact exerted by the sense object upon the sense organ. The commentators can also rely on the doctrine found in Aristotle's Physics 7.2, according to which what is distinctive of perceptual alterations is that the subject is aware of them. The problem with that discussion was that it did not explain why some alterations rather than others involve awareness. Why are we supposed to think that sense perception implies awareness whereas other forms of qualitative change do not? For this reason, the discussion seemed to leave mysterious the possession by the sense organs of the capacity to perceive. Moreover, an important part of the awareness involved in sense perception is that we are aware not only of the specific impact but also of the perceptual activity of our sensory power. The root of the problem is exposed in Aristotle’s De Anima. In 3.2, Aristotle insists that we do perceive that we perceive. He seems to take it for granted that our perceptual system is capable of grasping its own operations. At the beginning of De Anima 3.2, he presents the following aporia: "Since we perceive that we see and hear, it must either be by sight that one perceives that one sees or by another [sense]. But in that case, there will be the same [sense] for sight and the color which is the subject for sight—so that either there will be two senses for the same thing or {the sense} itself will be the one for itself." (425b 12-16, trans. Hamlyn) The distinction between perception and perception of perception—perceptual consciousness—is here taken for granted, and the fact that a subject perceives that he perceives is something that calls for explanation. In principle, the problem posed by Physics 7.2 is now resolved. On the account of the De Anima, in order for the subject to be aware of it, sense perception must be understood as a change that takes place in the perceiving subject. According to a general principle of change, formulated in Physics 3.3 (202a21-b5), the change produced by some cause is always in the thing that is changed. Consequently, as a kind of qualitative change, sense perception takes place in the perceiving subject. Moreover, sense perception implies perceptual awareness because sense perception is a reception of sensible forms coming from without. Perceptual awareness comes about when the sense apprehends the sensible forms in itself and, on account of this, fulfills its function as sense. We perceive the change within ourselves. The two processes are one, differing only in account. For it is by receiving the form from the things perceived, which are outside, that we apprehend them, but it is by the sense having the form of the things perceived in itself that perceptual awareness comes about. To take the example of seeing, we see something in virtue of apprehending the perceptible’s form. By apprehending the form, the sense of sight sees, and at the same time, it comes to see itself seeing. On this account, sense perception is intimately linked to a certain kind of awareness. In sense perception, we simultaneously apprehend both the thing perceived and the activity of the sense in relation to the thing perceived. Perceptual awareness is tied to the fact that in sense perception, we must be aware of the reception of external influence. Hence, the reflexive nature of sense perception is somehow included in the activity of grasping the primary objects of sense perception. How shall we harmonize the two accounts? After all, it seems that in the De Anima, Alexander emphasizes the role of the common sense power, whereas in Quaestiones 3.7, he derives perceptual awareness from the general nature of sense perception. My suggestion is that the two accounts are complementary. The Quaestiones offer a general account of how perceptual awareness is possible. The reception of sensible forms requires awareness. Following Aristotle, Alexander assumes that this kind of awareness belongs to the perceptual faculty. It is not the rational faculty that such a task has been assigned to. In the De Anima, Alexander specifies the thesis by pointing out that perceptual awareness comes about by virtue of the activity of the center of our perceptual system. It may remain unclear as to what arguments led him to dismiss the possibility that the particular senses might be able to grasp the activity of their own. There seem to be two points that could not have been accepted, for different reasons, and they also marked the limits within which Alexander's argument must have moved. On the one hand, he accepted the Aristotelian thesis that perceptual awareness is the task of the perceptual system. On the other hand, he might have had doubts about the ability of the particular senses to grasp their own activities. Even if the act of seeing is somehow colored (De Anima 92.27-31), there must be a difference between the perceiver and the perceived. The difference is within the perceptual system and lies between the particular sense and the common sense power. [introduction p. 325-326]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wW0wlLHdi7RUUn2

{"_index":"sire","_id":"880","_score":null,"_source":{"id":880,"authors_free":[{"id":1291,"entry_id":880,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":236,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Lautner, Peter","free_first_name":"Peter","free_last_name":"Lautner","norm_person":{"id":236,"first_name":"Peter","last_name":"Lautner","full_name":"Lautner, Peter","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1157740766","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1292,"entry_id":880,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":118,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Remes, Pauliina","free_first_name":"Pauliina","free_last_name":"Remes","norm_person":{"id":118,"first_name":"Pauliina","last_name":"Remes","full_name":"Remes, Pauliina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1103255665","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1293,"entry_id":880,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":119,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla","free_first_name":"Svetla","free_last_name":"Slaveva-Griffin","norm_person":{"id":119,"first_name":"Svetla","last_name":"Slaveva-Griffin","full_name":"Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137698070","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Perceptual awareness in the ancient commentators","main_title":{"title":"Perceptual awareness in the ancient commentators"},"abstract":"Most Neoplatonists were convinced that the perceptual activity of the senses is a conscious activity, including even the reception of primary sense qualities such as colors and sounds. This means that we cannot perceive anything unless we are aware of the specific impact exerted by the sense object upon the sense organ. The commentators can also rely on the doctrine found in Aristotle's Physics 7.2, according to which what is distinctive of perceptual alterations is that the subject is aware of them. The problem with that discussion was that it did not explain why some alterations rather than others involve awareness. Why are we supposed to think that sense perception implies awareness whereas other forms of qualitative change do not? For this reason, the discussion seemed to leave mysterious the possession by the sense organs of the capacity to perceive.\r\n\r\nMoreover, an important part of the awareness involved in sense perception is that we are aware not only of the specific impact but also of the perceptual activity of our sensory power. The root of the problem is exposed in Aristotle\u2019s De Anima. In 3.2, Aristotle insists that we do perceive that we perceive. He seems to take it for granted that our perceptual system is capable of grasping its own operations. At the beginning of De Anima 3.2, he presents the following aporia:\r\n\r\n\"Since we perceive that we see and hear, it must either be by sight that one perceives that one sees or by another [sense]. But in that case, there will be the same [sense] for sight and the color which is the subject for sight\u2014so that either there will be two senses for the same thing or {the sense} itself will be the one for itself.\" (425b 12-16, trans. Hamlyn)\r\n\r\nThe distinction between perception and perception of perception\u2014perceptual consciousness\u2014is here taken for granted, and the fact that a subject perceives that he perceives is something that calls for explanation. In principle, the problem posed by Physics 7.2 is now resolved. On the account of the De Anima, in order for the subject to be aware of it, sense perception must be understood as a change that takes place in the perceiving subject. According to a general principle of change, formulated in Physics 3.3 (202a21-b5), the change produced by some cause is always in the thing that is changed.\r\n\r\nConsequently, as a kind of qualitative change, sense perception takes place in the perceiving subject. Moreover, sense perception implies perceptual awareness because sense perception is a reception of sensible forms coming from without. Perceptual awareness comes about when the sense apprehends the sensible forms in itself and, on account of this, fulfills its function as sense. We perceive the change within ourselves. The two processes are one, differing only in account. For it is by receiving the form from the things perceived, which are outside, that we apprehend them, but it is by the sense having the form of the things perceived in itself that perceptual awareness comes about. To take the example of seeing, we see something in virtue of apprehending the perceptible\u2019s form. By apprehending the form, the sense of sight sees, and at the same time, it comes to see itself seeing.\r\n\r\nOn this account, sense perception is intimately linked to a certain kind of awareness. In sense perception, we simultaneously apprehend both the thing perceived and the activity of the sense in relation to the thing perceived. Perceptual awareness is tied to the fact that in sense perception, we must be aware of the reception of external influence. Hence, the reflexive nature of sense perception is somehow included in the activity of grasping the primary objects of sense perception.\r\n\r\nHow shall we harmonize the two accounts? After all, it seems that in the De Anima, Alexander emphasizes the role of the common sense power, whereas in Quaestiones 3.7, he derives perceptual awareness from the general nature of sense perception. My suggestion is that the two accounts are complementary. The Quaestiones offer a general account of how perceptual awareness is possible. The reception of sensible forms requires awareness. Following Aristotle, Alexander assumes that this kind of awareness belongs to the perceptual faculty. It is not the rational faculty that such a task has been assigned to.\r\n\r\nIn the De Anima, Alexander specifies the thesis by pointing out that perceptual awareness comes about by virtue of the activity of the center of our perceptual system. It may remain unclear as to what arguments led him to dismiss the possibility that the particular senses might be able to grasp the activity of their own. There seem to be two points that could not have been accepted, for different reasons, and they also marked the limits within which Alexander's argument must have moved.\r\n\r\nOn the one hand, he accepted the Aristotelian thesis that perceptual awareness is the task of the perceptual system. On the other hand, he might have had doubts about the ability of the particular senses to grasp their own activities. Even if the act of seeing is somehow colored (De Anima 92.27-31), there must be a difference between the perceiver and the perceived. The difference is within the perceptual system and lies between the particular sense and the common sense power. [introduction p. 325-326]","btype":2,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wW0wlLHdi7RUUn2","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":236,"full_name":"Lautner, Peter","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":118,"full_name":"Remes, Pauliina","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":119,"full_name":"Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":880,"section_of":345,"pages":"323-338","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":345,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Remes\/Slaveva-Griffin2014","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2014","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2014","abstract":"The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism is an authoritative and comprehensive survey of the most important issues and developments in one of the fastest growing areas of research in ancient philosophy. An international team of scholars situates and re-evaluates Neoplatonism within the history of ancient philosophy and thought, and explores its influence on philosophical and religious schools worldwide. Over thirty chapters are divided into seven clear parts:\r\n\r\n (Re)sources, instruction and interaction\r\n Methods and Styles of Exegesis\r\n Metaphysics and Metaphysical Perspectives\r\n Language, Knowledge, Soul, and Self\r\n Nature: Physics, Medicine and Biology\r\n Ethics, Political Theory and Aesthetics\r\n The legacy of Neoplatonism.\r\n\r\nThe Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism is a major reference source for all students and scholars in Neoplatonism and ancient philosophy, as well as researchers in the philosophy of science, ethics, aesthetics and religion. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/i2TdBQo2LLSOZ3S","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":345,"pubplace":"London \u2013 New York","publisher":"Routledge","series":"Routledge Handbooks in Philosophy","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

Review of Baltussen, H., Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator, 2014
By: Sellars, J. T.

Title	Review of Baltussen, H., Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sellars, J. T.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This book is the first monograph in English (or any other language) devoted to the Late Platonic commentator Simplicius. Its focus is on Simplicius' methodology as a commentator. It deals at length with Simplicius' engagements with other ancient philosophers, from the earliest Presocratics, through the Peripatetic tradition (Theophrastus, Alexander), to contemporaries such as John Philoponus. Who was Simplicius? He was a Neoplatonist working in the first decades of the sixth century AD under whose name five commentaries have come down to us from antiquity. These commentaries are on Aristotle's Physics, Categories, De Caelo, and De Anima, and the Enchiridion of Epictetus, although his authorship of the commentary on the De Anima has been a subject of scholarly debate. In these often lengthy commentaries, Simplicius quotes from a wide range of philosophical texts where he thinks it relevant to his discussion of Aristotle's text and, in the process, preserves fragments from a number of otherwise lost works. Simplicius' chief claim to fame, then, is that he has become a vital source for our knowledge of Presocratic philosophy. Without Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Physics, our knowledge of early Greek philosophy would be significantly reduced. This is the standard line. We should all be thankful to Simplicius for his habit of quoting texts in full rather than merely naming them in passing. We are thankful. But is there any more to him? Is Simplicius himself an interesting or significant philosopher? Is there anything more to him beyond his role as a doxographical source? Baltussen, in devoting a monograph to him, thinks there is, but he is conscious many will not share that view. Consequently, his book opens with an apologetic and slightly defensive introduction in which he tries to make the case for reading Simplicius as more than merely a quarry from which to extract quotations. Part of the task includes a defense of Late Platonism (Baltussen deliberately avoids the usual label "Neoplatonism"), to which Simplicius adhered. We are encouraged to put our reservations to one side and reassess Simplicius afresh. The opening chapter introduces Simplicius' method and practice as a commentator. His commentaries differ from many other examples from late antiquity to the extent that they don't seem to be straightforward records of oral lectures taken "from the voice of" (apo phônês) the author. Instead, they are extended written works, conceived as textbooks for pagan teachers explicitly designed to preserve as much as possible of the pagan philosophical tradition—hence the extensive quotations. In these often lengthy texts, Simplicius explicitly rejects originality, but Baltussen argues that we ought not to take this at face value and that these expressions of modesty are, in part, made out of respect for his teachers. The second chapter deals with Simplicius' role as a source for the Presocratics. Baltussen welcomes Catherine Osborne's approach of reading fragments of the Presocratics within their doxographical context, as this adds to Simplicius' potential significance. What is important, of course, is to gain a sense of the motive and agenda of the doxographer. According to Baltussen, Simplicius' aim is to locate all of the Presocratics within a Late Platonic framework that emphasizes unity within the pagan philosophical tradition conceived as "a single venerable and ancient message." This may be so up to a point, but to what extent would Simplicius welcome Democritus (or Epicurus) into this unified tradition? It would have been interesting to hear more about those thinkers who don't neatly fit within this syncretized history of philosophy, precisely because the points of disagreement might help to bring Simplicius' own position into sharper focus. Baltussen raises the question of whether Simplicius had access to the works of Presocratics directly or merely to collections of excerpts but doesn't draw any firm conclusions either way. The third chapter turns to Simplicius' use of early Peripatetics such as Theophrastus and Eudemus. Baltussen argues that Simplicius took the early Peripatetics—and especially Theophrastus—very seriously in his exegeses of Aristotle because Theophrastus would have known Aristotle personally, giving his glosses an added authority. This is a departure from the attitudes of previous Platonic commentators on Aristotle. Although Simplicius shares the wider Late Platonic desire to harmonize Plato and Aristotle, there is also a strong desire to get Aristotle right, and no one is more likely to help in that task than Theophrastus. Baltussen suggests that we conceive Theophrastus himself as part of the Platonic commentary tradition, given his own comments on the Timaeus, but philosophical engagement with a previous author is not quite the same thing as commentary. The Peripatetic theme continues in the fourth chapter, which is devoted to Alexander of Aphrodisias. Baltussen offers a detailed and slightly labored analysis of the motivations behind Simplicius' regular and extensive quotation from Alexander, but the question seems relatively straightforward. Why did Simplicius make use of Alexander's commentaries on Aristotle in his own commentaries on Aristotle? Because Alexander has lots of interesting things to say about Aristotle. The focus here again is on form rather than content, methodology rather than philosophy. The fifth chapter examines the Platonic commentary tradition before Simplicius and discusses Simplicius' use of Plotinus and the Post-Plotinian tradition of harmonizing commentaries from Porphyry onwards. Simplicius' immediate teacher Ammonius is discussed briefly but deserves more attention. For instance, we were told in the opening chapter that Simplicius' rejection of originality was mere self-deprecation, but presumably that claim could be tested to some degree via a comparison between his own views and those of his teacher. The same goes for his later mentor Damascius. The final chapter turns to the theme of polemic and focuses its attention on Simplicius' exchanges with his arch-rival John Philoponus, another Platonic commentator, but also a Christian. Baltussen prefaces his discussion with an account of the tensions and hostilities between Christians and pagans in late antiquity. Once again, Simplicius is presented as the defender of an embattled pagan philosophical tradition, taking Philoponus to task for his attacks against Proclus and Aristotle in De Aeternitate Mundi Contra Proclum. Baltussen highlights the rhetorical aspects of Simplicius' polemics rather than the content of the dispute, so once more methodology is the principal focus. The intensity of Simplicius' personal references to Philoponus ("raving swine") is contrasted with his sober and respectful references to Alexander. An epilogue sums up the proceedings. One of the central themes to emerge from the book as a whole is the claim that, in order to understand what Simplicius is doing in his commentaries, we must take into account his commitment to pagan religion as well as philosophy. We should see the commentaries not merely as "scholarly schoolbooks" but rather as steps on a long road toward a more existential transformation. This religious dimension of Late Platonism should not be overlooked, Baltussen argues, if we want to understand properly what Simplicius is trying to achieve. The commentaries are his attempt to preserve the entire pagan philosophical and religious tradition within an increasingly hostile Christian world. On this final point, as well as a number of others, Baltussen sketches a broad context within which to think about what Simplicius is doing but there is much less in the way of detailed analysis of what he actually did do, what he argued for, or what philosophical positions he himself held. This is in part simply a reflection of the sheer length of the commentaries themselves and no one could offer a detailed analysis of their contents within the covers of a single volume. I said at the outset that five commentaries have come down to us under the name of Simplicius. Baltussen discusses only three of them. He puts to one side the De Anima commentary and he may well be right to do so, but it would have been nice to have seen a fuller discussion of the text and the question of its authorship.[2] He also more or less ignores the commentary on the Enchiridion of Epictetus. Although it does get the occasional mention (e.g. p. 43) Baltussen proceeds as if it doesn't exist, at one point writing 'all three extant commentaries' (p. 34). In his interesting attempt to reconstruct 'the library of Simplicius' (pp. 211-15), neither Epictetus nor Arrian get a mention. This is a great shame for a number of reasons. The in Ench. is unique as the only surviving commentary on a Stoic text to come down to us. Moreover, it is a commentary by a Late Platonist, and as a rule Late Platonists only wrote commentaries on Plato and Aristotle.[3] The way in which Late Platonists brought Aristotle into their curriculum is a well-worn subject, but the desire to bring in a Stoic text is quite unusual. It complicates Simplicius' activity as a commentator in a number of interesting and significant ways. Presumably Baltussen would argue that this is part of Simplicius' desire to unite and then preserve the entire pagan philosophical tradition in an increasingly hostile Christian world, but if that is the case then the in Ench. would form a potentially significant piece of evidence for Baltussen's thesis, one that has sadly been left out of the account. There is much in Baltussen's book that is of interest, but I'm not sure how far it goes in fleshing out a more rounded portrait of Simplicius. The focus of the volume throughout is squarely on Simplicius' use of other authors—i.e., his quotations—rather than Simplicius as an author or a philosopher in his own right. Baltussen consciously avoids discussing Simplicius qua philosopher on the basis that this has been done by others elsewhere. This is true to an extent, but what would be nice is a more synthetic volume that brings these discussions together in order to give us a complete picture. This book doesn't do that, although, to be fair, it doesn't ever claim to be trying to. What remains a desideratum, then, is a monograph that might combine Baltussen's methodological researches with an account of what is philosophically valuable in Simplicius. Most of my critical comments above have been asking for more discussion on various points, and no author can do everything in just one volume. I certainly hope that this book will encourage further work on Simplicius by both Baltussen and others that will help us to gain a fuller portrait of this still relatively neglected philosopher. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MiDP9FxKLHavo2S

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It deals at length with Simplicius' engagements with other ancient philosophers, from the earliest Presocratics, through the Peripatetic tradition (Theophrastus, Alexander), to contemporaries such as John Philoponus.\r\n\r\nWho was Simplicius? He was a Neoplatonist working in the first decades of the sixth century AD under whose name five commentaries have come down to us from antiquity. These commentaries are on Aristotle's Physics, Categories, De Caelo, and De Anima, and the Enchiridion of Epictetus, although his authorship of the commentary on the De Anima has been a subject of scholarly debate. In these often lengthy commentaries, Simplicius quotes from a wide range of philosophical texts where he thinks it relevant to his discussion of Aristotle's text and, in the process, preserves fragments from a number of otherwise lost works.\r\n\r\nSimplicius' chief claim to fame, then, is that he has become a vital source for our knowledge of Presocratic philosophy. Without Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Physics, our knowledge of early Greek philosophy would be significantly reduced.\r\n\r\nThis is the standard line. We should all be thankful to Simplicius for his habit of quoting texts in full rather than merely naming them in passing. We are thankful. But is there any more to him? Is Simplicius himself an interesting or significant philosopher? Is there anything more to him beyond his role as a doxographical source? Baltussen, in devoting a monograph to him, thinks there is, but he is conscious many will not share that view. Consequently, his book opens with an apologetic and slightly defensive introduction in which he tries to make the case for reading Simplicius as more than merely a quarry from which to extract quotations. Part of the task includes a defense of Late Platonism (Baltussen deliberately avoids the usual label \"Neoplatonism\"), to which Simplicius adhered. We are encouraged to put our reservations to one side and reassess Simplicius afresh.\r\n\r\nThe opening chapter introduces Simplicius' method and practice as a commentator. His commentaries differ from many other examples from late antiquity to the extent that they don't seem to be straightforward records of oral lectures taken \"from the voice of\" (apo ph\u00f4n\u00eas) the author. Instead, they are extended written works, conceived as textbooks for pagan teachers explicitly designed to preserve as much as possible of the pagan philosophical tradition\u2014hence the extensive quotations. In these often lengthy texts, Simplicius explicitly rejects originality, but Baltussen argues that we ought not to take this at face value and that these expressions of modesty are, in part, made out of respect for his teachers.\r\n\r\nThe second chapter deals with Simplicius' role as a source for the Presocratics. Baltussen welcomes Catherine Osborne's approach of reading fragments of the Presocratics within their doxographical context, as this adds to Simplicius' potential significance. What is important, of course, is to gain a sense of the motive and agenda of the doxographer. According to Baltussen, Simplicius' aim is to locate all of the Presocratics within a Late Platonic framework that emphasizes unity within the pagan philosophical tradition conceived as \"a single venerable and ancient message.\" This may be so up to a point, but to what extent would Simplicius welcome Democritus (or Epicurus) into this unified tradition? It would have been interesting to hear more about those thinkers who don't neatly fit within this syncretized history of philosophy, precisely because the points of disagreement might help to bring Simplicius' own position into sharper focus. Baltussen raises the question of whether Simplicius had access to the works of Presocratics directly or merely to collections of excerpts but doesn't draw any firm conclusions either way.\r\n\r\nThe third chapter turns to Simplicius' use of early Peripatetics such as Theophrastus and Eudemus. Baltussen argues that Simplicius took the early Peripatetics\u2014and especially Theophrastus\u2014very seriously in his exegeses of Aristotle because Theophrastus would have known Aristotle personally, giving his glosses an added authority. This is a departure from the attitudes of previous Platonic commentators on Aristotle. Although Simplicius shares the wider Late Platonic desire to harmonize Plato and Aristotle, there is also a strong desire to get Aristotle right, and no one is more likely to help in that task than Theophrastus. Baltussen suggests that we conceive Theophrastus himself as part of the Platonic commentary tradition, given his own comments on the Timaeus, but philosophical engagement with a previous author is not quite the same thing as commentary.\r\n\r\nThe Peripatetic theme continues in the fourth chapter, which is devoted to Alexander of Aphrodisias. Baltussen offers a detailed and slightly labored analysis of the motivations behind Simplicius' regular and extensive quotation from Alexander, but the question seems relatively straightforward. Why did Simplicius make use of Alexander's commentaries on Aristotle in his own commentaries on Aristotle? Because Alexander has lots of interesting things to say about Aristotle. The focus here again is on form rather than content, methodology rather than philosophy.\r\n\r\nThe fifth chapter examines the Platonic commentary tradition before Simplicius and discusses Simplicius' use of Plotinus and the Post-Plotinian tradition of harmonizing commentaries from Porphyry onwards. Simplicius' immediate teacher Ammonius is discussed briefly but deserves more attention. For instance, we were told in the opening chapter that Simplicius' rejection of originality was mere self-deprecation, but presumably that claim could be tested to some degree via a comparison between his own views and those of his teacher. The same goes for his later mentor Damascius.\r\n\r\nThe final chapter turns to the theme of polemic and focuses its attention on Simplicius' exchanges with his arch-rival John Philoponus, another Platonic commentator, but also a Christian. Baltussen prefaces his discussion with an account of the tensions and hostilities between Christians and pagans in late antiquity. Once again, Simplicius is presented as the defender of an embattled pagan philosophical tradition, taking Philoponus to task for his attacks against Proclus and Aristotle in De Aeternitate Mundi Contra Proclum. Baltussen highlights the rhetorical aspects of Simplicius' polemics rather than the content of the dispute, so once more methodology is the principal focus. The intensity of Simplicius' personal references to Philoponus (\"raving swine\") is contrasted with his sober and respectful references to Alexander.\r\n\r\nAn epilogue sums up the proceedings. One of the central themes to emerge from the book as a whole is the claim that, in order to understand what Simplicius is doing in his commentaries, we must take into account his commitment to pagan religion as well as philosophy. We should see the commentaries not merely as \"scholarly schoolbooks\" but rather as steps on a long road toward a more existential transformation. This religious dimension of Late Platonism should not be overlooked, Baltussen argues, if we want to understand properly what Simplicius is trying to achieve. The commentaries are his attempt to preserve the entire pagan philosophical and religious tradition within an increasingly hostile Christian world. On this final point, as well as a number of others, Baltussen sketches a broad context within which to think about what Simplicius is\r\ndoing but there is much less in the way of detailed analysis of what he actually did do, what he argued for, or what philosophical\r\npositions he himself held. This is in part simply a reflection of the sheer length of the commentaries themselves and no one could\r\noffer a detailed analysis of their contents within the covers of a single volume.\r\nI said at the outset that five commentaries have come down to us under the name of Simplicius. Baltussen discusses only three of\r\nthem. He puts to one side the De Anima commentary and he may well be right to do so, but it would have been nice to have seen a\r\nfuller discussion of the text and the question of its authorship.[2] He also more or less ignores the commentary on the Enchiridion of\r\nEpictetus. Although it does get the occasional mention (e.g. p. 43) Baltussen proceeds as if it doesn't exist, at one point writing 'all\r\nthree extant commentaries' (p. 34). In his interesting attempt to reconstruct 'the library of Simplicius' (pp. 211-15), neither\r\nEpictetus nor Arrian get a mention. This is a great shame for a number of reasons. The in Ench. is unique as the only surviving\r\ncommentary on a Stoic text to come down to us. Moreover, it is a commentary by a Late Platonist, and as a rule Late Platonists only\r\nwrote commentaries on Plato and Aristotle.[3] The way in which Late Platonists brought Aristotle into their curriculum is a\r\nwell-worn subject, but the desire to bring in a Stoic text is quite unusual. It complicates Simplicius' activity as a commentator in a\r\nnumber of interesting and significant ways. Presumably Baltussen would argue that this is part of Simplicius' desire to unite and\r\nthen preserve the entire pagan philosophical tradition in an increasingly hostile Christian world, but if that is the case then the in\r\nEnch. would form a potentially significant piece of evidence for Baltussen's thesis, one that has sadly been left out of the account. There is much in Baltussen's book that is of interest, but I'm not sure how far it goes in fleshing out a more rounded portrait of Simplicius. The focus of the volume throughout is squarely on Simplicius' use of other authors\u2014i.e., his quotations\u2014rather than Simplicius as an author or a philosopher in his own right. Baltussen consciously avoids discussing Simplicius qua philosopher on the basis that this has been done by others elsewhere. This is true to an extent, but what would be nice is a more synthetic volume that brings these discussions together in order to give us a complete picture. This book doesn't do that, although, to be fair, it doesn't ever claim to be trying to.\r\n\r\nWhat remains a desideratum, then, is a monograph that might combine Baltussen's methodological researches with an account of what is philosophically valuable in Simplicius. Most of my critical comments above have been asking for more discussion on various points, and no author can do everything in just one volume. I certainly hope that this book will encourage further work on Simplicius by both Baltussen and others that will help us to gain a fuller portrait of this still relatively neglected philosopher. [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/MiDP9FxKLHavo2S","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":299,"full_name":"Sellars, J. T.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":904,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews","volume":"","issue":"","pages":""}},"sort":[2014]}

The Justification and Derivation of Aristotle’s Categories in Ammonius and Simplicius, 2014
By: Gabor, Gary

Title	The Justification and Derivation of Aristotle’s Categories in Ammonius and Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Quaestiones Disputatae
Volume	4
Issue	2
Pages	99-112
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gabor, Gary
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Susanne Bobzien recently described “the volumes of the Greek commentators on Aristotle’s logical works” as “monumental” but “rarely creative.” While to a certain degree accurate, Bobzien’s assessment obscures the occasional flashes of innovation in these works. I intend to explore one such example here—the question of what justification, if any, late ancient philosophers gave for Aristotle’s ten categories. This topic would also animate later interpreters of Aristotle, sometimes with positive and sometimes more critical results. Kant, for instance, rejected Aristotle’s list for what he perceived as its capricious and arbitrary nature, arguing that Aristotle “had no principle” and merely “rounded them up as he stumbled upon them.” In fact, Kant was neither the first nor the last to perceive that Aristotle’s account of the categories needed some sort of justification. The existence of rival categorial schemes, in particular, demands it. In the ancient world, the Stoics provided a fourfold series of categories, and Plato provided a fivefold set of greatest kinds in the Sophist. More recently, E. J. Lowe has defended another fourfold Aristotelian-inspired ontology as fundamental. For Platonists of late antiquity, the question of justification for Aristotle’s categories had special force following Plotinus’s analysis and critique of them, along with the Stoic, Platonic, and other accounts in Enneads 6.1–2. Plotinus’s student Porphyry later defended and commented on Aristotle’s Categories, and Iamblichus reinterpreted and included the Categories in the philosophical curriculum that was to remain standard in the Neoplatonic schools for several centuries. For the Neoplatonic commentators working in these schools, one of the first questions raised in their commentaries was the justification that could be given to Aristotle’s tenfold scheme. I shall examine two such justifications: those given by Ammonius Hermiae, scholarch of the Platonist school in Alexandria, Egypt, during the second half of the fifth century AD, and his student Simplicius, the last great commentator in the Athenian Academy before its closure by Emperor Justinian in AD 529. Ammonius’s account of the categories is relatively simple, while Simplicius’s is more complex. Both, however, argue for a justification of the ten categories presented by Aristotle as in some sense a correct list. By comparing the two accounts, one can discern a distinct development in Neoplatonic justifications of Aristotle’s categories. [introduction p. 99-101]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mg1q6H4L6heepIU

{"_index":"sire","_id":"918","_score":null,"_source":{"id":918,"authors_free":[{"id":1357,"entry_id":918,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":106,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gabor, Gary","free_first_name":"Gary","free_last_name":"Gabor","norm_person":{"id":106,"first_name":"Gary","last_name":"Gabor ","full_name":"Gabor, Gary ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Justification and Derivation of Aristotle\u2019s Categories in Ammonius and Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"The Justification and Derivation of Aristotle\u2019s Categories in Ammonius and Simplicius"},"abstract":"Susanne Bobzien recently described \u201cthe volumes of the Greek commentators on Aristotle\u2019s logical works\u201d as \u201cmonumental\u201d but \u201crarely creative.\u201d While to a certain degree accurate, Bobzien\u2019s assessment obscures the occasional flashes of innovation in these works. I intend to explore one such example here\u2014the question of what justification, if any, late ancient philosophers gave for Aristotle\u2019s ten categories.\r\n\r\nThis topic would also animate later interpreters of Aristotle, sometimes with positive and sometimes more critical results. Kant, for instance, rejected Aristotle\u2019s list for what he perceived as its capricious and arbitrary nature, arguing that Aristotle \u201chad no principle\u201d and merely \u201crounded them up as he stumbled upon them.\u201d In fact, Kant was neither the first nor the last to perceive that Aristotle\u2019s account of the categories needed some sort of justification. The existence of rival categorial schemes, in particular, demands it. In the ancient world, the Stoics provided a fourfold series of categories, and Plato provided a fivefold set of greatest kinds in the Sophist. More recently, E. J. Lowe has defended another fourfold Aristotelian-inspired ontology as fundamental.\r\n\r\nFor Platonists of late antiquity, the question of justification for Aristotle\u2019s categories had special force following Plotinus\u2019s analysis and critique of them, along with the Stoic, Platonic, and other accounts in Enneads 6.1\u20132. Plotinus\u2019s student Porphyry later defended and commented on Aristotle\u2019s Categories, and Iamblichus reinterpreted and included the Categories in the philosophical curriculum that was to remain standard in the Neoplatonic schools for several centuries.\r\n\r\nFor the Neoplatonic commentators working in these schools, one of the first questions raised in their commentaries was the justification that could be given to Aristotle\u2019s tenfold scheme. I shall examine two such justifications: those given by Ammonius Hermiae, scholarch of the Platonist school in Alexandria, Egypt, during the second half of the fifth century AD, and his student Simplicius, the last great commentator in the Athenian Academy before its closure by Emperor Justinian in AD 529.\r\n\r\nAmmonius\u2019s account of the categories is relatively simple, while Simplicius\u2019s is more complex. Both, however, argue for a justification of the ten categories presented by Aristotle as in some sense a correct list. By comparing the two accounts, one can discern a distinct development in Neoplatonic justifications of Aristotle\u2019s categories. [introduction p. 99-101]","btype":3,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mg1q6H4L6heepIU","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":106,"full_name":"Gabor, Gary ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":918,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Quaestiones Disputatae","volume":"4","issue":"2","pages":"99-112"}},"sort":[2014]}

Φάος et τόπος. Le fragment 51 (v. 3) des Places (p. 28 Kroll) des Oracles Chaldaïques selon Proclus et Simplicius (Corollarium de loco), 2014
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Lecerf, Adrien (Ed.), Saudelli, Lucia (Ed.), Seng, Helmut (Ed.)

Title	Φάος et τόπος. Le fragment 51 (v. 3) des Places (p. 28 Kroll) des Oracles Chaldaïques selon Proclus et Simplicius (Corollarium de loco)
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2014
Published in	Oracles Chaldaïques: fragments et philosophie
Pages	101-152
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Lecerf, Adrien , Saudelli, Lucia , Seng, Helmut
Translator(s)

La longue digression introduite par Simplicius dans son Commentaire à la Physique d’Aristote, qui est consacrée à la notion de « lieu » et qui prend la suite de l’explication continue du texte même d’Aristote (Physique IV 1-5, 208a27 - 213a11), est traditionnellement désignée par le titre (sans support dans la tradition manuscrite) de Corollarium de loco. Avec le Corollarium de tempore, qui accompagne parallèlement l’explication du traité aristotélicien du temps (Physique IV 10-14, 217b29 - 224a17), il constitue un diptyque essentiel pour notre connaissance de la philosophie néoplatonicienne de la Nature, car il offre sur les doctrines néoplatoniciennes de l’espace et du temps des exposés d’importance majeure. Le Corollarium de loco présente, sur 45 pages des CAG, une histoire néoplatonicienne des doctrines du « lieu », d’Aristote à Damascius (et Simplicius lui-même), qui nous a conservé de précieux fragments de deux traités perdus de Proclus et de Damascius, et suit un plan en deux parties très nettement distinguées. Une section dialectique, tout d’abord, dans laquelle Simplicius mène un examen critique des contradictions du dossier aristotélicien (Physique et De caelo), en répondant au traitement par Alexandre d’Aphrodise de la magna quaestio. Il discute dans cette première partie les doctrines antérieures à celle de Damascius (d’Aristote à Syrianus) et s’attache à comprendre les raisons de leur échec. Vient ensuite une pars construens, ou plutôt un exposé systématique consacré à la doctrine véridique du « lieu », celle de Damascius, que Simplicius retouche et précise. Dans la première partie, dialectique, Simplicius consacre près de 13 pages (de l’édition Diels), soit près du tiers de l’ensemble de la digression, à l’examen critique des doctrines du « lieu » qui se sont intéressées à un type de définition rejeté (et négligé) par Aristote, celui qui fait du lieu un « espace » ou une « étendue ». La discussion de ces doctrines (représentées sous des formes diverses par Démocrite, Straton de Lampsaque, Syrianus, et Proclus) est particulièrement importante car, conformément à une méthode d’origine aristotélicienne, l’examen dialectique des opinions consiste non seulement en une critique et une réfutation, mais vise aussi à extraire la part de vérité contenue dans les opinions examinées. La lecture d’ensemble de la digression permet de comprendre que Simplicius a prêté un intérêt tout particulier aux définitions du « lieu » comme « étendue » (corporelle ou incorporelle) parce qu’elles préfiguraient en quelque sorte – de façon certes maladroite et fautive – la doctrine de son maître Damascius. On passe alors de la considération de l’« étendue » à celle de la « distension » néoplatonicienne. En effet, lorsqu’il en vient à l’exposé complet de la doctrine de Damascius, Simplicius met en lumière le fait qu’il y a une liaison fondamentale entre le « lieu » et la « distension », qui se réalise dans la Procession. Le lieu est une détermination « inétendue », qui « œuvre à la perfection des corps », et plus précisément il est la « mesure rassemblante » d’une modalité particulière de la « distension », désignée par le terme de « disposition » : disposition des parties d’une totalité à l’intérieur de cette totalité ou encore position d’un corps à l’intérieur d’un autre corps envisagé comme totalité plus englobante. Malgré l’autorité dont Proclus est revêtu aux yeux de tous les néoplatoniciens de la fin de l’Antiquité, et malgré le respect profond que Simplicius éprouve pour lui, il lui importe ici de réfuter que le lieu soit un corps, fût-ce un corps immatériel, afin que le lieu puisse ultérieurement être défini comme une mesure inétendue et incorporelle de la « distension » des corps (Damascius). Dans le traité perdu dont des passages centraux sont conservés par Simplicius, Proclus démontre sa doctrine par la conjonction d’une démarche proprement philosophique et apodictique, et par un recours à deux confirmations offertes par des autorités sacrées : la Raison rencontre la Révélation. La première démarche part de prémisses aristotéliciennes (Physique IV 4, 212a2-6). Elle promeut l’hypothèse selon laquelle le « lieu » serait une « étendue », et elle démontre que c’est une « étendue » corporelle, comprise comme sphère de lumière pure coïncidant avec la sphère cosmique : un corps immobile, indivisible, immatériel. La seconde démarche consiste à poser la concordance de cette conclusion rationnelle avec les données du mythe d’Er dans la République, et avec le sens attribué à un vers chaldaïque qui énonce de façon mystérieuse que l’Âme du Monde « anime de fond en comble lumière, feu, éther, mondes ». Le lieu-lumière démontré par la procédure rationnelle est enseigné par le sens profond (et caché) que l’on décèle dans le mythe (c’est la colonne de lumière de République X 616b4-c4) et dans la parole même des dieux. Le commentaire de Proclus sur la République identifie parallèlement la lumière de République X au lieu du Ciel, réaffirme son identité avec la lumière chaldaïque, et fait référence à ce traité en offrant une doctrine tout à fait concordante. L’autorité des Oracles Chaldaïques est pour les néoplatoniciens de cette époque la source ultime de la Vérité, et Simplicius engage contre Proclus, pas à pas, une longue discussion exégétique sur le sens de cet Oracle. Cette discussion est un document exceptionnel sur l’intérêt porté aux Oracles Chaldaïques par Simplicius, au sein même d’un commentaire sur Aristote et sur une question de physique. L’objet des pages qui suivent est de proposer une traduction commentée de l’ensemble du texte de Simplicius (In Phys. 611,8 - 618,7 D.), de façon à montrer l’osmose entre la démarche proprement philosophique de Simplicius (et de Proclus), qui correspond à une recherche de Physique, et l’opération herméneutique appliquée à une parole oraculaire, laquelle est une confirmation d’un raisonnement et une expérience de foi puisqu’elle porte sur un objet divin. La traduction du texte de Simplicius sera précédée de quelques remarques préliminaires sur l’Oracle 51. Le texte grec de Simplicius est accessible à la fois dans l’édition de Diels et dans l’édition mise en ligne déjà mentionnée (éd. Golitsis-Hoffmann). [introduction p. 101-106]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/32ZuxPLp2VNh3t0

Zenon von Elea. Studien zu den 'Argumenten gegen die Vielheit' und zum sogenannten 'Argument des Orts', 2014
By: Köhler, Gerhard

Title	Zenon von Elea. Studien zu den 'Argumenten gegen die Vielheit' und zum sogenannten 'Argument des Orts'
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2014
Publication Place	Berlin – München – Boston
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Beiträge zur Altertumskunde
Volume	330
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Köhler, Gerhard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Zenon von Elea (5. Jh. v. Chr.) gilt als einer der bedeutendsten vorsokratischen Philosophen. Mit Ausnahme von höchstens fünf wörtlichen Zitaten besteht die gesamte Überlieferung zu ihm jedoch nur aus kursorischen Paraphrasen und teils kontroversen Diskussionen seiner Überlegungen bei späteren Autoren. Durch umsichtige und kritische Auswertung sämtlicher relevanter Quellen lassen sich gleichwohl über seine beiden sogenannten „Argumente gegen die Vielheit“ (Frg. B1-3) sowie über das sogenannte „Argument des Orts“ (Frg. B5) philologisch schlüssige, sachlich plausible und historisch stimmige Hypothesen aufstellen. Das Ergebnis besteht in zwei neuen Rekonstruktionen, die im Vergleich zum bisherigen Forschungsstand den gesamten Überlieferungsbefund verständlicher sowie Zenons ursprüngliche Argumentation und Zielsetzung einsichtiger werden lassen. Folgt man diesen beiden Rekonstruktionen, so erscheint nicht nur die Beziehung, die seit der Antike zwischen den Überlegungen Zenons und der Philosophie des Parmenides angenommen wird, in einem neuen Licht, sondern es werden womöglich auch einige geistesgeschichtliche Entwicklungen des 5. und 4. Jhs. v. Chr. präziser fassbar, als dies bislang der Fall war.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hGt6hibiF7pGHFl

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Fate, providence and moral responsibility in ancient, medieval and early modern thought. Studies in honour of Carlos Steel, 2014
By: Hoine, Pieter d' (Ed.), Van Riel, Gerd (Ed.)

Title	Fate, providence and moral responsibility in ancient, medieval and early modern thought. Studies in honour of Carlos Steel
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2014
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Leuven University Press
Series	Ancient and Medieval Philosophy, Series 1
Volume	49
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Hoine, Pieter d' , Van Riel, Gerd
Translator(s)

This book forms a major contribution to the discussion on fate, providence and moral responsibility in Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Early Modern times. Through 37 original papers, renowned scholars from many different countries, as well as a number of young and promising researchers, write the history of the philosophical problems of freedom and determinism since its origins in pre-socratic philosophy up to the seventeenth century. The main focus points are classic Antiquity (Plato and Aristotle), the Neoplatonic synthesis of late Antiquity (Plotinus, Proclus, Simplicius), and thirteenth-century scholasticism (Thomas Aquinas, Henry of Ghent). They do not only represent key moments in the intellectual history of the West, but are also the central figures and periods to which Carlos Steel, the dedicatary of this volume, has devoted his philosophical career.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ga4rzoji8r8swzw

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ΚΑΛΛΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΕΤΗ. Bellezza e virtù. Studi in onore die Maria Barbanti, 2014
By: Cardullo, R. Loredana (Ed.), Iozzia, Daniele (Ed.)

Title	ΚΑΛΛΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΕΤΗ. Bellezza e virtù. Studi in onore die Maria Barbanti
Type	Edited Book
Language	Italian
Date	2014
Publication Place	Acireale - Rom
Publisher	Bonanno
Series	Analecta humanitatis. Collana del Dipartimento di Scienze della Formazione dell'Università degli Studi di Catania diretta da Santo Di Nuovo
Volume	29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Cardullo, R. Loredana , Iozzia, Daniele
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iYDFyV0tpKo9lmt

{"_index":"sire","_id":"323","_score":null,"_source":{"id":323,"authors_free":[{"id":410,"entry_id":323,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":24,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana","free_first_name":"R. Loredana","free_last_name":"Cardullo","norm_person":{"id":24,"first_name":"R. Loredana ","last_name":"Cardullo","full_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139800220","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":411,"entry_id":323,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":247,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Iozzia, Daniele","free_first_name":"Daniele","free_last_name":"Iozzia","norm_person":{"id":247,"first_name":"Daniele ","last_name":"Iozzia","full_name":"Iozzia, Daniele ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1036757870","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"\u039a\u0391\u039b\u039b\u039f\u03a3 \u039a\u0391\u0399 \u0391\u03a1\u0395\u03a4\u0397. Bellezza e virt\u00f9. Studi in onore die Maria Barbanti","main_title":{"title":"\u039a\u0391\u039b\u039b\u039f\u03a3 \u039a\u0391\u0399 \u0391\u03a1\u0395\u03a4\u0397. Bellezza e virt\u00f9. Studi in onore die Maria Barbanti"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"2014","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/iYDFyV0tpKo9lmt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":24,"full_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":247,"full_name":"Iozzia, Daniele ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":323,"pubplace":"Acireale - Rom","publisher":"Bonanno","series":"Analecta humanitatis. Collana del Dipartimento di Scienze della Formazione dell'Universit\u00e0 degli Studi di Catania diretta da Santo Di Nuovo","volume":"29","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy, 2014
By: Destrée, Pierre (Ed.), Zingano, Marco (Ed.)

Title	What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2014
Publication Place	Sankt Augustin
Publisher	Academia Verlag
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Destrée, Pierre , Zingano, Marco
Translator(s)

The problem of responsibility in moral philosophy has been lively debated in the last decades, especially since the publication of Harry Frankfurt's seminal paper, 'Alternate possibilities and moral responsibility' (1969). Compatibilists - also known as 'soft' determinists - and, on the other side, incompatibilists - libertarians and 'hard' determinists - are the main contenders in this major academic controversy. The debate goes back to Antiquity. After Aristotle, compatibilists, and especially the Stoics, debated this issue with the incompatibilists, notably Epicurus (though his classification as an incompatibilist has been disputed in modern scholarship), Alexander of Aphrodisias and Plutarch. The problem debated at that time and the problem debated nowadays are fundamentally the same, even though the terms and the concepts evolved over the centuries. In Antiquity, the central notion was that of 'what is up to us', or 'what depends on us'. The present volume brings together twenty contributions devoted to examining the problem of moral responsibility as it arises in Antiquity in direct connection with the concept of what is up to us - to eph' hêmin, in Greek, or in nostra potestate and in nobis, in its Latin counterparts, aiming to promote classical scholarship, and to shed some light on the contemporary issues as well. With contributions by Marcelo D. Boeri, Mauro Bonazzi, Susanne Bobzien, Pierre Destrée, Javier Echeñique, Dorothea Frede, Michael Frede, Lloyd P. Gerson, Laura Liliana Gómez, Jean-Baptiste Gourinat, Christoph Horn, Monte Ransom Johnson, Stefano Maso, Susan Sauvé Meyer, Pierre-Marie Morel, Ricardo Salles, Carlos Steel, Daniela Patrizia Taormina, Emmanuele Vimercati, Katja Maria Vogt, Christian Wildberg and Marco Zingano. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WCz3sdLMsMTkFmE

{"_index":"sire","_id":"329","_score":null,"_source":{"id":329,"authors_free":[{"id":421,"entry_id":329,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":90,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Destr\u00e9e, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Destr\u00e9e","norm_person":{"id":90,"first_name":"Pierre ","last_name":"Destr\u00e9e","full_name":"Destr\u00e9e, Pierre ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1085171485","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":423,"entry_id":329,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":472,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Zingano, Marco","free_first_name":"Marco","free_last_name":"Zingano","norm_person":{"id":472,"first_name":"Marco","last_name":"Zingano","full_name":"Zingano, Marco","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1102225592","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy","main_title":{"title":"What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy"},"abstract":"The problem of responsibility in moral philosophy has been lively debated in the last decades, especially since the publication of Harry Frankfurt's seminal paper, 'Alternate possibilities and moral responsibility' (1969). Compatibilists - also known as 'soft' determinists - and, on the other side, incompatibilists - libertarians and 'hard' determinists - are the main contenders in this major academic controversy. The debate goes back to Antiquity. After Aristotle, compatibilists, and especially the Stoics, debated this issue with the incompatibilists, notably Epicurus (though his classification as an incompatibilist has been disputed in modern scholarship), Alexander of Aphrodisias and Plutarch.\r\n\r\nThe problem debated at that time and the problem debated nowadays are fundamentally the same, even though the terms and the concepts evolved over the centuries. In Antiquity, the central notion was that of 'what is up to us', or 'what depends on us'. The present volume brings together twenty contributions devoted to examining the problem of moral responsibility as it arises in Antiquity in direct connection with the concept of what is up to us - to eph' h\u00eamin, in Greek, or in nostra potestate and in nobis, in its Latin counterparts, aiming to promote classical scholarship, and to shed some light on the contemporary issues as well.\r\n\r\nWith contributions by Marcelo D. Boeri, Mauro Bonazzi, Susanne Bobzien, Pierre Destr\u00e9e, Javier Eche\u00f1ique, Dorothea Frede, Michael Frede, Lloyd P. Gerson, Laura Liliana G\u00f3mez, Jean-Baptiste Gourinat, Christoph Horn, Monte Ransom Johnson, Stefano Maso, Susan Sauv\u00e9 Meyer, Pierre-Marie Morel, Ricardo Salles, Carlos Steel, Daniela Patrizia Taormina, Emmanuele Vimercati, Katja Maria Vogt, Christian Wildberg and Marco Zingano. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/WCz3sdLMsMTkFmE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":90,"full_name":"Destr\u00e9e, Pierre ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":472,"full_name":"Zingano, Marco","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":329,"pubplace":"Sankt Augustin","publisher":"Academia Verlag","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

The Neoplatonic Socrates, 2014
By: Tarrant, Harold (Ed.), Layne, Danielle A. (Ed.)

Title	The Neoplatonic Socrates
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2014
Publication Place	Philadelphia
Publisher	University of Pennsylvania Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Tarrant, Harold , Layne, Danielle A.
Translator(s)

Today the name Socrates invokes a powerful idealization of wisdom and nobility that would surprise many of his contemporaries, who excoriated the philosopher for corrupting youth. The problem of who Socrates "really" was—the true history of his activities and beliefs—has long been thought insoluble, and most recent Socratic studies have instead focused on reconstructing his legacy and tracing his ideas through other philosophical traditions. But this scholarship has neglected to examine closely a period of philosophy that has much to reveal about what Socrates stood for and how he taught: the Neoplatonic tradition of the first six centuries C.E., which at times decried or denied his importance yet relied on his methods. In The Neoplatonic Socrates, leading scholars in classics and philosophy address this gap by examining Neoplatonic attitudes toward the Socratic method, Socratic love, Socrates's divine mission and moral example, and the much-debated issue of moral rectitude. Collectively, they demonstrate the importance of Socrates for the majority of Neoplatonists, a point that has often been questioned owing to the comparative neglect of surviving commentaries on the Alcibiades, Gorgias, Phaedo, and Phaedrus, in favor of dialogues dealing explicitly with metaphysical issues. Supplemented with a contextualizing introduction and a substantial appendix detailing where evidence for Socrates can be found in the extant literature, The Neoplatonic Socrates makes a clear case for the significant place Socrates held in the education and philosophy of late antiquity. Contributors: Crystal Addey, James M. Ambury, John F. Finamore, Michael Griffin, Marilynn Lawrence, Danielle A. Layne, Christina-Panagiota Manolea, François Renaud, Geert Roskam, Harold Tarrant. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/snzmSDTs2gXuRXn

{"_index":"sire","_id":"344","_score":null,"_source":{"id":344,"authors_free":[{"id":2072,"entry_id":344,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":122,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Tarrant, Harold","free_first_name":"Harold","free_last_name":"Tarrant","norm_person":{"id":122,"first_name":"Harold ","last_name":"Tarrant","full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132040077","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2073,"entry_id":344,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":202,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Layne, Danielle A.","free_first_name":"Danielle A.","free_last_name":"Layne","norm_person":{"id":202,"first_name":"Danielle A.","last_name":"Layne","full_name":"Layne, Danielle A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1068033177","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Neoplatonic Socrates","main_title":{"title":"The Neoplatonic Socrates"},"abstract":"Today the name Socrates invokes a powerful idealization of wisdom and nobility that would surprise many of his contemporaries, who excoriated the philosopher for corrupting youth. The problem of who Socrates \"really\" was\u2014the true history of his activities and beliefs\u2014has long been thought insoluble, and most recent Socratic studies have instead focused on reconstructing his legacy and tracing his ideas through other philosophical traditions. But this scholarship has neglected to examine closely a period of philosophy that has much to reveal about what Socrates stood for and how he taught: the Neoplatonic tradition of the first six centuries C.E., which at times decried or denied his importance yet relied on his methods.\r\n\r\nIn The Neoplatonic Socrates, leading scholars in classics and philosophy address this gap by examining Neoplatonic attitudes toward the Socratic method, Socratic love, Socrates's divine mission and moral example, and the much-debated issue of moral rectitude. Collectively, they demonstrate the importance of Socrates for the majority of Neoplatonists, a point that has often been questioned owing to the comparative neglect of surviving commentaries on the Alcibiades, Gorgias, Phaedo, and Phaedrus, in favor of dialogues dealing explicitly with metaphysical issues. Supplemented with a contextualizing introduction and a substantial appendix detailing where evidence for Socrates can be found in the extant literature, The Neoplatonic Socrates makes a clear case for the significant place Socrates held in the education and philosophy of late antiquity.\r\n\r\nContributors: Crystal Addey, James M. Ambury, John F. Finamore, Michael Griffin, Marilynn Lawrence, Danielle A. Layne, Christina-Panagiota Manolea, Fran\u00e7ois Renaud, Geert Roskam, Harold Tarrant.\r\n[official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/snzmSDTs2gXuRXn","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":122,"full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":202,"full_name":"Layne, Danielle A.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":344,"pubplace":"Philadelphia","publisher":"University of Pennsylvania Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism, 2014
By: Remes, Pauliina (Ed.), Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla (Ed.)

Title	The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2014
Publication Place	London – New York
Publisher	Routledge
Series	Routledge Handbooks in Philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Remes, Pauliina , Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla
Translator(s)

The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism is an authoritative and comprehensive survey of the most important issues and developments in one of the fastest growing areas of research in ancient philosophy. An international team of scholars situates and re-evaluates Neoplatonism within the history of ancient philosophy and thought, and explores its influence on philosophical and religious schools worldwide. Over thirty chapters are divided into seven clear parts: (Re)sources, instruction and interaction Methods and Styles of Exegesis Metaphysics and Metaphysical Perspectives Language, Knowledge, Soul, and Self Nature: Physics, Medicine and Biology Ethics, Political Theory and Aesthetics The legacy of Neoplatonism. The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism is a major reference source for all students and scholars in Neoplatonism and ancient philosophy, as well as researchers in the philosophy of science, ethics, aesthetics and religion. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/i2TdBQo2LLSOZ3S

{"_index":"sire","_id":"345","_score":null,"_source":{"id":345,"authors_free":[{"id":445,"entry_id":345,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":118,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Remes, Pauliina","free_first_name":"Pauliina","free_last_name":"Remes","norm_person":{"id":118,"first_name":"Pauliina","last_name":"Remes","full_name":"Remes, Pauliina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1103255665","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":446,"entry_id":345,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":119,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla","free_first_name":"Svetla","free_last_name":"Slaveva-Griffin","norm_person":{"id":119,"first_name":"Svetla","last_name":"Slaveva-Griffin","full_name":"Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137698070","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism","main_title":{"title":"The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism"},"abstract":"The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism is an authoritative and comprehensive survey of the most important issues and developments in one of the fastest growing areas of research in ancient philosophy. An international team of scholars situates and re-evaluates Neoplatonism within the history of ancient philosophy and thought, and explores its influence on philosophical and religious schools worldwide. Over thirty chapters are divided into seven clear parts:\r\n\r\n (Re)sources, instruction and interaction\r\n Methods and Styles of Exegesis\r\n Metaphysics and Metaphysical Perspectives\r\n Language, Knowledge, Soul, and Self\r\n Nature: Physics, Medicine and Biology\r\n Ethics, Political Theory and Aesthetics\r\n The legacy of Neoplatonism.\r\n\r\nThe Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism is a major reference source for all students and scholars in Neoplatonism and ancient philosophy, as well as researchers in the philosophy of science, ethics, aesthetics and religion. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/i2TdBQo2LLSOZ3S","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":118,"full_name":"Remes, Pauliina","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":119,"full_name":"Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":345,"pubplace":"London \u2013 New York","publisher":"Routledge","series":"Routledge Handbooks in Philosophy","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

Oracles Chaldaïques: fragments et philosophie, 2014
By: Lecerf, Adrien (Ed.), Saudelli, Lucia (Ed.), Seng, Helmut (Ed.)

Title	Oracles Chaldaïques: fragments et philosophie
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2014
Publication Place	Heidelberg
Publisher	Winter
Series	Bibliotheca Chaldaica
Volume	4
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Lecerf, Adrien , Saudelli, Lucia , Seng, Helmut
Translator(s)

Les Oracles chaldaïques posent nombre de problèmes à lʼhistorien de la pensée antique, tant sur le plan de la forme que sur celui du fond. Texte datant du IIe siècle de notre ère, en vers principalement hexamétriques, dont nous ne possédons que des fragments et des témoignages, conservés par des auteurs postérieurs, en langue grecque et latine, les extraits à notre disposition recèlent une philosophie, dʼinspiration platonicienne, dont les thèmes principaux sont la triade divine formée de Père, Puissance et Intellect, les êtres intermédiaires, lʼâme et ses vicissitudes, les divers mondes. Les questions que nous souhaitons traiter, en publiant ces travaux de recherche, sont le rattachement des Oracles au mouvement philosophique du « médioplatonisme » et les rapports entre théologie chaldaïque et théologie chrétienne. Nous étudions également la fortune et lʼinfortune des vers chaldaïques dans lʼAntiquité tardive et jusquʼau XVIIe siècle, en dégageant dʼautre part les perspectives dʼune nouvelle édition des Oracles. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/w8DvrIrkCyncwcE

{"_index":"sire","_id":"357","_score":null,"_source":{"id":357,"authors_free":[{"id":468,"entry_id":357,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":197,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Lecerf, Adrien","free_first_name":"Adrien","free_last_name":"Lecerf","norm_person":{"id":197,"first_name":"Adrien","last_name":"Lecerf","full_name":"Lecerf, Adrien","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1068302194","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":469,"entry_id":357,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":311,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Saudelli, Lucia","free_first_name":"Lucia","free_last_name":"Saudelli","norm_person":{"id":311,"first_name":"Lucia","last_name":"Saudelli","full_name":"Saudelli, Lucia","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1047619067","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":470,"entry_id":357,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":462,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Seng, Helmut","free_first_name":"Helmut","free_last_name":"Seng","norm_person":{"id":462,"first_name":"Helmut","last_name":"Seng","full_name":"Seng, Helmut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/114500509","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Oracles Chalda\u00efques: fragments et philosophie","main_title":{"title":"Oracles Chalda\u00efques: fragments et philosophie"},"abstract":"Les Oracles chalda\u00efques posent nombre de probl\u00e8mes \u00e0 l\u02bchistorien de la pens\u00e9e antique, tant sur le plan de la forme que sur celui du fond.\r\n\r\nTexte datant du IIe si\u00e8cle de notre \u00e8re, en vers principalement hexam\u00e9triques, dont nous ne poss\u00e9dons que des fragments et des t\u00e9moignages, conserv\u00e9s par des auteurs post\u00e9rieurs, en langue grecque et latine, les extraits \u00e0 notre disposition rec\u00e8lent une philosophie, d\u02bcinspiration platonicienne, dont les th\u00e8mes principaux sont la triade divine form\u00e9e de P\u00e8re, Puissance et Intellect, les \u00eatres interm\u00e9diaires, l\u02bc\u00e2me et ses vicissitudes, les divers mondes.\r\n\r\nLes questions que nous souhaitons traiter, en publiant ces travaux de recherche, sont le rattachement des Oracles au mouvement philosophique du \u00ab m\u00e9dioplatonisme \u00bb et les rapports entre th\u00e9ologie chalda\u00efque et th\u00e9ologie chr\u00e9tienne. Nous \u00e9tudions \u00e9galement la fortune et l\u02bcinfortune des vers chalda\u00efques dans l\u02bcAntiquit\u00e9 tardive et jusqu\u02bcau XVIIe si\u00e8cle, en d\u00e9gageant d\u02bcautre part les perspectives d\u02bcune nouvelle \u00e9dition des Oracles. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2014","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/w8DvrIrkCyncwcE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":197,"full_name":"Lecerf, Adrien","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":311,"full_name":"Saudelli, Lucia","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":462,"full_name":"Seng, Helmut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":357,"pubplace":"Heidelberg","publisher":"Winter","series":"Bibliotheca Chaldaica","volume":"4","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

De l'Antiquité tardive au Moyen Âge. Études de logique aristotélicienne et de philosophie grecque, syriaque, arabe et latine offertes à Henri Hugonnard-Roche, 2014
By: Coda, Elisa (Ed.), Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia (Ed.)

Title	De l'Antiquité tardive au Moyen Âge. Études de logique aristotélicienne et de philosophie grecque, syriaque, arabe et latine offertes à Henri Hugonnard-Roche
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2014
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Études musulmanes
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Coda, Elisa , Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia
Translator(s)

La circulation du savoir philosophique à travers les traductions du grec au syriaque, du grec à l’arabe, du syriaque à l’arabe, de l’arabe au latin forme, depuis un siècle et plus de recherches savantes, un domaine scientifique à part entière. Ce volume réunit des spécialistes des disciplines du domaine voulant rendre hommage à un collègue dont l’activité a ouvert une voie, Henri Hugonnard-Roche. Spécialiste de la transmission du grec au syriaque de la logique aristotélicienne, Henri Hugonnard-Roche a montré par ses recherches la continuité entre la philosophie de l’Antiquité tardive et la pensée des chrétiens de langue syriaque d’un côté, des savants musulmans écrivant en arabe, de l’autre. Réunis souvent par ce que Werner Jaeger avait autrefois désigné comme « la portée œcuménique de l’Antiquité classique », des musulmans et des chrétiens faisant partie d’un cercle philosophique se penchaient, dans la ville de Bagdad au Xe siècle, sur le texte d’Aristote. Leur « Aristote » était souvent celui de l’Antiquité tardive : l’Aristote de l’école néoplatonicienne d’Alexandrie que les intellectuels de la Syrie chrétienne avaient déjà rencontré quelque quatre siècles auparavant et qu’ils avaient traduit, en même temps que Galien, et parfois commenté. Des noms presque inconnus comme celui de Sergius de Resh’ayna (mort en 536) commencent dans nos manuels à en côtoyer d’autres bien plus connus, comme celui de Boèce, grâce aux recherches de Henri Hugonnard-Roche. Ce volume, par la variété des langues qui s’y entremêlent, des traditions de pensée qu’il fait fusionner, par l’acribie des contributions et le caractère novateur des éditions de textes et des études ponctuelles qu’il contient, témoigne du rayonnement international du savant auquel il est offert, et de l’effervescence du domaine de recherche auquel il a si grandement contribué. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/j7haSVMVm5wa9du

{"_index":"sire","_id":"360","_score":null,"_source":{"id":360,"authors_free":[{"id":474,"entry_id":360,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":143,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Coda, Elisa","free_first_name":"Elisa","free_last_name":"Coda","norm_person":{"id":143,"first_name":"Elisa","last_name":"Coda","full_name":"Coda, Elisa","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1168595843","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":475,"entry_id":360,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":213,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia","free_first_name":"Cecilia","free_last_name":"Martini Bonadeo","norm_person":{"id":213,"first_name":"Cecilia","last_name":"Martini Bonadeo","full_name":"Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1047649543","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"De l'Antiquit\u00e9 tardive au Moyen \u00c2ge. \u00c9tudes de logique aristot\u00e9licienne et de philosophie grecque, syriaque, arabe et latine offertes \u00e0 Henri Hugonnard-Roche","main_title":{"title":"De l'Antiquit\u00e9 tardive au Moyen \u00c2ge. \u00c9tudes de logique aristot\u00e9licienne et de philosophie grecque, syriaque, arabe et latine offertes \u00e0 Henri Hugonnard-Roche"},"abstract":"La circulation du savoir philosophique \u00e0 travers les traductions du grec au syriaque, du grec \u00e0 l\u2019arabe, du syriaque \u00e0 l\u2019arabe, de l\u2019arabe au latin forme, depuis un si\u00e8cle et plus de recherches savantes, un domaine scientifique \u00e0 part enti\u00e8re. Ce volume r\u00e9unit des sp\u00e9cialistes des disciplines du domaine voulant rendre hommage \u00e0 un coll\u00e8gue dont l\u2019activit\u00e9 a ouvert une voie, Henri Hugonnard-Roche.\r\nSp\u00e9cialiste de la transmission du grec au syriaque de la logique aristot\u00e9licienne, Henri Hugonnard-Roche a montr\u00e9 par ses recherches la continuit\u00e9 entre la philosophie de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive et la pens\u00e9e des chr\u00e9tiens de langue syriaque d\u2019un c\u00f4t\u00e9, des savants musulmans \u00e9crivant en arabe, de l\u2019autre. R\u00e9unis souvent par ce que Werner Jaeger avait autrefois d\u00e9sign\u00e9 comme \u00ab la port\u00e9e \u0153cum\u00e9nique de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 classique \u00bb, des musulmans et des chr\u00e9tiens faisant partie d\u2019un cercle philosophique se penchaient, dans la ville de Bagdad au Xe si\u00e8cle, sur le texte d\u2019Aristote. Leur \u00ab Aristote \u00bb \u00e9tait souvent celui de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive : l\u2019Aristote de l\u2019\u00e9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne d\u2019Alexandrie que les intellectuels de la Syrie chr\u00e9tienne avaient d\u00e9j\u00e0 rencontr\u00e9 quelque quatre si\u00e8cles auparavant et qu\u2019ils avaient traduit, en m\u00eame temps que Galien, et parfois comment\u00e9. Des noms presque inconnus comme celui de Sergius de Resh\u2019ayna (mort en 536) commencent dans nos manuels \u00e0 en c\u00f4toyer d\u2019autres bien plus connus, comme celui de Bo\u00e8ce, gr\u00e2ce aux recherches de Henri Hugonnard-Roche. Ce volume, par la vari\u00e9t\u00e9 des langues qui s\u2019y entrem\u00ealent, des traditions de pens\u00e9e qu\u2019il fait fusionner, par l\u2019acribie des contributions et le caract\u00e8re novateur des \u00e9ditions de textes et des \u00e9tudes ponctuelles qu\u2019il contient, t\u00e9moigne du rayonnement international du savant auquel il est offert, et de l\u2019effervescence du domaine de recherche auquel il a si grandement contribu\u00e9. [Author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2014","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/j7haSVMVm5wa9du","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":143,"full_name":"Coda, Elisa","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":213,"full_name":"Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":360,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"\u00c9tudes musulmanes","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

The Will and its Freedom: Epictetus and Simplicius on what is up to us, 2014
By: Wildberg, Christian, Destrée, Pierre (Ed.), Zingano, Marco (Ed.)

Title	The Will and its Freedom: Epictetus and Simplicius on what is up to us
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2014
Published in	What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy
Pages	329-350
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)	Destrée, Pierre , Zingano, Marco
Translator(s)

The text explores the historical development of the concept of free will, drawing parallels with the evolution of understanding projectile motion. Three distinct periods are identified: an initial stage marked by a misunderstanding of projectile motion, where objects were thought to require continuous external motion; a second stage where the concept of "impetus" was introduced to explain forced motion at a distance; and a final stage, ushered in by Galileo, Descartes, and Newton, where the correct understanding of inertia emerged. The discovery of free will is compared to the discovery of the will as a distinct human faculty in late antiquity. Similar to the concept of impetus, the will is depicted as capable of being strong or weak and has significant influence over human actions. The philosophical discussion surrounding free will is likened to the debates on projectile motion, with various perspectives on its existence and nature. Some argue for the existence of free will, while others contend that it is unnecessary and incoherent. The text concludes by pointing out the need for a deeper understanding of the historical context and metaphysical assumptions underlying the concept of free will. It suggests that the concept of free will is a remnant of past intellectual certainty about metaphysical truths and may not be as morally neutral as commonly believed. The modern discussion on free will is encouraged to consider its historical development and potential implications more carefully. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mOZ7OMN3pKwTAfd

{"_index":"sire","_id":"427","_score":null,"_source":{"id":427,"authors_free":[{"id":573,"entry_id":427,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":360,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wildberg, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Wildberg","norm_person":{"id":360,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Wildberg","full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139018964","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":574,"entry_id":427,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":90,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Destr\u00e9e, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Destr\u00e9e","norm_person":{"id":90,"first_name":"Pierre ","last_name":"Destr\u00e9e","full_name":"Destr\u00e9e, Pierre ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1085171485","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":576,"entry_id":427,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":472,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Zingano, Marco","free_first_name":"Marco","free_last_name":"Zingano","norm_person":{"id":472,"first_name":"Marco","last_name":"Zingano","full_name":"Zingano, Marco","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1102225592","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Will and its Freedom: Epictetus and Simplicius on what is up to us","main_title":{"title":"The Will and its Freedom: Epictetus and Simplicius on what is up to us"},"abstract":"The text explores the historical development of the concept of free will, drawing parallels with the evolution of understanding projectile motion. Three distinct periods are identified: an initial stage marked by a misunderstanding of projectile motion, where objects were thought to require continuous external motion; a second stage where the concept of \"impetus\" was introduced to explain forced motion at a distance; and a final stage, ushered in by Galileo, Descartes, and Newton, where the correct understanding of inertia emerged. The discovery of free will is compared to the discovery of the will as a distinct human faculty in late antiquity. Similar to the concept of impetus, the will is depicted as capable of being strong or weak and has significant influence over human actions. The philosophical discussion surrounding free will is likened to the debates on projectile motion, with various perspectives on its existence and nature. Some argue for the existence of free will, while others contend that it is unnecessary and incoherent. The text concludes by pointing out the need for a deeper understanding of the historical context and metaphysical assumptions underlying the concept of free will. It suggests that the concept of free will is a remnant of past intellectual certainty about metaphysical truths and may not be as morally neutral as commonly believed. The modern discussion on free will is encouraged to consider its historical development and potential implications more carefully. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mOZ7OMN3pKwTAfd","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":90,"full_name":"Destr\u00e9e, Pierre ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":472,"full_name":"Zingano, Marco","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":427,"section_of":329,"pages":"329-350","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":329,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Destr\u00e9e2014","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2014","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2014","abstract":"The problem of responsibility in moral philosophy has been lively debated in the last decades, especially since the publication of Harry Frankfurt's seminal paper, 'Alternate possibilities and moral responsibility' (1969). Compatibilists - also known as 'soft' determinists - and, on the other side, incompatibilists - libertarians and 'hard' determinists - are the main contenders in this major academic controversy. The debate goes back to Antiquity. After Aristotle, compatibilists, and especially the Stoics, debated this issue with the incompatibilists, notably Epicurus (though his classification as an incompatibilist has been disputed in modern scholarship), Alexander of Aphrodisias and Plutarch.\r\n\r\nThe problem debated at that time and the problem debated nowadays are fundamentally the same, even though the terms and the concepts evolved over the centuries. In Antiquity, the central notion was that of 'what is up to us', or 'what depends on us'. The present volume brings together twenty contributions devoted to examining the problem of moral responsibility as it arises in Antiquity in direct connection with the concept of what is up to us - to eph' h\u00eamin, in Greek, or in nostra potestate and in nobis, in its Latin counterparts, aiming to promote classical scholarship, and to shed some light on the contemporary issues as well.\r\n\r\nWith contributions by Marcelo D. Boeri, Mauro Bonazzi, Susanne Bobzien, Pierre Destr\u00e9e, Javier Eche\u00f1ique, Dorothea Frede, Michael Frede, Lloyd P. Gerson, Laura Liliana G\u00f3mez, Jean-Baptiste Gourinat, Christoph Horn, Monte Ransom Johnson, Stefano Maso, Susan Sauv\u00e9 Meyer, Pierre-Marie Morel, Ricardo Salles, Carlos Steel, Daniela Patrizia Taormina, Emmanuele Vimercati, Katja Maria Vogt, Christian Wildberg and Marco Zingano. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/WCz3sdLMsMTkFmE","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":329,"pubplace":"Sankt Augustin","publisher":"Academia Verlag","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines. Un Bilan critique, 2014
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines. Un Bilan critique
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2014
Publication Place	Sankt Augustin
Publisher	Academia Verlag
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This book offers a synthesis of modern research devoted to Simplicius's life and to three of his five commentaries: On Epictetus' Handbook, On Aristotle's De anima, On Aristotle's Categories. Its biographical part brings to light the historical role played by this Neoplatonic philosopher. Born in Cilicia, Asia Minor, he studied in Alexandria and Athens and apparently ended his life teaching in Syria on the frontier between the Byzantine and Sassanide Empires. His role was that of a mediator between the Greco-Roman world and philosophy and Syriac philosophy, which would feed Arabic philosophy at its beginning. The second part of the book, devoted to doctrinal and authorship issues, also deals with the underlying pedagogical curriculum and methods proper to Neoplatonic commentaries, which modern interpretation all too often tends to neglect in studies on Simplicius and other Neoplatonists. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/R8AdHRdKYfqtT76

{"_index":"sire","_id":"74","_score":null,"_source":{"id":74,"authors_free":[{"id":82,"entry_id":74,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re des recherches contemporaines. Un Bilan critique","main_title":{"title":"Le n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re des recherches contemporaines. Un Bilan critique"},"abstract":"This book offers a synthesis of modern research devoted to Simplicius's life and to three of his five commentaries: On Epictetus' Handbook, On Aristotle's De anima, On Aristotle's Categories. Its biographical part brings to light the historical role played by this Neoplatonic philosopher. Born in Cilicia, Asia Minor, he studied in Alexandria and Athens and apparently ended his life teaching in Syria on the frontier between the Byzantine and Sassanide Empires. His role was that of a mediator between the Greco-Roman world and philosophy and Syriac philosophy, which would feed Arabic philosophy at its beginning. The second part of the book, devoted to doctrinal and authorship issues, also deals with the underlying pedagogical curriculum and methods proper to Neoplatonic commentaries, which modern interpretation all too often tends to neglect in studies on Simplicius and other Neoplatonists. [offical abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2014","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/R8AdHRdKYfqtT76","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":74,"pubplace":"Sankt Augustin","publisher":"Academia Verlag","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.1-4’, 2014
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.1-4’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2014
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bristol Classical Press
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Hankinson, R. J.(Hankinson, Robert J.) ,

In chapter 1 of On the Heavens Aristotle defines body, and then notoriously ruptures dynamics by introducing a fifth element, beyond Plato's four, to explain the rotation of the heavens, which, like nearly all Greeks, Aristotle took to be real, not apparent. Even a member of his school, Xenarchus, we are told, rejected his fifth element. The Neoplatonist Simplicius seeks to harmonise Plato and Aristotle. Plato, he says, thought that the heavens were composed of all four elements but with the purest kind of fire, namely light, predominating. That Plato would not mind this being called a fifth element is shown by his associating with the heavens the fifth of the five convex regular solids recognised by geometry. Simplicius follows Aristotle's view that one of the lower elements, fire, also rotates, as shown by the behaviour of comets. But such motion, though natural for the fifth elements, is super-natural for fire. Simplicius reveals that the Aristotelian Alexander of Aphrodisias recognised the need to supplement Aristotle and account for the annual approach and retreat of planets by means of Ptolemy's epicycles or eccentrics. Aristotle's philosopher-god is turned by Simplicius, following his teacher Ammonius, into a creator-god, like Plato's. But the creation is beginningless, as shown by the argument that, if you try to imagine a time when it began, you cannot answer the question, 'Why not sooner?' In explaining the creation, Simplicius follows the Neoplatonist expansion of Aristotle's four 'causes' to six. The final result gives us a cosmology very considerably removed from Aristotle's. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dj0TQS2KoG08Skq

{"_index":"sire","_id":"106","_score":null,"_source":{"id":106,"authors_free":[{"id":126,"entry_id":106,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":168,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Hankinson, R. J.","free_first_name":"R. J.","free_last_name":"Hankinson","norm_person":{"id":168,"first_name":"Robert J.","last_name":"Hankinson","full_name":"Hankinson, Robert J.","short_ident":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129477370","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2245,"entry_id":106,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius, Cilicius","free_first_name":"Cilicius","free_last_name":"Simplicius","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 1.1-4\u2019","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 1.1-4\u2019"},"abstract":"In chapter 1 of On the Heavens Aristotle defines body, and then notoriously ruptures dynamics by introducing a fifth element, beyond Plato's four, to explain the rotation of the heavens, which, like nearly all Greeks, Aristotle took to be real, not apparent. Even a member of his school, Xenarchus, we are told, rejected his fifth element. The Neoplatonist Simplicius seeks to harmonise Plato and Aristotle. Plato, he says, thought that the heavens were composed of all four elements but with the purest kind of fire, namely light, predominating. That Plato would not mind this being called a fifth element is shown by his associating with the heavens the fifth of the five convex regular solids recognised by geometry.\r\nSimplicius follows Aristotle's view that one of the lower elements, fire, also rotates, as shown by the behaviour of comets. But such motion, though natural for the fifth elements, is super-natural for fire. Simplicius reveals that the Aristotelian Alexander of Aphrodisias recognised the need to supplement Aristotle and account for the annual approach and retreat of planets by means of Ptolemy's epicycles or eccentrics.\r\nAristotle's philosopher-god is turned by Simplicius, following his teacher Ammonius, into a creator-god, like Plato's. But the creation is beginningless, as shown by the argument that, if you try to imagine a time when it began, you cannot answer the question, 'Why not sooner?' In explaining the creation, Simplicius follows the Neoplatonist expansion of Aristotle's four 'causes' to six. The final result gives us a cosmology very considerably removed from Aristotle's. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dj0TQS2KoG08Skq","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":168,"full_name":"Hankinson, Robert J.","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":106,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Bristol Classical Press","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

Pseudo-Simplicius (Review on Simplicius’: On Aristotle On the Soul 3.6–13.), 2014
By: Van Dusen, David

Title	Pseudo-Simplicius (Review on Simplicius’: On Aristotle On the Soul 3.6–13.)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	64
Issue	2
Pages	436-437
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Van Dusen, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In Inferno IV, when Dante catches sight of him in a mild foyer to the spiraling pit of hell, Averroes is simply described as “he who made the great Comment.” But in Convivio IV, the only other place where Dante references him, Averroes is specifically “the Commentator on Aristotle’s De Anima III.” Dante wrote this in the first decade of the fourteenth century, when Averroes was still, in effect, the commentator on De Anima 3. But by the last decades of the fifteenth century, a Simplicius commentary on the De Anima was being circulated in Italy by émigrés from Constantinople. This commentary rapidly exerted an influence on figures like Pico della Mirandola and Agostino Nifo. It saw its first Greek edition in Venice in 1527, with a complete Latin translation appearing in 1543, also in Venice. As its first translator pointed out in his prefatory letter, Averroes now had a contender in this De Anima commentary. The title of a 1553 Latin translation left no doubt: Commentaria Simplicii Profundissimi & Acutissimi Philosophi in Tres Libros De Anima Aristotelis. By the end of the sixteenth century, this commentary had inspired a vocal coterie in Italy—the so-called sectatores Simplicii. Despite the fervor of these sectatores Simplicii, there is now a stable consensus that their De Anima commentary is pseudo-Simplician. S. has long been convinced that the work should be attributed to Priscian of Lydia; in this, he is preceded by Francesco Piccolomini, a sixteenth-century opponent of the simpliciani, who also put Priscian forward as the commentator. I. Hadot fiercely criticized this re-attribution in a 2002 article in Mnemosyne, “Simplicius or Priscianus? On the Author of the Commentary on Aristotle’s De Anima”, and S. refers to the dispute in his introduction. He is sanguine: “As no other scholar apparently shares Hadot’s view, there is no need for further polemics” (p. 32 n. 6). Regardless of attribution, it is agreed that this De Anima commentary originated in Simplicius’ circles, that it represents “an original and personal engagement with Aristotle’s text” (p. 4), and that the commentator “uses various philological strategies to make sense of an obscure text” (p. 7). On this last point, S. is effusive: “Modern commentators could learn with profit from his attempts ‘to set right’ a difficult text ...without intervening with conjectures” (p. 7). The manuscript basis of S.’s translation is broader than that of M. Hayduck’s semi-critical Greek edition (1882), which has been faulted for collating only a single fourteenth-century manuscript (Laurentianus 85.21) and a single sixteenth-century edition of the commentary (Aldina). In preparing his translation, S. consulted another fourteenth-century manuscript (which shows emendations and annotations by Cardinal Bessarion) and a mid-fifteenth-century manuscript. Nevertheless, he is generous: “Hayduck was basically right: it is indeed possible to constitute a critical text with the Laurentianus and the Aldina” (p. 149). A concise list of S.’s proposed corrections to the Greek and reconstructions of outstanding lacunae is included at the back of the volume. S.’s is the final volume of the first-ever English translation of this De Anima commentary and gives us ps.-Simplicius on De Anima 3.6–13. The translation is nuanced and reliable, though at places the syntax could be smoothed out (“That also oysters have maturity and decline, all agree ...”, p. 101). The volume’s apparatus, credited to Arnis Ritups, is ample. And while ps.-Simplicius has never had English-speaking sectaries, his De Anima commentary was cited once by Bishop Berkeley and repeatedly by Lord Monboddo in the eighteenth century, while Thomas Taylor incorporated excerpts into the notes to his 1808 English translation of De Anima. In short, ps.-Simplicius’ Greek commentary has a place in the modern British reception of De Anima. The present translation should similarly inform contemporary work on De Anima and the Neoplatonists’ appropriation and transmission of Aristotle. Ps.-Simplicius’ text is, of course, too dense to reprise here, but there is much of interest in his negotiation of time-statements in the last pages of De Anima, since it is in these pages—not the last paragraphs of Physics 4—that Aristotle investigates the problematic link of “time” to the “soul.” (And when Plotinus takes up the question of time in Enneads 3.7, he—like contemporary philosophers—turns to Physics 4, not De Anima 3.) Those interested in Neoplatonic conceptions of time—and, more generally, in the concept of time in Late Antiquity—would do well to consult this commentary and the other surviving Greek commentaries on De Anima 3. There is a single, colorful passage that indicates how ps.-Simplicius’ commentary on the soul also opens onto the terrain of the body—sexuality, and so on—in Late Antiquity. In De Anima 3.9, Aristotle writes that “the heart” is moved when we think of menacing things, whereas “if the object is pleasant, some other part” is moved. It is a pleasure, then, to see ps.-Simplicius’ gloss: “The heart, for instance, may be set in movement among fearful things, and the generative organs (γεννητικὰ μόρια) upon the thought of sexual pleasure (ἀφροδισιαστικῶν ἡδονῶν)” (p. 102). This is doubtless the sense of Aristotle’s euphemistic text, and ps.-Simplicius sees the deeper import of sexual excitation with perfect clarity: “The intellect is not wholly master (οὐ τὸ ὅλον κύριος) of the movement of the living being” (p. 102). How far removed are we here from Augustine’s discussion of post-paradisiacal arousal in City of God against the Pagans? Or from Proclus’ refusal of a disciple who was “pursuing philosophy, but at the same time devoting his life to the pleasures below the belly (τὰς ὑπογαστρίους ἡδονάς),” as Damascius reports? The early modern sectatores Simplicii likely misattributed their De Anima commentary, but in this, they were correct: Averroes is not “the Commentator on Aristotle’s De Anima III.” Ps.-Simplicius’ reading of the book is still challenging and, at places, suddenly illuminating. And it is no small thing for us to now have access—in conscientious English and in full—to this methodical, lexically sensitive commentary on the soul from the immediate circle of the last representatives of a “Platonic succession” in Athens. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PvqFfr47EAUaMIW

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1294","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1294,"authors_free":[{"id":1884,"entry_id":1294,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":74,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Van Dusen, David","free_first_name":"David","free_last_name":"Van Dusen","norm_person":{"id":74,"first_name":"David ","last_name":"Van Dusen","full_name":"Van Dusen, David ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1066385637","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Pseudo-Simplicius (Review on Simplicius\u2019: On Aristotle On the Soul 3.6\u201313.)","main_title":{"title":"Pseudo-Simplicius (Review on Simplicius\u2019: On Aristotle On the Soul 3.6\u201313.)"},"abstract":"In Inferno IV, when Dante catches sight of him in a mild foyer to the spiraling pit of hell, Averroes is simply described as \u201che who made the great Comment.\u201d But in Convivio IV, the only other place where Dante references him, Averroes is specifically \u201cthe Commentator on Aristotle\u2019s De Anima III.\u201d Dante wrote this in the first decade of the fourteenth century, when Averroes was still, in effect, the commentator on De Anima 3. But by the last decades of the fifteenth century, a Simplicius commentary on the De Anima was being circulated in Italy by \u00e9migr\u00e9s from Constantinople. This commentary rapidly exerted an influence on figures like Pico della Mirandola and Agostino Nifo. It saw its first Greek edition in Venice in 1527, with a complete Latin translation appearing in 1543, also in Venice. As its first translator pointed out in his prefatory letter, Averroes now had a contender in this De Anima commentary. The title of a 1553 Latin translation left no doubt: Commentaria Simplicii Profundissimi & Acutissimi Philosophi in Tres Libros De Anima Aristotelis. By the end of the sixteenth century, this commentary had inspired a vocal coterie in Italy\u2014the so-called sectatores Simplicii.\r\n\r\nDespite the fervor of these sectatores Simplicii, there is now a stable consensus that their De Anima commentary is pseudo-Simplician. S. has long been convinced that the work should be attributed to Priscian of Lydia; in this, he is preceded by Francesco Piccolomini, a sixteenth-century opponent of the simpliciani, who also put Priscian forward as the commentator. I. Hadot fiercely criticized this re-attribution in a 2002 article in Mnemosyne, \u201cSimplicius or Priscianus? On the Author of the Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s De Anima\u201d, and S. refers to the dispute in his introduction. He is sanguine: \u201cAs no other scholar apparently shares Hadot\u2019s view, there is no need for further polemics\u201d (p. 32 n. 6). Regardless of attribution, it is agreed that this De Anima commentary originated in Simplicius\u2019 circles, that it represents \u201can original and personal engagement with Aristotle\u2019s text\u201d (p. 4), and that the commentator \u201cuses various philological strategies to make sense of an obscure text\u201d (p. 7). On this last point, S. is effusive: \u201cModern commentators could learn with profit from his attempts \u2018to set right\u2019 a difficult text ...without intervening with conjectures\u201d (p. 7).\r\n\r\nThe manuscript basis of S.\u2019s translation is broader than that of M. Hayduck\u2019s semi-critical Greek edition (1882), which has been faulted for collating only a single fourteenth-century manuscript (Laurentianus 85.21) and a single sixteenth-century edition of the commentary (Aldina). In preparing his translation, S. consulted another fourteenth-century manuscript (which shows emendations and annotations by Cardinal Bessarion) and a mid-fifteenth-century manuscript. Nevertheless, he is generous: \u201cHayduck was basically right: it is indeed possible to constitute a critical text with the Laurentianus and the Aldina\u201d (p. 149). A concise list of S.\u2019s proposed corrections to the Greek and reconstructions of outstanding lacunae is included at the back of the volume.\r\n\r\nS.\u2019s is the final volume of the first-ever English translation of this De Anima commentary and gives us ps.-Simplicius on De Anima 3.6\u201313. The translation is nuanced and reliable, though at places the syntax could be smoothed out (\u201cThat also oysters have maturity and decline, all agree ...\u201d, p. 101). The volume\u2019s apparatus, credited to Arnis Ritups, is ample. And while ps.-Simplicius has never had English-speaking sectaries, his De Anima commentary was cited once by Bishop Berkeley and repeatedly by Lord Monboddo in the eighteenth century, while Thomas Taylor incorporated excerpts into the notes to his 1808 English translation of De Anima. In short, ps.-Simplicius\u2019 Greek commentary has a place in the modern British reception of De Anima. The present translation should similarly inform contemporary work on De Anima and the Neoplatonists\u2019 appropriation and transmission of Aristotle.\r\n\r\nPs.-Simplicius\u2019 text is, of course, too dense to reprise here, but there is much of interest in his negotiation of time-statements in the last pages of De Anima, since it is in these pages\u2014not the last paragraphs of Physics 4\u2014that Aristotle investigates the problematic link of \u201ctime\u201d to the \u201csoul.\u201d (And when Plotinus takes up the question of time in Enneads 3.7, he\u2014like contemporary philosophers\u2014turns to Physics 4, not De Anima 3.) Those interested in Neoplatonic conceptions of time\u2014and, more generally, in the concept of time in Late Antiquity\u2014would do well to consult this commentary and the other surviving Greek commentaries on De Anima 3.\r\n\r\nThere is a single, colorful passage that indicates how ps.-Simplicius\u2019 commentary on the soul also opens onto the terrain of the body\u2014sexuality, and so on\u2014in Late Antiquity. In De Anima 3.9, Aristotle writes that \u201cthe heart\u201d is moved when we think of menacing things, whereas \u201cif the object is pleasant, some other part\u201d is moved. It is a pleasure, then, to see ps.-Simplicius\u2019 gloss: \u201cThe heart, for instance, may be set in movement among fearful things, and the generative organs (\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u1f70 \u03bc\u03cc\u03c1\u03b9\u03b1) upon the thought of sexual pleasure (\u1f00\u03c6\u03c1\u03bf\u03b4\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f21\u03b4\u03bf\u03bd\u1ff6\u03bd)\u201d (p. 102). This is doubtless the sense of Aristotle\u2019s euphemistic text, and ps.-Simplicius sees the deeper import of sexual excitation with perfect clarity: \u201cThe intellect is not wholly master (\u03bf\u1f50 \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f45\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03cd\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2) of the movement of the living being\u201d (p. 102). How far removed are we here from Augustine\u2019s discussion of post-paradisiacal arousal in City of God against the Pagans? Or from Proclus\u2019 refusal of a disciple who was \u201cpursuing philosophy, but at the same time devoting his life to the pleasures below the belly (\u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03b3\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u1f21\u03b4\u03bf\u03bd\u03ac\u03c2),\u201d as Damascius reports?\r\n\r\nThe early modern sectatores Simplicii likely misattributed their De Anima commentary, but in this, they were correct: Averroes is not \u201cthe Commentator on Aristotle\u2019s De Anima III.\u201d Ps.-Simplicius\u2019 reading of the book is still challenging and, at places, suddenly illuminating. And it is no small thing for us to now have access\u2014in conscientious English and in full\u2014to this methodical, lexically sensitive commentary on the soul from the immediate circle of the last representatives of a \u201cPlatonic succession\u201d in Athens. [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PvqFfr47EAUaMIW","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":74,"full_name":"Van Dusen, David ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1294,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"64","issue":"2","pages":"436-437"}},"sort":[2014]}

Categories and Subcategories, 2014
By: Tegtmeier, Erwin

Title	Categories and Subcategories
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Anuario Filosófico
Volume	47
Issue	2
Pages	395-411
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tegtmeier, Erwin
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Starting from the traditional distinction between the minimal and the maximal division, the role of subcategories in Aristotle, as well as that of the highest categories, is discussed. The need for categorial properties which determine categories is pointed out. It is argued that an existent cannot have two such essential properties and that only the lowest subcategories have simple categorial properties. Furthermore, it is emphasised that categories and subcategories must form a tree because they belong to a theory of categories which requires unity. By contrast, it is held that the hierarchy of all concepts need not form a tree. The difficulties Porphyrius and Simplicius find in Aristotle’s minimal and maximal division are analysed. Finally, Aristotle’s way of avoiding categorial properties by referring to an abstraction is criticised. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IN81x5WTB9e5jh5

{"_index":"sire","_id":"471","_score":null,"_source":{"id":471,"authors_free":[{"id":636,"entry_id":471,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":332,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tegtmeier, Erwin","free_first_name":"Erwin","free_last_name":"Tegtmeier","norm_person":{"id":332,"first_name":"Erwin","last_name":"Tegtmeier","full_name":"Tegtmeier, Erwin","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172413745","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Categories and Subcategories","main_title":{"title":"Categories and Subcategories"},"abstract":"Starting from the traditional distinction between the minimal and the maximal division, the role of subcategories in Aristotle, as well as that of the highest categories, is discussed. The need for categorial properties which determine categories is pointed out. It is argued that an existent cannot have two such essential properties and that only the lowest subcategories have simple categorial properties. Furthermore, it is emphasised that categories and subcategories must form a tree because they belong to a theory of categories which requires unity. By contrast, it is held that the hierarchy of all concepts need not form a tree. The difficulties Porphyrius and Simplicius find in Aristotle\u2019s minimal and maximal division are analysed. Finally, Aristotle\u2019s way of avoiding categorial properties by referring to an abstraction is criticised. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/IN81x5WTB9e5jh5","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":332,"full_name":"Tegtmeier, Erwin","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":471,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Anuario Filos\u00f3fico","volume":"47","issue":"2","pages":"395-411"}},"sort":[2014]}

Science théologique et foi selon le commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo d’Aristote, 2014
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Coda, Elisa (Ed.), Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia (Ed.)

Title	Science théologique et foi selon le commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2014
Published in	De l'Antiquité tardive au Moyen Âge. Études de logique aristotélicienne et de philosophie grecque, syriaque, arabe et latine offertes à Henri Hugonnard-Roche
Pages	277-363
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Coda, Elisa , Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia
Translator(s)

En hommage aux recherches de Henri Hugonnard-Roche sur la philosophie naturelle dans le Moyen Âge latin, sur l’astronomie et la cosmologie, mais aussi sur les commentaires arabes au De Caelo d’Aristote, et plus généralement sur la postérité syriaque et arabe de la pensée aristotélicienne, cette étude générale portera sur un texte grec de l’Antiquité tardive : le commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo. Son propos est de considérer la nature de la religion philosophique néoplatonicienne dans le commentaire de Simplicius et d’en proposer une interprétation d’ensemble, en nouant les fils d’une recherche engagée dans trois publications antérieures : un article ancien consacré à la polémique de Simplicius contre Jean Philopon et à la question de la structure physique de la substance céleste, et deux autres études, plus récentes, consacrées à la triade chaldaïque Amour - Vérité - Foi (Érōs, Alêtheia, Pistis), qui a été formalisée par Proclus comme principe dynamique de la prière, et sur laquelle les commentaires à la Physique et au De Caelo offrent de précieux témoignages. Cette triade de puissances anagogiques est à l’œuvre notamment dans cet « hymne » au Démiurge que constitue le Commentaire au De Caelo. Au cours de la présente enquête, consacrée à une interprétation globale de l’œuvre de Simplicius, on complétera le dossier déjà rassemblé au sujet de la triade chaldaïque, en produisant notamment deux textes supplémentaires de Simplicius qui confirment explicitement que l’élaboration d’une pistis philosophique, à l’extrême fin de l’Antiquité, doit se comprendre dans le contexte de la controverse païenne contre l’« athéisme » chrétien. La traduction commentée d’un long extrait du commentaire, en annexe, permettra enfin d’étudier de près les présupposés spécifiquement néoplatoniciens qui guident l’exégète dans sa lecture d’Aristote, et les enjeux théologiques qui dominent son interprétation du De Caelo et préparent, dans l’expérience de la Foi, une union de « sympathie » avec la substance même du Ciel et avec le Démiurge. L’étude des œuvres philosophiques de l’Antiquité tardive, principalement des textes néoplatoniciens grecs, favorisée par un nombre impressionnant d’éditions critiques d’importance majeure, a connu ces dernières décennies un profond renouvellement herméneutique, grâce à une compréhension toujours approfondie des doctrines elles-mêmes, mais aussi à une attention accrue portée aux dimensions rhétoriques de ces textes, comme aux enjeux historiques, politiques, religieux, qui sont inséparables du très complexe système philosophique en devenir, forgé pendant près de quatre siècles, de Porphyre jusqu’aux derniers professeurs d’Alexandrie. L’étude du néoplatonisme ne peut être séparée de l’histoire générale, politique et religieuse, de l’Antiquité tardive. La théologie savante et la philosophie sont intimement liées, soit que la théologie apparaisse comme une « partie » de la philosophie, soit que l’ensemble du système philosophique se désigne lui-même comme une théologie, ainsi que le montrent les ouvrages majeurs de Proclus, intitulés Peri tôn kata Platōna Theologias (Théologie Platonicienne) ou Stoicheiosis Theologikê (Éléments de théologie), qui présentent selon des modes d’exposition très différents le déploiement de l’ensemble du système. La théologie savante s’enrichit et s’accompagne d’autres dimensions relevant du mode de vie même des philosophes néoplatoniciens et de leurs pratiques : rituels théurgiques, formes diverses de la piété à l’égard des dieux (eusebeia), mais aussi religion personnelle ou encore engagement dans la polémique anti-chrétienne. L’interprétation des textes eux-mêmes a été renouvelée par une attention accrue portée aux genres littéraires philosophiques et à la dimension pragmatique des œuvres. Les analyses de Pierre Hadot, en particulier, nourries d’une réflexion sur les « jeux de langage » de Wittgenstein, ont contribué à renouveler l’interprétation des commentaires néoplatoniciens, ceux de Simplicius notamment, envisagés comme des œuvres littéraires à part entière, avec leur régime spécifique de systématicité, leurs règles, leurs codes, leurs finalités pragmatiques propres. Au-delà de l’érudition scientifique et de la puissance conceptuelle qui caractérise le discours philosophique – nourri à la fois de la tradition péripatéticienne et des recherches des exégètes néoplatoniciens depuis Plotin et Porphyre – ces commentaires doivent se comprendre aussi comme des exercices de méditation spirituelle à finalité anagogique, que l’auteur pratique à la fois pour lui-même et pour ses destinataires, auditeurs ou lecteurs. Par leur dimension pragmatique, ils relèvent de la vie philosophique (bios) et ne sont plus seulement des éléments du discours philosophique (logos). [introduction p. 277-279]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Ns8nL2OGXc4Xj6K

{"_index":"sire","_id":"500","_score":null,"_source":{"id":500,"authors_free":[{"id":690,"entry_id":500,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":691,"entry_id":500,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":143,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Coda, Elisa","free_first_name":"Elisa","free_last_name":"Coda","norm_person":{"id":143,"first_name":"Elisa","last_name":"Coda","full_name":"Coda, Elisa","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1168595843","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":692,"entry_id":500,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":213,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia","free_first_name":"Cecilia","free_last_name":"Martini Bonadeo","norm_person":{"id":213,"first_name":"Cecilia","last_name":"Martini Bonadeo","full_name":"Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1047649543","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Science th\u00e9ologique et foi selon le commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo d\u2019Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Science th\u00e9ologique et foi selon le commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo d\u2019Aristote"},"abstract":"En hommage aux recherches de Henri Hugonnard-Roche sur la philosophie naturelle dans le Moyen \u00c2ge latin, sur l\u2019astronomie et la cosmologie, mais aussi sur les commentaires arabes au De Caelo d\u2019Aristote, et plus g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement sur la post\u00e9rit\u00e9 syriaque et arabe de la pens\u00e9e aristot\u00e9licienne, cette \u00e9tude g\u00e9n\u00e9rale portera sur un texte grec de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive : le commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo.\r\n\r\nSon propos est de consid\u00e9rer la nature de la religion philosophique n\u00e9oplatonicienne dans le commentaire de Simplicius et d\u2019en proposer une interpr\u00e9tation d\u2019ensemble, en nouant les fils d\u2019une recherche engag\u00e9e dans trois publications ant\u00e9rieures : un article ancien consacr\u00e9 \u00e0 la pol\u00e9mique de Simplicius contre Jean Philopon et \u00e0 la question de la structure physique de la substance c\u00e9leste, et deux autres \u00e9tudes, plus r\u00e9centes, consacr\u00e9es \u00e0 la triade chalda\u00efque Amour - V\u00e9rit\u00e9 - Foi (\u00c9r\u014ds, Al\u00eatheia, Pistis), qui a \u00e9t\u00e9 formalis\u00e9e par Proclus comme principe dynamique de la pri\u00e8re, et sur laquelle les commentaires \u00e0 la Physique et au De Caelo offrent de pr\u00e9cieux t\u00e9moignages.\r\n\r\nCette triade de puissances anagogiques est \u00e0 l\u2019\u0153uvre notamment dans cet \u00ab hymne \u00bb au D\u00e9miurge que constitue le Commentaire au De Caelo. Au cours de la pr\u00e9sente enqu\u00eate, consacr\u00e9e \u00e0 une interpr\u00e9tation globale de l\u2019\u0153uvre de Simplicius, on compl\u00e9tera le dossier d\u00e9j\u00e0 rassembl\u00e9 au sujet de la triade chalda\u00efque, en produisant notamment deux textes suppl\u00e9mentaires de Simplicius qui confirment explicitement que l\u2019\u00e9laboration d\u2019une pistis philosophique, \u00e0 l\u2019extr\u00eame fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9, doit se comprendre dans le contexte de la controverse pa\u00efenne contre l\u2019\u00ab ath\u00e9isme \u00bb chr\u00e9tien.\r\n\r\nLa traduction comment\u00e9e d\u2019un long extrait du commentaire, en annexe, permettra enfin d\u2019\u00e9tudier de pr\u00e8s les pr\u00e9suppos\u00e9s sp\u00e9cifiquement n\u00e9oplatoniciens qui guident l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8te dans sa lecture d\u2019Aristote, et les enjeux th\u00e9ologiques qui dominent son interpr\u00e9tation du De Caelo et pr\u00e9parent, dans l\u2019exp\u00e9rience de la Foi, une union de \u00ab sympathie \u00bb avec la substance m\u00eame du Ciel et avec le D\u00e9miurge.\r\n\r\nL\u2019\u00e9tude des \u0153uvres philosophiques de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive, principalement des textes n\u00e9oplatoniciens grecs, favoris\u00e9e par un nombre impressionnant d\u2019\u00e9ditions critiques d\u2019importance majeure, a connu ces derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies un profond renouvellement herm\u00e9neutique, gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 une compr\u00e9hension toujours approfondie des doctrines elles-m\u00eames, mais aussi \u00e0 une attention accrue port\u00e9e aux dimensions rh\u00e9toriques de ces textes, comme aux enjeux historiques, politiques, religieux, qui sont ins\u00e9parables du tr\u00e8s complexe syst\u00e8me philosophique en devenir, forg\u00e9 pendant pr\u00e8s de quatre si\u00e8cles, de Porphyre jusqu\u2019aux derniers professeurs d\u2019Alexandrie.\r\n\r\nL\u2019\u00e9tude du n\u00e9oplatonisme ne peut \u00eatre s\u00e9par\u00e9e de l\u2019histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale, politique et religieuse, de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive. La th\u00e9ologie savante et la philosophie sont intimement li\u00e9es, soit que la th\u00e9ologie apparaisse comme une \u00ab partie \u00bb de la philosophie, soit que l\u2019ensemble du syst\u00e8me philosophique se d\u00e9signe lui-m\u00eame comme une th\u00e9ologie, ainsi que le montrent les ouvrages majeurs de Proclus, intitul\u00e9s Peri t\u00f4n kata Plat\u014dna Theologias (Th\u00e9ologie Platonicienne) ou Stoicheiosis Theologik\u00ea (\u00c9l\u00e9ments de th\u00e9ologie), qui pr\u00e9sentent selon des modes d\u2019exposition tr\u00e8s diff\u00e9rents le d\u00e9ploiement de l\u2019ensemble du syst\u00e8me.\r\n\r\nLa th\u00e9ologie savante s\u2019enrichit et s\u2019accompagne d\u2019autres dimensions relevant du mode de vie m\u00eame des philosophes n\u00e9oplatoniciens et de leurs pratiques : rituels th\u00e9urgiques, formes diverses de la pi\u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9gard des dieux (eusebeia), mais aussi religion personnelle ou encore engagement dans la pol\u00e9mique anti-chr\u00e9tienne.\r\n\r\nL\u2019interpr\u00e9tation des textes eux-m\u00eames a \u00e9t\u00e9 renouvel\u00e9e par une attention accrue port\u00e9e aux genres litt\u00e9raires philosophiques et \u00e0 la dimension pragmatique des \u0153uvres. Les analyses de Pierre Hadot, en particulier, nourries d\u2019une r\u00e9flexion sur les \u00ab jeux de langage \u00bb de Wittgenstein, ont contribu\u00e9 \u00e0 renouveler l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation des commentaires n\u00e9oplatoniciens, ceux de Simplicius notamment, envisag\u00e9s comme des \u0153uvres litt\u00e9raires \u00e0 part enti\u00e8re, avec leur r\u00e9gime sp\u00e9cifique de syst\u00e9maticit\u00e9, leurs r\u00e8gles, leurs codes, leurs finalit\u00e9s pragmatiques propres.\r\n\r\nAu-del\u00e0 de l\u2019\u00e9rudition scientifique et de la puissance conceptuelle qui caract\u00e9rise le discours philosophique \u2013 nourri \u00e0 la fois de la tradition p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticienne et des recherches des ex\u00e9g\u00e8tes n\u00e9oplatoniciens depuis Plotin et Porphyre \u2013 ces commentaires doivent se comprendre aussi comme des exercices de m\u00e9ditation spirituelle \u00e0 finalit\u00e9 anagogique, que l\u2019auteur pratique \u00e0 la fois pour lui-m\u00eame et pour ses destinataires, auditeurs ou lecteurs. Par leur dimension pragmatique, ils rel\u00e8vent de la vie philosophique (bios) et ne sont plus seulement des \u00e9l\u00e9ments du discours philosophique (logos). [introduction p. 277-279]","btype":2,"date":"2014","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Ns8nL2OGXc4Xj6K","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":143,"full_name":"Coda, Elisa","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":213,"full_name":"Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":500,"section_of":360,"pages":"277-363","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":360,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"De l'Antiquit\u00e9 tardive au Moyen \u00c2ge. \u00c9tudes de logique aristot\u00e9licienne et de philosophie grecque, syriaque, arabe et latine offertes \u00e0 Henri Hugonnard-Roche","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Coda\/Martini2014","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2014","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2014","abstract":"La circulation du savoir philosophique \u00e0 travers les traductions du grec au syriaque, du grec \u00e0 l\u2019arabe, du syriaque \u00e0 l\u2019arabe, de l\u2019arabe au latin forme, depuis un si\u00e8cle et plus de recherches savantes, un domaine scientifique \u00e0 part enti\u00e8re. Ce volume r\u00e9unit des sp\u00e9cialistes des disciplines du domaine voulant rendre hommage \u00e0 un coll\u00e8gue dont l\u2019activit\u00e9 a ouvert une voie, Henri Hugonnard-Roche.\r\nSp\u00e9cialiste de la transmission du grec au syriaque de la logique aristot\u00e9licienne, Henri Hugonnard-Roche a montr\u00e9 par ses recherches la continuit\u00e9 entre la philosophie de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive et la pens\u00e9e des chr\u00e9tiens de langue syriaque d\u2019un c\u00f4t\u00e9, des savants musulmans \u00e9crivant en arabe, de l\u2019autre. R\u00e9unis souvent par ce que Werner Jaeger avait autrefois d\u00e9sign\u00e9 comme \u00ab la port\u00e9e \u0153cum\u00e9nique de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 classique \u00bb, des musulmans et des chr\u00e9tiens faisant partie d\u2019un cercle philosophique se penchaient, dans la ville de Bagdad au Xe si\u00e8cle, sur le texte d\u2019Aristote. Leur \u00ab Aristote \u00bb \u00e9tait souvent celui de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive : l\u2019Aristote de l\u2019\u00e9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne d\u2019Alexandrie que les intellectuels de la Syrie chr\u00e9tienne avaient d\u00e9j\u00e0 rencontr\u00e9 quelque quatre si\u00e8cles auparavant et qu\u2019ils avaient traduit, en m\u00eame temps que Galien, et parfois comment\u00e9. Des noms presque inconnus comme celui de Sergius de Resh\u2019ayna (mort en 536) commencent dans nos manuels \u00e0 en c\u00f4toyer d\u2019autres bien plus connus, comme celui de Bo\u00e8ce, gr\u00e2ce aux recherches de Henri Hugonnard-Roche. Ce volume, par la vari\u00e9t\u00e9 des langues qui s\u2019y entrem\u00ealent, des traditions de pens\u00e9e qu\u2019il fait fusionner, par l\u2019acribie des contributions et le caract\u00e8re novateur des \u00e9ditions de textes et des \u00e9tudes ponctuelles qu\u2019il contient, t\u00e9moigne du rayonnement international du savant auquel il est offert, et de l\u2019effervescence du domaine de recherche auquel il a si grandement contribu\u00e9. [Author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/j7haSVMVm5wa9du","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":360,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"\u00c9tudes musulmanes","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

‘Simplicius’ (Review of: On Aristotle Physics 1.5-9, translated by Hans Baltussen, Michael Atkinson, Michael Share and Ian Mueller), 2014
By: Fleet, Barrie

Title	‘Simplicius’ (Review of: On Aristotle Physics 1.5-9, translated by Hans Baltussen, Michael Atkinson, Michael Share and Ian Mueller)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	8
Issue	1
Pages	113-114
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fleet, Barrie
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

At the outset of Physics 1, Aristotle states that systematic knowledge of natural things and their changing character derives from a group of "principles (arkhai), causes (aitia), or elements (stoikheiai)." In this first book, he does not formally distinguish between these three terms, focusing instead on principles, although later commentators went to great lengths to formalize distinctions among them. Books 1 and 2 of Physics are devoted to seeking out the principles of change within the realm of natural science. Aristotle begins with commonly accepted propositions, “constantly appealing to what is ordinarily said or thought” (W. Charlton, Aristotle’s Physics I, II, Oxford, 1970, xi). Aristotle posits axiomatically that the principles of change in natural bodies are inherent in what comes into being from them, that they do not arise from one another or from external things, but that all things originate from these principles. He seeks to identify the rationally distinguishable factors inherent in the world of physical change. In chapters 1–4, he briefly reviews earlier theorists, such as Parmenides and Melissus, who posited a single principle and denied qualitative change, thereby placing themselves outside the scope of Aristotle’s inquiry. Aristotle concludes that principles must be multiple, either finite or infinite in number. The Neoplatonists, in general, prioritize Aristotle for questions of natural science and Plato for metaphysics. Book 1 of Physics straddles these two domains, and Simplicius, a 6th-century AD commentator, is eager throughout to demonstrate the harmony between Plato and Aristotle. Simplicius appeals particularly to Phaedo, Sophist, Philebus, Phaedrus, and Timaeus to suggest that many of Aristotle’s ideas were anticipated by Plato. In chapter 5, Aristotle asserts that everyone agrees the opposites (ta enantia) are principles, though there is considerable variation regarding what these opposites, as primary principles of physical change, are. Aristotle's approach differs from Plato’s Argument from Opposites in Phaedo. He reduces physical change to an underlying matter and, rather than a pair of opposites, considers the presence or absence of an opposite. The absence is redefined as "privation" (sterêsis) of a form, with a possible critique of John Philoponus—though this is contested by Sorabji (Introduction, pp. 4–7). Simplicius provides a detailed analysis of Aristotle’s arguments, distinguishing between primary and secondary principles, substance and contraries, per accidens and per se, and potential and actual—though M. suggests (n. 16) that at least once “Simplicius has no clue.” Simplicius draws parallels between Aristotelian matter and Plato’s Receptacle in Timaeus and the great-and-small in Philebus. He defines matter explicitly at 230,22 and finds congruence between Plato and Aristotle regarding the distinction between the first form, which is genuinely separate, and the natural form immanent in individual compound objects, which perishes with the compound. Simplicius uses Aristotle’s discussion of privation in chapters 7–9 to defend Plato against the charge of giving undue credence to Parmenides' unitary concept of Being. He extensively quotes Sophist to show that Plato recognized but did not emphasize privation, opting instead to discuss the presence or absence of form. Where Aristotle uses privation, Plato prefers the concept of "the other." Simplicius concludes that Plato and Aristotle are not in conflict regarding principles: Plato sought the per se causes of being that are elemental and inherent, while Aristotle sought causes of change, including privation as a per accidens cause. Simplicius frequently cites other commentators, especially Alexander of Aphrodisias, offering a dense and complex analysis that illuminates not only Aristotle’s text but also its reception by a Neoplatonist of the 6th century AD. This edition, translated by four contributors with glossaries by Sebastian Gertz and editorial notes by Richard Sorabji, provides accurate and fluent translations with minimal errors, despite being a collective effort. However, a more detailed note on logos, often left untranslated, would be valuable. Note 252 on p. 155 repeats paragraph 3 of the Introduction (p. 11). Overall, this translation is a significant contribution to Aristotelian studies. [The entire review p. 113-114]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nqkDsZcyl8kNw0V

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Books 1 and 2 of Physics are devoted to seeking out the principles of change within the realm of natural science. Aristotle begins with commonly accepted propositions, \u201cconstantly appealing to what is ordinarily said or thought\u201d (W. Charlton, Aristotle\u2019s Physics I, II, Oxford, 1970, xi).\r\n\r\nAristotle posits axiomatically that the principles of change in natural bodies are inherent in what comes into being from them, that they do not arise from one another or from external things, but that all things originate from these principles. He seeks to identify the rationally distinguishable factors inherent in the world of physical change. In chapters 1\u20134, he briefly reviews earlier theorists, such as Parmenides and Melissus, who posited a single principle and denied qualitative change, thereby placing themselves outside the scope of Aristotle\u2019s inquiry. Aristotle concludes that principles must be multiple, either finite or infinite in number.\r\n\r\nThe Neoplatonists, in general, prioritize Aristotle for questions of natural science and Plato for metaphysics. Book 1 of Physics straddles these two domains, and Simplicius, a 6th-century AD commentator, is eager throughout to demonstrate the harmony between Plato and Aristotle. Simplicius appeals particularly to Phaedo, Sophist, Philebus, Phaedrus, and Timaeus to suggest that many of Aristotle\u2019s ideas were anticipated by Plato.\r\n\r\nIn chapter 5, Aristotle asserts that everyone agrees the opposites (ta enantia) are principles, though there is considerable variation regarding what these opposites, as primary principles of physical change, are. Aristotle's approach differs from Plato\u2019s Argument from Opposites in Phaedo. He reduces physical change to an underlying matter and, rather than a pair of opposites, considers the presence or absence of an opposite. The absence is redefined as \"privation\" (ster\u00easis) of a form, with a possible critique of John Philoponus\u2014though this is contested by Sorabji (Introduction, pp. 4\u20137). Simplicius provides a detailed analysis of Aristotle\u2019s arguments, distinguishing between primary and secondary principles, substance and contraries, per accidens and per se, and potential and actual\u2014though M. suggests (n. 16) that at least once \u201cSimplicius has no clue.\u201d\r\n\r\nSimplicius draws parallels between Aristotelian matter and Plato\u2019s Receptacle in Timaeus and the great-and-small in Philebus. He defines matter explicitly at 230,22 and finds congruence between Plato and Aristotle regarding the distinction between the first form, which is genuinely separate, and the natural form immanent in individual compound objects, which perishes with the compound.\r\n\r\nSimplicius uses Aristotle\u2019s discussion of privation in chapters 7\u20139 to defend Plato against the charge of giving undue credence to Parmenides' unitary concept of Being. He extensively quotes Sophist to show that Plato recognized but did not emphasize privation, opting instead to discuss the presence or absence of form. Where Aristotle uses privation, Plato prefers the concept of \"the other.\" Simplicius concludes that Plato and Aristotle are not in conflict regarding principles: Plato sought the per se causes of being that are elemental and inherent, while Aristotle sought causes of change, including privation as a per accidens cause.\r\n\r\nSimplicius frequently cites other commentators, especially Alexander of Aphrodisias, offering a dense and complex analysis that illuminates not only Aristotle\u2019s text but also its reception by a Neoplatonist of the 6th century AD.\r\n\r\nThis edition, translated by four contributors with glossaries by Sebastian Gertz and editorial notes by Richard Sorabji, provides accurate and fluent translations with minimal errors, despite being a collective effort. However, a more detailed note on logos, often left untranslated, would be valuable. Note 252 on p. 155 repeats paragraph 3 of the Introduction (p. 11). Overall, this translation is a significant contribution to Aristotelian studies. [The entire review p. 113-114]","btype":3,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nqkDsZcyl8kNw0V","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":117,"full_name":"Fleet, Barrie","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":594,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition","volume":"8","issue":"1","pages":"113-114"}},"sort":[2014]}

Stoicism and Byzantine philosophy: Proairesis in Epictetus and Nicephorus Blemmydes, 2014
By: Sotiria Triantari

Title	Stoicism and Byzantine philosophy: Proairesis in Epictetus and Nicephorus Blemmydes
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch Fur Antike Und Mittelalter
Volume	17
Issue	1
Pages	85-98
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sotiria Triantari
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Was the Byzantine thinker Nicephorus Blemmydes directly influenced in his views about human “proairesis” by the Stoic Epictetus or did he take over his views from the Neoplatonic Simplicius? After exploring Blemmydes’ reception of Epictetus, one can say that Blemmydes drew elements in a brief treatise under the title “De virtute et ascesi” from the mainly Neoplatonic Simplicius, who commented on the handbook by the Stoic Epictetus. Blemmydes, following Simplicius identifies “φ’ μν” with “aftexousion” and he designates “proairesis” as an activity, which emanates from “aftexousion”. Blemmydes shows the moral power of “proairesis” as a transforming factor of human existence and the mediatory factor to the dialectical relation between man and God. For the completion of the study, the following sources have been used: Blemmydes’ De virtute et ascesi, Epictetus’ Handbook, and Neoplatonic Simplicius’ commentaries on the Handbook. I specifically focus on the views of Aristotle, Epictetus, and Neoplatonic Simplicius about “proairesis” and compare the views of Blemmydes to Simplicius’ ideas. I conclude that Blemmydes drew ideas from Simplicius, with regard to human “proairesis” and in the context of the practising and cultivating virtues in everyday life. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/L5aG4m1stEAka7L

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1596","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1596,"authors_free":[{"id":2796,"entry_id":1596,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sotiria Triantari","free_first_name":"Sotiria","free_last_name":"Triantari","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Stoicism and Byzantine philosophy: Proairesis in Epictetus and Nicephorus Blemmydes","main_title":{"title":"Stoicism and Byzantine philosophy: Proairesis in Epictetus and Nicephorus Blemmydes"},"abstract":"Was the Byzantine thinker Nicephorus Blemmydes directly influenced in his views about human \u201cproairesis\u201d by the Stoic Epictetus or did he take over his views from the Neoplatonic Simplicius? After exploring Blemmydes\u2019 reception of Epictetus, one can say that Blemmydes drew elements in a brief treatise under the title \u201cDe virtute et ascesi\u201d from the mainly Neoplatonic Simplicius, who commented on the handbook by the Stoic Epictetus. Blemmydes, following Simplicius identifies \u201c\u03c6\u2019 \u03bc\u03bd\u201d with \u201caftexousion\u201d and he designates \u201cproairesis\u201d as an activity, which emanates from \u201caftexousion\u201d. Blemmydes shows the moral power of \u201cproairesis\u201d as a transforming factor of human existence and the mediatory factor to the dialectical relation between man and God. For the completion of the study, the following sources have been used: Blemmydes\u2019 De virtute et ascesi, Epictetus\u2019 Handbook, and Neoplatonic Simplicius\u2019 commentaries on the Handbook. I specifically focus on the views of Aristotle, Epictetus, and Neoplatonic Simplicius about \u201cproairesis\u201d and compare the views of Blemmydes to Simplicius\u2019 ideas. I conclude that Blemmydes drew ideas from Simplicius, with regard to human \u201cproairesis\u201d and in the context of the practising and cultivating virtues in everyday life. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/L5aG4m1stEAka7L","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1596,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch Fur Antike Und Mittelalter","volume":"17","issue":"1","pages":"85-98"}},"sort":[2014]}

Simplicius et le “lieu”. À propos d’une nouvelle édition du Corollarium de loco, 2014
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Hoffmann, Philippe

Title	Simplicius et le “lieu”. À propos d’une nouvelle édition du Corollarium de loco
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2014
Journal	Revue des Études Grecques
Volume	127
Issue	1
Pages	119-175
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis , Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The digression labelled “Corollarium de loco” by Hermann Diels in his edition of Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics (Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, IX, Berlin 1882) is a key text in the debate - often referred to by specialists as magna quaestio - generated by an apparent lack of consistency between Aristotle’s definition of ‘place’ (topos) as “the first unmoved boundary of the surrounding body” (Phys. IV, 4, 212 a 20-21) and his assertion that the Heaven moves in a circle while not being ‘somewhere’, since it is not surrounded by any body that would be exterior to it. Following the steps of his master Damascius, and at the end of a long discussion initiated by Neoplatonists after Plotinus (principally by Iamblichus, Proclus and Syrianus), Simplicius replaces Aristotle’s definition with a new definition of place as a “gathering (or uniting) measure” (metron sunagôgon), which is one of the four “measures” (number, size, place, time) or gathering powers that protect the intelligible and sensible entities against the dangers of the dispersion related to the procession of reality. This doctrine places physics in a decidedly theological perspective since, in last analysis, these uniting powers derive from the One or Good per se. Our understanding of this crucial text for our knowledge of the Neoplatonic philosophy of Nature will be improved thanks to a new critical edition (with French translation and notes), to be published soon in the collection “Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca and Byzantina” (by Walter de Gruyter) under the auspices of the Academy of Sciences of Bcrlin-Brandenburg. The new edition is based not only on a fresh collation of the two manuscripts used by Diels (Marciani graeci 227 and 229) but also on a Moscow manuscript (Mosquensis Muz. 3649) unknown to the German scholar, since it belonged during the nineteenth century to a private Russian collection. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CopNdLIRs5QEoZb

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1321","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1321,"authors_free":[{"id":1955,"entry_id":1321,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":129,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","free_first_name":"Pantelis","free_last_name":"Golitsis","norm_person":{"id":129,"first_name":"Pantelis","last_name":"Golitsis","full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2378,"entry_id":1321,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius et le \u201clieu\u201d. \u00c0 propos d\u2019une nouvelle \u00e9dition du Corollarium de loco","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius et le \u201clieu\u201d. \u00c0 propos d\u2019une nouvelle \u00e9dition du Corollarium de loco"},"abstract":"The digression labelled \u201cCorollarium de loco\u201d by Hermann Diels in his edition of Simplicius\u2019 commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics (Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, IX, Berlin 1882) is a key text in the debate - often referred to by specialists as magna quaestio - generated by an apparent lack of consistency between Aristotle\u2019s definition of \u2018place\u2019 (topos) as \u201cthe first unmoved boundary \r\nof the surrounding body\u201d (Phys. IV, 4, 212 a 20-21) and his assertion that the Heaven moves in a circle while not being \u2018somewhere\u2019, since it is not surrounded by any body that would be exterior to it. Following the steps of his master Damascius, and at the end of a long discussion initiated by Neoplatonists after Plotinus (principally by Iamblichus, Proclus and Syrianus), Simplicius replaces Aristotle\u2019s definition with a new definition of place as a \u201cgathering (or uniting) measure\u201d (metron sunag\u00f4gon), which is one of the four \u201cmeasures\u201d (number, size, place, time) or gathering powers that protect the intelligible and sensible \r\nentities against the dangers of the dispersion related to the procession of reality. This doctrine places physics in a decidedly theological perspective since, in last analysis, these uniting powers derive from the One or Good per se. Our under\u00adstanding of this crucial text for our knowledge of the Neoplatonic philosophy of \r\nNature will be improved thanks to a new critical edition (with French translation and notes), to be published soon in the collection \u201cCommentaria in Aristotelem Graeca and Byzantina\u201d (by Walter de Gruyter) under the auspices of the Academy \r\nof Sciences of Bcrlin-Brandenburg. The new edition is based not only on a fresh collation of the two manuscripts used by Diels (Marciani graeci 227 and 229) but also on a Moscow manuscript (Mosquensis Muz. 3649) unknown to the Ger\u00adman scholar, since it belonged during the nineteenth century to a private Russian \r\ncollection. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2014","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CopNdLIRs5QEoZb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":129,"full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1321,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue des \u00c9tudes Grecques ","volume":"127","issue":"1","pages":"119-175"}},"sort":[2014]}

Simplicius et l'Infini, 2014
By: Soulier, Philippe

Title	Simplicius et l'Infini
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2014
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Les Belles Lettres
Series	Anagoge
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Soulier, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Comment penser la presence de l'infini dans la phenomenalite du monde fini? Comment articuler l'affirmation de la finitude du monde et celle de l'infinie puissance de son principe, en dehors de toute cosmogonie creationniste? Redige a la fin de l'Antiquite, le Commentaire a la Physique d'Aristote du au philosophe neoplatonicien Simplicius offre une reponse a ces questions. Il montre comment l'analyse du monde fini, tel qu'il est donne dans l'experience phenomenale, permet d'y decouvrir l'inscription d'une puissance d'un autre ordre. Il fait meme de la reconnaissance de cette puissance une condition d'acces a l'intelligibilite du devenir. Le present ouvrage propose une mise en perspective de l'histoire du probleme de l'infini (apeiron) dans la philosophie grecque antique, a travers l'etude de la mutation du sens et de la valeur accordes a ce concept dans le Commentaire de Simplicius (In Physicam, III, 4-8). Toutefois, ce texte n'est pas simplement situe comme un document d'etape. Certes, on y dechiffre le symptome d'un puissant mouvement historique de transition spirituelle: a partir d'un illimite negativement connote depuis le tournant parmenidien, celle-ci debouchera, par le relais de la philosophie medievale, sur l'idee moderne d'une infinite positive. Mais le passage de l'illimite a l'infini designe encore un mouvement anagogique interne a la demarche meme de l'exegese de Simplicius. De fait, la critique aristotelicienne du faux infini engendre par la representation y est interpretee comme une preparation a la celebration d'une infinite expressive de la puissance de l'Un, laquelle deploie sa fecondite depuis l'ordre intelligible jusqu'au devenir sublunaire. Appuyee sur des traductions inedites de textes de Simplicius, mais aussi de Jamblique, de Syrianus et de Proclus, cette enquete excede le seul spectre doctrinal du platonisme depuis Plotin. Outre le destin de pensees presocratiques comme celles d'Anaxagore et des Pythagoriciens, elle interroge egalement le statut problematique de la doctrine orale attribuee a Platon, le moyen platonisme, le pythagorisme hellenistique - et au premier chef la philosophie aristotelicienne elle-meme. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JrD8HJm6kzr3RyC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1424","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1424,"authors_free":[{"id":2235,"entry_id":1424,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":408,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Soulier, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Soulier","norm_person":{"id":408,"first_name":"Philippe","last_name":"Soulier","full_name":"Soulier, Philippe","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1059727145","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius et l'Infini","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius et l'Infini"},"abstract":"Comment penser la presence de l'infini dans la phenomenalite du monde fini? Comment articuler l'affirmation de la finitude du monde et celle de l'infinie puissance de son principe, en dehors de toute cosmogonie creationniste? Redige a la fin de l'Antiquite, le Commentaire a la Physique d'Aristote du au philosophe neoplatonicien Simplicius offre une reponse a ces questions. Il montre comment l'analyse du monde fini, tel qu'il est donne dans l'experience phenomenale, permet d'y decouvrir l'inscription d'une puissance d'un autre ordre. Il fait meme de la reconnaissance de cette puissance une condition d'acces a l'intelligibilite du devenir. Le present ouvrage propose une mise en perspective de l'histoire du probleme de l'infini (apeiron) dans la philosophie grecque antique, a travers l'etude de la mutation du sens et de la valeur accordes a ce concept dans le Commentaire de Simplicius (In Physicam, III, 4-8). Toutefois, ce texte n'est pas simplement situe comme un document d'etape. Certes, on y dechiffre le symptome d'un puissant mouvement historique de transition spirituelle: a partir d'un illimite negativement connote depuis le tournant parmenidien, celle-ci debouchera, par le relais de la philosophie medievale, sur l'idee moderne d'une infinite positive. Mais le passage de l'illimite a l'infini designe encore un mouvement anagogique interne a la demarche meme de l'exegese de Simplicius. De fait, la critique aristotelicienne du faux infini engendre par la representation y est interpretee comme une preparation a la celebration d'une infinite expressive de la puissance de l'Un, laquelle deploie sa fecondite depuis l'ordre intelligible jusqu'au devenir sublunaire. Appuyee sur des traductions inedites de textes de Simplicius, mais aussi de Jamblique, de Syrianus et de Proclus, cette enquete excede le seul spectre doctrinal du platonisme depuis Plotin. Outre le destin de pensees presocratiques comme celles d'Anaxagore et des Pythagoriciens, elle interroge egalement le statut problematique de la doctrine orale attribuee a Platon, le moyen platonisme, le pythagorisme hellenistique - et au premier chef la philosophie aristotelicienne elle-meme. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2014","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/JrD8HJm6kzr3RyC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":408,"full_name":"Soulier, Philippe","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1424,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Les Belles Lettres","series":" Anagoge","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

The text of Simplicius’s Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics and the question of supralinear omicron in Greek manuscripts, 2014
By: Tarán, Leonardo

Title	The text of Simplicius’s Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics and the question of supralinear omicron in Greek manuscripts
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Revue d’histoire des textes
Volume	9
Pages	351-358
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarán, Leonardo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper tries to establish that supralinear omicron is not, as most elementary introductions to Greek paleography have it, a simple abbreviation for the ending omicron-sigma. Rather, it was originally a symbol for suspension that later medieval scribes used also for other subordinated purposes which are impossible to classify. Some examples will be given in what follows. For a long time this interpretation had seemed so obvious to me that during a 1985 colloquium on Simplicius in Paris, it surprised me that some members of the audience objected that supralinear omicron is simply an abbreviation for omicron-sigma. As this occurred during my discussion of a passage of Simplicius’s Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, and as several of my examples come from that work, it is convenient to give a list of the manuscripts used by Diels and also of additional prim ary witnesses either rejected by, or not known to him. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/euNEGjD514bsBaT

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Aristotle’s Topics in the Greek Neoplatonic Commentaries on the Categories, 2014
By: Militello, Chiara

Title	Aristotle’s Topics in the Greek Neoplatonic Commentaries on the Categories
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	PEITHO / EXAMINA ANTIQUA
Volume	1
Issue	5
Pages	91-117
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Militello, Chiara
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper lists and examines the explicit references to Aristotle’s Topics in the Greek Neoplatonic commentaries on the Categories. The references to the Topics by Porphyry, Dexippus, Ammonius, Simplicius, Olympiodorus, Philoponus and David (Elias) are listed according the usual prolegomena to Aristotle’s works. In particular, the paper reconstructs David (Elias)’s original thesis about the proponents of the title Pre-Topics for the Categories and compares Ammonius’, Simplicius’ and Olympiodorus’ doxographies about the postpraedicamenta. Moreover, the study identifies two general trends. The first one is that all the commentators after Proclus share the same general view about: the authenticity of the Topics, Aristotle’s writing style in them, the part of philosophy to which they belong, their purpose, their usefulness and their place in the reading order. The second one is that whereas Porphyry, Dexippus and Simplicius use the Topics as an aid to understanding the Categories, Ammonius, Olympiodorus and David (Elias) do not. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/62qOZqwQ9rtCf7S

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Simplicius on Categories 1a16–17 and 1b25–27: An Examination of the Interests of Ancient and Modern Commentary on the Categories, 2014
By: Almeida, Joseph

Title	Simplicius on Categories 1a16–17 and 1b25–27: An Examination of the Interests of Ancient and Modern Commentary on the Categories
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Quaestiones Disputatae
Volume	4
Issue	2
Pages	73-99
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Almeida, Joseph
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

We may gather these observations into several points. First, Simplicius’s commentary on the Categories shows, not surprisingly, the influence of the great Neoplatonic spiritual odyssey of return to first principles. The final prayer offered at the termination of his commentary is a stunning testimony to the power which this spiritual program exerted on the ancient commentators: "I stop my discourse, invoking the Guardians of the Logoi to grant me a more accurate understanding of these matters and to favor me with this understanding as a viaticum toward higher contemplations and to provide me leisure from the distractions of life." For Simplicius, commentary on Aristotle could never be wholly separated from this overarching spiritual purpose. In at least one of the passages considered above, this influence manifested itself in an attempt to elucidate Aristotle’s text as the lesser mysteries on route to the higher. As this program and its consequences are central to the business of Neoplatonic commentary on the Categories, so it is, in its central impetus, irrelevant to the interests of the modern program of solving the problem of the Categories. Second, Simplicius was a happy heir of a long tradition, part of which conditioned commentators to see the Categories as a text for beginners in philosophy. Embracing this teaching, Simplicius does not hesitate to deflect certain difficulties presented by the text with appeal to the elementary nature of the Categories, content to leave a real solution to more advanced speculations elsewhere. When modern interest is focused on just such a problem, such a treatment is of little value. Third, the same tradition obligates Simplicius to harmonize Aristotle with Plato. At least in the example considered above, the reconciliation can involve certain abstruse points of Neoplatonic philosophy. Such commentary is no doubt of great value to students of Neoplatonism but will generally miss the mark set by the interests of modern inquiry. These three points appear relatively secure and of universal application to the body of ancient commentary on the Categories. There is, however, a fourth point, to be stated cautiously because of the limited data examined. When Simplicius spoke directly to the passages in question in Cat. 1a16–17 and 1b25–27, he did not seem to appreciate the issues which interested modern readers of the Categories—namely, that the doctrine of simple expressions presents a philosophical theory in need of expansion and illumination, a problem to be solved in relation to a theory of categories in general rather than a solution to be applied to questions concerning the identity and nature of the Aristotelian categories in particular. This is not to say that a modern reader will never find anywhere in Simplicius a discussion corresponding to his interest, but that in all likelihood it would be serendipitous and peripheral to Simplicius’s own primary interest in the Categories. These observations warrant the conclusion that there is indeed a separation between the interests of the ancient and modern commentators on the Categories. In its strong form, the conclusion is that the separation is absolute. This is in accord with Praechter’s position in his classic review of the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca (i.e., that the commentaries will prove to be essentially of historic value): “[They will be] invaluable for the history of the Greek language, for the lexicon as well as for the grammar”; “[They will be invaluable] for understanding how ancient philosophy was able to fulfill the vast cultural mission which befell it in antiquity as sovereign in the realm of Weltanschauung, and in the Middle Ages as the ‘handmaiden of theology.’” Even Sorabji, who seems to regard the independent philosophical value of the commentaries more highly than Praechter, recommends them to students of Aristotle with a note of caution: “The distorting Neoplatonist context... does not prevent the commentaries from being incomparable guides to Aristotle. The commentators... have minutely detailed knowledge of the entire Aristotelian corpus... Moreover, commentators are enjoined neither to accept nor to reject what Aristotle says too readily, but to consider it in depth and without partiality. The commentaries draw one’s attention to hundreds of phrases, sentences, and ideas in Aristotle which one could easily have passed over... The scholar who makes the right allowance for the distorting context will learn far more about Aristotle than he would on his own.” Although this is a more positive view of the substantive content of the commentaries, the illumination of sentences and ideas still does not address the needs of the kind of modern inquiry exemplified in our discussion. Because the conclusion is drawn from limited data—namely, a close reading of about sixty pages of the Berlin text of Simplicius on the Categories—it must remain tentative and provisional. However, truth to be told, the tremendous effort involved in reading even cursorily just one of the ancient commentaries on the Categories, let alone with an eye to the intersection between Neoplatonic and modern interest, may leave the matter open for quite some time. [conclusion p. 97-99]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OzmApALBY8ZdgnX

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The final prayer offered at the termination of his commentary is a stunning testimony to the power which this spiritual program exerted on the ancient commentators:\r\n\r\n \"I stop my discourse, invoking the Guardians of the Logoi to grant me a more accurate understanding of these matters and to favor me with this understanding as a viaticum toward higher contemplations and to provide me leisure from the distractions of life.\"\r\n\r\nFor Simplicius, commentary on Aristotle could never be wholly separated from this overarching spiritual purpose. In at least one of the passages considered above, this influence manifested itself in an attempt to elucidate Aristotle\u2019s text as the lesser mysteries on route to the higher. As this program and its consequences are central to the business of Neoplatonic commentary on the Categories, so it is, in its central impetus, irrelevant to the interests of the modern program of solving the problem of the Categories.\r\n\r\nSecond, Simplicius was a happy heir of a long tradition, part of which conditioned commentators to see the Categories as a text for beginners in philosophy. Embracing this teaching, Simplicius does not hesitate to deflect certain difficulties presented by the text with appeal to the elementary nature of the Categories, content to leave a real solution to more advanced speculations elsewhere. When modern interest is focused on just such a problem, such a treatment is of little value.\r\n\r\nThird, the same tradition obligates Simplicius to harmonize Aristotle with Plato. At least in the example considered above, the reconciliation can involve certain abstruse points of Neoplatonic philosophy. Such commentary is no doubt of great value to students of Neoplatonism but will generally miss the mark set by the interests of modern inquiry.\r\n\r\nThese three points appear relatively secure and of universal application to the body of ancient commentary on the Categories. There is, however, a fourth point, to be stated cautiously because of the limited data examined. When Simplicius spoke directly to the passages in question in Cat. 1a16\u201317 and 1b25\u201327, he did not seem to appreciate the issues which interested modern readers of the Categories\u2014namely, that the doctrine of simple expressions presents a philosophical theory in need of expansion and illumination, a problem to be solved in relation to a theory of categories in general rather than a solution to be applied to questions concerning the identity and nature of the Aristotelian categories in particular.\r\n\r\nThis is not to say that a modern reader will never find anywhere in Simplicius a discussion corresponding to his interest, but that in all likelihood it would be serendipitous and peripheral to Simplicius\u2019s own primary interest in the Categories.\r\n\r\nThese observations warrant the conclusion that there is indeed a separation between the interests of the ancient and modern commentators on the Categories. In its strong form, the conclusion is that the separation is absolute. This is in accord with Praechter\u2019s position in his classic review of the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca (i.e., that the commentaries will prove to be essentially of historic value):\r\n\r\n \u201c[They will be] invaluable for the history of the Greek language, for the lexicon as well as for the grammar\u201d;\r\n \u201c[They will be invaluable] for understanding how ancient philosophy was able to fulfill the vast cultural mission which befell it in antiquity as sovereign in the realm of Weltanschauung, and in the Middle Ages as the \u2018handmaiden of theology.\u2019\u201d\r\n\r\nEven Sorabji, who seems to regard the independent philosophical value of the commentaries more highly than Praechter, recommends them to students of Aristotle with a note of caution:\r\n\r\n \u201cThe distorting Neoplatonist context... does not prevent the commentaries from being incomparable guides to Aristotle. The commentators... have minutely detailed knowledge of the entire Aristotelian corpus... Moreover, commentators are enjoined neither to accept nor to reject what Aristotle says too readily, but to consider it in depth and without partiality. The commentaries draw one\u2019s attention to hundreds of phrases, sentences, and ideas in Aristotle which one could easily have passed over... The scholar who makes the right allowance for the distorting context will learn far more about Aristotle than he would on his own.\u201d\r\n\r\nAlthough this is a more positive view of the substantive content of the commentaries, the illumination of sentences and ideas still does not address the needs of the kind of modern inquiry exemplified in our discussion.\r\n\r\nBecause the conclusion is drawn from limited data\u2014namely, a close reading of about sixty pages of the Berlin text of Simplicius on the Categories\u2014it must remain tentative and provisional. However, truth to be told, the tremendous effort involved in reading even cursorily just one of the ancient commentaries on the Categories, let alone with an eye to the intersection between Neoplatonic and modern interest, may leave the matter open for quite some time.\r\n[conclusion p. 97-99]","btype":3,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/OzmApALBY8ZdgnX","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":557,"full_name":"Almeida, Joseph","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1499,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Quaestiones Disputatae","volume":"4","issue":"2","pages":"73-99"}},"sort":[2014]}

On Activity and Passivity in Perception: Aristotle, Philoponus, and Pseudo-Simplicius, 2014
By: Tuominen, Miira, Silva, José Filipe (Ed.)

Title	On Activity and Passivity in Perception: Aristotle, Philoponus, and Pseudo-Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2014
Published in	Active Perception in the History of Philosophy From Plato to Modern Philosophy
Pages	55-78
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tuominen, Miira
Editor(s)	Silva, José Filipe
Translator(s)

Ancient and late ancient theories of perception are often described by a generalisation according to which Aristotle held a passive theory whereas Plato, the Platonists and the Neoplatonists supposed perception to be something active. I shall argue that, despite this general difference, there are important points of convergence in the theories of Aristotle and his Neoplatonic commentators. First, the notion of activity is important for Aristotle’s theory as well. Perception not only is an activity (energeia) for Aristotle. It is a perfect activity, the perfection of which is the activity itself and is thus not dependent on an external product. Further, the reception of forms without matter is by no means an exhaustive description of perceptual cognition in Aristotle. The sensitive soul is also capable of memory, imagination, and non-universal generalisation Aristotle calls ‘experience’. Human beings who have reason also make perceptual judgments that, however, are not identified with perceptions in Aristotle’s theory. While the Neoplatonic commentators on Aristotle’s De anima modified his theory in several ways and underlined the activity of the soul, I contend that they also maintained some of Aristotle’s core assumptions. By contrast to Aristotle, they identified perception with rational perceptual judgments. However, I argue that they still retained the assumption that there also is sensation of external objects but ascribed this to the sense organism rather than the sensitive soul. The point is rather clear in Pseudo-Simplicius and I also argue that it is likely that Philoponus maintained a similar view. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

Active Perception in the History of Philosophy From Plato to Modern Philosophy , 2014
By: Silva, José Filipe (Ed.)

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I shall argue that, despite this general difference, there are important points of convergence in the theories of Aristotle and his Neoplatonic commentators. First, the notion of activity is important for Aristotle\u2019s theory as well. Perception not only is an activity (energeia) for Aristotle. It is a perfect activity, the perfection of which is the activity itself and is thus not dependent on an external product. Further, the reception of forms without matter is by no means an exhaustive description of perceptual cognition in Aristotle. The sensitive soul is also capable of memory, imagination, and non-universal generalisation Aristotle calls \u2018experience\u2019. Human beings who have reason also make perceptual judgments that, however, are not identified with perceptions in Aristotle\u2019s theory.\r\n\r\nWhile the Neoplatonic commentators on Aristotle\u2019s De anima modified his theory in several ways and underlined the activity of the soul, I contend that they also maintained some of Aristotle\u2019s core assumptions. By contrast to Aristotle, they identified perception with rational perceptual judgments. However, I argue that they still retained the assumption that there also is sensation of external objects but ascribed this to the sense organism rather than the sensitive soul. The point is rather clear in Pseudo-Simplicius and I also argue that it is likely that Philoponus maintained a similar view. [author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/zXcOOevnjv8RyOa","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":434,"full_name":"Tuominen, Miira","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":559,"full_name":"Silva, Jos\u00e9 Filipe","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1506,"pubplace":"Berlin","publisher":"Springer","series":"Studies in the History of Philosophy of Mind","volume":"14","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":{"id":1506,"section_of":1507,"pages":"55-78","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1507,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Active Perception in the History of Philosophy From Plato to Modern Philosophy ","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2014","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"The aim of the present work is to show the roots of the conception of perception as an active process, tracing the history of its development from Plato to modern philosophy. The contributors inquire into what activity is taken to mean in different theories, challenging traditional historical accounts of perception that stress the passivity of percipients in coming to know the external world. Special attention is paid to the psychological and physiological mechanisms of perception, rational and non-rational perception and the role of awareness in the perceptual process. Perception has often been conceived as a process in which the passive aspects - such as the reception of sensory stimuli - were stressed and the active ones overlooked. However, during recent decades research in cognitive science and philosophy of mind has emphasized the activity of the subject in the process of sense perception, often associating this activity to the notions of attention and intentionality. Although it is recognized that there are ancient roots to the view that perception is fundamentally active, the history remains largely unexplored. The book is directed to all those interested in contemporary debates in the fields of philosophy of mind and cognitive psychology who would like to become acquainted with the historical background of active perception, but for historical reliability the aim is to make no compromises. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/QMx2DVooYGq5eIs","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1507,"pubplace":"Berlin","publisher":"Springer","series":"Studies in the History of Philosophy of Mind","volume":"14","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2014]}

Title	Active Perception in the History of Philosophy From Plato to Modern Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2014
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Springer
Series	Studies in the History of Philosophy of Mind
Volume	14
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Silva, José Filipe
Translator(s)

The aim of the present work is to show the roots of the conception of perception as an active process, tracing the history of its development from Plato to modern philosophy. The contributors inquire into what activity is taken to mean in different theories, challenging traditional historical accounts of perception that stress the passivity of percipients in coming to know the external world. Special attention is paid to the psychological and physiological mechanisms of perception, rational and non-rational perception and the role of awareness in the perceptual process. Perception has often been conceived as a process in which the passive aspects - such as the reception of sensory stimuli - were stressed and the active ones overlooked. However, during recent decades research in cognitive science and philosophy of mind has emphasized the activity of the subject in the process of sense perception, often associating this activity to the notions of attention and intentionality. Although it is recognized that there are ancient roots to the view that perception is fundamentally active, the history remains largely unexplored. The book is directed to all those interested in contemporary debates in the fields of philosophy of mind and cognitive psychology who would like to become acquainted with the historical background of active perception, but for historical reliability the aim is to make no compromises. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

The Aristotelian Commentaries and Platonism, 2014
By: Gerson, Lloyd P.

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Title	The Aristotelian Commentaries and Platonism
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Quaestiones Disputatae
Volume	2
Issue	4
Pages	7-23
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

All students of the history of philosophy are apt to be seduced by linearity. What I mean is this. Naturally, we read the texts of the history of philosophy in the chronological order in which they were written. So, for example, we read Aristotle after we read Plato. And we read the supposedly later works of Plato after the earlier ones. Perfectly reasonable. But in pursuing the task of trying to figure out the meaning of what we have read, we tend to seek out or suppose the “influence” of the earlier philosopher on the later or the “development” of the philosopher’s views. The employment of these two seemingly innocuous and certainly ubiquitous terms is in fact rarely edifying. An easy means of seeing why this is so is to ask what sort of Aristotelian cause influence and development are supposed to indicate. Since we are talking about temporal succession, presumably we would have in mind efficient or moving causes. But it only requires a moment’s reflection to realize that the views of one philosopher never stand in relation to the views of another as efficient cause to effect. Thus, for example, it is not because Plato believed that nominalism is false that Aristotle believed that nominalism is false, even if it is indeed the case that Aristotle accepted Platonic arguments to this effect. If, however, we loosen the connection between Plato and Aristotle and agree that the views of the former did not cause the views of the latter, what is the influence supposed to amount to? Indeed, why claim that Aristotle is influenced by Plato, with whom he happened to agree on many issues, and not by, say, Democritus, with whom he happened to disagree? Surely, one can be inspired to embrace a position that is exactly the opposite of that which one hears from another. Consider “development.” The perfectly anodyne sense of this term—namely, that according to which the sequence of writings in an author indicates the progress or course of his thought—is quite useless. But as soon as you try to gin up this weak sense of development into something more portentous, you get into serious trouble. If, for example, you say that Plato’s thought developed in the sense that his later dialogues represent an advancement in, or even a change from, his earlier thought—apart from cases of outright contradiction of which there are few or none—you have to specify what the development is a development of; that is, to use Aristotelian terminology once again, what is the underlying substrate for the development? But this underlying substrate will be the locus of continuity throughout the putative development; continuity that may be far more important than any change. I am not suggesting that Plato or any other philosopher never changed his mind. I am suggesting that the changes cannot ever be viewed uncritically as going from false to true or wrong to right. Consider someone who believes that the high point of Plato’s thinking occurred in the early or middle dialogues. Someone like this would not consider the middle or late dialogues developments in any sense but the anodyne one mentioned above. Some scholars, looking at the identical texts, believe that Aristotle developed from a Platonist to something like an anti-Platonist, while others believe that his anti-Platonism was only a “phase” after which he developed into a Platonist once again. None of this is very helpful. The reason I bring it up is that the Platonists of late antiquity who introduced the philosophical curriculum wherein the commentaries played such an important role were mostly impervious to the siren song of linearity. As we know from the accounts of the philosophical curriculum, perhaps introduced by Iamblichus or Porphyry in the late third century, students were obliged to study Aristotle before studying Plato. Studying Aristotle, or at least some of the works of Aristotle, was thought to be the most suitable preparation for studying Plato. The reason for this is quite simple: the Platonists were aiming at truth rather than what we might like to think of as an “objective and unbiased” account of the “development” of the history of philosophy. But we still should want to ask why the study of Aristotle was supposed to be conducive to understanding the truth as it is revealed in Plato and articulated by the man whom Proclus called “the exegete of the Platonic revelation,” namely, Plotinus. Simplicius provides a preliminary answer to this question when he says in his Physics commentary that Aristotle was authoritative for the sensible world as Plato was for the intelligible world. Beginning the study of philosophy “in” the sensible world, in accord with Aristotle’s remark in Physics—that we start with things more intelligible to us and move to things more intelligible by nature—puts the student in a better position to appreciate the more difficult insights found in the two works that comprise the culmination of philosophical study: namely, Timaeus and Parmenides. Let us be quite specific. The study of Categories is supposed to assist the student in preparing for the study of the intelligible world. Initially, this seems far-fetched. Indeed, it is not uncommon for contemporary Aristotle scholars to take Categories as in a way programmatic for an anti-Platonic Aristotelian philosophy, the focus of which is the individual sensible substance. So, on this showing, Iamblichus was naive to think that he was molding disciples of Platonism by having the students read Categories even before they encountered a dialogue of Plato. As I have argued elsewhere, Iamblichus and Simplicius and many other prominent Platonists of late antiquity believed that Aristotle’s philosophy was in harmony with Platonism. The way I characterized harmony was to argue that Aristotle’s philosophy stood to Platonism analogous to the way that Newtonian mechanics stood to quantum mechanics. I was and am not altogether happy with letting my argument rest on an analogy in part because, in trying to explore further the details of harmony, one soon runs up against the limitations of the analogy. Instead, I would like to pursue a different approach here. I would like to argue that what underlies the claims of harmony is a set of shared principles; shared not only by self-proclaimed Platonists and by Aristotle, but by virtually all philosophers from at least 200 CE until perhaps the beginning of the seventeenth century, with only a few notable exceptions. It will become clear as I proceed why I have cast my net so widely. And I hope it will also become clear why the Aristotelian commentary tradition remains a critical component in the larger Platonic project. [introduction p. 7-9]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fH9zEC1gXGTy5tA

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1510","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1510,"authors_free":[{"id":2623,"entry_id":1510,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":46,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","free_first_name":"Lloyd P.","free_last_name":"Gerson","norm_person":{"id":46,"first_name":"Lloyd P.","last_name":"Gerson","full_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131525573","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Aristotelian Commentaries and Platonism","main_title":{"title":"The Aristotelian Commentaries and Platonism"},"abstract":"All students of the history of philosophy are apt to be seduced by linearity. What I mean is this. Naturally, we read the texts of the history of philosophy in the chronological order in which they were written. So, for example, we read Aristotle after we read Plato. And we read the supposedly later works of Plato after the earlier ones. Perfectly reasonable. But in pursuing the task of trying to figure out the meaning of what we have read, we tend to seek out or suppose the \u201cinfluence\u201d of the earlier philosopher on the later or the \u201cdevelopment\u201d of the philosopher\u2019s views.\r\n\r\nThe employment of these two seemingly innocuous and certainly ubiquitous terms is in fact rarely edifying. An easy means of seeing why this is so is to ask what sort of Aristotelian cause influence and development are supposed to indicate. Since we are talking about temporal succession, presumably we would have in mind efficient or moving causes. But it only requires a moment\u2019s reflection to realize that the views of one philosopher never stand in relation to the views of another as efficient cause to effect.\r\n\r\nThus, for example, it is not because Plato believed that nominalism is false that Aristotle believed that nominalism is false, even if it is indeed the case that Aristotle accepted Platonic arguments to this effect. If, however, we loosen the connection between Plato and Aristotle and agree that the views of the former did not cause the views of the latter, what is the influence supposed to amount to? Indeed, why claim that Aristotle is influenced by Plato, with whom he happened to agree on many issues, and not by, say, Democritus, with whom he happened to disagree? Surely, one can be inspired to embrace a position that is exactly the opposite of that which one hears from another.\r\n\r\nConsider \u201cdevelopment.\u201d The perfectly anodyne sense of this term\u2014namely, that according to which the sequence of writings in an author indicates the progress or course of his thought\u2014is quite useless. But as soon as you try to gin up this weak sense of development into something more portentous, you get into serious trouble. If, for example, you say that Plato\u2019s thought developed in the sense that his later dialogues represent an advancement in, or even a change from, his earlier thought\u2014apart from cases of outright contradiction of which there are few or none\u2014you have to specify what the development is a development of; that is, to use Aristotelian terminology once again, what is the underlying substrate for the development? But this underlying substrate will be the locus of continuity throughout the putative development; continuity that may be far more important than any change.\r\n\r\nI am not suggesting that Plato or any other philosopher never changed his mind. I am suggesting that the changes cannot ever be viewed uncritically as going from false to true or wrong to right. Consider someone who believes that the high point of Plato\u2019s thinking occurred in the early or middle dialogues. Someone like this would not consider the middle or late dialogues developments in any sense but the anodyne one mentioned above. Some scholars, looking at the identical texts, believe that Aristotle developed from a Platonist to something like an anti-Platonist, while others believe that his anti-Platonism was only a \u201cphase\u201d after which he developed into a Platonist once again. None of this is very helpful.\r\n\r\nThe reason I bring it up is that the Platonists of late antiquity who introduced the philosophical curriculum wherein the commentaries played such an important role were mostly impervious to the siren song of linearity. As we know from the accounts of the philosophical curriculum, perhaps introduced by Iamblichus or Porphyry in the late third century, students were obliged to study Aristotle before studying Plato. Studying Aristotle, or at least some of the works of Aristotle, was thought to be the most suitable preparation for studying Plato.\r\n\r\nThe reason for this is quite simple: the Platonists were aiming at truth rather than what we might like to think of as an \u201cobjective and unbiased\u201d account of the \u201cdevelopment\u201d of the history of philosophy. But we still should want to ask why the study of Aristotle was supposed to be conducive to understanding the truth as it is revealed in Plato and articulated by the man whom Proclus called \u201cthe exegete of the Platonic revelation,\u201d namely, Plotinus.\r\n\r\nSimplicius provides a preliminary answer to this question when he says in his Physics commentary that Aristotle was authoritative for the sensible world as Plato was for the intelligible world. Beginning the study of philosophy \u201cin\u201d the sensible world, in accord with Aristotle\u2019s remark in Physics\u2014that we start with things more intelligible to us and move to things more intelligible by nature\u2014puts the student in a better position to appreciate the more difficult insights found in the two works that comprise the culmination of philosophical study: namely, Timaeus and Parmenides.\r\n\r\nLet us be quite specific. The study of Categories is supposed to assist the student in preparing for the study of the intelligible world. Initially, this seems far-fetched. Indeed, it is not uncommon for contemporary Aristotle scholars to take Categories as in a way programmatic for an anti-Platonic Aristotelian philosophy, the focus of which is the individual sensible substance. So, on this showing, Iamblichus was naive to think that he was molding disciples of Platonism by having the students read Categories even before they encountered a dialogue of Plato.\r\n\r\nAs I have argued elsewhere, Iamblichus and Simplicius and many other prominent Platonists of late antiquity believed that Aristotle\u2019s philosophy was in harmony with Platonism. The way I characterized harmony was to argue that Aristotle\u2019s philosophy stood to Platonism analogous to the way that Newtonian mechanics stood to quantum mechanics. I was and am not altogether happy with letting my argument rest on an analogy in part because, in trying to explore further the details of harmony, one soon runs up against the limitations of the analogy.\r\n\r\nInstead, I would like to pursue a different approach here. I would like to argue that what underlies the claims of harmony is a set of shared principles; shared not only by self-proclaimed Platonists and by Aristotle, but by virtually all philosophers from at least 200 CE until perhaps the beginning of the seventeenth century, with only a few notable exceptions. It will become clear as I proceed why I have cast my net so widely. And I hope it will also become clear why the Aristotelian commentary tradition remains a critical component in the larger Platonic project. [introduction p. 7-9]","btype":3,"date":"2014","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/fH9zEC1gXGTy5tA","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":46,"full_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1510,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Quaestiones Disputatae","volume":"2","issue":"4","pages":"7-23"}},"sort":[2014]}

Boéthos de Sidon sur les relatifs, 2013
By: Luna, Concetta

Title	Boéthos de Sidon sur les relatifs
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2013
Journal	Studia greaco-arabica
Volume	3
Pages	1-35
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Luna, Concetta
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The Peripatetic philosopher Boethus of Sidon (mid-first century BC), a pupil of Andronicus of Rhodes, is well-known for his commentary on Aristotle’s Categories, whose fragments are transmitted by later commentators together with testimonia about it. In his exegesis of the Categories, Boethus especially focused on the category of relation (Cat. 7), on which he wrote a speci!c treatise, arguing against the Stoics for the unity of the category of relation. The present paper o"ers a translation and analysis of Boethus’ fragments on relation, all of which are preserved in Simplicius’ commentary on the Categories. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9oljjSmWv94OJA7

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Un commentario alessandrino al «De caelo» di Aristotele, 2013
By: Rescigno, Andrea

Title	Un commentario alessandrino al «De caelo» di Aristotele
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2013
Journal	Athenaeum: Studi di letteratura e Storia dell'antichità
Volume	101
Issue	2
Pages	479-516
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rescigno, Andrea
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IR153pEdP84QTiX

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A note on ancient Sardinian incubation (Aristotle, Physica IV 11), 2013
By: Minunno, Giuseppe, Loretz, Oswald (Ed.), Ribichini, Sergio (Ed.), Watson, Wilfred G. E. (Ed.), Zamora, José Antonio (Ed.)

Title	A note on ancient Sardinian incubation (Aristotle, Physica IV 11)
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2013
Published in	Ritual, Religion and Reason: Studies in the Ancient World in Honour of Paolo Xella
Pages	553-560
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Minunno, Giuseppe
Editor(s)	Loretz, Oswald , Ribichini, Sergio , Watson, Wilfred G. E. , Zamora, José Antonio
Translator(s)

Writing about time, Aristotle noted that when someone is unaware of any change in his state of mind, he does not realise that time has elapsed, as happened to those who were recorded in Sardinia as sleeping near the “heroes.” On awakening, they connected the moment when they had fallen asleep to the moment when they awoke and therefore did not notice the interval. Aristotle’s meagre reference does not indicate either who these heroes were or the reason for sleeping near them, but some more information on the matter is provided by commentators on Aristotle. While Temistius’ commentary gives no more than a paraphrase of Aristotle’s text, Philoponus claims that these persons were sick people who went and slept near the heroes. He also claims that, after having slept for five days uninterruptedly, they recovered. Simplicius believes that people slept near the heroes ὀνείρων ἕνεκεν ἢ ἄλλης τινὸς χρείας; furthermore, he asserts that the heroes mentioned by Aristotle were the nine sons whom Herakles begot by the daughters of Thespios. They died in Sardinia, where their corpses remained uncorrupted and intact, giving them the appearance of sleepers (φαντασίαν καθευδόντων παρεχόμενα). Tertullian, also, makes a reference to Aristotle who, according to him, mentioned incubatores of the sanctuary (fanum) of a Sardinian hero having the power to deprive them of dreams (visionibus privantem). [introduction p. 553-554]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zgzJrhACQcU9nqT

Which ‘Athenodorus’ commented on Aristotle's "Categories"?, 2013
By: Griffin, Michael J.

Title	Which ‘Athenodorus’ commented on Aristotle's "Categories"?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2013
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	63
Issue	1
Pages	199-208
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Griffin, Michael J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The principate of Augustus coincided with a surge of interest in the short Aristotelian treatise which we now entitle Categories, contributing to its later installation at the outset of the philosophical curriculum and its traditional function as an introduction to logic. Thanks in part to remarks made by Plutarch (Sulla 26.1–2) and Porphyry (Vita Plotini 24.7), the origin of this interest has often been traced to Andronicus of Rhodes: his catalogue (πίνακες) and publication of the Aristotelian corpus began with the Categories and may have drawn fresh attention to a previously obscure treatise. But the later Neoplatonic sources name several other philosophers who also discussed the Categories and played an important role in crafting its interpretation during the first centuries of our era. For example, the Neoplatonist Simplicius discusses the views of Stoics and Platonists who questioned the Categories’ value as a treatment of grammar or ontology, while others defended its usefulness as an introduction to logic. These early debates, as these later sources suggest, exercised a lasting influence on the shape of subsequent philosophy and philosophical education within and beyond the Aristotelian tradition. In this note, I would like to revisit the identity of one of the Categories’ earliest critics, a Stoic identified only as ‘Athenodorus’ in the pages of Dexippus, Porphyry, and Simplicius. There is a strong consensus identifying this ‘Athenodorus’ with Athenodorus Calvus, a tutor of Octavian and correspondent of Cicero, roughly contemporary with Andronicus of Rhodes. I want to suggest several reasons for reconsidering this identification. In particular, I want to argue that a certain Athenodorus mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (7.68) is, on philosophical grounds, a compelling candidate for identification with the critic of the Categories, and that Diogenes’ Athenodorus is relatively unlikely to be Calvus. As an alternative to Calvus, I tentatively advance the possibility that our Athenodorus may belong to a generation of Stoic philosophers who conducted work on the Categories in the Hellenistic period, prior to the activity of Andronicus in the first century, and under the title Before the Topics (see Simpl. in Cat. 379.9, who observes that Andronicus of Rhodes was aware of this title and rejected it). Such a story runs counter to the older consensus, now considerably less certain, that Andronicus was the first philosopher to draw serious attention to the Categories after it had languished for centuries out of circulation. Instead, we might regard Andronicus’ relocation of the text to the outset of the Aristotelian curriculum under the new title Categories as a relatively late chapter in an ongoing tradition of commentary and polemic. In what follows, I suggest some possible motives for Andronicus’ relocation of the Categories, if it can be viewed as a response to earlier criticism. [introduction p. 199-200]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IbfU0uOFgfzLjDG

{"_index":"sire","_id":"821","_score":null,"_source":{"id":821,"authors_free":[{"id":1222,"entry_id":821,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":148,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","free_first_name":"Michael J.","free_last_name":"Griffin","norm_person":{"id":148,"first_name":"Michael J.","last_name":"Griffin","full_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1065676603","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Which \u2018Athenodorus\u2019 commented on Aristotle's \"Categories\"?","main_title":{"title":"Which \u2018Athenodorus\u2019 commented on Aristotle's \"Categories\"?"},"abstract":"The principate of Augustus coincided with a surge of interest in the short Aristotelian treatise which we now entitle Categories, contributing to its later installation at the outset of the philosophical curriculum and its traditional function as an introduction to logic. Thanks in part to remarks made by Plutarch (Sulla 26.1\u20132) and Porphyry (Vita Plotini 24.7), the origin of this interest has often been traced to Andronicus of Rhodes: his catalogue (\u03c0\u03af\u03bd\u03b1\u03ba\u03b5\u03c2) and publication of the Aristotelian corpus began with the Categories and may have drawn fresh attention to a previously obscure treatise. But the later Neoplatonic sources name several other philosophers who also discussed the Categories and played an important role in crafting its interpretation during the first centuries of our era. For example, the Neoplatonist Simplicius discusses the views of Stoics and Platonists who questioned the Categories\u2019 value as a treatment of grammar or ontology, while others defended its usefulness as an introduction to logic. These early debates, as these later sources suggest, exercised a lasting influence on the shape of subsequent philosophy and philosophical education within and beyond the Aristotelian tradition.\r\n\r\nIn this note, I would like to revisit the identity of one of the Categories\u2019 earliest critics, a Stoic identified only as \u2018Athenodorus\u2019 in the pages of Dexippus, Porphyry, and Simplicius. There is a strong consensus identifying this \u2018Athenodorus\u2019 with Athenodorus Calvus, a tutor of Octavian and correspondent of Cicero, roughly contemporary with Andronicus of Rhodes. I want to suggest several reasons for reconsidering this identification. In particular, I want to argue that a certain Athenodorus mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (7.68) is, on philosophical grounds, a compelling candidate for identification with the critic of the Categories, and that Diogenes\u2019 Athenodorus is relatively unlikely to be Calvus. As an alternative to Calvus, I tentatively advance the possibility that our Athenodorus may belong to a generation of Stoic philosophers who conducted work on the Categories in the Hellenistic period, prior to the activity of Andronicus in the first century, and under the title Before the Topics (see Simpl. in Cat. 379.9, who observes that Andronicus of Rhodes was aware of this title and rejected it).\r\n\r\nSuch a story runs counter to the older consensus, now considerably less certain, that Andronicus was the first philosopher to draw serious attention to the Categories after it had languished for centuries out of circulation. Instead, we might regard Andronicus\u2019 relocation of the text to the outset of the Aristotelian curriculum under the new title Categories as a relatively late chapter in an ongoing tradition of commentary and polemic. In what follows, I suggest some possible motives for Andronicus\u2019 relocation of the Categories, if it can be viewed as a response to earlier criticism. [introduction p. 199-200]","btype":3,"date":"2013","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/IbfU0uOFgfzLjDG","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":148,"full_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":821,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"63","issue":"1","pages":"199-208"}},"sort":[2013]}

Simplicius on the Planets and their Motions: In Defense of a Heresy, 2013
By: Bowen, Alan C.

Title	Simplicius on the Planets and their Motions: In Defense of a Heresy
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia Antiqua
Volume	133
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bowen, Alan C.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Though the digression closing Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s De caelo 2.12 has long been misread as a history of early Greek planetary theory, it is in fact a creative reading of Aristotle to maintain the authority of the De caelo as a sacred text in Late Platonism and to refute the polemic mounted by the Christian, John Philoponus. This book shows that the critical question forced on Simplicius was whether his school’s acceptance of Ptolemy’s planetary hypotheses entailed a rejection of Aristotle’s argument that the heavens are made of a special matter that moves by nature in a circle about the center of the cosmos and, thus, a repudiation of the thesis that the cosmos is uncreated and everlasting.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/j5dIQfTR7cyHeCV

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Argument und literarische Form in antiker Philosophie. Akten des 3. Kongresses der Gesellschaft für antike Philosophie 2010, 2013
By: Erler, Michael (Ed.), Heßler, Jan Erik (Ed.), Blumenfelder, Benedikt (Collaborator) (Ed.)

Title	Argument und literarische Form in antiker Philosophie. Akten des 3. Kongresses der Gesellschaft für antike Philosophie 2010
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	de Gruyter
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Erler, Michael , Heßler, Jan Erik , Blumenfelder, Benedikt (Collaborator)
Translator(s)

In der modernen Universität werden Literatur, Philologie und Philosophie als unterschiedliche Bereiche betrachtet. Damit wird eine im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert zunehmende Entfremdung zwischen der Erforschung antiker Philosophie und Philologie manifest, die den ursprünglichen Gegebenheiten in der Antike keineswegs gerecht wird. Denn die Philosophie entwickelt sich in Griechenland und Rom in enger Verbindung mit und oft in einem Spannungsverhältnis zu unterschiedlichen literarischen Genres. Dies hat zur Folge, dass die Autoren und Interpreten infolge der Wahl bestimmter Gattungen als Medium philosophischer Botschaften neben der eigentlichen Argumentation auch Darstellungsformen der jeweiligen Gattungen zu würdigen haben. Dieses oft spannungsvolle Verhältnis von philosophischem Argument und literarischer Form auszuleuchten hatte sich der 3. Kongress der Gesellschaft für antike Philosophie vorgenommen. In Vorträgen und Diskussionsrunden von Philosophen und Philologen wurde diese Frage unter verschiedenen Aspekten mit Blick auf antike Philosophen verschiedener Epochen lebendig diskutiert. Dieser Band, der den Großteil dieser Beiträge versammelt, mag einen Eindruck von der Diskussion vermitteln und Philologen, Philosophen und an der Antike Interessierte zu weiteren Überlegungen anregen. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0QiKNhBCl16gJMn

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Ritual, Religion and Reason: Studies in the Ancient World in Honour of Paolo Xella, 2013
By: Watson, Wilfred G. E. (Ed.), Ribichini, Sergio (Ed.), Loretz, Oswald (Ed.), Zamora, José Antonio (Ed.)

Title	Ritual, Religion and Reason: Studies in the Ancient World in Honour of Paolo Xella
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	Münster
Publisher	Ugarit
Series	Alter Orient und Altes Testament
Volume	404
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Watson, Wilfred G. E. , Ribichini, Sergio , Loretz, Oswald , Zamora, José Antonio
Translator(s)

Anlässlich eines besonderen Geburtstag von Paolo Xella widmen ihm seine Kollegen und Freunde eine Festschrift. Den Interessen des bekannten Gelehrten folgend ist das Buch in drei Abschnitte unterteilt, in "Archäologie - Kunstgeschichte - Numismatik", "Philologie - Epigraphik" und "History - Die Geschichte der Religionen - Historiographie". Mehr als 50 Artikel liegen den Fokus vor allem auf die Welt der phönizischen Levante bis nach Spanien. Neben einer großen Zahl von Aufsätzen in italienischen Sprache sind Forschungsergebnisse in Englisch, Deutsch und Französisch zu verzeichnen. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iUTyM3hPAwKbnMb

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Diego Lanza, lecteur des oeuvres de l’Antiquité. Poésie, philosophie, histoire de la philologie, 2013
By: Rousseau, Philippe

Title	Diego Lanza, lecteur des oeuvres de l’Antiquité. Poésie, philosophie, histoire de la philologie
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2013
Publication Place	Lille
Publisher	Presses universitaires du Septentrion
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rousseau, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Figure critique majeure des études de philologie classique en Italie, Diego Lanza a renouvelé en profondeur l'approche des œuvres de la littérature grecque ancienne. Ses travaux conjuguent un intérêt, partiellement hérité de la philologie historique, pour l'histoire de la tradition, avec une analyse, inspirée notamment de Marx et de Gramsci, de la fonction des textes anciens comme instruments de médiation idéologique, interrogeant ainsi conjointement le passé et le présent des appropriations culturelles. Les problématiques de l'anthropologie occupent une place privilégiée dans sa lecture de l’Antiquité, mais leur espace de référence n’est pas celui de l’anthropologie structurale, de la psychologie historique ou de la critique symbolique de l’école française. C’est plutôt l’étude du folklore, où l’analyse de la culture populaire est orientée par un intérêt spécifique pour les antagonismes qui la structurent. Les essais réunis dans ce volume reviennent sur les objets auxquels Diego Lanza s’est intéressé – poésie archaïque (Homère), théâtre classique (Euripide, Aristophane), philosophie « présocratique » et classique (Anaxagore, Aristote), histoire de la philologie – et dans la diversité de leurs points de vue, esquissent un bilan des aspects les plus significatifs d’une œuvre scientifique originale et stimulante. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LY1f6edLjdTkqq3

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Stoische Ethik und platonische Bildung: Simplikios' Kommentar zu Epiktets Handbüchlein der Moral, 2013
By: Vogel, C.

Title	Stoische Ethik und platonische Bildung: Simplikios' Kommentar zu Epiktets Handbüchlein der Moral
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2013
Publication Place	Heidelberg
Publisher	Universitätsverlag
Series	Studien zu Literatur und Erkenntnis
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Vogel, C.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die stoische Philosophie steht in ihren grundsätzlichen Annahmen zur Erkenntnistheorie, zur Ontologie und zur Psychologie dem Platonismus diametral entgegen. Wenn mit Simplikios ein Philosoph der neuplatonischen Schule das Werk eines Stoikers durch eine ausführliche Kommentierung würdigt und diesem im Curriculum des Philosophieunterrichts einen Platz einräumt, scheinen sich die gängigen Vorurteile gegen den Neuplatonismus als eine alles vereinnahmende und harmonisierende Philosophie zu bestätigen. Ein Blick auf das Bildungsverständnis des Neuplatonismus und den in den Texten ausführlich reflektierten erkenntnistheoretischen Grundlagen bietet jedoch Anlass sowohl zur Skepsis gegenüber diesen Vorwürfen als auch zu einer differenzierten Untersuchung des Verhältnisses von platonischer und stoischer Ethik in der Spätantike. Am Beispiel von Simplikios' Kommentar zum 'Handbüchlein der Moral' des Epiket soll im vorliegenden Buch die Möglichkeit der Verwendung stoischer Texte als Vorbereitung für den Einstieg in das neuplatonische Bildungsprogramm dargelegt und begründet werden, ohne dass der Einsatz dieser Texte zu einer Vermischung der stoischen mit den platonisch-aristotelischen Theorien führt. So liefert Simplikios mit seinem Kommentar eine wissenschaftliche Ethik des Neuplatonismus, die mit der Darlegung und Beschreibung der Anweisungen Epiktets dem Unkundigen sowohl einen ersten Zugang in das philosophische Leben bietet als auch mit seinen weiterführenden Kommentierungen die rationalen Begründungen dieser Handlungsaufforderungen offenlegt.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xXsDZFA5RWj8rnI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"210","_score":null,"_source":{"id":210,"authors_free":[{"id":267,"entry_id":210,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":438,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Vogel, C.","free_first_name":"C.","free_last_name":"Vogel","norm_person":{"id":438,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Vogel","full_name":"Vogel, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1111515123","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Stoische Ethik und platonische Bildung: Simplikios' Kommentar zu Epiktets Handb\u00fcchlein der Moral","main_title":{"title":"Stoische Ethik und platonische Bildung: Simplikios' Kommentar zu Epiktets Handb\u00fcchlein der Moral"},"abstract":"Die stoische Philosophie steht in ihren grunds\u00e4tzlichen Annahmen zur Erkenntnistheorie, zur Ontologie und zur Psychologie dem Platonismus diametral entgegen. Wenn mit Simplikios ein Philosoph der neuplatonischen Schule das Werk eines Stoikers durch eine ausf\u00fchrliche Kommentierung w\u00fcrdigt und diesem im Curriculum des Philosophieunterrichts einen Platz einr\u00e4umt, scheinen sich die g\u00e4ngigen Vorurteile gegen den Neuplatonismus als eine alles vereinnahmende und harmonisierende Philosophie zu best\u00e4tigen. Ein Blick auf das Bildungsverst\u00e4ndnis des Neuplatonismus und den in den Texten ausf\u00fchrlich reflektierten erkenntnistheoretischen Grundlagen bietet jedoch Anlass sowohl zur Skepsis gegen\u00fcber diesen Vorw\u00fcrfen als auch zu einer differenzierten Untersuchung des Verh\u00e4ltnisses von platonischer und stoischer Ethik in der Sp\u00e4tantike. Am Beispiel von Simplikios' Kommentar zum 'Handb\u00fcchlein der Moral' des Epiket soll im vorliegenden Buch die M\u00f6glichkeit der Verwendung stoischer Texte als Vorbereitung f\u00fcr den Einstieg in das neuplatonische Bildungsprogramm dargelegt und begr\u00fcndet werden, ohne dass der Einsatz dieser Texte zu einer Vermischung der stoischen mit den platonisch-aristotelischen Theorien f\u00fchrt. So liefert Simplikios mit seinem Kommentar eine wissenschaftliche Ethik des Neuplatonismus, die mit der Darlegung und Beschreibung der Anweisungen Epiktets dem Unkundigen sowohl einen ersten Zugang in das philosophische Leben bietet als auch mit seinen weiterf\u00fchrenden Kommentierungen die rationalen Begr\u00fcndungen dieser Handlungsaufforderungen offenlegt.","btype":1,"date":"2013","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/xXsDZFA5RWj8rnI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":438,"full_name":"Vogel, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":210,"pubplace":"Heidelberg","publisher":"Universit\u00e4tsverlag","series":"Studien zu Literatur und Erkenntnis","volume":"5","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2013]}

Simplicius, Corollaries on place and time, 2013
By: Simplicius, Cilicius, Urmson, L., James O. (Ed.), Siorvanes, Lucas (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, Corollaries on place and time
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)	Urmson, L., James O. , Siorvanes, Lucas
Translator(s)	Urmson, L., James O.(Urmson, James O.) , Siorvanes, Lucas(Siorvanes, Lucas) ,

Is there such a thing as three-dimensional space? Is space inert or dynamic? Is the division of time into past, present and future real? Does the whole of time exist all at once? Does it progress smoothly or by discontinuous leaps? Simplicius surveys ideas about place and time from the preceding thousand years of Greek Philosophy and reveals the extraordinary ingenuity of the late Neoplatonist theories, which he regards as marking a substantial advance on all previous ideas.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XcqDgDAa6w30tGz

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La dottrina dell’autocoscienza nel commentario al De anima attribuito a Simplicio, 2013
By: Militello, Chiara

Title	La dottrina dell’autocoscienza nel commentario al De anima attribuito a Simplicio
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2013
Publication Place	Acireale; Roma
Publisher	Bonanno
Series	Cultura e formazione; Filosofia
Volume	24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Militello, Chiara
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Il presente volume tratta del commentario al De anima di Aristotele che la tradizione manoscritta ascrive a Simplicio e che alcuni studiosi hanno attribuito a Prisciano Lido, e in particolare della concezione dell'autocoscienza del senso, della ragione e dell'intelletto ivi esposta. I passi rilevanti sono messi a confronto con quelli degli altri commentari neoplatonici al De anima rimastici al fine di evidenziare la peculiarità delle teorie che "Simplicio" ha elaborato per conciliare le tesi aristoteliche e la tradizione platonica. Da questo studio emerge l'importanza del commentario di "Simplicio", in cui viene presentata una teoria innovativa sui diversi modi in cui l'anima umana conosce se stessa e le proprie attività.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nKjLFiYMWmnkop1

{"_index":"sire","_id":"222","_score":null,"_source":{"id":222,"authors_free":[{"id":284,"entry_id":222,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":2,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Militello, Chiara","free_first_name":"Chiara","free_last_name":"Militello","norm_person":{"id":2,"first_name":"Chiara ","last_name":"Militello ","full_name":"Militello, Chiara ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/13666461X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La dottrina dell\u2019autocoscienza nel commentario al De anima attribuito a Simplicio","main_title":{"title":"La dottrina dell\u2019autocoscienza nel commentario al De anima attribuito a Simplicio"},"abstract":"Il presente volume tratta del commentario al De anima di Aristotele che la tradizione manoscritta ascrive a Simplicio e che alcuni studiosi hanno attribuito a Prisciano Lido, e in particolare della concezione dell'autocoscienza del senso, della ragione e dell'intelletto ivi esposta. I passi rilevanti sono messi a confronto con quelli degli altri commentari neoplatonici al De anima rimastici al fine di evidenziare la peculiarit\u00e0 delle teorie che \"Simplicio\" ha elaborato per conciliare le tesi aristoteliche e la tradizione platonica. Da questo studio emerge l'importanza del commentario di \"Simplicio\", in cui viene presentata una teoria innovativa sui diversi modi in cui l'anima umana conosce se stessa e le proprie attivit\u00e0.","btype":1,"date":"2013","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nKjLFiYMWmnkop1","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":2,"full_name":"Militello, Chiara ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":222,"pubplace":"Acireale; Roma","publisher":"Bonanno","series":"Cultura e formazione; Filosofia","volume":"24","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2013]}

Philoponus, On Aristotle ‘Physics 5-8’ with Simplicius, On Aristotle on the Void, 2013
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Philoponus, On Aristotle ‘Physics 5-8’ with Simplicius, On Aristotle on the Void
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Urmson, J. O.(Urmson, James O.) , Lettinck, P.(Lettinck, P.) ,

Paul Lettinck has restored a lost text of Philoponus by translating it for the first time from Arabic (only limited fragments have survived in the original Greek). The text, recovered from annotations in an Arabic translation of Aristotle, is an abridging paraphrase of Philoponus' commentary on Physics Books 5-7, with two final comments on Book 8. The Simplicius text, which consists of his comments on Aristotle's treatment of the void in chapters 6-9 of Book 4 of the Physics, comes from Simplicius' huge commentary on Book 4. Simplicius' comments on Aristotle's treatment of place and time have been translated by J. O. Urmson in two earlier volumes of this series.[author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dftDwj5tHNlsKrR

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Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Soul 1.1-2.4’, 2013
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Soul 1.1-2.4’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Urmson, J. O.(Urmson, James O.) , Lautner, P.(Lautner, Peter) ,

The commentary attributed to Simplicius on Aristotle's On the Soul appears in this series in three volumes, of which this is the first. The translation provides the first opportunity for a wider readership to assess the disputed question of authorship. Is the work by Simplicius, or by his colleague Priscian, or by another commentator? In the second volume, Priscian's Paraphrase of Theophrastus on Sense Perception, which covers the same subject, will also be translated for comparison. Whatever its authorship, the commentary is a major source for late Neoplatonist theories of thought and sense perception and provides considerable insight into this important area of Aristotle's thought. In this first volume, the Neoplatonist commentator covers the first half of Aristotle's On the Soul, comprising Aristotle's survey of his predecessors and his own rival account of the nature of the soul. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WG1WMmw3qeawVVc

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Simplicius, On Aristotle's Categories 9-15, 2013
By: Simplicius, Gaskin, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle's Categories 9-15
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Gaskin, Richard
Translator(s)	Gaskin, Richard(Gaskin, Richard ) ,

Aristotle classified the things in the world into ten categories: substance, quantity, quality, relative, etc. Plotinus, the founder of Neoplatonism, attacked the classification, accepting only these first four categories, rejecting the other six, and adding one of this own: change. He preferred Plato’s classification into five kinds which included change. In this part of his commentary, Simplicius records the controversy on the six categories which Plotinus rejected: acting, being acted upon, being in a position, when, where, and having on. Plotinus’ pupil and editor, Porphyry, defended all six categories as applicable to the physical world, even if not to the world of Platonic Forms to which Platonist studies must eventually progress. Porphyry’s pupil, lamblichus, went further: taken in a suitable sense, Aristotle’s categories apply also to the world of Forms, although they require Pythagorean reinterpretation. Simplicius may be closer to Porphyry that to lamblichus, and indeed Porphyry’s defence established Aristotle’s categories once and for all in Western thought. But the probing controversy of this period none the less revealed more effectively than any discussion of modern times the profound difficulties in Aristotle’s categorical scheme. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OOD3JZhq2VbNbHJ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"110","_score":null,"_source":{"id":110,"authors_free":[{"id":131,"entry_id":110,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":132,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Gaskin, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Gaskin","norm_person":{"id":132,"first_name":"Richard ","last_name":"Gaskin","full_name":"Gaskin, Richard ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1049853571","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2255,"entry_id":110,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2373,"entry_id":110,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":132,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gaskin, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Gaskin","norm_person":{"id":132,"first_name":"Richard ","last_name":"Gaskin","full_name":"Gaskin, Richard ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1049853571","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle's Categories 9-15","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle's Categories 9-15"},"abstract":"Aristotle classified the things in the world into ten categories: substance, quantity, quality, relative, etc. Plotinus, the founder of Neoplatonism, attacked the classification, accepting only these first four categories, rejecting the other six, and adding one of this own: change. He preferred Plato\u2019s classification into five kinds which included change.\r\n\r\nIn this part of his commentary, Simplicius records the controversy on the six categories which Plotinus rejected: acting, being acted upon, being in a position, when, where, and having on. Plotinus\u2019 pupil and editor, Porphyry, defended all six categories as applicable to the physical world, even if not to the world of Platonic Forms to which Platonist studies must eventually progress. Porphyry\u2019s pupil, lamblichus, went further: taken in a suitable sense, Aristotle\u2019s categories apply also to the world of Forms, although they require Pythagorean reinterpretation. Simplicius may be closer to Porphyry that to lamblichus, and indeed Porphyry\u2019s defence established Aristotle\u2019s categories once and for all in Western thought. But the probing controversy of this period none the less revealed more effectively than any discussion of modern times the profound difficulties in Aristotle\u2019s categorical scheme. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2013","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/OOD3JZhq2VbNbHJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":132,"full_name":"Gaskin, Richard ","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":132,"full_name":"Gaskin, Richard ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":110,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2013]}

Surface Reading and Deeper Meaning. On Aristotle reading Plato and Platonists reading Aristotle, 2013
By: Steel, Carlos, Erler, Michael (Ed.), Heßler, Jan Erik (Ed.), Blumenfelder, Benedikt (Collaborator) (Ed.)

Title	Surface Reading and Deeper Meaning. On Aristotle reading Plato and Platonists reading Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2013
Published in	Argument und literarische Form in antiker Philosophie. Akten des 3. Kongresses der Gesellschaft für antike Philosophie 2010
Pages	469-494
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)	Erler, Michael , Heßler, Jan Erik , Blumenfelder, Benedikt (Collaborator)
Translator(s)

We are here together to discuss various forms of philosophy in antiquity. There is a surprising variety of literary genres of philosophy so different from the narrow academic format of proceedings, handbooks, and referred journal articles. Already among the works of Aristotle, as the commentators noticed, there is a great variety, and Aristotle always adapted his style to the genre: dialogues, letters, protreptics, documentation works, research discussions, treatises on ethics and politics aiming at a broader public. And if we take the whole literary production of ancient philosophy, the variety is even more impressive. Besides the treatises and commentaries, the summaries and paraphrases, refutations and replies, the handbooks, manuals, and doxographies, there are dialogues and diatribes and orations, letters and catechisms with sentences to be set in practice, epigraphical posters in public city galleries, philosophical poems and political pamphlets, revelations of Hermes Trismegistos, Chaldean oracles, and we must include the manifold Jewish and Christian interpretations of biblical texts, sermons, and theological polemics. They all require other ways of reading and interpreting. The title of this introductory lecture does not mean that I would recommend us to seek for deeper meaning hidden under the many literary forms. It was undoubtedly a very influential hermeneutical model, in particular when combined with the esoteric/exoteric distinction. But in my view, it remains primarily a model for interpreting mythical and sacred texts and, since the secularization of sacred hermeneutics, for reading “challenging literary texts.” It is not a method for the interpretation of philosophical texts, where analysis, insight into the structure of arguments, questioning, and criticism are required. To play with a well-known quote from Thoreau: “In this part of the world (i.e., in philosophy), it is considered a ground for complaint if a man’s writings admit of more than one interpretation.” This refusal of a search for deeper meaning in philosophy, however, does not mean that we should remain just superficial readers, surfing on the text. Let us use all the possibilities we have, including attention to the literary context, to better understand the argument of the author. To avoid the impression that I am finally agreeing with Aristotle against Plato, let me conclude with a remarkable statement of Plato in the Phaedo. It comes from the crucial section of the debate where Socrates starts his critique of Simmias’ argument that the soul is the harmony of the body and will disappear once the substrate is destroyed. All participants are deeply impressed by the harmony argument, and there is an uneasy silence, as they thought it was a fatal blow to Socrates’ belief in immortality, but Socrates is not impressed. He confronts Simmias with a difficult choice: If you stick to the harmony doctrine, you will have to give up the other doctrine you just accepted, because it is incompatible with the harmony thesis, namely that all knowledge is recollection. What will you keep then, Simmias, this new theory or the former you already accepted? Simmias answers without hesitation that he would stand by the anamnesis doctrine. For this other (sc. the doctrine that the soul is like a harmony) came to me without demonstration; it merely seemed probable and attractive, which is the reason why many people hold it. I am conscious that arguments which base their demonstrations on mere probability are deceptive, and if we are not on our guard against them, they deceive us greatly, in geometry and in all other things. When commenting on this passage, Damascius, the last head of the Platonic Academy in Athens, distinguishes between what he calls superficial (ἐπιπόλαιοι) and profound (βαθύτεροι) thinkers, but not in any esoteric sense. Superficial thinkers, he says, “find pleasure in plausible arguments,” based on analogies and comparisons, metaphors. That is why the analogy of the soul with the harmony of the lyre is so attractive. “The more profound thinkers, who scorn the world of senses and its ready-at-hand (πρόχειρον) beliefs, rise above plausibilities and love arguments that are connected by necessity.” In this sense, I would also like to be a ‘profound’ reader ... alas, there arises again a problem. The doctrine that, according to Socrates, is supposedly demonstrated by sound, almost geometrical arguments, and not by analogy, as the rejected harmony thesis, is itself based on analogy and metaphor. For, Aristotle, sitting in this hall, would stand up and say: “What do you mean, Socrates, by that anamnesis? Is it not a metaphor and poetical phrase?” [conclusion p. 490-492]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3r4OKQesOkyPwb0

L'Anaxagore de Diego Lanza : quelques réflexions, 2013
By: Louguet, Claire, Rousseau, Phillipe (Ed.)

Title	L'Anaxagore de Diego Lanza : quelques réflexions
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2013
Published in	Diego Lanza, lecteur des oeuvres de l’Antiquité. Poésie, philosophie, histoire de la philologie
Pages	51-84
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Louguet, Claire
Editor(s)	Rousseau, Phillipe
Translator(s)

Le système d’Anaxagore est un labyrinthe où l’on se perd et dont on peine à trouver l’issue, une énigme dont on ne peut pourtant s’empêcher de chercher la solution. Mais cette solution, objet de la quête de tout interprète franchissant le seuil du labyrinthe, a-t-elle jamais existé ? Était-elle exposée par Anaxagore dans les textes qui ont disparu sans doute à jamais ? Anaxagore voyait-il lui-même les contradictions internes qu’ont décelées ses critiques ? Si oui, les assumait-il lui-même ? Lorsqu’on interprète des textes (et à plus forte raison lorsqu’ils sont fragmentaires), on recherche une cohérence qui rende intelligible l’ensemble. En ce qui concerne Anaxagore, on le fait le plus souvent en introduisant des éléments que les textes ne mentionnent pas, trouvant sans doute dans l’aspect fragmentaire du corpus une raison qui légitime une telle démarche. Il y a autant d’interprétations et d’hypothèses que d’interprètes, et, dans le cas d’Anaxagore, cette multitude de voix discordantes rend plus complexe encore la structure du labyrinthe, si bien qu’on désespère d’en trouver un jour l’issue. Dans ce bruissement de voix multiples qui ne cesse de s’amplifier, dans cette quête effrénée de la solution, la lecture des travaux de Lanza nous invite à faire une pause, à nous éloigner du vacarme et à nous taire, pour écouter et réfléchir. Car ce qui distingue la démarche de Lanza, c’est justement qu’elle engage le lecteur à un travail réflexif, à un retour sur son propre travail d’interprète. Si donc les thèses de Lanza peuvent trouver leur place dans une doxographie des interprétations, l’important en réalité n’est pas là (ou pas seulement), mais dans le fait qu’il se situe en dehors, car son geste dépasse le cadre général des interprétations : il se situe hors champ, pour ainsi dire. Certains estimeront ou ont estimé sans doute qu’il reste en deçà ; je dirai pour ma part qu’il va au-delà et qu’il nous emmène au-delà du cadre balisé. Tout dépend de ce que l’on cherche : le Socrate du Théétète ne parvient pas au but officiel ou explicite du dialogue, mais il fait avancer considérablement ses interlocuteurs (et les lecteurs) dans la démarche de la recherche, et ce faisant, il atteint le but véritable. Ce que Lanza donne au lecteur est moins un contenu que les moyens de se faire sa propre interprétation, les moyens de la construire de la façon la moins naïve et la plus consciente possible. Quels que soient les résultats qu’il obtient en termes de compréhension du système d’Anaxagore, quelles que soient les hypothèses qu’il propose, ce genre de considération suffit à rendre son travail original et utile aujourd’hui encore. Si son travail est daté, c’est « par accident » : parce qu’il se situe dans les années 1960, à une époque où les interprétations majeures (anglo-saxonnes pour la plupart) étaient orientées vers une conception particulariste (ou corpusculariste) des éléments d’Anaxagore. Bien que l’objectif de Lanza ne soit pas polémique, il est évident qu’il a construit sa propre interprétation en opposition à ce genre de reconstructions – cela apparaît comme un leitmotiv dans ses commentaires. Dans ce qui suit, je ne prendrai pas position sur ces questions passionnantes mais assez datées, ni sur la question de savoir si Lanza a raison d’attribuer à ces interprètes des confusions entre Anaxagore et l’atomisme. En revanche, j’insisterai sur les points forts de son travail, qui ont ceci de remarquable qu’ils ne sont pas atteints, eux, par la contingence ni soumis aux vicissitudes du temps. Comme nous le verrons, cette solidité tient au fait que Lanza évolue dans la sphère du vraisemblable et qu’il se montre sensible au fait que son objet possède une unité. Je présenterai d’abord les éléments remarquables de l’interprétation de Lanza, après quoi j’exposerai un point épineux de la réception ancienne et moderne (la question des homéomères), qui a particulièrement intéressé Lanza et au sujet duquel il a une thèse forte qu’il convient d’examiner. [introduction p. 51-52]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8fCGIzpqB6IdoMr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1373","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1373,"authors_free":[{"id":2069,"entry_id":1373,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":238,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Louguet, Claire","free_first_name":"Claire","free_last_name":"Louguet","norm_person":{"id":238,"first_name":"Claire","last_name":"Louguet","full_name":"Louguet, Claire ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2389,"entry_id":1373,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":457,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Rousseau, Phillipe","free_first_name":"Phillipe","free_last_name":"Rousseau","norm_person":{"id":457,"first_name":"Philippe","last_name":"Rousseau","full_name":"Rousseau, Philippe","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1038717787","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"L'Anaxagore de Diego Lanza : quelques r\u00e9flexions","main_title":{"title":"L'Anaxagore de Diego Lanza : quelques r\u00e9flexions"},"abstract":"Le syst\u00e8me d\u2019Anaxagore est un labyrinthe o\u00f9 l\u2019on se perd et dont on peine \u00e0 trouver l\u2019issue, une \u00e9nigme dont on ne peut pourtant s\u2019emp\u00eacher de chercher la solution. Mais cette solution, objet de la qu\u00eate de tout interpr\u00e8te franchissant le seuil du labyrinthe, a-t-elle jamais exist\u00e9 ? \u00c9tait-elle expos\u00e9e par Anaxagore dans les textes qui ont disparu sans doute \u00e0 jamais ? Anaxagore voyait-il lui-m\u00eame les contradictions internes qu\u2019ont d\u00e9cel\u00e9es ses critiques ? Si oui, les assumait-il lui-m\u00eame ?\r\n\r\nLorsqu\u2019on interpr\u00e8te des textes (et \u00e0 plus forte raison lorsqu\u2019ils sont fragmentaires), on recherche une coh\u00e9rence qui rende intelligible l\u2019ensemble. En ce qui concerne Anaxagore, on le fait le plus souvent en introduisant des \u00e9l\u00e9ments que les textes ne mentionnent pas, trouvant sans doute dans l\u2019aspect fragmentaire du corpus une raison qui l\u00e9gitime une telle d\u00e9marche. Il y a autant d\u2019interpr\u00e9tations et d\u2019hypoth\u00e8ses que d\u2019interpr\u00e8tes, et, dans le cas d\u2019Anaxagore, cette multitude de voix discordantes rend plus complexe encore la structure du labyrinthe, si bien qu\u2019on d\u00e9sesp\u00e8re d\u2019en trouver un jour l\u2019issue.\r\n\r\nDans ce bruissement de voix multiples qui ne cesse de s\u2019amplifier, dans cette qu\u00eate effr\u00e9n\u00e9e de la solution, la lecture des travaux de Lanza nous invite \u00e0 faire une pause, \u00e0 nous \u00e9loigner du vacarme et \u00e0 nous taire, pour \u00e9couter et r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir. Car ce qui distingue la d\u00e9marche de Lanza, c\u2019est justement qu\u2019elle engage le lecteur \u00e0 un travail r\u00e9flexif, \u00e0 un retour sur son propre travail d\u2019interpr\u00e8te.\r\n\r\nSi donc les th\u00e8ses de Lanza peuvent trouver leur place dans une doxographie des interpr\u00e9tations, l\u2019important en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 n\u2019est pas l\u00e0 (ou pas seulement), mais dans le fait qu\u2019il se situe en dehors, car son geste d\u00e9passe le cadre g\u00e9n\u00e9ral des interpr\u00e9tations : il se situe hors champ, pour ainsi dire. Certains estimeront ou ont estim\u00e9 sans doute qu\u2019il reste en de\u00e7\u00e0 ; je dirai pour ma part qu\u2019il va au-del\u00e0 et qu\u2019il nous emm\u00e8ne au-del\u00e0 du cadre balis\u00e9. Tout d\u00e9pend de ce que l\u2019on cherche : le Socrate du Th\u00e9\u00e9t\u00e8te ne parvient pas au but officiel ou explicite du dialogue, mais il fait avancer consid\u00e9rablement ses interlocuteurs (et les lecteurs) dans la d\u00e9marche de la recherche, et ce faisant, il atteint le but v\u00e9ritable.\r\n\r\nCe que Lanza donne au lecteur est moins un contenu que les moyens de se faire sa propre interpr\u00e9tation, les moyens de la construire de la fa\u00e7on la moins na\u00efve et la plus consciente possible. Quels que soient les r\u00e9sultats qu\u2019il obtient en termes de compr\u00e9hension du syst\u00e8me d\u2019Anaxagore, quelles que soient les hypoth\u00e8ses qu\u2019il propose, ce genre de consid\u00e9ration suffit \u00e0 rendre son travail original et utile aujourd\u2019hui encore.\r\n\r\nSi son travail est dat\u00e9, c\u2019est \u00ab par accident \u00bb : parce qu\u2019il se situe dans les ann\u00e9es 1960, \u00e0 une \u00e9poque o\u00f9 les interpr\u00e9tations majeures (anglo-saxonnes pour la plupart) \u00e9taient orient\u00e9es vers une conception particulariste (ou corpusculariste) des \u00e9l\u00e9ments d\u2019Anaxagore. Bien que l\u2019objectif de Lanza ne soit pas pol\u00e9mique, il est \u00e9vident qu\u2019il a construit sa propre interpr\u00e9tation en opposition \u00e0 ce genre de reconstructions \u2013 cela appara\u00eet comme un leitmotiv dans ses commentaires.\r\n\r\nDans ce qui suit, je ne prendrai pas position sur ces questions passionnantes mais assez dat\u00e9es, ni sur la question de savoir si Lanza a raison d\u2019attribuer \u00e0 ces interpr\u00e8tes des confusions entre Anaxagore et l\u2019atomisme. En revanche, j\u2019insisterai sur les points forts de son travail, qui ont ceci de remarquable qu\u2019ils ne sont pas atteints, eux, par la contingence ni soumis aux vicissitudes du temps. Comme nous le verrons, cette solidit\u00e9 tient au fait que Lanza \u00e9volue dans la sph\u00e8re du vraisemblable et qu\u2019il se montre sensible au fait que son objet poss\u00e8de une unit\u00e9.\r\n\r\nJe pr\u00e9senterai d\u2019abord les \u00e9l\u00e9ments remarquables de l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation de Lanza, apr\u00e8s quoi j\u2019exposerai un point \u00e9pineux de la r\u00e9ception ancienne et moderne (la question des hom\u00e9om\u00e8res), qui a particuli\u00e8rement int\u00e9ress\u00e9 Lanza et au sujet duquel il a une th\u00e8se forte qu\u2019il convient d\u2019examiner. [introduction p. 51-52]","btype":2,"date":"2013","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/8fCGIzpqB6IdoMr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":238,"full_name":"Louguet, Claire ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":457,"full_name":"Rousseau, Philippe","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1373,"section_of":340,"pages":"51-84","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":340,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"fr","title":"Diego Lanza, lecteur des oeuvres de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9. Po\u00e9sie, philosophie, histoire de la philologie","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Rousseau2013","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2013","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2013","abstract":"Figure critique majeure des \u00e9tudes de philologie classique en Italie, Diego Lanza a renouvel\u00e9 en profondeur l'approche des \u0153uvres de la litt\u00e9rature grecque ancienne. Ses travaux conjuguent un int\u00e9r\u00eat, partiellement h\u00e9rit\u00e9 de la philologie historique, pour l'histoire de la tradition, avec une analyse, inspir\u00e9e notamment de Marx et de Gramsci, de la fonction des textes anciens comme instruments de m\u00e9diation id\u00e9ologique, interrogeant ainsi conjointement le pass\u00e9 et le pr\u00e9sent des appropriations culturelles. Les probl\u00e9matiques de l'anthropologie occupent une place privil\u00e9gi\u00e9e dans sa lecture de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9, mais leur espace de r\u00e9f\u00e9rence n\u2019est pas celui de l\u2019anthropologie structurale, de la psychologie historique ou de la critique symbolique de l\u2019\u00e9cole fran\u00e7aise. C\u2019est plut\u00f4t l\u2019\u00e9tude du folklore, o\u00f9 l\u2019analyse de la culture populaire est orient\u00e9e par un int\u00e9r\u00eat sp\u00e9cifique pour les antagonismes qui la structurent. Les essais r\u00e9unis dans ce volume reviennent sur les objets auxquels Diego Lanza s\u2019est int\u00e9ress\u00e9 \u2013 po\u00e9sie archa\u00efque (Hom\u00e8re), th\u00e9\u00e2tre classique (Euripide, Aristophane), philosophie \u00ab pr\u00e9socratique \u00bb et classique (Anaxagore, Aristote), histoire de la philologie \u2013 et dans la diversit\u00e9 de leurs points de vue, esquissent un bilan des aspects les plus significatifs d\u2019une \u0153uvre scientifique originale et stimulante.\r\n[author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/LY1f6edLjdTkqq3","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":340,"pubplace":"Lille","publisher":"Presses universitaires du Septentrion","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2013]}

La teoria dell’intelletto e il confronto con Simplicio nel commento al De anima di Teoﬁlo Zimara, 2013
By: De Carli, Manuel

Title	La teoria dell’intelletto e il confronto con Simplicio nel commento al De anima di Teoﬁlo Zimara
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	2013
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	De Carli, Manuel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper describes the doctrine of the intellect developed by the physician and philosopher Teofilo Zimara in his commentary on Aristotle's De Anima, published in 1584 by the Giuntas, identifying the Platonism and Neoplatonism of Simplicius as the main features of his psychology. The essay then points out how Zimara's speculative suggestion fully inscribes itself in the disputes between Simplicianists and Averroists, which erupted within the School of Padua and then spread to other centers of culture of that time, forming an essential element of Aristotelianism in the sixteenth century. [author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mNF1lCUefItzKac

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‘Simplicius.’ On Aristotle, On the Soul 3.6–13, 2013
By: Simplicius

Title	‘Simplicius.’ On Aristotle, On the Soul 3.6–13
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	Bristol - London
Publisher	Bristol Classical Press
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Steel, Carlos(Steel, Carlos ) , Ritups, Arnis(Ritups, Arnis) ,

This is the fourth and last volume of the translation in this series of the commentary on Aristotle On the Soul, wrongly attributed to Simplicius. Its real author, most probably Priscian of Lydia, proves in this work to be an original philosopher who deserves to be studied, not only because of his detailed explanation of an often difficult Aristotelian text, but also because of his own psychological doctrines. In chapter six the author discusses the objects of the intellect. In chapters seven to eight he sees Aristotle as moving towards practical intellect, thus preparing the way for discussing what initiates movement in chapters nine to 11. His interpretation offers a brilliant investigation of practical reasoning and of the interaction between desire and cognition from the level of perception to the intellect. In the commentator's view, Aristotle in the last chapters (12-13) investigates the different type of organic bodies corresponding to the different forms of life (vegetative and sensory, from the most basic, touch, to the most complex).

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/W0nXXZcYBUmaS3B

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Mathematical Explanation and the Philosphy of Nature in Late Ancient Philosophy: Astronomy and the Theory of the Elements, 2012
By: Opsomer, Jan

Title	Mathematical Explanation and the Philosphy of Nature in Late Ancient Philosophy: Astronomy and the Theory of the Elements
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale
Volume	23
Pages	65-106
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Opsomer, Jan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Late ancient Platonists discuss two theories in which geometric entities explain natural phenomena : the regular polyhedra of geometric atomism and the eccentrics and epicycles of astronomy. Simplicius explicitly compares the status of the first to the hypotheses of the astronomers. The point of comparison is the fallibility of both theories, not the (lack of) reality of the entities postulated. Simplicius has strong realist commitments as far as astronomy is concerned. Syrianus and Proclus too do not consider the polyhedra as devoid of physical reality. Proclus rejects epicycles and eccentrics, but accepts the reality of material homocentric spheres, moved by their own souls. The spheres move the astral objects contained in them, which, however, add motions caused by their own souls. The epicyclical and eccntric hypotheses are useful, as they help us to understand the complex motions resulting from the interplay of spherical motions and volitional motions of the planets. Yet astral souls do not think in accordance with human theoretical constructs, but rather grasp the complex patterns of their motions directly. Our understanding of astronomy depends upon our own cognition of intelligible patterns and their mathematical images. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NrliupadtaqUhIR

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In defence of geometric atomism: Explaining elemental properties, 2012
By: Opsomer, Jan, Wilberding, James (Ed.), Horn, Christoph (Ed.)

Title	In defence of geometric atomism: Explaining elemental properties
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2012
Published in	Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature
Pages	147-173
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Opsomer, Jan
Editor(s)	Wilberding, James , Horn, Christoph
Translator(s)

Plato introduces what is nowadays called geometric atomism in his Timaeus—more precisely, in the second part of the physical account where he examines the cosmos under the aspect of what he calls ‘necessity’. This resurfaces again in the final part, which is devoted to what comes about from the cooperation of reason and necessity, where he regularly invokes the triangles and polyhedra in order to explain various biochemical processes of the human body. The introduction of geometric atomism is preceded by the infamously obscure description of the receptacle. This mysterious entity is presented as that in which qualities and shapes appear but also appears to provide the stuff out of which things are made. I will not here enter into the debates about what the receptacle is supposed to be; it suffices to note that the text in some passages may suggest to readers familiar with the later conception of matter that matter is exactly what Plato means. Since this is certainly what Aristotle and, in his wake, all ancient commentators took it to be, we need not for our present purposes consider other readings. Prior to the intervention of the demiurge, the precosmic mass already contained traces of the elements (ichnê, 53b2): it was fiery here, watery there, and so on. Yet it did not have elements with a stable identity. The use of the definite demonstrative pronouns this or that would therefore be inaccurate. So what is fire in the precosmic state is not to be called a this, but rather a such, or that which is always such and such. In order to bring about some stability, the craftsman set out to impart a distinct configuration to the precosmic mass by means of shapes and numbers (dieschêmatisato eidesi te kai arithmois, 53b4-5). Timaeus constructs the elements out of primary triangles. Of all the possible kinds, he selects two basic types: the 30-60-90 scalene triangle—that is, a half-equilateral triangle (Type A)—and the right isosceles triangle—a half-square (Type B). These triangles are combined to form larger shapes, called ‘surfaces’ (epiphaneia) by the commentators. For the sake of convenience, I shall call ‘surfaces’ the composite shapes formed out of the basic triangles; the latter I shall just call ‘triangles’. (One of the surfaces happens to be a triangle too, and it is a matter of dispute among the commentators whether the surfaces are really just two-dimensional planes.) Six triangles of Type A can be put together in such a way that they make up an equilateral triangle; four Type B triangles form a square. These surfaces are then combined into stereometric figures (congruent convex regular polyhedra): from the equilateral triangular surfaces can be formed the tetrahedron (that is, a pyramid), the octahedron, and the icosahedron, consisting of four, eight, and twenty faces, respectively; six squares are combined into a hexahedron (that is, a cube). These polyhedra are then assigned to the traditional four elements (henceforth referred to as EWAFs): The tetrahedron provides the shape of fire. The octahedron that of air. The icosahedron that of water. The hexahedron that of earth. This model of Plato’s geometric atoms can be completed by adding two more levels—one at the bottom and the other at the top. At one end, we might add the mixtures into which EWAFs enter, and at the foundational level, we must add a level even prior to the basic triangles, since Plato acknowledges that there are ‘even higher principles’ that are known only to god and privileged humans (53d6-7). [introduction p. 147-148]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/q3J2ENiGHB1LmYR

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This resurfaces again in the final part, which is devoted to what comes about from the cooperation of reason and necessity, where he regularly invokes the triangles and polyhedra in order to explain various biochemical processes of the human body.\r\n\r\nThe introduction of geometric atomism is preceded by the infamously obscure description of the receptacle. This mysterious entity is presented as that in which qualities and shapes appear but also appears to provide the stuff out of which things are made. I will not here enter into the debates about what the receptacle is supposed to be; it suffices to note that the text in some passages may suggest to readers familiar with the later conception of matter that matter is exactly what Plato means. Since this is certainly what Aristotle and, in his wake, all ancient commentators took it to be, we need not for our present purposes consider other readings.\r\n\r\nPrior to the intervention of the demiurge, the precosmic mass already contained traces of the elements (ichn\u00ea, 53b2): it was fiery here, watery there, and so on. Yet it did not have elements with a stable identity. The use of the definite demonstrative pronouns this or that would therefore be inaccurate. So what is fire in the precosmic state is not to be called a this, but rather a such, or that which is always such and such.\r\n\r\nIn order to bring about some stability, the craftsman set out to impart a distinct configuration to the precosmic mass by means of shapes and numbers (diesch\u00eamatisato eidesi te kai arithmois, 53b4-5). Timaeus constructs the elements out of primary triangles. Of all the possible kinds, he selects two basic types: the 30-60-90 scalene triangle\u2014that is, a half-equilateral triangle (Type A)\u2014and the right isosceles triangle\u2014a half-square (Type B). These triangles are combined to form larger shapes, called \u2018surfaces\u2019 (epiphaneia) by the commentators.\r\n\r\nFor the sake of convenience, I shall call \u2018surfaces\u2019 the composite shapes formed out of the basic triangles; the latter I shall just call \u2018triangles\u2019. (One of the surfaces happens to be a triangle too, and it is a matter of dispute among the commentators whether the surfaces are really just two-dimensional planes.)\r\n\r\nSix triangles of Type A can be put together in such a way that they make up an equilateral triangle; four Type B triangles form a square. These surfaces are then combined into stereometric figures (congruent convex regular polyhedra): from the equilateral triangular surfaces can be formed the tetrahedron (that is, a pyramid), the octahedron, and the icosahedron, consisting of four, eight, and twenty faces, respectively; six squares are combined into a hexahedron (that is, a cube).\r\n\r\nThese polyhedra are then assigned to the traditional four elements (henceforth referred to as EWAFs):\r\n\r\n The tetrahedron provides the shape of fire.\r\n The octahedron that of air.\r\n The icosahedron that of water.\r\n The hexahedron that of earth.\r\n\r\nThis model of Plato\u2019s geometric atoms can be completed by adding two more levels\u2014one at the bottom and the other at the top. At one end, we might add the mixtures into which EWAFs enter, and at the foundational level, we must add a level even prior to the basic triangles, since Plato acknowledges that there are \u2018even higher principles\u2019 that are known only to god and privileged humans (53d6-7). [introduction p. 147-148]","btype":2,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/q3J2ENiGHB1LmYR","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":211,"full_name":"Opsomer, Jan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":257,"full_name":"Wilberding, James","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":256,"full_name":"Horn, Christoph","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1095,"section_of":299,"pages":"147-173","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":299,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Horn\/Wilberding2012","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2012","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2012","abstract":"Despite Platonism\u2019s unquestioned claim to being one of the most influential movements in the history of philosophy, for a long time the conventional wisdom was that Platonists of late antiquity\u2014or Neoplatonists\u2014were so focused on other-worldly metaphysics that they simply neglected any serious study of the sensible world, which after all is \u2018merely\u2019 an image of the intelligible world, and only recently has this conventional wisdom begun to be dispelled. In fact, precisely because these thinkers did see the sensible world as an image of the intelligible world, they devoted much time and energy to understanding its inner workings. Thus we find Neoplatonists writing on embryology, physiology, meteorology, astronomy, and much else. This volume collects essays by leading international scholars in the field that shed new light on how these thinkers sought to understand and explain nature and natural phenomena. It is thematically divided into two parts, with the first part\u2014\u2018The general metaphysics of Nature\u2019\u2014directed at the explication of central Neoplatonic metaphysical doctrines and their relation to the natural world, and the second part\u2014\u2019Platonic approaches to individual sciences\u2019\u2014showing how these same doctrines play out in individual natural sciences such as elemental physics, geography, and biology. Together these essays show that a serious examination of Neoplatonic natural philosophy has far-reaching consequences for our general understanding of the metaphysics of Platonism, as well as for our evaluation of their place in the history of science. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/eoRoURIG3JhMB6J","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":299,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Oxford University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2012]}

Un grief antichrétien chez Proclus: l'ignorance en théologie, 2012
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Perrot, Arnaud (Ed.)

Title	Un grief antichrétien chez Proclus: l'ignorance en théologie
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2012
Published in	Les chrétiens et l’hellénisme: identités religieuses et culture grecque dans l’Antiquité tardive
Pages	161-197
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Perrot, Arnaud
Translator(s)

Concluons brièvement. Le dossier de textes que nous venons d’étudier montre que Proclus n’appréhendait la réalité de son temps, et les chrétiens qui l’entouraient, qu’avec des schèmes de pensée directement issus de la science philosophique platonicienne construite et enseignée par lui-même et par les philosophes de son école. La théorie de l’âme qui lui permet de comprendre l’état d’«ignorance» dans lequel se trouvent les chrétiens est directement issue du Livre IV de la République de Platon. La doctrine de l’oubli (lêthê) est elle aussi platonicienne et permet de situer les âmes ignorantes des chrétiens, incarnées et individuelles, dans l’horizon indépassable qui est le leur – le monde de la génésis. La théorie proclienne de la causalité, qui lie la puissance de la Cause à l’extension de ses effets, renforce l’explication par «l’oubli». Et le monothéisme rudimentaire des chrétiens prend son sens par rapport à (et en décalage avec) l’architecture majestueuse de la Théologie platonicienne, qui déploie les ordres divins à partir de l’Un-Bien. Ce monothéisme est comme un lambeau appauvri d’une science théologique à laquelle les chrétiens sont étrangers, tout comme leur est inaccessible l’expérience ultime de la vision unitive. Cette perception de la réalité peut sans doute être mise en relation avec une attitude politique prudente de Proclus, qui ne cherchait pas à provoquer les chrétiens en dépit des difficultés, ainsi que l’a justement suggéré H. D. Saffrey. Au début du VIe siècle, les choses changent, la situation des païens s’assombrit encore – en dépit, ou à cause, de la restauration de l’école néoplatonicienne d’Athènes et de l’enseignement philosophique sous la direction de Damascius – et le ton se durcit : le panorama des âges de l’Humanité, dans la Vie d’Isidore de Damascius, qui ouvrait cette enquête, laisse éclater une indignation véhémente contre l’Empire chrétien, qui se retrouve ensuite chez Simplicius. L’on sait ce que fut l’édit de Justinien en 529, et quelles furent ses conséquences. Mais s’il est une chose qui n’a pas varié, c’est probablement la conscience hautaine que les derniers néoplatoniciens avaient d’être les détenteurs de l’authentique science théologique. Étaient-ils complètement inconscients de la grandeur doctrinale et spirituelle, et de l’ampleur quantitative, de la littérature chrétienne des premiers siècles ? Peut-on penser qu’ils ignoraient vraiment les œuvres de leurs adversaires ? Nous n’entendons que leur silence... [conclusion p. 196-197]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/C6ajOBbEqvD83jH

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Le dossier de textes que nous venons d\u2019\u00e9tudier montre que Proclus n\u2019appr\u00e9hendait la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 de son temps, et les chr\u00e9tiens qui l\u2019entouraient, qu\u2019avec des sch\u00e8mes de pens\u00e9e directement issus de la science philosophique platonicienne construite et enseign\u00e9e par lui-m\u00eame et par les philosophes de son \u00e9cole. La th\u00e9orie de l\u2019\u00e2me qui lui permet de comprendre l\u2019\u00e9tat d\u2019\u00abignorance\u00bb dans lequel se trouvent les chr\u00e9tiens est directement issue du Livre IV de la R\u00e9publique de Platon. La doctrine de l\u2019oubli (l\u00eath\u00ea) est elle aussi platonicienne et permet de situer les \u00e2mes ignorantes des chr\u00e9tiens, incarn\u00e9es et individuelles, dans l\u2019horizon ind\u00e9passable qui est le leur \u2013 le monde de la g\u00e9n\u00e9sis. La th\u00e9orie proclienne de la causalit\u00e9, qui lie la puissance de la Cause \u00e0 l\u2019extension de ses effets, renforce l\u2019explication par \u00abl\u2019oubli\u00bb. Et le monoth\u00e9isme rudimentaire des chr\u00e9tiens prend son sens par rapport \u00e0 (et en d\u00e9calage avec) l\u2019architecture majestueuse de la Th\u00e9ologie platonicienne, qui d\u00e9ploie les ordres divins \u00e0 partir de l\u2019Un-Bien. Ce monoth\u00e9isme est comme un lambeau appauvri d\u2019une science th\u00e9ologique \u00e0 laquelle les chr\u00e9tiens sont \u00e9trangers, tout comme leur est inaccessible l\u2019exp\u00e9rience ultime de la vision unitive.\r\n\r\nCette perception de la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 peut sans doute \u00eatre mise en relation avec une attitude politique prudente de Proclus, qui ne cherchait pas \u00e0 provoquer les chr\u00e9tiens en d\u00e9pit des difficult\u00e9s, ainsi que l\u2019a justement sugg\u00e9r\u00e9 H. D. Saffrey. Au d\u00e9but du VIe si\u00e8cle, les choses changent, la situation des pa\u00efens s\u2019assombrit encore \u2013 en d\u00e9pit, ou \u00e0 cause, de la restauration de l\u2019\u00e9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne d\u2019Ath\u00e8nes et de l\u2019enseignement philosophique sous la direction de Damascius \u2013 et le ton se durcit : le panorama des \u00e2ges de l\u2019Humanit\u00e9, dans la Vie d\u2019Isidore de Damascius, qui ouvrait cette enqu\u00eate, laisse \u00e9clater une indignation v\u00e9h\u00e9mente contre l\u2019Empire chr\u00e9tien, qui se retrouve ensuite chez Simplicius. L\u2019on sait ce que fut l\u2019\u00e9dit de Justinien en 529, et quelles furent ses cons\u00e9quences.\r\n\r\nMais s\u2019il est une chose qui n\u2019a pas vari\u00e9, c\u2019est probablement la conscience hautaine que les derniers n\u00e9oplatoniciens avaient d\u2019\u00eatre les d\u00e9tenteurs de l\u2019authentique science th\u00e9ologique. \u00c9taient-ils compl\u00e8tement inconscients de la grandeur doctrinale et spirituelle, et de l\u2019ampleur quantitative, de la litt\u00e9rature chr\u00e9tienne des premiers si\u00e8cles ? Peut-on penser qu\u2019ils ignoraient vraiment les \u0153uvres de leurs adversaires ? Nous n\u2019entendons que leur silence... [conclusion p. 196-197]","btype":2,"date":"2012","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/C6ajOBbEqvD83jH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":212,"full_name":"Perrot, Arnaud","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1143,"section_of":358,"pages":"161-197","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":358,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Les chr\u00e9tiens et l\u2019hell\u00e9nisme: identit\u00e9s religieuses et culture grecque dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Perrot2012","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2012","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2012","abstract":"Les modernes ont souvent oppos\u00e9 les chr\u00e9tiens \u00e0 l\u2019hell\u00e9nisme. Les auteurs antiques eux-m\u00eames \u2013 qu\u2019ils soient \u00ab Grecs \u00bb ou chr\u00e9tiens \u2013 semblent avoir th\u00e9matis\u00e9 leur antagonisme. Que vaut cette ligne de fracture ? Qu\u2019est-ce qu\u2019\u00eatre Grec \u00e0 la fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 ? Pour quelles raisons un chr\u00e9tien hell\u00e9nophone, pass\u00e9 par les \u00e9coles de l\u2019Empire et nourri de paideia, ne saurait-il \u00eatre un Grec, au m\u00eame titre que les autres ? Qui donne, qui revendique et qui refuse ce titre \u2013 et pourquoi ? Les termes dans lesquels le sujet est pos\u00e9 ne sont ni simples, ni neutres. La notion d\u2019hell\u00e9nisme, qui peut para\u00eetre moins confessionnelle que celle de \u00ab paganisme \u00bb, est en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 marqu\u00e9e par les conflits religieux des \u00e9poques hell\u00e9nistique et tardive. Ce sont, on le montrera, les besoins de l\u2019autod\u00e9finition et l\u2019\u00e9laboration de la pol\u00e9mique contre l\u2019Autre qui conditionnent les rapports entre les chr\u00e9tiens et \u00ab l\u2019hell\u00e9nisme \u00bb. Cet ouvrage porte une attention particuli\u00e8re au but poursuivi par les auteurs anciens dans chacune de leurs d\u00e9clarations identitaires, entre langue commune et particularisme religieux. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9Fs2iPPdApqIvv7","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":358,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Rue d'Ulm","series":"\u00c9tudes de litt\u00e9rature ancienne","volume":"20","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2012]}

What does Aristotle categorize? Semantics and the early peripatetic reading of the "Categories", 2012
By: Griffin, Michael J.

Title	What does Aristotle categorize? Semantics and the early peripatetic reading of the "Categories"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
Volume	55
Issue	1
Pages	69-108
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Griffin, Michael J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Through this sketch of the evidence, I hope to have suggested that there is, in any case, more to the bipartite theory than a compendious treatment or compression of the tripartite material by Porphyry, and that attention should be drawn to it as a separate and distinct layer of the tradition. I have also explored some of the ways in which both layers may be seen as predating Porphyry, while Porphyry’s approach to the Categories in the shorter commentary could be seen as building on an earlier source. As to our first mystery—the role of the Categories in the harmony of Plato and Aristotle, both first-century and Neoplatonic—I would like to offer a few concluding reflections on the theory itself. To be significant, a verbal expression must have an extension that qualifies as ὄν (Porph. In Cat. 90,30-91,12 – T17; as this passage shows, the extension might be infinite). If Busse is right to read ἕκαστον κατὰ ἀριθμὸν σημαίνει <ἕν> τῶν ὄντων (“each numerically distinct expression signifies one of the beings”) around 58,5-15 (T9), I think we are not merely dealing with the Stoic view that there are “somethings” that do not subsist—occasionally compared to Meinong's distinction of bestehen and existieren as represented by Bertrand Russell—but an even stronger view, akin to Owen’s positive reading of the Parmenidean maxim that “what can be spoken and thought must exist” (B2). That sort of intuition, though pre-Platonic, was always part of the Platonic tradition. Perhaps it is not so surprising, then, that we find friendly Platonist and Neopythagorean treatments in the earliest layer of the exegetical stratigraphy of the Categories, and that Porphyry should find it a suitable cornerstone around which to build later Neoplatonic ontology. The bipartite theory that I have described looks like an extensional theory of signification—as Porphyry’s language in T17 might seem to suggest, the meaning of a predicate F amounts to the set of objects said to be F. We might call this kind of view nominalist, and not very much in the spirit of Platonism as we usually conceive it. But there are also examples in the Arabic tradition that draw on the Posterior Analytics for a kind of Platonic view about the existence of eternal natures. For example (see Adamson, “Knowledge of Universals”), the tenth-century logician Ibn ʿAdī maintained that (1) terms in syllogisms directly refer (have some existing extension), (2) following the Post. An., demonstrative knowledge is never of the transient, unlimited particulars, and (3) nonetheless, demonstrative knowledge occurs; from these points, he was led to maintain that there are eternal, unchanging objects of reference. If this conclusion could be referred to as essential Platonism, then as Adamson puts it, “to some extent, Aristotle’s own words invited the Platonizing.” It seems to me compatible with Alexander’s view, if I understand his De anima rightly (especially around p. 90), that there are eternal natures that may or may not be predicated of many particulars, a view about which Sharples has also written. My suggestion here, then, is just that the interpretation of the Organon that facilitates this line of thinking goes back to a very early layer of commentary on the Categories. Modern philosophy arguably also provides examples of how a theory of direct reference can inspire different flavors of almost Platonic realism, especially when the observable infinity of particular objects of acquaintance is coupled with the observed feasibility of human knowledge. Bertrand Russell in 1945 criticized Porphyry’s work on the Categories (which he had, I suppose, indirectly) by wielding the same weapons that had served against his interpretation of Meinong in 1904. Russell credited Porphyry’s alleged misreading of Aristotle with the excessively “metaphysical” temper of subsequent logic (HWP 1945:472), including entrenched realism about genera and species and “endless bad metaphysics about unity” (198). But it was the early Russell himself who, in 1903, made every denoting phrase directly denote an existing entity and argued that “anything that can be mentioned is sure to be a term...” that has unity and in some sense exists (43). In fact, Russell was led by his pre-1905 account of denoting to frame the problem of knowledge in terms strikingly similar to our bipartite theory (see T27a): the “inmost secret of our power to deal with infinity” lies in the fact that “an infinitely complex object... can certainly not be manipulated by the human intelligence; but infinite collections, owing to the notion of denoting, can be manipulated.” Russell later eliminated (what he took to be) the Meinongian plurality of denoted beings implied by his own earlier logical realism, using his theory of descriptions as an instrument; thus the later Russell, who still maintained that “we could not acquire knowledge of absolute particulars,” came to hold that our words denote just adjectives or relations (T27b). Porphyry—and arguably many Peripatetics before him—took an analogous temperament in precisely the opposite direction. Both held, in their own way, that an ideal language would carve nature at the joints; and the semantic building blocks of Porphyry's ideal language, as I have suggested here, were rooted in a long tradition of Peripatetic thought about what Aristotle’s Categories categorize, and in particular how unity could be imposed on plurality to make sense of the world. But whereas Russell’s language ultimately aimed to talk about, and gain certainty about, a Moorean world of common sense and acquaintance, Porphyry’s categorical language aimed to talk about, and gain certainty about, the world of the Enneads and the existence of some eternal natures. Peripatetic and Porphyrian logicism was not Russell’s, and a similar interest in the ontological implications of their logical apparatus led to very different results at the dawn of analytic philosophy and at the dawn of Neoplatonism: by dispensing with several components of Aristotle’s theory of predication that Porphyry had held to be central, Russell had toppled the giant from whose shoulders Porphyry had spied (and at any rate hoped to teach his pupils to spy) Plotinus’s ontology. [conclusion p. 90-92]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0V3z3uBVFDC712w

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1148","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1148,"authors_free":[{"id":1723,"entry_id":1148,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":148,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","free_first_name":"Michael J.","free_last_name":"Griffin","norm_person":{"id":148,"first_name":"Michael J.","last_name":"Griffin","full_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1065676603","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"What does Aristotle categorize? Semantics and the early peripatetic reading of the \"Categories\"","main_title":{"title":"What does Aristotle categorize? Semantics and the early peripatetic reading of the \"Categories\""},"abstract":"Through this sketch of the evidence, I hope to have suggested that there is, in any case, more to the bipartite theory than a compendious treatment or compression of the tripartite material by Porphyry, and that attention should be drawn to it as a separate and distinct layer of the tradition. I have also explored some of the ways in which both layers may be seen as predating Porphyry, while Porphyry\u2019s approach to the Categories in the shorter commentary could be seen as building on an earlier source.\r\nAs to our first mystery\u2014the role of the Categories in the harmony of Plato and Aristotle, both first-century and Neoplatonic\u2014I would like to offer a few concluding reflections on the theory itself. To be significant, a verbal expression must have an extension that qualifies as \u1f44\u03bd (Porph. In Cat. 90,30-91,12 \u2013 T17; as this passage shows, the extension might be infinite). If Busse is right to read \u1f15\u03ba\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u1f00\u03c1\u03b9\u03b8\u03bc\u1f78\u03bd \u03c3\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9 <\u1f15\u03bd> \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f44\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd (\u201ceach numerically distinct expression signifies one of the beings\u201d) around 58,5-15 (T9), I think we are not merely dealing with the Stoic view that there are \u201csomethings\u201d that do not subsist\u2014occasionally compared to Meinong's distinction of bestehen and existieren as represented by Bertrand Russell\u2014but an even stronger view, akin to Owen\u2019s positive reading of the Parmenidean maxim that \u201cwhat can be spoken and thought must exist\u201d (B2). That sort of intuition, though pre-Platonic, was always part of the Platonic tradition.\r\nPerhaps it is not so surprising, then, that we find friendly Platonist and Neopythagorean treatments in the earliest layer of the exegetical stratigraphy of the Categories, and that Porphyry should find it a suitable cornerstone around which to build later Neoplatonic ontology.\r\nThe bipartite theory that I have described looks like an extensional theory of signification\u2014as Porphyry\u2019s language in T17 might seem to suggest, the meaning of a predicate F amounts to the set of objects said to be F. We might call this kind of view nominalist, and not very much in the spirit of Platonism as we usually conceive it. But there are also examples in the Arabic tradition that draw on the Posterior Analytics for a kind of Platonic view about the existence of eternal natures.\r\nFor example (see Adamson, \u201cKnowledge of Universals\u201d), the tenth-century logician Ibn \u02bfAd\u012b maintained that (1) terms in syllogisms directly refer (have some existing extension), (2) following the Post. An., demonstrative knowledge is never of the transient, unlimited particulars, and (3) nonetheless, demonstrative knowledge occurs; from these points, he was led to maintain that there are eternal, unchanging objects of reference. If this conclusion could be referred to as essential Platonism, then as Adamson puts it, \u201cto some extent, Aristotle\u2019s own words invited the Platonizing.\u201d\r\nIt seems to me compatible with Alexander\u2019s view, if I understand his De anima rightly (especially around p. 90), that there are eternal natures that may or may not be predicated of many particulars, a view about which Sharples has also written. My suggestion here, then, is just that the interpretation of the Organon that facilitates this line of thinking goes back to a very early layer of commentary on the Categories.\r\nModern philosophy arguably also provides examples of how a theory of direct reference can inspire different flavors of almost Platonic realism, especially when the observable infinity of particular objects of acquaintance is coupled with the observed feasibility of human knowledge.\r\nBertrand Russell in 1945 criticized Porphyry\u2019s work on the Categories (which he had, I suppose, indirectly) by wielding the same weapons that had served against his interpretation of Meinong in 1904. Russell credited Porphyry\u2019s alleged misreading of Aristotle with the excessively \u201cmetaphysical\u201d temper of subsequent logic (HWP 1945:472), including entrenched realism about genera and species and \u201cendless bad metaphysics about unity\u201d (198).\r\nBut it was the early Russell himself who, in 1903, made every denoting phrase directly denote an existing entity and argued that \u201canything that can be mentioned is sure to be a term...\u201d that has unity and in some sense exists (43).\r\nIn fact, Russell was led by his pre-1905 account of denoting to frame the problem of knowledge in terms strikingly similar to our bipartite theory (see T27a): the \u201cinmost secret of our power to deal with infinity\u201d lies in the fact that \u201can infinitely complex object... can certainly not be manipulated by the human intelligence; but infinite collections, owing to the notion of denoting, can be manipulated.\u201d\r\nRussell later eliminated (what he took to be) the Meinongian plurality of denoted beings implied by his own earlier logical realism, using his theory of descriptions as an instrument; thus the later Russell, who still maintained that \u201cwe could not acquire knowledge of absolute particulars,\u201d came to hold that our words denote just adjectives or relations (T27b).\r\nPorphyry\u2014and arguably many Peripatetics before him\u2014took an analogous temperament in precisely the opposite direction. Both held, in their own way, that an ideal language would carve nature at the joints; and the semantic building blocks of Porphyry's ideal language, as I have suggested here, were rooted in a long tradition of Peripatetic thought about what Aristotle\u2019s Categories categorize, and in particular how unity could be imposed on plurality to make sense of the world.\r\nBut whereas Russell\u2019s language ultimately aimed to talk about, and gain certainty about, a Moorean world of common sense and acquaintance, Porphyry\u2019s categorical language aimed to talk about, and gain certainty about, the world of the Enneads and the existence of some eternal natures.\r\nPeripatetic and Porphyrian logicism was not Russell\u2019s, and a similar interest in the ontological implications of their logical apparatus led to very different results at the dawn of analytic philosophy and at the dawn of Neoplatonism: by dispensing with several components of Aristotle\u2019s theory of predication that Porphyry had held to be central, Russell had toppled the giant from whose shoulders Porphyry had spied (and at any rate hoped to teach his pupils to spy) Plotinus\u2019s ontology.\r\n [conclusion p. 90-92]","btype":3,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/0V3z3uBVFDC712w","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":148,"full_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1148,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies","volume":"55","issue":"1","pages":"69-108"}},"sort":[2012]}

Simplicius on Tekmeriodic Proofs, 2012
By: Harari, Orna

Title	Simplicius on Tekmeriodic Proofs
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Studies in History and Philosophy of Science
Volume	43
Pages	366-375
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Harari, Orna
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this study I examine the sole detailed evidence we have for Simplicius’ view of sign-based, i.e. tekmeriodic proofs, thereby questing the widespread assumption that he espouses Phiioponus' account of these proofs. Specifically. I argue that (1) it is more plausible to understand the signs on which Simplicius bases his tekmeriodic proofs as refutable, (2) he grounds the epistemic worth of these proofs in the evidential strength of their premises rather than in their validity, (3) unlike Phiioponus, he conceives of the argument that leads to the principles of natural philosophy, which tekmeriodic proofs are aimed to prove, as inductive, and (4) he evaluates these proofs against Plato’s un-hypothetical science, hence denying natural philosophy the autonomy from metaphysics that Phiioponus’ account of tekmeriodic proofs grants. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kTidRDQtummkQxv

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Self-motion and reflection: Hermias and Proclus on the harmony of Plato and Aristotle on the soul, 2012
By: Menn, Stephen, Horn, Christoph (Ed.), Wilberding, James (Ed.)

Title	Self-motion and reflection: Hermias and Proclus on the harmony of Plato and Aristotle on the soul
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2012
Published in	Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature
Pages	44-67
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Menn, Stephen
Editor(s)	Horn, Christoph , Wilberding, James
Translator(s)

A central puzzle of recent scholarship on late Neoplatonism has been to understand how what Richard Sorabji has called a ‘perfectly crazy position', the thesis of die harmony of Plato and Aristode, nonetheless ‘proved philosophically fruitful' — whereas, for instance, the same philosophers' perfectly crazy thesis of the harmony of Plato and Homer did not. In this chapter, starting from Hermias' commentary on a passage of the Phaedrus which poses a difficulty for harmonization, I hope to shed some light on what the late Neoplatonists were asserting when they asserted the harmony of Plato and Aristotle, in general or on some particular issue (here the immortality of soul); on why they were inclined to make such assertions o f harmony, and what they saw themselves as needing to do in order to defend them: and on why,in the process of defending them, they were led to conceptual clarifications which were in some cases of longstanding benefit to the conceptual stoic of philosophy. I will point to a sur prising case of such a conceptual benefit resulting from Neoplatonic interpretations of this Pimdtus passage and its parallels in the Timaeus. While my central example will be from Hermias, the themes I am interested in ate not peculiar to him, and I will also make use of other late Neoplatonic authors, especially Proclus. Hermias, and Produs, to recall, were both students of Syrianus;at one point in Hermias' commentary 'our companion Proclus' raises an aporia, and ‘the philosopher'— that is, ‘the professor — replies (92,6-10 Couvrcur), which seems to imply that the commentary in general was drawn by Hermias from Syrianus lectures. [Introduction, pp. 44 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EgP6g0IaubwrLcL

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In this chapter, starting from Hermias' commentary on a passage of the Phaedrus which poses a difficulty for harmonization, I hope to shed some light on what the late Neoplatonists were asserting when they asserted the harmony \r\nof Plato and Aristotle, in general or on some particular issue (here the immortality of soul); on why they were inclined to make such assertions o f harmony, and what they saw themselves as needing to do in order to defend them: and on why,in the process of defending them, they were led to conceptual clarifications which were in some cases of longstanding benefit to the conceptual stoic of philosophy. I will point to a sur\u00ad\r\nprising case of such a conceptual benefit resulting from Neoplatonic interpretations of this Pimdtus passage and its parallels in the Timaeus. While my central example will be from Hermias, the themes I am interested in ate not peculiar to him, and I will also \r\nmake use of other late Neoplatonic authors, especially Proclus. Hermias, and Produs, to recall, were both students of Syrianus;at one point in Hermias' commentary 'our companion Proclus' raises an aporia, and \u2018the philosopher'\u2014 that is, \u2018the professor \u2014 replies (92,6-10 Couvrcur), which seems to imply that the commentary in general was drawn by Hermias from Syrianus lectures. [Introduction, pp. 44 f.]","btype":2,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/EgP6g0IaubwrLcL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":255,"full_name":"Menn, Stephen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":256,"full_name":"Horn, Christoph","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":257,"full_name":"Wilberding, James","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1164,"section_of":299,"pages":"44-67","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":299,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Horn\/Wilberding2012","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2012","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2012","abstract":"Despite Platonism\u2019s unquestioned claim to being one of the most influential movements in the history of philosophy, for a long time the conventional wisdom was that Platonists of late antiquity\u2014or Neoplatonists\u2014were so focused on other-worldly metaphysics that they simply neglected any serious study of the sensible world, which after all is \u2018merely\u2019 an image of the intelligible world, and only recently has this conventional wisdom begun to be dispelled. In fact, precisely because these thinkers did see the sensible world as an image of the intelligible world, they devoted much time and energy to understanding its inner workings. Thus we find Neoplatonists writing on embryology, physiology, meteorology, astronomy, and much else. This volume collects essays by leading international scholars in the field that shed new light on how these thinkers sought to understand and explain nature and natural phenomena. It is thematically divided into two parts, with the first part\u2014\u2018The general metaphysics of Nature\u2019\u2014directed at the explication of central Neoplatonic metaphysical doctrines and their relation to the natural world, and the second part\u2014\u2019Platonic approaches to individual sciences\u2019\u2014showing how these same doctrines play out in individual natural sciences such as elemental physics, geography, and biology. Together these essays show that a serious examination of Neoplatonic natural philosophy has far-reaching consequences for our general understanding of the metaphysics of Platonism, as well as for our evaluation of their place in the history of science. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/eoRoURIG3JhMB6J","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":299,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Oxford University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2012]}

Alexander on Physics 2.9, 2012
By: Sharples, Robert W.

Title	Alexander on Physics 2.9
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
Volume	55
Issue	1
Pages	19-30
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sharples, Robert W.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I want to draw your attention today to a report of Alexander in Simplicius’s Physics commentary which, as far as I can tell, has escaped the notice of everyone, myself included—and I have rather less excuse than most, for, as we shall see, the report connects directly with issues about which I have written in other contexts. That was concerned with On Coming-to-Be and Passing-Away [hereafter GC] 2.11, with Philoponus’s commentary thereon, and with Alexander’s discussion in some of the Quaestiones; the present paper, with Simplicius’s help, extends the discussion to Physics 2.9. Alexander’s GC commentary and the relevant part of his Physics commentary are lost. The text that will chiefly concern us is (3) (2) in the appendix, where Simplicius says: "For my part, I do not understand why Alexander says that unqualified necessity excludes what is for the sake of something." Perhaps indeed he does understand why Alexander says this, and this is a disingenuous way of introducing a problem; but the problem may be real nonetheless. If my story has a moral, it is, I suppose, that those who have an interest in Alexander should be more proactive than I confess I have myself been in looking up the later commentaries on passages of Aristotle that are of interest in the context of Alexander, in order to see whether Alexander is recorded as having had interesting comments to make. Or, if that is a counsel of perfection, I think it shows that we need a collection of the reports of Alexander by name in later Greek commentaries on the Physics, rather like Andrea Rescigno’s recent edition of the fragments of the De Caelo commentary. We already have the fragments of the Physics commentary preserved in Arabic, and the fragments in Greek identified by Marwan Rashed; there may be scope, if copyright and other issues can be overcome, for a compendium assembling all this material in the order of the passages of Aristotle commented upon. This would indeed in a way be assistance for the lazy, making nothing available that individual scholars could not find for themselves in published sources, but it might be useful nonetheless. In Physics 2.9, Aristotle continues his polemic against those who explain nature in terms of necessitating material interactions, arguing that necessity is present in all things that have goal-directedness, if I may so translate “the for-the-sake-of-something,” but that the necessity of matter is not the cause or explanation of what comes about. There is, by the way, in my view a systematic ambiguity in the terminology commonly used here; necessity can be conditional either on a future goal or on some past event, but the custom has developed of using “conditional” or “hypothetical” necessity to indicate that which relates to the future, “absolute” to indicate that which is conditional on past events—presumably because there is no longer anything hypothetical about these. But, especially in the ancient Peripatetic context where, as Patzig pointed out, qualifications attach to predicates rather than to whole propositions, this could be misleading from the point of view of logical analysis. Building a house necessarily requires bricks; but the fact that you, or the builder, purchased a pile of bricks from the builders’ merchant is not an explanation of why you now have a house. (It could be an explanation of why you have a brick house, or more strictly of why, given that you have a house, it is a brick one; but that is a different point.) To be sure, Aristotle’s argument in 2.9 is open to challenge in that he takes his examples from human goal-directed activity, and the extrapolation from these to natural processes is open to question. David Sedley well suggests that the self-building wall may be a parody of atomist cosmogony. A human being requires human flesh and human bones; but, Aristotle’s view would seem to imply, human flesh does not self-assemble into a human being—perhaps because it cannot even be human flesh, except homonymously, if it is not part of a human being. There are well-known problems here about how the final cause of embryonic development can also be the efficient cause, but I do not propose to pursue them now. For, more important in the present context, is a distinction indicated by the example I have just used. The fact that you, or the builder, purchased a pile of bricks from the builders’ merchant is not an explanation of why you now have a house. Why not? Well, presumably, because sitting looking at the pile of bricks will not give you a house; you, or the builder, need to do something with them. Bricks not only do not explain the coming-to-be of a brick house (let us call this “thesis A”); they do not necessarily lead to it, either (let us call this “thesis B”). In more formal language, they are necessary but not sufficient conditions. For the Presocratic natural philosophers whom Aristotle is attacking, on the other hand, material interactions are both sufficient conditions for, and explanations of, natural phenomena. Normally, an explanation will be a sufficient condition, or at least that one of a number of jointly sufficient conditions that is relevant in the explanatory context. Consequently, to say that material actions may necessitate, i.e., may be sufficient for, but may not explain, some event, or in the contexts with which we are concerned the coming-to-be of something, is to raise the specter of over-determination. If natural comings-to-be are necessitated by matter and its interactions—what some call “absolute” necessity—is there any room left in which to argue that they are explained by the purposes or goals for which they are necessary means? [introduction p. 19-20]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RKYRiSGUGVV8cTg

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That was concerned with On Coming-to-Be and Passing-Away [hereafter GC] 2.11, with Philoponus\u2019s commentary thereon, and with Alexander\u2019s discussion in some of the Quaestiones; the present paper, with Simplicius\u2019s help, extends the discussion to Physics 2.9. Alexander\u2019s GC commentary and the relevant part of his Physics commentary are lost. The text that will chiefly concern us is (3) (2) in the appendix, where Simplicius says:\r\n\r\n \"For my part, I do not understand why Alexander says that unqualified necessity excludes what is for the sake of something.\"\r\n\r\nPerhaps indeed he does understand why Alexander says this, and this is a disingenuous way of introducing a problem; but the problem may be real nonetheless.\r\n\r\nIf my story has a moral, it is, I suppose, that those who have an interest in Alexander should be more proactive than I confess I have myself been in looking up the later commentaries on passages of Aristotle that are of interest in the context of Alexander, in order to see whether Alexander is recorded as having had interesting comments to make. Or, if that is a counsel of perfection, I think it shows that we need a collection of the reports of Alexander by name in later Greek commentaries on the Physics, rather like Andrea Rescigno\u2019s recent edition of the fragments of the De Caelo commentary. We already have the fragments of the Physics commentary preserved in Arabic, and the fragments in Greek identified by Marwan Rashed; there may be scope, if copyright and other issues can be overcome, for a compendium assembling all this material in the order of the passages of Aristotle commented upon. This would indeed in a way be assistance for the lazy, making nothing available that individual scholars could not find for themselves in published sources, but it might be useful nonetheless.\r\n\r\nIn Physics 2.9, Aristotle continues his polemic against those who explain nature in terms of necessitating material interactions, arguing that necessity is present in all things that have goal-directedness, if I may so translate \u201cthe for-the-sake-of-something,\u201d but that the necessity of matter is not the cause or explanation of what comes about. There is, by the way, in my view a systematic ambiguity in the terminology commonly used here; necessity can be conditional either on a future goal or on some past event, but the custom has developed of using \u201cconditional\u201d or \u201chypothetical\u201d necessity to indicate that which relates to the future, \u201cabsolute\u201d to indicate that which is conditional on past events\u2014presumably because there is no longer anything hypothetical about these. But, especially in the ancient Peripatetic context where, as Patzig pointed out, qualifications attach to predicates rather than to whole propositions, this could be misleading from the point of view of logical analysis.\r\n\r\nBuilding a house necessarily requires bricks; but the fact that you, or the builder, purchased a pile of bricks from the builders\u2019 merchant is not an explanation of why you now have a house. (It could be an explanation of why you have a brick house, or more strictly of why, given that you have a house, it is a brick one; but that is a different point.) To be sure, Aristotle\u2019s argument in 2.9 is open to challenge in that he takes his examples from human goal-directed activity, and the extrapolation from these to natural processes is open to question. David Sedley well suggests that the self-building wall may be a parody of atomist cosmogony. A human being requires human flesh and human bones; but, Aristotle\u2019s view would seem to imply, human flesh does not self-assemble into a human being\u2014perhaps because it cannot even be human flesh, except homonymously, if it is not part of a human being. There are well-known problems here about how the final cause of embryonic development can also be the efficient cause, but I do not propose to pursue them now.\r\n\r\nFor, more important in the present context, is a distinction indicated by the example I have just used. The fact that you, or the builder, purchased a pile of bricks from the builders\u2019 merchant is not an explanation of why you now have a house. Why not? Well, presumably, because sitting looking at the pile of bricks will not give you a house; you, or the builder, need to do something with them. Bricks not only do not explain the coming-to-be of a brick house (let us call this \u201cthesis A\u201d); they do not necessarily lead to it, either (let us call this \u201cthesis B\u201d). In more formal language, they are necessary but not sufficient conditions. For the Presocratic natural philosophers whom Aristotle is attacking, on the other hand, material interactions are both sufficient conditions for, and explanations of, natural phenomena.\r\n\r\nNormally, an explanation will be a sufficient condition, or at least that one of a number of jointly sufficient conditions that is relevant in the explanatory context. Consequently, to say that material actions may necessitate, i.e., may be sufficient for, but may not explain, some event, or in the contexts with which we are concerned the coming-to-be of something, is to raise the specter of over-determination. If natural comings-to-be are necessitated by matter and its interactions\u2014what some call \u201cabsolute\u201d necessity\u2014is there any room left in which to argue that they are explained by the purposes or goals for which they are necessary means?\r\n[introduction p. 19-20]","btype":3,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RKYRiSGUGVV8cTg","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":42,"full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1172,"section_of":1171,"pages":"19-30","is_catalog":null,"book":null},"article":{"id":1172,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies","volume":"55","issue":"1","pages":"19-30"}},"sort":[2012]}

Intelligibles = Sinnliches? Simplikios' differenzierter Umgang mit Aristoteles' Parmenides-Kritik, 2012
By: Drews, Friedemann

Title	Intelligibles = Sinnliches? Simplikios' differenzierter Umgang mit Aristoteles' Parmenides-Kritik
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2012
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	155
Issue	3/4
Pages	389-412
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Drews, Friedemann
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplikios nimmt Parmenides sowohl vor dem potentiellen Vorwurf, er würde nicht hinreichend zwischen Intelligiblem und Sinnlichem unterscheiden, in Schutz als auch integriert er Aristoteles' Kritik im Sinne einer potentiellen Missverständnissen vor beugenden Vorsichtsmaßnahme in seine neuplatonische Parmeni des-Interpretation und weist ihr so einen berechtigten Platz zu. Simplikios' Gründe dafür erscheinen vor dem Hintergrund seines neuplatonischen Denkens plausibel. Ob seine Parmenides-Interpretation als solche dem Eleaten gerecht wird, ist eine andere Frage; zumindest würde Simplikios gegenüber einer Deutung des parmenideischen Seins-Begriffs in dem Sinne, dass „jeder Gegenstand, den wir untersuchen, existieren muß", wohl einwenden wollen, dass dies einer Reduktion von Parmenides' το έόν auf ein abstraktes Erkenntniskriterium gleichkäme, dessen eigene, nur für das νοεΐν erkennbare Seinsfülle dann aus dem Blick geraten wäre. Auch erschiene es in dieser Perspektive fraglich, warum zum Erschließen eines allgemeinen Existenz-Postulats ein Weg „fernab der Menschen" eingeschlagen werden musste oder gar eine göttliche Offenbarung des „unerschütterlichen Herzens der wohlüberzeugenden Wahrheit", von der Parmenides schreibt, nötig war. [conclusion, p. 410-411]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ICo5GC7IUBJgLkS

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Simplicius’ response to Philoponus’ attacks on Aristotle’s Physics 8.1., 2012
By: Chase, Michael, Bodnár, István M. (Ed.), Chase, Michael (Ed.), Share, Michael (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius’ response to Philoponus’ attacks on Aristotle’s Physics 8.1.
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2012
Published in	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 8.1-5’
Pages	1-16
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)	Bodnár, István M. , Chase, Michael , Share, Michael
Translator(s)

The section devoted to Physics 8.1 is one of the most extensive and interesting in Simplicius’ commentary on Physics 8. On the one hand, it contains Simplicius’ usual meticulous comments on the text of Aristotle, who here begins his demonstration of the eternity of motion. As is his wont, the Stagirite starts out with a critical survey of the views of his predecessors, which gives Simplicius the opportunity to quote and explain a number of important fragments of Presocratic philosophers (Anaximander, Anaximenes, Heraclitus, the Atomists, Diogenes of Apollonia, and especially Empedocles). But the bulk of Simplicius’ commentary on Physics 8.1 consists of one of his famous digressions, in which he quotes and attempts to refute several fragments from Book 6 of "Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World," written by his Christian rival, John Philoponus, sometime in the 530s. Many of the arguments of both Philoponus and Simplicius concerning time, eternity, and the nature of the infinite are of considerable philosophical importance, as a number of recent studies have shown. Quite apart from the intrinsic interest of the various arguments mobilized by both interlocutors, however, Book 8.1 of Simplicius’ "Commentary on Physics," together with his "Commentary on the de Caelo," provide us with vitally important documents concerning the conflict between pagans and Christians in the second quarter of the sixth century AD. [p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4tkAKmiX8jOeqAf

Priscien de Lydie, 2012
By: Perkams, Matthias, Goulet, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Priscien de Lydie
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2012
Published in	Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol V: de Paccius à Rutilius Rufus - Vb: de Plotina à Rutilius Rufus
Pages	1514-1521
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)	Goulet, Richard
Translator(s)

Au total, l’autocitation du commentateur du De anima à sa propre Épitomé de Théophraste peut facilement être mise en rapport, grâce à des arguments philologiques solides, avec la Métaphrase conservée de Priscien, ce qui est également confirmé par l’utilisation de cet ouvrage en d’autres passages du commentaire. Les preuves avancées par Steel et Boissier en faveur de cette thèse n’ont jamais été contredites de façon concluante, tandis que les objections faites à leur position peuvent en revanche recevoir une réponse. Finalement, on ne peut opposer à l’attribution du commentaire à Priscien que l’hypothèse fragile d’une Épitomé perdue de Théophraste ; au vu des particularités doctrinales et linguistiques communes aux deux textes conservés, cette hypothèse est en elle-même problématique. Dans la mesure où il n’existe aucune preuve positive de l’existence d’un auteur distinct de Priscien et de Simplicius, il est recommandé, dès lors qu’avec la majorité des chercheurs on retire la paternité du commentaire à Simplicius, de considérer Priscien comme son auteur. L’attribution à Priscien du Commentaire sur le De anima, qui est historiquement parfaitement plausible du fait de l’appartenance de ce philosophe au cercle de Damascius, est en tout cas, grâce à ses très solides bases philologiques, beaucoup mieux fondée que celle de nombreux textes antiques (par exemple l’attribution à Porphyre de Ad Gaurum ou du Commentaire anonyme de Turin sur le Parménide). L’auteur de la présente notice est, pour sa part, persuadé de la justesse de cette attribution. [conclusion p. 1521]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/e7qG8dZmAxFJDkM

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1084","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1084,"authors_free":[{"id":1639,"entry_id":1084,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":283,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Perkams, Matthias","free_first_name":"Matthias","free_last_name":"Perkams","norm_person":{"id":283,"first_name":"Matthias","last_name":"Perkams","full_name":"Perkams, Matthias","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123439760","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1640,"entry_id":1084,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":136,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Goulet, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Goulet","norm_person":{"id":136,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Goulet","full_name":"Goulet, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1042353395","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Priscien de Lydie","main_title":{"title":"Priscien de Lydie"},"abstract":"Au total, l\u2019autocitation du commentateur du De anima \u00e0 sa propre \u00c9pitom\u00e9 de Th\u00e9ophraste peut facilement \u00eatre mise en rapport, gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 des arguments philologiques solides, avec la M\u00e9taphrase conserv\u00e9e de Priscien, ce qui est \u00e9galement confirm\u00e9 par l\u2019utilisation de cet ouvrage en d\u2019autres passages du commentaire.\r\n\r\nLes preuves avanc\u00e9es par Steel et Boissier en faveur de cette th\u00e8se n\u2019ont jamais \u00e9t\u00e9 contredites de fa\u00e7on concluante, tandis que les objections faites \u00e0 leur position peuvent en revanche recevoir une r\u00e9ponse. Finalement, on ne peut opposer \u00e0 l\u2019attribution du commentaire \u00e0 Priscien que l\u2019hypoth\u00e8se fragile d\u2019une \u00c9pitom\u00e9 perdue de Th\u00e9ophraste ; au vu des particularit\u00e9s doctrinales et linguistiques communes aux deux textes conserv\u00e9s, cette hypoth\u00e8se est en elle-m\u00eame probl\u00e9matique.\r\n\r\nDans la mesure o\u00f9 il n\u2019existe aucune preuve positive de l\u2019existence d\u2019un auteur distinct de Priscien et de Simplicius, il est recommand\u00e9, d\u00e8s lors qu\u2019avec la majorit\u00e9 des chercheurs on retire la paternit\u00e9 du commentaire \u00e0 Simplicius, de consid\u00e9rer Priscien comme son auteur.\r\n\r\nL\u2019attribution \u00e0 Priscien du Commentaire sur le De anima, qui est historiquement parfaitement plausible du fait de l\u2019appartenance de ce philosophe au cercle de Damascius, est en tout cas, gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 ses tr\u00e8s solides bases philologiques, beaucoup mieux fond\u00e9e que celle de nombreux textes antiques (par exemple l\u2019attribution \u00e0 Porphyre de Ad Gaurum ou du Commentaire anonyme de Turin sur le Parm\u00e9nide).\r\n\r\nL\u2019auteur de la pr\u00e9sente notice est, pour sa part, persuad\u00e9 de la justesse de cette attribution.\r\n[conclusion p. 1521]","btype":2,"date":"2012","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/e7qG8dZmAxFJDkM","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":283,"full_name":"Perkams, Matthias","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":136,"full_name":"Goulet, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1084,"section_of":1378,"pages":"1514-1521","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1378,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol V: de Paccius \u00e0 Rutilius Rufus - Vb: de Plotina \u00e0 Rutilius Rufus","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Goulet2012","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2012","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/x0jZuzeLMaSkQwF","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1378,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"CNRS \u00c9ditions","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2012]}

Self-motion according to Iamblichus, 2012
By: Opsomer, Jan

Title	Self-motion according to Iamblichus
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Elenchos
Volume	33
Issue	2
Pages	259-290
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Opsomer, Jan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Iamblichus' theory of self-motion has to be pieced together from various texts and passing remarks. Ever since Aristotle's critique, Plato's concept of the self-motive soul was felt to be problematic. Taking his lead from Plotinus, Iamblichus counters Aristotle's criticism by claiming that true self-motion transcends the opposition between activity and passivity. He moreover argues that it does not involve motion that is spatially extended. Hence it is non-physical. Primary self-motion is the reversion of the soul to itself, by which the soul constitutes itself, i.e. imparts life to itself. This motion is located at the level of essence or substance. The bestowal of life upon the body derives from this fundamental motion. As a result, animals are derivatively self-motive. Secondary self-motions are acts of thought in the broad sense. Contrary to the unmoved motion of intellect, the self-motion of the soul is not beyond time. This somehow fits Iamblichus' theory of the “changing self”. Iamblichus anticipates much of the later Platonic accounts of self-motion. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1Kioea09D5a6jXo

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1093","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1093,"authors_free":[{"id":1651,"entry_id":1093,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":211,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Opsomer, Jan","free_first_name":"Jan","free_last_name":"Opsomer","norm_person":{"id":211,"first_name":"Jan","last_name":"Opsomer","full_name":"Opsomer, Jan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1120966310","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Self-motion according to Iamblichus","main_title":{"title":"Self-motion according to Iamblichus"},"abstract":"Iamblichus' theory of self-motion has to be pieced together from various texts and passing remarks. Ever since Aristotle's critique, Plato's concept of the self-motive soul was felt to be problematic. Taking his lead from Plotinus, Iamblichus counters Aristotle's criticism by claiming that true self-motion transcends the opposition between activity and passivity. He moreover argues that it does not involve motion that is spatially extended. Hence it is non-physical. Primary self-motion is the reversion of the soul to itself, by which the soul constitutes itself, i.e. imparts life to itself. This motion is located at the level of essence or substance. The bestowal of life upon the body derives from this fundamental motion. As a result, animals are derivatively self-motive. Secondary self-motions are acts of thought in the broad sense. Contrary to the unmoved motion of intellect, the self-motion of the soul is not beyond time. This somehow fits Iamblichus' theory of the \u201cchanging self\u201d. Iamblichus anticipates much of the later Platonic accounts of self-motion. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1Kioea09D5a6jXo","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":211,"full_name":"Opsomer, Jan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1093,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Elenchos","volume":"33","issue":"2","pages":"259-290"}},"sort":[2012]}

Aristotelian objections and post-Aristotelian responses to Plato's elemental theory, 2012
By: Mueller, Ian, Wilberding, James (Ed.), Horn, Christoph (Ed.)

Title	Aristotelian objections and post-Aristotelian responses to Plato's elemental theory
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2012
Published in	Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature
Pages	129-146
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mueller, Ian
Editor(s)	Wilberding, James , Horn, Christoph
Translator(s)

Aristotle and Plato advanced very different theories of the traditional four elements. Whereas Plato in his Timaeus proposes a geometrical theory of these elements, Aristotle in his On the Heavens (and On Generation and Corruption) offers a qualitative analysis and offers a series of objections to Plato’s theory. These objections provided later Platonists with the opportunity to defend Plato against and possibly harmonize him with Aristotle. This paper explores Simplicius’ responses to Aristotle one by one, paying particular attention to the brand of scientific discourse that he engages in with Proclus, and to how different commitments to harmonization affect their responses to these objections. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nEraa8dkGyuG6Zy

{"_index":"sire","_id":"812","_score":null,"_source":{"id":812,"authors_free":[{"id":1202,"entry_id":812,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":270,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mueller, Ian","free_first_name":"Ian","free_last_name":"Mueller","norm_person":{"id":270,"first_name":"Ian","last_name":"Mueller","full_name":"Mueller, Ian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1203,"entry_id":812,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":257,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wilberding, James","free_first_name":"James","free_last_name":"Wilberding","norm_person":{"id":257,"first_name":"James","last_name":"Wilberding","full_name":"Wilberding, James","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/143517465","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1204,"entry_id":812,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":256,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Horn, Christoph","free_first_name":"Cristoph","free_last_name":"Horn","norm_person":{"id":256,"first_name":"Christoph","last_name":"Horn","full_name":"Horn, Christoph","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115589406","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotelian objections and post-Aristotelian responses to Plato's elemental theory","main_title":{"title":"Aristotelian objections and post-Aristotelian responses to Plato's elemental theory"},"abstract":"Aristotle and Plato advanced very different theories of the traditional four elements. Whereas Plato in his Timaeus proposes a geometrical theory of these elements, Aristotle in his On the Heavens (and On Generation and Corruption) offers a qualitative analysis and offers a series of objections to Plato\u2019s theory. These objections provided later Platonists with the opportunity to defend Plato against and possibly harmonize him with Aristotle. This paper explores Simplicius\u2019 responses to Aristotle one by one, paying particular attention to the brand of scientific discourse that he engages in with Proclus, and to how different commitments to harmonization affect their responses to these objections. [Author\u2019s abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nEraa8dkGyuG6Zy","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":270,"full_name":"Mueller, Ian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":257,"full_name":"Wilberding, James","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":256,"full_name":"Horn, Christoph","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":812,"section_of":299,"pages":"129-146","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":299,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Horn\/Wilberding2012","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2012","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2012","abstract":"Despite Platonism\u2019s unquestioned claim to being one of the most influential movements in the history of philosophy, for a long time the conventional wisdom was that Platonists of late antiquity\u2014or Neoplatonists\u2014were so focused on other-worldly metaphysics that they simply neglected any serious study of the sensible world, which after all is \u2018merely\u2019 an image of the intelligible world, and only recently has this conventional wisdom begun to be dispelled. In fact, precisely because these thinkers did see the sensible world as an image of the intelligible world, they devoted much time and energy to understanding its inner workings. Thus we find Neoplatonists writing on embryology, physiology, meteorology, astronomy, and much else. This volume collects essays by leading international scholars in the field that shed new light on how these thinkers sought to understand and explain nature and natural phenomena. It is thematically divided into two parts, with the first part\u2014\u2018The general metaphysics of Nature\u2019\u2014directed at the explication of central Neoplatonic metaphysical doctrines and their relation to the natural world, and the second part\u2014\u2019Platonic approaches to individual sciences\u2019\u2014showing how these same doctrines play out in individual natural sciences such as elemental physics, geography, and biology. Together these essays show that a serious examination of Neoplatonic natural philosophy has far-reaching consequences for our general understanding of the metaphysics of Platonism, as well as for our evaluation of their place in the history of science. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/eoRoURIG3JhMB6J","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":299,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Oxford University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2012]}

Megaric Metaphysics, 2012
By: Bailey, Dominic

Title	Megaric Metaphysics
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Ancient philosophy
Volume	32
Issue	2
Pages	303-321
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bailey, Dominic
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I have attempted to show that, with some imaginative reconstruction, there is a good deal more to Megaricism than meets the eye. While the position is doubtless false, there are nevertheless reasons for being sympathetic to its conjuncts, especially if one has, as some philosophers still do, a fetish for the actual and a perplexity about the indefinite, whether the indefiniteness of the modal or that of the non-particular. I have shown how anti-Platonism about common nouns of the kind evinced by Stilpo makes M2 seem better considered than at first. And I have shown how skepticism about possibility without actuality, from which later logicians such as Diodorus and Philo felt they could not stray too far (see Bobzien 1993, 1998), makes M1 seem better considered than at first. Moreover, I have demonstrated the impressive coherence of Megaricism, insofar as its conjuncts, as I interpret them, are both mutually entailing and, each in their ways, both Parmenidean and Protagorean. Megaricism is wrong, but sufficiently intriguing and well-integrated to make it worthy of serious consideration. [conclusion p. 320]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YNcy1URcz4PUK83

{"_index":"sire","_id":"826","_score":null,"_source":{"id":826,"authors_free":[{"id":1227,"entry_id":826,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":529,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bailey, Dominic","free_first_name":"Dominic","free_last_name":"Bailey","norm_person":{"id":529,"first_name":"Dominic","last_name":"Bailey","full_name":"Bailey, Dominic","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Megaric Metaphysics","main_title":{"title":"Megaric Metaphysics"},"abstract":"I have attempted to show that, with some imaginative reconstruction, there is a good deal more to Megaricism than meets the eye. While the position is doubtless false, there are nevertheless reasons for being sympathetic to its conjuncts, especially if one has, as some philosophers still do, a fetish for the actual and a perplexity about the indefinite, whether the indefiniteness of the modal or that of the non-particular. I have shown how anti-Platonism about common nouns of the kind evinced by Stilpo makes M2 seem better considered than at first. And I have shown how skepticism about possibility without actuality, from which later logicians such as Diodorus and Philo felt they could not stray too far (see Bobzien 1993, 1998), makes M1 seem better considered than at first.\r\n\r\nMoreover, I have demonstrated the impressive coherence of Megaricism, insofar as its conjuncts, as I interpret them, are both mutually entailing and, each in their ways, both Parmenidean and Protagorean. Megaricism is wrong, but sufficiently intriguing and well-integrated to make it worthy of serious consideration. [conclusion p. 320]","btype":3,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YNcy1URcz4PUK83","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":529,"full_name":"Bailey, Dominic","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":826,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Ancient philosophy","volume":"32","issue":"2","pages":"303-321"}},"sort":[2012]}

Un philosophe plus poète (Simplicius, "Com. in Ar. Phys." 24, 20 / DK 12 A 9), 2012
By: Santoro, Fernando

Title	Un philosophe plus poète (Simplicius, "Com. in Ar. Phys." 24, 20 / DK 12 A 9)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2012
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	30
Issue	1
Pages	3-22
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Santoro, Fernando
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper is about the meaning and implications for Presocratics' modern exegesis of a comment made by Simplicius about the vocabulary of a passage from Anaximander, which he has just quoted. Simplicius says that Anaximander wrote his sentence about the nature of beings in more poetic terms: ποιητικωτέροις οὕτως ὀνόμασιν αὐτά λέγων. In their remarks on the passage, Nietzsche and Heidegger not only drew attention to the words and thought of Anaximander but also made us look at that simple comment, that "hiccup" of thought in Simplicius. What is it for a philosopher to speak in a more poetic way? We propose to understand that it does not imply the use of images or allegories but a very original way of interacting and thinking in universal terms. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CVvGQIdFa7rcFRB

{"_index":"sire","_id":"856","_score":null,"_source":{"id":856,"authors_free":[{"id":1260,"entry_id":856,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":310,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Santoro, Fernando","free_first_name":"Fernando","free_last_name":"Santoro","norm_person":{"id":310,"first_name":"Fernando","last_name":"Santoro","full_name":"Santoro, Fernando","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1060236362","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Un philosophe plus po\u00e8te (Simplicius, \"Com. in Ar. Phys.\" 24, 20 \/ DK 12 A 9)","main_title":{"title":"Un philosophe plus po\u00e8te (Simplicius, \"Com. in Ar. Phys.\" 24, 20 \/ DK 12 A 9)"},"abstract":"This paper is about the meaning and implications for Presocratics' modern exegesis of a comment made by Simplicius about the vocabulary of a passage from Anaximander, which he has just quoted. Simplicius says that Anaximander wrote his sentence about the nature of beings in more poetic terms: \u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03b7\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03c9\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f55\u03c4\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f40\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03ac \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03c9\u03bd.\r\n\r\nIn their remarks on the passage, Nietzsche and Heidegger not only drew attention to the words and thought of Anaximander but also made us look at that simple comment, that \"hiccup\" of thought in Simplicius.\r\n\r\nWhat is it for a philosopher to speak in a more poetic way? We propose to understand that it does not imply the use of images or allegories but a very original way of interacting and thinking in universal terms. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2012","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CVvGQIdFa7rcFRB","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":310,"full_name":"Santoro, Fernando","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":856,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue de Philosophie Ancienne","volume":"30","issue":"1","pages":"3-22"}},"sort":[2012]}

What Has Aristotelian Dialectic to Offer a Neoplatonist? A Possible Sample of Iamblichus at Simplicius on the Categories 12,10-13,12, 2012
By: Griffin, Michael J.

Title	What Has Aristotelian Dialectic to Offer a Neoplatonist? A Possible Sample of Iamblichus at Simplicius on the Categories 12,10-13,12
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	6
Pages	173-185
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Griffin, Michael J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius in Cat. 12,10-13,12 presents an interesting justifĳication for the study of Aristotle’s Categories, based in Neoplatonic psychology and metaphysics. I suggest that this passage could be regarded as a testimonium to Iamblichus’ reasons for endorsing Porphyry’s selection of the Categories as an introductory text of Platonic philosophy. These Iamblichean arguments, richly grounded in Neoplatonic metaphysics and psychology, may have exercised an influence comparable to Porphyry’s. [authors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FkVb1TMzAG6AZ5E

{"_index":"sire","_id":"937","_score":null,"_source":{"id":937,"authors_free":[{"id":1390,"entry_id":937,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":148,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","free_first_name":"Michael J.","free_last_name":"Griffin","norm_person":{"id":148,"first_name":"Michael J.","last_name":"Griffin","full_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1065676603","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"What Has Aristotelian Dialectic to Offer a Neoplatonist? A Possible Sample of Iamblichus at Simplicius on the Categories 12,10-13,12","main_title":{"title":"What Has Aristotelian Dialectic to Offer a Neoplatonist? A Possible Sample of Iamblichus at Simplicius on the Categories 12,10-13,12"},"abstract":"Simplicius in Cat. 12,10-13,12 presents an interesting justif\u0133ication for the study of Aristotle\u2019s Categories, based in Neoplatonic psychology and metaphysics. I suggest that this passage could be regarded as a testimonium to Iamblichus\u2019 reasons for endorsing Porphyry\u2019s selection of the Categories as an introductory text of Platonic philosophy. These Iamblichean arguments, richly grounded in Neoplatonic metaphysics and psychology, may have exercised an influence comparable to Porphyry\u2019s. [authors abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FkVb1TMzAG6AZ5E","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":148,"full_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":937,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition","volume":"6","issue":"","pages":"173-185"}},"sort":[2012]}

Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature, 2012
By: Horn, Christoph (Ed.), Wilberding, James (Ed.)

Title	Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2012
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Horn, Christoph , Wilberding, James
Translator(s)

Despite Platonism’s unquestioned claim to being one of the most influential movements in the history of philosophy, for a long time the conventional wisdom was that Platonists of late antiquity—or Neoplatonists—were so focused on other-worldly metaphysics that they simply neglected any serious study of the sensible world, which after all is ‘merely’ an image of the intelligible world, and only recently has this conventional wisdom begun to be dispelled. In fact, precisely because these thinkers did see the sensible world as an image of the intelligible world, they devoted much time and energy to understanding its inner workings. Thus we find Neoplatonists writing on embryology, physiology, meteorology, astronomy, and much else. This volume collects essays by leading international scholars in the field that shed new light on how these thinkers sought to understand and explain nature and natural phenomena. It is thematically divided into two parts, with the first part—‘The general metaphysics of Nature’—directed at the explication of central Neoplatonic metaphysical doctrines and their relation to the natural world, and the second part—’Platonic approaches to individual sciences’—showing how these same doctrines play out in individual natural sciences such as elemental physics, geography, and biology. Together these essays show that a serious examination of Neoplatonic natural philosophy has far-reaching consequences for our general understanding of the metaphysics of Platonism, as well as for our evaluation of their place in the history of science. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/eoRoURIG3JhMB6J

{"_index":"sire","_id":"299","_score":null,"_source":{"id":299,"authors_free":[{"id":372,"entry_id":299,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":256,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Horn, Christoph","free_first_name":"Christoph","free_last_name":"Horn","norm_person":{"id":256,"first_name":"Christoph","last_name":"Horn","full_name":"Horn, Christoph","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115589406","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2080,"entry_id":299,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":257,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wilberding, James","free_first_name":"James","free_last_name":"Wilberding","norm_person":{"id":257,"first_name":"James","last_name":"Wilberding","full_name":"Wilberding, James","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/143517465","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature","main_title":{"title":"Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature"},"abstract":"Despite Platonism\u2019s unquestioned claim to being one of the most influential movements in the history of philosophy, for a long time the conventional wisdom was that Platonists of late antiquity\u2014or Neoplatonists\u2014were so focused on other-worldly metaphysics that they simply neglected any serious study of the sensible world, which after all is \u2018merely\u2019 an image of the intelligible world, and only recently has this conventional wisdom begun to be dispelled. In fact, precisely because these thinkers did see the sensible world as an image of the intelligible world, they devoted much time and energy to understanding its inner workings. Thus we find Neoplatonists writing on embryology, physiology, meteorology, astronomy, and much else. This volume collects essays by leading international scholars in the field that shed new light on how these thinkers sought to understand and explain nature and natural phenomena. It is thematically divided into two parts, with the first part\u2014\u2018The general metaphysics of Nature\u2019\u2014directed at the explication of central Neoplatonic metaphysical doctrines and their relation to the natural world, and the second part\u2014\u2019Platonic approaches to individual sciences\u2019\u2014showing how these same doctrines play out in individual natural sciences such as elemental physics, geography, and biology. Together these essays show that a serious examination of Neoplatonic natural philosophy has far-reaching consequences for our general understanding of the metaphysics of Platonism, as well as for our evaluation of their place in the history of science. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/eoRoURIG3JhMB6J","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":256,"full_name":"Horn, Christoph","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":257,"full_name":"Wilberding, James","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":299,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Oxford University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2012]}

Les chrétiens et l’hellénisme: identités religieuses et culture grecque dans l’Antiquité tardive, 2012
By: Perrot, Arnaud (Ed.)

Title	Les chrétiens et l’hellénisme: identités religieuses et culture grecque dans l’Antiquité tardive
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2012
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Rue d'Ulm
Series	Études de littérature ancienne
Volume	20
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Perrot, Arnaud
Translator(s)

Les modernes ont souvent opposé les chrétiens à l’hellénisme. Les auteurs antiques eux-mêmes – qu’ils soient « Grecs » ou chrétiens – semblent avoir thématisé leur antagonisme. Que vaut cette ligne de fracture ? Qu’est-ce qu’être Grec à la fin de l’Antiquité ? Pour quelles raisons un chrétien hellénophone, passé par les écoles de l’Empire et nourri de paideia, ne saurait-il être un Grec, au même titre que les autres ? Qui donne, qui revendique et qui refuse ce titre – et pourquoi ? Les termes dans lesquels le sujet est posé ne sont ni simples, ni neutres. La notion d’hellénisme, qui peut paraître moins confessionnelle que celle de « paganisme », est en réalité marquée par les conflits religieux des époques hellénistique et tardive. Ce sont, on le montrera, les besoins de l’autodéfinition et l’élaboration de la polémique contre l’Autre qui conditionnent les rapports entre les chrétiens et « l’hellénisme ». Cet ouvrage porte une attention particulière au but poursuivi par les auteurs anciens dans chacune de leurs déclarations identitaires, entre langue commune et particularisme religieux. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9Fs2iPPdApqIvv7

{"_index":"sire","_id":"358","_score":null,"_source":{"id":358,"authors_free":[{"id":471,"entry_id":358,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":212,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Perrot, Arnaud","free_first_name":"Arnaud","free_last_name":"Perrot","norm_person":{"id":212,"first_name":"Arnaud","last_name":"Perrot","full_name":"Perrot, Arnaud","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1135696276","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les chr\u00e9tiens et l\u2019hell\u00e9nisme: identit\u00e9s religieuses et culture grecque dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive","main_title":{"title":"Les chr\u00e9tiens et l\u2019hell\u00e9nisme: identit\u00e9s religieuses et culture grecque dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive"},"abstract":"Les modernes ont souvent oppos\u00e9 les chr\u00e9tiens \u00e0 l\u2019hell\u00e9nisme. Les auteurs antiques eux-m\u00eames \u2013 qu\u2019ils soient \u00ab Grecs \u00bb ou chr\u00e9tiens \u2013 semblent avoir th\u00e9matis\u00e9 leur antagonisme. Que vaut cette ligne de fracture ? Qu\u2019est-ce qu\u2019\u00eatre Grec \u00e0 la fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 ? Pour quelles raisons un chr\u00e9tien hell\u00e9nophone, pass\u00e9 par les \u00e9coles de l\u2019Empire et nourri de paideia, ne saurait-il \u00eatre un Grec, au m\u00eame titre que les autres ? Qui donne, qui revendique et qui refuse ce titre \u2013 et pourquoi ? Les termes dans lesquels le sujet est pos\u00e9 ne sont ni simples, ni neutres. La notion d\u2019hell\u00e9nisme, qui peut para\u00eetre moins confessionnelle que celle de \u00ab paganisme \u00bb, est en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 marqu\u00e9e par les conflits religieux des \u00e9poques hell\u00e9nistique et tardive. Ce sont, on le montrera, les besoins de l\u2019autod\u00e9finition et l\u2019\u00e9laboration de la pol\u00e9mique contre l\u2019Autre qui conditionnent les rapports entre les chr\u00e9tiens et \u00ab l\u2019hell\u00e9nisme \u00bb. Cet ouvrage porte une attention particuli\u00e8re au but poursuivi par les auteurs anciens dans chacune de leurs d\u00e9clarations identitaires, entre langue commune et particularisme religieux. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2012","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9Fs2iPPdApqIvv7","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":212,"full_name":"Perrot, Arnaud","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":358,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Rue d'Ulm","series":"\u00c9tudes de litt\u00e9rature ancienne","volume":"20","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2012]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 8.1-5’, 2012
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 8.1-5’
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2012
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Bodnár, István M.(Bodnár, István M.) , Chase, Michael(Chase, Michael ) , Share, Michael (Share, Michael ) ,

In this commentary on Aristotle Physics book eight, chapters one to five, the sixth-century philosopher Simplicius quotes and explains important fragments of the Presocratic philosophers, provides the fragments of his Christian opponent Philoponus' Against Aristotle On the Eternity of the World, and makes extensive use of the lost commentary of Aristotle's leading defender, Alexander of Aphrodisias. This volume contains an English translation of Simplicius' important commentary, as well as a detailed introduction, explanatory notes and a bibliography. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LJFtY7RnI5jMqhW

{"_index":"sire","_id":"121","_score":null,"_source":{"id":121,"authors_free":[{"id":145,"entry_id":121,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":6,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","free_first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","free_last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","norm_person":{"id":6,"first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031829717","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":146,"entry_id":121,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":25,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Chase, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Chase","norm_person":{"id":25,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Chase","full_name":"Chase, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031917152","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":147,"entry_id":121,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":27,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Share, Michael ","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Share","norm_person":{"id":27,"first_name":"Michael","last_name":"Share","full_name":"Share, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/142260010","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1879,"entry_id":121,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius ","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018Physics 8.1-5\u2019","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018Physics 8.1-5\u2019"},"abstract":"In this commentary on Aristotle Physics book eight, chapters one to five, the sixth-century philosopher Simplicius quotes and explains important fragments of the Presocratic philosophers, provides the fragments of his Christian opponent Philoponus' Against Aristotle On the Eternity of the World, and makes extensive use of the lost commentary of Aristotle's leading defender, Alexander of Aphrodisias.\r\n\r\nThis volume contains an English translation of Simplicius' important commentary, as well as a detailed introduction, explanatory notes and a bibliography. [offical abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/LJFtY7RnI5jMqhW","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":6,"full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":25,"full_name":"Chase, Michael ","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":27,"full_name":"Share, Michael ","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":121,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Bloomsbury","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2012]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 1.5–9’, 2012
By: Simplicius , Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Atkinson, Michael (Ed.), Share, Michael (Ed.), Mueller, Ian (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 1.5–9’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2012
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Baltussen, Han , Atkinson, Michael , Share, Michael , Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Baltussen, Han(Baltussen, Han) , Atkinson, M.(Atkinson, Michael ) , Share, Michael (Share, Michael ) , Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

Simplicius' greatest contribution in his commentary on Aristotle on Physics 1.5-9 lies in his treatment of matter. The sixth-century philosopher starts with a valuable elucidation of what Aristotle means by 'principle' and 'element' in Physics. Simplicius' own conception of matter is of a quantity that is utterly diffuse because of its extreme distance from its source, the Neoplatonic One, and he tries to find this conception both in Plato's account of space and in a stray remark of Aristotle's. Finally, Simplicius rejects the Manichaean view that matter is evil and answers a Christian objection that to make matter imperishable is to put it on a level with God. This is the first translation of Simplicius' important work into English. [official abstact]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Pv4w4aOCf88Ez2l

When should a philosopher consult divination? Epictetus and Simplicius on fate and what is up to us, 2012
By: Gabor, Gary, Hoine, Pieter d' (Ed.), Van Riel, Gerd (Ed.)

Title	When should a philosopher consult divination? Epictetus and Simplicius on fate and what is up to us
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2012
Published in	Fate, providence and moral responsibility in ancient, medieval and early modern thought. Studies in honour of Carlos Steel
Pages	325-340
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gabor, Gary
Editor(s)	Hoine, Pieter d' , Van Riel, Gerd
Translator(s)

At Enchiridion § 32, Epictetus raises the question of whether, and under what conditions, one should consult the art of divination (μαντική). Epictetus’ answer, along with Simplicius’ commentary on the passage four centuries later, provides a glimpse into late antique conceptions of fate, providence, and human responsi-bility. While united in a general acceptance of divination as an authentic science, doctrinal differences between Epictetus’ Stoicism and Simplicius’ Neoplatonism lead them to interpret the philosophical significance of the practice in different ways. As determinists who believed in an all-embracing conception of fate, the Stoics believed divination could facilitate the task of the sage living in accordance with that fate.1 But how exactly it does so requires explication since the philoso-pher in Epictetus’ view does not seek the same thing from divination as most other people. What then does one gain from the art? [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/isb0txplRikCizk

{"_index":"sire","_id":"591","_score":null,"_source":{"id":591,"authors_free":[{"id":840,"entry_id":591,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":106,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gabor, Gary","free_first_name":"Gary","free_last_name":"Gabor","norm_person":{"id":106,"first_name":"Gary","last_name":"Gabor ","full_name":"Gabor, Gary ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2355,"entry_id":591,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":104,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hoine, Pieter d' ","free_first_name":"Pieter d' ","free_last_name":"Hoine","norm_person":{"id":104,"first_name":"Pieter d' ","last_name":"Hoine","full_name":"Hoine, Pieter d' ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051361575","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2356,"entry_id":591,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":105,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Van Riel, Gerd","free_first_name":"Gerd","free_last_name":"Van Riel","norm_person":{"id":105,"first_name":"Gerd ","last_name":"Van Riel","full_name":"Van Riel, Gerd ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140513264","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"When should a philosopher consult divination? Epictetus and Simplicius on fate and what is up to us","main_title":{"title":"When should a philosopher consult divination? Epictetus and Simplicius on fate and what is up to us"},"abstract":"At Enchiridion \u00a7 32, Epictetus raises the question of whether, and under what conditions, one should consult the art of divination (\u03bc\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae). Epictetus\u2019 answer, along with Simplicius\u2019 commentary on the passage four centuries later, provides a glimpse into late antique conceptions of fate, providence, and human responsi-bility. While united in a general acceptance of divination as an authentic science, doctrinal differences between Epictetus\u2019 Stoicism and Simplicius\u2019 Neoplatonism lead them to interpret the philosophical significance of the practice in different ways. As determinists who believed in an all-embracing conception of fate, the Stoics believed divination could facilitate the task of the sage living in accordance with that fate.1 But how exactly it does so requires explication since the philoso-pher in Epictetus\u2019 view does not seek the same thing from divination as most other people. What then does one gain from the art? [Author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/isb0txplRikCizk","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":106,"full_name":"Gabor, Gary ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":104,"full_name":"Hoine, Pieter d' ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":105,"full_name":"Van Riel, Gerd ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":591,"section_of":258,"pages":"325-340","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":258,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Fate, providence and moral responsibility in ancient, medieval and early modern thought. Studies in honour of Carlos Steel","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"d_hoine2014","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2014","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2012","abstract":"This book forms a major contribution to the discussion on fate, providence and moral responsibility in Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Early Modern times. Through 37 original papers, renowned scholars from many different countries, as well as a number of young and promising researchers, write the history of the philosophical problems of freedom and determinism since its origins in pre-socratic philosophy up to the seventeenth century.\r\nThe main focus points are classic Antiquity (Plato and Aristotle), the Neoplatonic synthesis of late Antiquity (Plotinus, Proclus, Simplicius), and thirteenth-century scholasticism (Thomas Aquinas, Henry of Ghent). They do not only represent key moments in the intellectual history of the West, but are also the central figures and periods to which Carlos Steel, the dedicatary of this volume, has devoted his philosophical career. ","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ga4rzoji8r8swzw","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":258,"pubplace":"Leuven","publisher":"Leuven University Press","series":"Ancient and Medieval Philosophy, Series 1","volume":"49","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2012]}

Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol V: de Paccius à Rutilius Rufus - Vb: de Plotina à Rutilius Rufus, 2012
By: Goulet, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol V: de Paccius à Rutilius Rufus - Vb: de Plotina à Rutilius Rufus
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2012
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	CNRS Éditions
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Goulet, Richard
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kVyktnhntO4rsCH

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1378","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1378,"authors_free":[{"id":2122,"entry_id":1378,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":136,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Goulet, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Goulet","norm_person":{"id":136,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Goulet","full_name":"Goulet, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1042353395","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol V: de Paccius \u00e0 Rutilius Rufus - Vb: de Plotina \u00e0 Rutilius Rufus","main_title":{"title":"Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol V: de Paccius \u00e0 Rutilius Rufus - Vb: de Plotina \u00e0 Rutilius Rufus"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"2012","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kVyktnhntO4rsCH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":136,"full_name":"Goulet, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1378,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"CNRS \u00c9ditions","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2012]}

“Creatio ex nihilo”: A genuinely philosophical insight derived from Plato and Aristotle? Some notes on the treatise on the Harmony between the two sages, 2012
By: Gleede, Benjamin

Title	“Creatio ex nihilo”: A genuinely philosophical insight derived from Plato and Aristotle? Some notes on the treatise on the Harmony between the two sages
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Arabic Sciences and Philosophy
Volume	22
Pages	91-117
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gleede, Benjamin
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The article aims at demonstrating that in attributing the creatio ex nihilo to both Plato and Aristotle as their unanimous philosophical conviction the Treatise on the Harmony between the Two Sages deeply depends upon the Neoplatonic reading of those two philosophers. The main obstacles for such a view in the works of the two sages are Plato’s assumption of a precosmic chaos in the Timaeus and Aristotle’s denial of any efficient causality to the unmoved mover in the Metaphysics. Both of these points had been, however, done away with by the Neoplatonist commentators already, especially by Ammonius in his lost treatise on efficient and final causality in Aristotle the use of which in the Harmony is shown by a comparison with Simplicius. Christian and Muslim readers just had to transfer those arguments and hermeneutical techniques into an anti-eternalist context in order to make the two philosophers agree with one of the basic tenents of their face, a hermeneutical technique considerably different from the one employed by al-Fārābī in his exposition of Plato’s and Aristotle’s philosophy which is compared to the Harmony in a briefly sketched concluding section.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Q6zkHx0QhaNpLZ6

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1416","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1416,"authors_free":[{"id":2217,"entry_id":1416,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":395,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gleede, Benjamin","free_first_name":"Benjamin","free_last_name":"Gleede","norm_person":{"id":395,"first_name":"Benjamin","last_name":"Gleede","full_name":"Gleede, Benjamin","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138770468","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":" \u201cCreatio ex nihilo\u201d: A genuinely philosophical insight derived from Plato and Aristotle? Some notes on the treatise on the Harmony between the two sages","main_title":{"title":" \u201cCreatio ex nihilo\u201d: A genuinely philosophical insight derived from Plato and Aristotle? Some notes on the treatise on the Harmony between the two sages"},"abstract":"The article aims at demonstrating that in attributing the creatio ex nihilo to both Plato and Aristotle as their unanimous philosophical conviction the Treatise on the Harmony between the Two Sages deeply depends upon the Neoplatonic reading of those two philosophers. The main obstacles for such a view in the works of the two sages are Plato\u2019s assumption of a precosmic chaos in the Timaeus and Aristotle\u2019s denial of any efficient causality to the unmoved mover in the Metaphysics. Both of these points had been, however, done away with by the Neoplatonist commentators already, especially by Ammonius in his lost treatise on efficient and final causality in Aristotle the use of which in the Harmony is shown by a comparison with Simplicius. Christian and Muslim readers just had to transfer those arguments and hermeneutical techniques into an anti-eternalist context in order to make the two philosophers agree with one of the basic tenents of their face, a hermeneutical technique considerably different from the one employed by al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b in his exposition of Plato\u2019s and Aristotle\u2019s philosophy which is compared to the Harmony in a briefly sketched concluding section.","btype":3,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Q6zkHx0QhaNpLZ6","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":395,"full_name":"Gleede, Benjamin","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1416,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Arabic Sciences and Philosophy","volume":"22","issue":"","pages":"91-117"}},"sort":[2012]}

Forms and Concepts. Concept Formation in the Platonic Tradition, 2012
By: Helmig, Christoph

Title	Forms and Concepts. Concept Formation in the Platonic Tradition
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2012
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Helmig, Christoph
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Forms and Concepts is the first comprehensive study of the central role of concepts and concept acquisition in the Platonic tradition. It sets up a stimulating dialogue between Plato’s innatist approach and Aristotle’s much more empirical response. The primary aim is to analyze and assess the strategies with which Platonists responded to Aristotle’s (and Alexander of Aphrodisias’) rival theory. The monograph culminates in a careful reconstruction of the elaborate attempt undertaken by the Neoplatonist Proclus (6th century AD) to devise a systematic Platonic theory of concept acquisition. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/7AJjtmjoFAqvB7D

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Review of Huby, Taylor 2011: Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 1.3–4, 2012
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine

Title	Review of Huby, Taylor 2011: Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 1.3–4
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	62
Issue	2
Pages	465-467
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Thanks to the Ancient Commentators project, almost all of Simplicius' commentaries are now translated. This volume completes the gigantic On Aristotle's Physics. Within this monument, Book 1 must be the most read by scholars today because Aristotle's criticism of several physical theories leads Simplicius to multiply quotations of his forerunners and to preserve for his contemporaries (as well as for us) much Presocratic material (by Simplicius' time much of this had already become very rare: see In Phys. 144.25-9 on Parmenides). In Chapter 1.3, Aristotle discusses the unity of Being he ascribes to the Eleatic philosophers. Simplicius comments abundantly. Citing Theophrastus, Alexander, and Porphyry, he reproduces the 'Eleatic syllogism,' which affirms Being and excludes not-Being, so as to prove Parmenides' thesis that Being is one and to assert, via Plato's Sophist, that Parmenides recognizes the existence of not-Being. Moreover, he assigns this reading to Aristotle himself, considering his criticism as an expression of later conceptual and linguistic refinements. In Chapter 1.4, Aristotle discusses Anaximander, Anaxagoras, and Empedocles. Here again, Simplicius contributes to the debate by his numerous quotations and by his analysis of rival commentators (Theophrastus, Alexander, Porphyry, and Nicolaus of Damascus). He considers how Anaxagoras and Empedocles can say that their principles are both one and many. Then, confronted with Aristotle's criticism of homoiomeria and nous, he gives a non-physical reading of Anaxagoras' account, explaining that it talks figuratively about a level of reality exceeding our mental capacities. In other words, in both these chapters, he attempts to reconcile Aristotle's physics with Presocratic philosophy so as to build a coherent system from the whole pagan tradition. This volume could be said to consist of two books. Each translation is due to a different author; there are two introductions, two translations, and two selections of notes, and only the index and bibliography are in common. There are only minor differences in the style of the translations, but greater ones occur elsewhere. I shall discuss them separately. As to H.'s introduction, two things must be noted. First, she contributes to the fierce debate by proposing a stimulating hypothesis about the place where such a large commentary could have been written: discrepancies, sometimes substantial, occurring in Simplicius' treatment of his sources are the result of his having written in various places. However, they could also be explained by the difficulty at that time of keeping every useful book constantly at hand: scholars were often compelled to write from memory. Second, H. summarizes the treatment Simplicius gives of Melissus and Parmenides, moving abruptly from one episode to the other. She perfectly communicates the sometimes confusing character of Simplicius' text. Her notes provide useful documentation rather than an explanatory commentary: she mentions parallels and justifies her translation but avoids going into detail about the philosophical issues. T. opts to draw a clear map of the text, insisting on its structure and summing up its main arguments. Moreover, most of the references are given within the translation (in brackets), while end-notes (fewer but longer) are devoted to explaining the contents of and issues in Simplicius' commentary (i.e., his reading of the Presocratic fragments). The translation is remarkably successful in rendering the stylistic variations in Simplicius' text, which constantly moves from paraphrase to quotation or philosophical commentary. The Greek text largely follows H. Diels' edition (1882), sometimes as emended by later editors of the Presocratic fragments (DK inter alios). Now for some points of detail. In this Neoplatonic context, H. first suggests translating noeros as 'thinker' (and related words), 'because neither "mental" nor "intellectual" have the grammatical flexibility required' (p. 100 on In Phys. 143.18-19). Nevertheless, a little further on (p. 57 = In Phys. 147.26) she translates en tois noerois as 'in the mental area.' Another point concerns T.'s translation of Anaxagoras' vovs as 'Mind' (pp. 81-4). My intention here is not to contest this translation for interpreting Anaxagoras but to remind the reader that Simplicius must have connected this concept with his Neoplatonic vocabulary so that 'Intellect' seems a better translation. Otherwise, it becomes very problematic to translate the following: kai diakekritai oun kai hênôtai kata Anaxagoran ta eidê kai amphô dia ton noun echei. T. writes: 'In Anaxagoras' view, the kinds owe both their separation and their unity to Mind' (p. 84 = In Phys. 176.31-2); but it is difficult to exclude the likelihood that Simplicius, with his Neoplatonic background, was reading these words with reference to Intellect and Forms. H. translates to on hen men esti, polla de ouk estin as 'Being is one and not many' (p. 37 = In Phys. 126.8). Since Simplicius has just referred to the Sophist and next opposes Being to rest and motion, it would be preferable to translate as 'is not many things.' Further (p. 46 = In Phys. 135.24), H. emends a quotation from the Sophist, turning tou ontos into tou mê ontos, following Plato's manuscripts. However, the text given by Simplicius makes sense and ought not to be altered (see my Simplicius lecteur du Sophiste (2007), pp. 140-1). One could wonder why both authors have chosen, as is often done in this collection, to give the full lemmas from Aristotle's Physics, while Simplicius' manuscripts and Diels' edition give only a shortened version (i.e., 'from ... to ...'). Although it is risky to translate a text that possibly was not the one read by Simplicius, the decision should at least have been made explicit. Finally, the bibliography. On Simplicius, H. and T. refer only to two recent books: H. Baltussen, Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius (2008), and P. Golitsis, Les Commentaires de Simplicius et de Jean Philopon à la Physique d'Aristote (2008). The remainder of the short bibliography concerns the Presocratics and Aristotle. One would expect at least to find reference to a book and a paper written by A. Stevens: Postérité de l'Être. Simplicius interprète de Parménide (1989) and 'La Physique d'Empédocle selon Simplicius,' RBPh (1989), 65-74. They provide commentaries on and (partial) translations of the chapters studied here. With its English-Greek glossary, Greek-English index, subject index, and index of passages, this book is an extraordinarily useful tool for scholars. It provides an up-to-date translation of some of the richest pages about Presocratic philosophy. Now we can dream about a new edition of this commentary to replace the often misleading version of Diels. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fltNdJ3NAIOLUAG

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1465","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1465,"authors_free":[{"id":2538,"entry_id":1465,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":125,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","free_first_name":"Marc-Antoine","free_last_name":"Gavray","norm_person":{"id":125,"first_name":"Marc-Antoine","last_name":"Gavray","full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1078511411","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of Huby, Taylor 2011: Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 1.3\u20134","main_title":{"title":"Review of Huby, Taylor 2011: Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 1.3\u20134"},"abstract":"Thanks to the Ancient Commentators project, almost all of Simplicius' commentaries are now translated. This volume completes the gigantic On Aristotle's Physics. Within this monument, Book 1 must be the most read by scholars today because Aristotle's criticism of several physical theories leads Simplicius to multiply quotations of his forerunners and to preserve for his contemporaries (as well as for us) much Presocratic material (by Simplicius' time much of this had already become very rare: see In Phys. 144.25-9 on Parmenides).\r\nIn Chapter 1.3, Aristotle discusses the unity of Being he ascribes to the Eleatic philosophers. Simplicius comments abundantly. Citing Theophrastus, Alexander, and Porphyry, he reproduces the 'Eleatic syllogism,' which affirms Being and excludes not-Being, so as to prove Parmenides' thesis that Being is one and to assert, via Plato's Sophist, that Parmenides recognizes the existence of not-Being. Moreover, he assigns this reading to Aristotle himself, considering his criticism as an expression of later conceptual and linguistic refinements.\r\nIn Chapter 1.4, Aristotle discusses Anaximander, Anaxagoras, and Empedocles. Here again, Simplicius contributes to the debate by his numerous quotations and by his analysis of rival commentators (Theophrastus, Alexander, Porphyry, and Nicolaus of Damascus). He considers how Anaxagoras and Empedocles can say that their principles are both one and many. Then, confronted with Aristotle's criticism of homoiomeria and nous, he gives a non-physical reading of Anaxagoras' account, explaining that it talks figuratively about a level of reality exceeding our mental capacities. In other words, in both these chapters, he attempts to reconcile Aristotle's physics with Presocratic philosophy so as to build a coherent system from the whole pagan tradition.\r\nThis volume could be said to consist of two books. Each translation is due to a different author; there are two introductions, two translations, and two selections of notes, and only the index and bibliography are in common. There are only minor differences in the style of the translations, but greater ones occur elsewhere. I shall discuss them separately.\r\nAs to H.'s introduction, two things must be noted. First, she contributes to the fierce debate by proposing a stimulating hypothesis about the place where such a large commentary could have been written: discrepancies, sometimes substantial, occurring in Simplicius' treatment of his sources are the result of his having written in various places. However, they could also be explained by the difficulty at that time of keeping every useful book constantly at hand: scholars were often compelled to write from memory. Second, H. summarizes the treatment Simplicius gives of Melissus and Parmenides, moving abruptly from one episode to the other. She perfectly communicates the sometimes confusing character of Simplicius' text. Her notes provide useful documentation rather than an explanatory commentary: she mentions parallels and justifies her translation but avoids going into detail about the philosophical issues.\r\nT. opts to draw a clear map of the text, insisting on its structure and summing up its main arguments. Moreover, most of the references are given within the translation (in brackets), while end-notes (fewer but longer) are devoted to explaining the contents of and issues in Simplicius' commentary (i.e., his reading of the Presocratic fragments).\r\nThe translation is remarkably successful in rendering the stylistic variations in Simplicius' text, which constantly moves from paraphrase to quotation or philosophical commentary. The Greek text largely follows H. Diels' edition (1882), sometimes as emended by later editors of the Presocratic fragments (DK inter alios).\r\nNow for some points of detail. In this Neoplatonic context, H. first suggests translating noeros as 'thinker' (and related words), 'because neither \"mental\" nor \"intellectual\" have the grammatical flexibility required' (p. 100 on In Phys. 143.18-19). Nevertheless, a little further on (p. 57 = In Phys. 147.26) she translates en tois noerois as 'in the mental area.' Another point concerns T.'s translation of Anaxagoras' vovs as 'Mind' (pp. 81-4). My intention here is not to contest this translation for interpreting Anaxagoras but to remind the reader that Simplicius must have connected this concept with his Neoplatonic vocabulary so that 'Intellect' seems a better translation. Otherwise, it becomes very problematic to translate the following: kai diakekritai oun kai h\u00ean\u00f4tai kata Anaxagoran ta eid\u00ea kai amph\u00f4 dia ton noun echei. T. writes: 'In Anaxagoras' view, the kinds owe both their separation and their unity to Mind' (p. 84 = In Phys. 176.31-2); but it is difficult to exclude the likelihood that Simplicius, with his Neoplatonic background, was reading these words with reference to Intellect and Forms.\r\nH. translates to on hen men esti, polla de ouk estin as 'Being is one and not many' (p. 37 = In Phys. 126.8). Since Simplicius has just referred to the Sophist and next opposes Being to rest and motion, it would be preferable to translate as 'is not many things.' Further (p. 46 = In Phys. 135.24), H. emends a quotation from the Sophist, turning tou ontos into tou m\u00ea ontos, following Plato's manuscripts. However, the text given by Simplicius makes sense and ought not to be altered (see my Simplicius lecteur du Sophiste (2007), pp. 140-1).\r\nOne could wonder why both authors have chosen, as is often done in this collection, to give the full lemmas from Aristotle's Physics, while Simplicius' manuscripts and Diels' edition give only a shortened version (i.e., 'from ... to ...'). Although it is risky to translate a text that possibly was not the one read by Simplicius, the decision should at least have been made explicit.\r\nFinally, the bibliography. On Simplicius, H. and T. refer only to two recent books: H. Baltussen, Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius (2008), and P. Golitsis, Les Commentaires de Simplicius et de Jean Philopon \u00e0 la Physique d'Aristote (2008). The remainder of the short bibliography concerns the Presocratics and Aristotle. One would expect at least to find reference to a book and a paper written by A. Stevens: Post\u00e9rit\u00e9 de l'\u00catre. Simplicius interpr\u00e8te de Parm\u00e9nide (1989) and 'La Physique d'Emp\u00e9docle selon Simplicius,' RBPh (1989), 65-74. They provide commentaries on and (partial) translations of the chapters studied here.\r\nWith its English-Greek glossary, Greek-English index, subject index, and index of passages, this book is an extraordinarily useful tool for scholars. It provides an up-to-date translation of some of the richest pages about Presocratic philosophy. Now we can dream about a new edition of this commentary to replace the often misleading version of Diels.\r\n[author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2012","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/fltNdJ3NAIOLUAG","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":125,"full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1465,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"62","issue":"2","pages":"465-467"}},"sort":[2012]}

Zu Aristoteles’ Rezeption der vorsokratischen Prinzipienlehren (Ph. I 4, 187 a 12-26). Teil 2 (Themistios, Philoponos, Simplikios), 2012
By: Marcinkowska-Rosół, Maria

Title	Zu Aristoteles’ Rezeption der vorsokratischen Prinzipienlehren (Ph. I 4, 187 a 12-26). Teil 2 (Themistios, Philoponos, Simplikios)
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2012
Journal	EOS
Volume	99
Pages	67-89
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Marcinkowska-Rosół, Maria
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The paper presents an examination of the Aristotelian classification of the natural philosophers in Ph. I 4, 187 a 12-26. It focuses on the exgesis of this passage found in the commentarys on the Physics by Themsitios (In Ph. 5,2. 13. 9-28), Philoponus (In Ph. 86. 19-94. 16) and Simplicius (In Ph. 148. 25-161. 20). The ancient interpretations are discussed, evaluated and compared with the modern readings of the Aristotelian text. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pSayJ4y8SwOz6eb

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Laus Platonici Philosophi. Marsilio Ficino and his Influence, 2011
By: Clucas, Stephen (Ed.), Forshaw, Peter J. (Ed.), Rees, Valery (Ed.)

Title	Laus Platonici Philosophi. Marsilio Ficino and his Influence
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2011
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Series	Brill's Studies in Intellectual History
Volume	198
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Clucas, Stephen , Forshaw, Peter J. , Rees, Valery
Translator(s)

This collection of essays honours Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499) as a Platonic philosopher. Ficino was not the first translator of Plato in the Renaissance, but he was the first to translate the entire corpus of Platonic works, and to emphasise their relevance for contemporary readers. The present work is divided into two sections: the first explores aspects of Ficino’s own thought and the sources which he used. The second section follows aspects of his influence in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The papers presented here deepen and enrich our understanding of Ficino, and of the philosophical tradition in which he was working, and they offer a new platform for future studies on Ficino and his legacy in Renaissance philosophy. Contributors include: Unn Irene Aasdalen, Constance Blackwell, Paul Richard Blum, Stephen Clucas, Ruth Clydesdale, Brian Copenhaver, John Dillon, Peter J. Forshaw, James Hankins, Hiro Hirai, Sarah Klitenic Wear, David Leech, Letizia Panizza, Valery Rees, and Stéphane Toussaint. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/J4IFZHaUYcFnYSe

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Neo-Platonic Modes of Concordism versus Definitions of Difference: Simplicius, Augustinus Steuco and Ralph Cudworth versus Marco Antonio Zimara and Benedictus Pererius, 2011
By: Blackwell, Constance, Clucas, Stephen (Ed.), Forshaw, Peter J. (Ed.), Rees, Valery (Ed.)

Title	Neo-Platonic Modes of Concordism versus Definitions of Difference: Simplicius, Augustinus Steuco and Ralph Cudworth versus Marco Antonio Zimara and Benedictus Pererius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2011
Published in	Laus Platonici Philosophi. Marsilio Ficino and his Influence
Pages	317–342
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blackwell, Constance
Editor(s)	Clucas, Stephen , Forshaw, Peter J. , Rees, Valery
Translator(s)

I have presented here some details of a very large and complex debate, in the process of which the history of Platonism itself was transformed. Some made every effort to write the Neo-Platonic tradition out of philosophy's history. For others, like Ralph Cudworth, who substantially transformed it, it was the most important part, while for Brucker it distorted the history of philosophy. [conclusion p. 342]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ZVTsH1Lfz6fZl3o

The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume II, 2011
By: Gerson, Lloyd P. (Ed.)

Title	The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume II
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2011
Publication Place	Cambridge
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Volume	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Translator(s)

The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity comprises over forty specially commissioned essays by experts on the philosophy of the period 200–800 CE. Designed as a successor to The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (edited by A. H. Armstrong), it takes into account some forty years of scholarship since the publication of that volume. The contributors examine philosophy as it entered literature, science and religion, and offer new and extensive assessments of philosophers who until recently have been mostly ignored. The volume also includes a complete digest of all philosophical works known to have been written during this period. It will be an invaluable resource for all those interested in this rich and still emerging field. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kHhRvU7UkRlktbW

{"_index":"sire","_id":"964","_score":null,"_source":{"id":964,"authors_free":[{"id":1448,"entry_id":964,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":46,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","free_first_name":"Lloyd P.","free_last_name":"Gerson","norm_person":{"id":46,"first_name":"Lloyd P.","last_name":"Gerson","full_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131525573","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume II","main_title":{"title":"The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume II"},"abstract":"The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity comprises over forty specially commissioned essays by experts on the philosophy of the period 200\u2013800 CE. Designed as a successor to The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (edited by A. H. Armstrong), it takes into account some forty years of scholarship since the publication of that volume. The contributors examine philosophy as it entered literature, science and religion, and offer new and extensive assessments of philosophers who until recently have been mostly ignored. The volume also includes a complete digest of all philosophical works known to have been written during this period. It will be an invaluable resource for all those interested in this rich and still emerging field. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2011","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kHhRvU7UkRlktbW","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":46,"full_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":964,"pubplace":"Cambridge","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2011]}

Simplicius of Cilicia, 2011
By: Baltussen, Han, Gerson, Lloyd P. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius of Cilicia
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2011
Published in	The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume II
Pages	711-732
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Translator(s)

The few facts we have about Simplicius’ life come from his own works and a few other sources. He came from Cilicia (south-eastern Anatolia), as Agathias tells us (Hist. 2.30). He was educated by Ammonius in Alexandria (fl. 490 CE, cf. In Cael. 26.18–19) and Damascius (fl. 520 CE) in Athens (In Phys. 601.19). Among influential figures on his philosophical outlook are Porphyry, the learned pupil and biographer of Plotinus (245–320), Iamblichus (fl. 300 CE, referred to as "the divine Iamblichus," In Phys. 60.7; 639.23, etc.), and Proclus ("the teacher of my teachers," In Phys. 611.11–12, cf. 795.4–5). The expulsion of Platonists from Athens in 532 CE after Justinian’s ban on pagan teaching ended school activities in 529 CE (Malalas Chronicle 18.47), the cross-references between the extant works, and the lack of evidence after 540 CE suggest that his lifespan roughly spans 480–560 CE. Allusive comments in a discussion of the role of the philosopher in the city in his commentary on Epictetus (In Epict. 32.65.30–9 D., with reference to Plato Rep. 496d) make it probable that he wrote that commentary before the others, while still in Athens, as does his mention of the oppressive situation in Athens (ibid., epilogue). His personal note on friendship (In Epict. 87.39–44/354 Hadot) indicates that he experienced help from friends who looked after his family while he was away, but we cannot establish the nature and date of this event. There has been much debate and speculation about where he might have gone after the trip to Persia with Damascius and other colleagues (531 CE), when the hope of an ideal state under a "philosopher-king," the enlightened ruler Chosroes I (Khusrau), was not fulfilled. However, the issue has not been resolved so far. The treaty of 532 with Justinian apparently had a clause added to guarantee the safety of the pagan philosophers, but it is not easy to see how guarantees could have been given. Simplicius may have stayed in Harran (i.e., Carrhae) in Syria near the border of, and inside, the Persian Empire as a safe haven for non-Christians. Tardieu (1987) has made a strong case to this effect on the basis of references to local features (rafts made of inflated animal skins typical for the Euphrates and different types of calendars found in Harran). The Harranians certainly received special treatment from Chosroes for retaining their paganism (Procopius Wars 2.13.7). Others have suggested he may have returned to Athens and worked there in isolation (Alexandria has been ruled out because of its volatile political conditions). Wherever he was, his richly sourced works suggest he had access to a sizeable library. Tardieu’s further thesis, argued with great ingenuity, that Harran had a continuing presence of a Platonic school into Arabic and medieval times cannot be proven fully beyond the seventh century and has met with objections. The account of their travels by Agathias is clearly biased, and some details of the Persia episode have raised suspicion about this tale of Greek missionary zeal and Persian enlightenment. There are also three epigrams in praise of Simplicius confirming his reputation as rhetor and philosopher (180), acknowledging his elucidations of the Categories (181) and the Physics (182) of Aristotle. Finally, a distich found in a manuscript (codex Ambrosianus 306) confirms his authorship of the In Cat. and seems to have been added by a scribe as an apotropaic since he had accused the "divine Iamblichus" of inconsistency. [introduction p. 711-712]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PftkJOubxPYtz2C

{"_index":"sire","_id":"965","_score":null,"_source":{"id":965,"authors_free":[{"id":1449,"entry_id":965,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":39,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Baltussen, Han","free_first_name":"Han","free_last_name":"Baltussen","norm_person":{"id":39,"first_name":"Han","last_name":"Baltussen","full_name":"Baltussen, Han","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136236456","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2091,"entry_id":965,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":46,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","free_first_name":"Lloyd P.","free_last_name":"Gerson","norm_person":{"id":46,"first_name":"Lloyd P.","last_name":"Gerson","full_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131525573","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius of Cilicia","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius of Cilicia"},"abstract":"The few facts we have about Simplicius\u2019 life come from his own works and a few other sources. He came from Cilicia (south-eastern Anatolia), as Agathias tells us (Hist. 2.30). He was educated by Ammonius in Alexandria (fl. 490 CE, cf. In Cael. 26.18\u201319) and Damascius (fl. 520 CE) in Athens (In Phys. 601.19). Among influential figures on his philosophical outlook are Porphyry, the learned pupil and biographer of Plotinus (245\u2013320), Iamblichus (fl. 300 CE, referred to as \"the divine Iamblichus,\" In Phys. 60.7; 639.23, etc.), and Proclus (\"the teacher of my teachers,\" In Phys. 611.11\u201312, cf. 795.4\u20135).\r\n\r\nThe expulsion of Platonists from Athens in 532 CE after Justinian\u2019s ban on pagan teaching ended school activities in 529 CE (Malalas Chronicle 18.47), the cross-references between the extant works, and the lack of evidence after 540 CE suggest that his lifespan roughly spans 480\u2013560 CE. Allusive comments in a discussion of the role of the philosopher in the city in his commentary on Epictetus (In Epict. 32.65.30\u20139 D., with reference to Plato Rep. 496d) make it probable that he wrote that commentary before the others, while still in Athens, as does his mention of the oppressive situation in Athens (ibid., epilogue). His personal note on friendship (In Epict. 87.39\u201344\/354 Hadot) indicates that he experienced help from friends who looked after his family while he was away, but we cannot establish the nature and date of this event.\r\n\r\nThere has been much debate and speculation about where he might have gone after the trip to Persia with Damascius and other colleagues (531 CE), when the hope of an ideal state under a \"philosopher-king,\" the enlightened ruler Chosroes I (Khusrau), was not fulfilled. However, the issue has not been resolved so far. The treaty of 532 with Justinian apparently had a clause added to guarantee the safety of the pagan philosophers, but it is not easy to see how guarantees could have been given. Simplicius may have stayed in Harran (i.e., Carrhae) in Syria near the border of, and inside, the Persian Empire as a safe haven for non-Christians. Tardieu (1987) has made a strong case to this effect on the basis of references to local features (rafts made of inflated animal skins typical for the Euphrates and different types of calendars found in Harran). The Harranians certainly received special treatment from Chosroes for retaining their paganism (Procopius Wars 2.13.7).\r\n\r\nOthers have suggested he may have returned to Athens and worked there in isolation (Alexandria has been ruled out because of its volatile political conditions). Wherever he was, his richly sourced works suggest he had access to a sizeable library. Tardieu\u2019s further thesis, argued with great ingenuity, that Harran had a continuing presence of a Platonic school into Arabic and medieval times cannot be proven fully beyond the seventh century and has met with objections. The account of their travels by Agathias is clearly biased, and some details of the Persia episode have raised suspicion about this tale of Greek missionary zeal and Persian enlightenment.\r\n\r\nThere are also three epigrams in praise of Simplicius confirming his reputation as rhetor and philosopher (180), acknowledging his elucidations of the Categories (181) and the Physics (182) of Aristotle. Finally, a distich found in a manuscript (codex Ambrosianus 306) confirms his authorship of the In Cat. and seems to have been added by a scribe as an apotropaic since he had accused the \"divine Iamblichus\" of inconsistency. [introduction p. 711-712]","btype":2,"date":"2011","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PftkJOubxPYtz2C","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":39,"full_name":"Baltussen, Han","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":46,"full_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":965,"section_of":964,"pages":"711-732","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":964,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume II","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Gerson2011","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2011","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2010","abstract":"The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity comprises over forty specially commissioned essays by experts on the philosophy of the period 200\u2013800 CE. Designed as a successor to The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (edited by A. H. Armstrong), it takes into account some forty years of scholarship since the publication of that volume. The contributors examine philosophy as it entered literature, science and religion, and offer new and extensive assessments of philosophers who until recently have been mostly ignored. The volume also includes a complete digest of all philosophical works known to have been written during this period. It will be an invaluable resource for all those interested in this rich and still emerging field. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kHhRvU7UkRlktbW","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":964,"pubplace":"Cambridge","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2011]}

Interpreting the Bible and Aristotle in Late Antiquity: The Alexandrian Commentary Tradition between Rome and Baghdad, 2011
By: Lössl, Josef (Ed.), Watt, John W. (Ed.)

Title	Interpreting the Bible and Aristotle in Late Antiquity: The Alexandrian Commentary Tradition between Rome and Baghdad
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2011
Publication Place	Surrey – Burlington
Publisher	Ashgate
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Lössl, Josef , Watt, John W.
Translator(s)

This book brings together sixteen studies by internationally renowned scholars on the origins and early development of the Latin and Syriac biblical and philosophical commentary traditions. It casts light on the work of the founder of philosophical biblical commentary, Origen of Alexandria, and traces the developments of fourth- and fifth-century Latin commentary techniques in writers such as Marius Victorinus, Jerome and Boethius. The focus then moves east, to the beginnings of Syriac philosophical commentary and its relationship to theology in the works of Sergius of Reshaina, Probus and Paul the Persian, and the influence of this continuing tradition in the East up to the Arabic writings of al-Farabi. There are also chapters on the practice of teaching Aristotelian and Platonic philosophy in fifth-century Alexandria, on contemporaneous developments among Byzantine thinkers, and on the connections in Latin and Syriac traditions between translation (from Greek) and commentary. With its enormous breadth and the groundbreaking originality of its contributions, this volume is an indispensable resource not only for specialists, but also for all students and scholars interested in late-antique intellectual history, especially the practice of teaching and studying philosophy, the philosophical exegesis of the Bible, and the role of commentary in the post-Hellenistic world as far as the classical renaissance in Islam.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kR9UCCsaG87xlqQ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"271","_score":null,"_source":{"id":271,"authors_free":[{"id":342,"entry_id":271,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":359,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"L\u00f6ssl, Josef","free_first_name":"Josef","free_last_name":"L\u00f6ssl","norm_person":{"id":359,"first_name":"Josef","last_name":"L\u00f6ssl","full_name":"L\u00f6ssl, Josef","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1030028400","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2166,"entry_id":271,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":358,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Watt, John W.","free_first_name":"John W.","free_last_name":"Watt","norm_person":{"id":358,"first_name":"John W.","last_name":"Watt","full_name":"Watt, John W.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131435531","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Interpreting the Bible and Aristotle in Late Antiquity: The Alexandrian Commentary Tradition between Rome and Baghdad","main_title":{"title":"Interpreting the Bible and Aristotle in Late Antiquity: The Alexandrian Commentary Tradition between Rome and Baghdad"},"abstract":"This book brings together sixteen studies by internationally renowned scholars on the origins and early development of the Latin and Syriac biblical and philosophical commentary traditions. It casts light on the work of the founder of philosophical biblical commentary, Origen of Alexandria, and traces the developments of fourth- and fifth-century Latin commentary techniques in writers such as Marius Victorinus, Jerome and Boethius. The focus then moves east, to the beginnings of Syriac philosophical commentary and its relationship to theology in the works of Sergius of Reshaina, Probus and Paul the Persian, and the influence of this continuing tradition in the East up to the Arabic writings of al-Farabi. There are also chapters on the practice of teaching Aristotelian and Platonic philosophy in fifth-century Alexandria, on contemporaneous developments among Byzantine thinkers, and on the connections in Latin and Syriac traditions between translation (from Greek) and commentary. With its enormous breadth and the groundbreaking originality of its contributions, this volume is an indispensable resource not only for specialists, but also for all students and scholars interested in late-antique intellectual history, especially the practice of teaching and studying philosophy, the philosophical exegesis of the Bible, and the role of commentary in the post-Hellenistic world as far as the classical renaissance in Islam.","btype":4,"date":"2011","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kR9UCCsaG87xlqQ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":359,"full_name":"L\u00f6ssl, Josef","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":358,"full_name":"Watt, John W.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":271,"pubplace":"Surrey \u2013 Burlington","publisher":"Ashgate","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2011]}

Argument from Hypothesis in Ancient Philosophy, 2011
By: Longo, Angela (Ed.), Del Forno, Davide (Coll.) (Ed.)

Title	Argument from Hypothesis in Ancient Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2011
Publication Place	Napoli
Publisher	Bibliopolis
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Longo, Angela , Del Forno, Davide (Coll.)
Translator(s)

This volume offers an over-arching study of teh use of hypothetical arguments in ancient philosophy. It may claim to be pioneering inasmuch as it considers texts and authors from the classical period from the Hellenistic age, and from late antiquity. Its order is chronological: from Plato to Damascius. Its approach is plural: there are historico-critical essays and there are pieces of a more theoretical nature; the theoretical parts of the volume aim to explain what sort of thing a hypothesis is, what marks off arguments based upon hypotheses from other arguments, what rules of inference hypothetical argumentation invokes, what a hypothecial argument may hope to achieve, and so on. The primary aspiration of the volume is to provide a wide view of a subject which, insofar as it is in itself semwhat technical, tends to attract a nice and narrow inspection. Thus one criterion which contributors have been encouraged to observe is this: the use of hypothetical arguments - or of the "hypothetical method" - should be considered not in isolation but rather in connection with the other dialectical procedures of division, definition, demonstration, and analysis. The volume makes a first step towrds a synthetic account of the use of hypotheses in ancient dialectic.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ABkBQ3CmiH2yDCa

{"_index":"sire","_id":"355","_score":null,"_source":{"id":355,"authors_free":[{"id":462,"entry_id":355,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":463,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Longo, Angela","free_first_name":"Angela","free_last_name":"Longo","norm_person":{"id":463,"first_name":"Angela","last_name":"Longo","full_name":"Longo, Angela","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1113305118","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2402,"entry_id":355,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":464,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Del Forno, Davide (Coll.)","free_first_name":"Davide","free_last_name":"Del Forno","norm_person":{"id":464,"first_name":"Davide","last_name":"Del Forno","full_name":"Del Forno, Davide","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1070718955","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Argument from Hypothesis in Ancient Philosophy","main_title":{"title":"Argument from Hypothesis in Ancient Philosophy"},"abstract":"This volume offers an over-arching study of teh use of hypothetical arguments in ancient philosophy. It may claim to be pioneering inasmuch as it considers texts and authors from the classical period from the Hellenistic age, and from late antiquity. Its order is chronological: from Plato to Damascius. Its approach is plural: there are historico-critical essays and there are pieces of a more theoretical nature; the theoretical parts of the volume aim to explain what sort of thing a hypothesis is, what marks off arguments based upon hypotheses from other arguments, what rules of inference hypothetical argumentation invokes, what a hypothecial argument may hope to achieve, and so on. \r\nThe primary aspiration of the volume is to provide a wide view of a subject which, insofar as it is in itself semwhat technical, tends to attract a nice and narrow inspection. Thus one criterion which contributors have been encouraged to observe is this: the use of hypothetical arguments - or of the \"hypothetical method\" - should be considered not in isolation but rather in connection with the other dialectical procedures of division, definition, demonstration, and analysis. The volume makes a first step towrds a synthetic account of the use of hypotheses in ancient dialectic. ","btype":4,"date":"2011","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ABkBQ3CmiH2yDCa","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":463,"full_name":"Longo, Angela","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":464,"full_name":"Del Forno, Davide","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":355,"pubplace":"Napoli","publisher":"Bibliopolis","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2011]}

Translating the Personal Aspect of Late Platonism in the Commentary Tradition, 2011
By: Watts, Edward Jay, Lössl, Josef (Ed.), Watt, John W. (Ed.)

Title	Translating the Personal Aspect of Late Platonism in the Commentary Tradition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2011
Published in	Interpreting the Bible and Aristotle in Late Antiquity: The Alexandrian Commentary Tradition between Rome and Baghdad
Pages	137-150
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Watts, Edward Jay
Editor(s)	Lössl, Josef , Watt, John W.
Translator(s)

This paper explores the idea of translating the scholastic social experience by briefly considering the projects undertaken by four very different commentators active in the 520s and 530s. It begins by looking at Olympiodorus’ commentary on Plato’s Gorgias, one of the earliest and least polished works written by this productive and long-lived scholar. This commentary at times tends towards the informal and, because of this, it opens a window into the dynamics of an ancient classroom. Next, the argument turns to Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, a work that attempts to divorce completely the writing of a commentary from actual classroom experience. Simplicius’ programme shows how an author could adapt the commentary genre so that it served as a purely literate endeavour that neither reflected lessons once given in a classroom nor suggested a line of interpretation that could be directly followed in teaching. Finally, the paper will touch upon the very different translation projects undertaken by two contemporary transmitters of the Greek commentary tradition. It will initially consider how some facets of the project undertaken by Boethius suggest that he anticipates that his ideas will not be interpreted in a traditional classroom setting. It will then examine the puzzling decision of Sergius of Reshaina to write a Syriac commentary of an Aristotelian work for which no Syriac translation existed. This discussion will build upon earlier scholarship to show that Sergius probably had direct experience studying philosophy in classrooms and expected his work to be used in a classroom setting. These observations should allow us to better contextualize and appreciate the foundations upon which the medieval Syriac and Latin commentary traditions rest. [introduction p. 140]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tWH1ZboTbhA72ad

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It begins by looking at Olympiodorus\u2019 commentary \r\non Plato\u2019s Gorgias, one of the earliest and least polished works written by this \r\nproductive and long-lived scholar. This commentary at times tends towards the \r\ninformal and, because of this, it opens a window into the dynamics of an ancient \r\nclassroom. Next, the argument turns to Simplicius\u2019 commentary on Aristotle\u2019s \r\nPhysics, a work that attempts to divorce completely the writing of a commentary \r\nfrom actual classroom experience. Simplicius\u2019 programme shows how an author \r\ncould adapt the commentary genre so that it served as a purely literate endeavour \r\nthat neither reflected lessons once given in a classroom nor suggested a line of \r\ninterpretation that could be directly followed in teaching. Finally, the paper will \r\ntouch upon the very different translation projects undertaken by two contemporary \r\ntransmitters of the Greek commentary tradition. It will initially consider how some \r\nfacets of the project undertaken by Boethius suggest that he anticipates that his \r\nideas will not be interpreted in a traditional classroom setting. It will then examine \r\nthe puzzling decision of Sergius of Reshaina to write a Syriac commentary of an \r\nAristotelian work for which no Syriac translation existed. This discussion will \r\nbuild upon earlier scholarship to show that Sergius probably had direct experience \r\nstudying philosophy in classrooms and expected his work to be used in a classroom \r\nsetting. These observations should allow us to better contextualize and appreciate \r\nthe foundations upon which the medieval Syriac and Latin commentary traditions \r\nrest. [introduction p. 140]","btype":2,"date":"2011","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tWH1ZboTbhA72ad","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":357,"full_name":"Watts, Edward Jay","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":359,"full_name":"L\u00f6ssl, Josef","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":358,"full_name":"Watt, John W.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":440,"section_of":271,"pages":"137-150","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":271,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Interpreting the Bible and Aristotle in Late Antiquity: The Alexandrian Commentary Tradition between Rome and Baghdad","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"L\u00f6ssl2011b","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2011","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2011","abstract":"This book brings together sixteen studies by internationally renowned scholars on the origins and early development of the Latin and Syriac biblical and philosophical commentary traditions. It casts light on the work of the founder of philosophical biblical commentary, Origen of Alexandria, and traces the developments of fourth- and fifth-century Latin commentary techniques in writers such as Marius Victorinus, Jerome and Boethius. The focus then moves east, to the beginnings of Syriac philosophical commentary and its relationship to theology in the works of Sergius of Reshaina, Probus and Paul the Persian, and the influence of this continuing tradition in the East up to the Arabic writings of al-Farabi. There are also chapters on the practice of teaching Aristotelian and Platonic philosophy in fifth-century Alexandria, on contemporaneous developments among Byzantine thinkers, and on the connections in Latin and Syriac traditions between translation (from Greek) and commentary. With its enormous breadth and the groundbreaking originality of its contributions, this volume is an indispensable resource not only for specialists, but also for all students and scholars interested in late-antique intellectual history, especially the practice of teaching and studying philosophy, the philosophical exegesis of the Bible, and the role of commentary in the post-Hellenistic world as far as the classical renaissance in Islam.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kR9UCCsaG87xlqQ","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":271,"pubplace":"Surrey \u2013 Burlington","publisher":"Ashgate","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2011]}

Doctrine, Anecdote, and Action: Reconsidering the Social History of the Last Platonists (c. 430–c. 550 C.E.), 2011
By: Watts, Edward Jay

Title	Doctrine, Anecdote, and Action: Reconsidering the Social History of the Last Platonists (c. 430–c. 550 C.E.)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2011
Journal	Classical Philology
Volume	106
Issue	3
Pages	226-244
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Watts, Edward Jay
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Two Parallel narratives have tended to dominate modern recon- structions of the final century and a half of Platonism’s long ancient history. The first ties the dramatic intersection of pagan-Christian conflict, imperial policy, and philosophical principles to the end of Platonic teaching in the Eastern Roman Empire. 1 A second, distinct narrative analyzes Latin philosophical writings and traces the gradual unraveling of the ties that bound Latin philosophical culture and its Greek counterpart. 2 Each of these narratives has its own unique way of viewing and understanding Platonism. The first story culminates with the emperor Justinian’s closing of the Athe- nian Platonic school. It tends to present the affected philosophers as a small, isolated group of pagan intellectuals whose conflict with an increasingly as- sertive Christian political order pushed them to the empire’s margins. The second narrative ends with Boethius and Cassiodorus and stresses how their philosophical efforts both underlined Graeco-Latin philosophical separation and planted the seeds of medieval scholasticism. It sees Platonism primarily as a movement held together by scholastic practices and doctrinal continuities in which Latin writers participated only at some remove. This paper proposes a different, more expansive way to think about late antique philosophical life. Ancient philosophical culture was not defined ex- clusively by religious concerns and doctrinal ties. Beginning with the Old Academy of Xenocrates, Platonists shaped themselves into an intellectual community held together by doctrinal commonalities, a shared history, and defined personal relationships. 3 As the Hellenistic world developed and Platonism spread beyond its Athenian center, doctrine, history, and social ties stopped being conterminous. Platonists remained connected by a shared intellectual genealogy, but Platonism’s social and doctrinal aspects became decentralized as individual schools with their own interests grew up in vari- ous cities. 4 Although no direct institutional connection joined them to the Academy, late antique Platonists saw themselves as part of an old philosophi- cal lineage that reached back to Plato. 5 In their schools, the history of an individual circle’s past mingled with that of the larger intellectual tradition it claimed to have inherited. This amalgamated tradition was handed down from teachers to students in personal conversations that had a number of important, community-building effects. They attracted students to Platonic philosophy, encouraged them to identify with the movement’s past leaders, and influ- enced their ideas and actions once they joined a specific group. As this paper will show, the Platonic circles that these men and women formed were then defined as much by the relationships they formed and by the behaviors they exhibited as by the doctrines they espoused. [introduction p. 226-227]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rilfF7I9t8ywGlp

{"_index":"sire","_id":"443","_score":null,"_source":{"id":443,"authors_free":[{"id":595,"entry_id":443,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":357,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Watts, Edward Jay","free_first_name":"Edward Jay","free_last_name":"Watts","norm_person":{"id":357,"first_name":"Edward Jay","last_name":"Watts","full_name":"Watts, Edward Jay","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131826530","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Doctrine, Anecdote, and Action: Reconsidering the Social History of the Last Platonists (c. 430\u2013c. 550 C.E.)","main_title":{"title":"Doctrine, Anecdote, and Action: Reconsidering the Social History of the Last Platonists (c. 430\u2013c. 550 C.E.)"},"abstract":"Two Parallel narratives have tended to dominate modern recon-\r\nstructions of the final century and a half of Platonism\u2019s long ancient \r\nhistory. The first ties the dramatic intersection of pagan-Christian \r\nconflict, imperial policy, and philosophical principles to the end of Platonic \r\nteaching in the Eastern Roman Empire. 1 A second, distinct narrative analyzes \r\nLatin philosophical writings and traces the gradual unraveling of the ties that \r\nbound Latin philosophical culture and its Greek counterpart. 2 Each of these \r\nnarratives has its own unique way of viewing and understanding Platonism. \r\nThe first story culminates with the emperor Justinian\u2019s closing of the Athe-\r\nnian Platonic school. It tends to present the affected philosophers as a small, \r\nisolated group of pagan intellectuals whose conflict with an increasingly as-\r\nsertive Christian political order pushed them to the empire\u2019s margins. The \r\nsecond narrative ends with Boethius and Cassiodorus and stresses how their \r\nphilosophical efforts both underlined Graeco-Latin philosophical separation \r\nand planted the seeds of medieval scholasticism. It sees Platonism primarily \r\nas a movement held together by scholastic practices and doctrinal continuities \r\nin which Latin writers participated only at some remove.\r\nThis paper proposes a different, more expansive way to think about late \r\nantique philosophical life. Ancient philosophical culture was not defined ex-\r\nclusively by religious concerns and doctrinal ties. Beginning with the Old \r\n\r\nAcademy of Xenocrates, Platonists shaped themselves into an intellectual \r\ncommunity held together by doctrinal commonalities, a shared history, and \r\ndefined personal relationships. 3 As the Hellenistic world developed and \r\nPlatonism spread beyond its Athenian center, doctrine, history, and social \r\nties stopped being conterminous. Platonists remained connected by a shared \r\nintellectual genealogy, but Platonism\u2019s social and doctrinal aspects became decentralized as individual schools with their own interests grew up in vari-\r\nous cities. 4 Although no direct institutional connection joined them to the \r\nAcademy, late antique Platonists saw themselves as part of an old philosophi-\r\ncal lineage that reached back to Plato. 5 In their schools, the history of an \r\nindividual circle\u2019s past mingled with that of the larger intellectual tradition it \r\nclaimed to have inherited. This amalgamated tradition was handed down from \r\nteachers to students in personal conversations that had a number of important, \r\ncommunity-building effects. They attracted students to Platonic philosophy, \r\nencouraged them to identify with the movement\u2019s past leaders, and influ-\r\nenced their ideas and actions once they joined a specific group. As this paper \r\nwill show, the Platonic circles that these men and women formed were then \r\ndefined as much by the relationships they formed and by the behaviors they \r\nexhibited as by the doctrines they espoused. [introduction p. 226-227]","btype":3,"date":"2011","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rilfF7I9t8ywGlp","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":357,"full_name":"Watts, Edward Jay","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":443,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Classical Philology","volume":"106","issue":"3","pages":"226-244"}},"sort":[2011]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.3–4’, 2011
By: Mueller, Ian (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.3–4’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2011
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

This is the first English translation of Simplicius' responses to Philoponus' Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World. The commentary is published in two volumes: Ian Mueller's previous book in the series, Simplicius: On Aristotle On the Heavens 1.2-3, and this book on 1.3-4. Philoponus, the Christian, had argued that Aristotle's arguments do not succeed. For all they show to the contrary, Christianity may be right that the heavens were brought into existence by the only divine being and one moment in time, and will cease to exist at some future moment. Simplicius upholds the pagan view that the heavens are eternal and divine, and argues that their eternity is shown by their astronomical movements coupled with certain principles of Aristotle. The English translation in this volume is accompanied by a detailed introduction, extensive commentary notes and a bibliography. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tNzmkPu2sTOT3n5

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Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.2–3’, 2011
By: Mueller, Ian (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.2–3’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2011
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

One of the arguments in Aristotle's On the Heavens propounds that the world neither came to be nor will perish. This volume contains the pagan Neoplatonist Simplicius of Cilicia's commentary on the first part of this this important work. The commentary is notable and unusual because Simplicius includes in his discussion lengthy representations of the Christian John Philoponus' criticisms of Aristotle along with his own, frequently sarcastic, responses. This is the first complete translation into a modern language of Simplicius' commentary, and is accompanied by a detailed introduction, extensive explanatory notes and a bibliography. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rY9ULws8UGvf5gU

{"_index":"sire","_id":"97","_score":null,"_source":{"id":97,"authors_free":[{"id":114,"entry_id":97,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":270,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Mueller, Ian","free_first_name":"Ian","free_last_name":"Mueller","norm_person":{"id":270,"first_name":"Ian","last_name":"Mueller","full_name":"Mueller, Ian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2273,"entry_id":97,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":270,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Mueller, Ian","free_first_name":"Ian","free_last_name":"Mueller","norm_person":{"id":270,"first_name":"Ian","last_name":"Mueller","full_name":"Mueller, Ian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2276,"entry_id":97,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius ","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 1.2\u20133\u2019","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 1.2\u20133\u2019"},"abstract":"One of the arguments in Aristotle's On the Heavens propounds that the world neither came to be nor will perish. This volume contains the pagan Neoplatonist Simplicius of Cilicia's commentary on the first part of this this important work. The commentary is notable and unusual because Simplicius includes in his discussion lengthy representations of the Christian John Philoponus' criticisms of Aristotle along with his own, frequently sarcastic, responses.\r\n\r\nThis is the first complete translation into a modern language of Simplicius' commentary, and is accompanied by a detailed introduction, extensive explanatory notes and a bibliography. [offical abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2011","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rY9ULws8UGvf5gU","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":270,"full_name":"Mueller, Ian","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":270,"full_name":"Mueller, Ian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":97,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Bloomsbury","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2011]}

Alexandre d’Aphrodise, commentaire perdu à la « Physique » d’Aristote (livres IV−VIII) : les scholies byzantines. Édition, traduction et commentaire, 2011
By: Rashed, Marwan, Alexander Aphrodisiensis, Rashed, Marwan (Ed.)

Title	Alexandre d’Aphrodise, commentaire perdu à la « Physique » d’Aristote (livres IV−VIII) : les scholies byzantines. Édition, traduction et commentaire
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2011
Publication Place	Berlin – Boston
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan , Alexander Aphrodisiensis
Editor(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Translator(s)

The no longer extant commentary by Alexander of Aphrodisias (approx. 200 AD) on Aristotle’s Physics is one of the most important works of antiquity ‑, as a source text having influenced both the Greek commentators on Aristotle and ‒ through the mediation of Arab scholars ‑ Western medieval philosophy. This volume presents the first edition and study of nearly 700 recently discovered Byzantine scholia, which allow a more exact reconstruction of Alexander’s teachings on physics, and at the same time contribute to a better understanding of Aristotelianism and preclassical physics. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/7D2ncBfgdXVfziU

{"_index":"sire","_id":"8","_score":null,"_source":{"id":8,"authors_free":[{"id":8,"entry_id":8,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2486,"entry_id":8,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":501,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Alexander Aphrodisiensis","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":501,"first_name":"Alexander","last_name":"Aphrodisiensis","full_name":"Alexander, Aphrodisiensis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118501887","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2488,"entry_id":8,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Alexandre d\u2019Aphrodise, commentaire perdu \u00e0 la \u00ab Physique \u00bb d\u2019Aristote (livres IV\u2212VIII) : les scholies byzantines. \u00c9dition, traduction et commentaire","main_title":{"title":"Alexandre d\u2019Aphrodise, commentaire perdu \u00e0 la \u00ab Physique \u00bb d\u2019Aristote (livres IV\u2212VIII) : les scholies byzantines. \u00c9dition, traduction et commentaire"},"abstract":"The no longer extant commentary by Alexander of Aphrodisias (approx. 200 AD) on Aristotle\u2019s Physics is one of the most important works of antiquity \u2011, as a source text having influenced both the Greek commentators on Aristotle and \u2012 through the mediation of Arab scholars \u2011 Western medieval philosophy. This volume presents the first edition and study of nearly 700 recently discovered Byzantine scholia, which allow a more exact reconstruction of Alexander\u2019s teachings on physics, and at the same time contribute to a better understanding of Aristotelianism and preclassical physics. [Author\u2019s abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2011","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/7D2ncBfgdXVfziU","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":501,"full_name":"Alexander, Aphrodisiensis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":8,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 Boston","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina","volume":"1","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2011]}

OMOΣE XΩΡEIN: Simplicius, Corollarium de loco 601.26–8 (Diels), 2011
By: Gregoric, Pavel, Helmig, Christoph

Title	OMOΣE XΩΡEIN: Simplicius, Corollarium de loco 601.26–8 (Diels)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2011
Journal	Classical Quarterly
Volume	61
Issue	2
Pages	722-730
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gregoric, Pavel , Helmig, Christoph
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The upshot of this article is that the treatment of the phrase ὁμόσε χωρεῖν in LSJ can be supplemented as far as later (Neoplatonic) authors are concerned. We have seen that the translation ‘to come to issue’ for the metaphorical meaning of the phrase is ambiguous and needs to be qualified according to the context. While the expression usually betrays an adversative connotation – to counter or refute an argument – later (Neoplatonic) authors also used it in a more neutral sense (‘to come to grips with an argument’). More to the point, the phrase can also have a concessive connotation, implying a concession or acceptance. It is precisely this latter connotation that we find in Simplicius’ Corollary on Place 601.26–8. [conclusion, p. 730]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8hDZ2Sqz5SgPL6n

{"_index":"sire","_id":"585","_score":null,"_source":{"id":585,"authors_free":[{"id":829,"entry_id":585,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":145,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gregoric, Pavel","free_first_name":"Pavel","free_last_name":"Gregoric","norm_person":{"id":145,"first_name":"Pavel","last_name":"Gregoric","full_name":"Gregoric, Pavel","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":830,"entry_id":585,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":146,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Helmig, Christoph","free_first_name":"Chistoph","free_last_name":"Helmig","norm_person":{"id":146,"first_name":"Christoph","last_name":"Helmig","full_name":"Helmig, Christoph","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1107028760","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"OMO\u03a3E X\u03a9\u03a1EIN: Simplicius, Corollarium de loco 601.26\u20138 (Diels)","main_title":{"title":"OMO\u03a3E X\u03a9\u03a1EIN: Simplicius, Corollarium de loco 601.26\u20138 (Diels)"},"abstract":"The upshot of this article is that the treatment of the phrase \u1f41\u03bc\u03cc\u03c3\u03b5 \u03c7\u03c9\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd in LSJ can be supplemented as far as later (Neoplatonic) authors are concerned. We have seen that the translation \u2018to come to issue\u2019 for the metaphorical meaning of the phrase is ambiguous and needs to be qualified according to the context. While the expression usually betrays an adversative connotation \u2013 to counter or refute an argument \u2013 later (Neoplatonic) authors also used it in a more neutral sense (\u2018to come to grips with an argument\u2019). More to the point, the phrase can also have a \r\nconcessive connotation, implying a concession or acceptance. It is precisely this \r\nlatter connotation that we find in Simplicius\u2019 Corollary on Place 601.26\u20138. [conclusion, p. 730]","btype":3,"date":"2011","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/8hDZ2Sqz5SgPL6n","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":145,"full_name":"Gregoric, Pavel","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":146,"full_name":"Helmig, Christoph","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":585,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Classical Quarterly","volume":"61","issue":"2","pages":"722-730"}},"sort":[2011]}

Confronter les Idées. Un exemple de conciliation litigieuse chez Simplicius, 2011
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine

Title	Confronter les Idées. Un exemple de conciliation litigieuse chez Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2011
Journal	Études platoniciennes
Volume	8
Pages	145-160
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Dans ce lemme, Simplicius n’emploie pas la méthode à laquelle il recourt habituellement pour concilier des doctrines. Entre Aristote et Platon, le problème ne provient pas d’une différence d'expression (lexis), derrière laquelle le sens fondamental (nous) serait identique. Chacun ne parle pas d’un problème semblable en des termes différents, pas plus que chacun ne traite d’une question différente mais en recourant à des termes similaires. Sans être formulée ici par Simplicius de façon explicite, la divergence apparaît à la première lecture : lorsqu’Aristote s’en prend à la doctrine des Idées, il ne peut pas, d’une certaine façon, viser le divin Platon, qui fut le premier à la soutenir. D’emblée, Simplicius élude le problème en redirigeant l’attaque contre d’autres adversaires. Concilier impose en effet de comprendre tout d’abord la véritable cible de l’objection, avant qu’il devienne possible d’en mesurer l’apport à l’égard de la doctrine générale des Idées. La conciliation des doctrines au cœur de l’exégèse d’Aristote suit un parcours précis. Dans un premier temps, Simplicius propose une lecture littérale de la Physique, expliquant chacun des arguments contenus dans le lemme. Toutefois, de façon surprenante pour nous, il souligne une tournure qui va lui permettre de retourner la position d’Aristote contre elle-même : en faire non plus un adversaire de la théorie des Idées séparées, mais l’auteur d’un critère de validité de la séparation. Dans un deuxième temps, notre exégète s’emploie à montrer la teneur authentiquement aristotélicienne de cette doctrine des Idées séparées. Il isole d’abord les caractères reconnus aux Idées, avant de démontrer qu’ils sont admis au sein même de la pensée d’Aristote. De plus, étant donné que l’enjeu de la tentative de conciliation consiste à trouver chez Aristote la double caractérisation des Idées que leur attribuent leurs partisans – être à la fois des causes et des modèles semblables pour les réalités naturelles –, il répertorie les passages du corpus aristotelicum qui abondent dans ce sens, les combine et insère des éléments provenant de la tradition néoplatonicienne. Enfin, il utilise la critique pour poser une limite claire au sein de la nature entre les réalités qui admettent des Formes séparées et celles qui n’en admettent pas. Comme souvent chez Simplicius, l’examen aboutit à l’énoncé d’un critère net et précis. Il doit permettre ici de démarquer l’homonymie vulgaire des Idées de l’éponymie légitime. La première résulte d’un dépouillement de la forme en dehors de la matière, mais qui continue à raisonner à partir d’ici-bas : elle cherche des Idées séparées pour des formes naturelles qui ne peuvent jamais être complètement abstraites de la matière à laquelle elles sont liées. La seconde reconnaît que certains noms sont propres aux composés ici-bas et, par conséquent, ne correspondent à aucune réalité là-bas. En revanche, elle pose des Idées, à la fois causes et modèles des composés ici-bas, qui possèdent une subsistance séparée. Si le travail exégétique de Simplicius ne brille pas toujours par son génie philosophique, il s’emploie à chercher des solutions à certains des problèmes les plus complexes de la tradition platonicienne. Comme souvent, la solution qu’il propose, en dépit du bricolage doctrinal sur lequel elle se fonde, lève la difficulté d’une façon nette et précise. Il offre une nouvelle fois aux commentateurs que nous sommes une leçon à méditer. [conclusion p. 159-160]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ihW4uaycr2RFg3O

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1313","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1313,"authors_free":[{"id":1947,"entry_id":1313,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":125,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","free_first_name":"Marc-Antoine","free_last_name":"Gavray","norm_person":{"id":125,"first_name":"Marc-Antoine","last_name":"Gavray","full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1078511411","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Confronter les Id\u00e9es. Un exemple de conciliation litigieuse chez Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Confronter les Id\u00e9es. Un exemple de conciliation litigieuse chez Simplicius"},"abstract":"Dans ce lemme, Simplicius n\u2019emploie pas la m\u00e9thode \u00e0 laquelle il recourt habituellement pour concilier des doctrines. Entre Aristote et Platon, le probl\u00e8me ne provient pas d\u2019une diff\u00e9rence d'expression (lexis), derri\u00e8re laquelle le sens fondamental (nous) serait identique. Chacun ne parle pas d\u2019un probl\u00e8me semblable en des termes diff\u00e9rents, pas plus que chacun ne traite d\u2019une question diff\u00e9rente mais en recourant \u00e0 des termes similaires. Sans \u00eatre formul\u00e9e ici par Simplicius de fa\u00e7on explicite, la divergence appara\u00eet \u00e0 la premi\u00e8re lecture : lorsqu\u2019Aristote s\u2019en prend \u00e0 la doctrine des Id\u00e9es, il ne peut pas, d\u2019une certaine fa\u00e7on, viser le divin Platon, qui fut le premier \u00e0 la soutenir. D\u2019embl\u00e9e, Simplicius \u00e9lude le probl\u00e8me en redirigeant l\u2019attaque contre d\u2019autres adversaires. Concilier impose en effet de comprendre tout d\u2019abord la v\u00e9ritable cible de l\u2019objection, avant qu\u2019il devienne possible d\u2019en mesurer l\u2019apport \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9gard de la doctrine g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Id\u00e9es.\r\n\r\nLa conciliation des doctrines au c\u0153ur de l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se d\u2019Aristote suit un parcours pr\u00e9cis. Dans un premier temps, Simplicius propose une lecture litt\u00e9rale de la Physique, expliquant chacun des arguments contenus dans le lemme. Toutefois, de fa\u00e7on surprenante pour nous, il souligne une tournure qui va lui permettre de retourner la position d\u2019Aristote contre elle-m\u00eame : en faire non plus un adversaire de la th\u00e9orie des Id\u00e9es s\u00e9par\u00e9es, mais l\u2019auteur d\u2019un crit\u00e8re de validit\u00e9 de la s\u00e9paration. Dans un deuxi\u00e8me temps, notre ex\u00e9g\u00e8te s\u2019emploie \u00e0 montrer la teneur authentiquement aristot\u00e9licienne de cette doctrine des Id\u00e9es s\u00e9par\u00e9es. Il isole d\u2019abord les caract\u00e8res reconnus aux Id\u00e9es, avant de d\u00e9montrer qu\u2019ils sont admis au sein m\u00eame de la pens\u00e9e d\u2019Aristote. De plus, \u00e9tant donn\u00e9 que l\u2019enjeu de la tentative de conciliation consiste \u00e0 trouver chez Aristote la double caract\u00e9risation des Id\u00e9es que leur attribuent leurs partisans \u2013 \u00eatre \u00e0 la fois des causes et des mod\u00e8les semblables pour les r\u00e9alit\u00e9s naturelles \u2013, il r\u00e9pertorie les passages du corpus aristotelicum qui abondent dans ce sens, les combine et ins\u00e8re des \u00e9l\u00e9ments provenant de la tradition n\u00e9oplatonicienne. Enfin, il utilise la critique pour poser une limite claire au sein de la nature entre les r\u00e9alit\u00e9s qui admettent des Formes s\u00e9par\u00e9es et celles qui n\u2019en admettent pas.\r\n\r\nComme souvent chez Simplicius, l\u2019examen aboutit \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9nonc\u00e9 d\u2019un crit\u00e8re net et pr\u00e9cis. Il doit permettre ici de d\u00e9marquer l\u2019homonymie vulgaire des Id\u00e9es de l\u2019\u00e9ponymie l\u00e9gitime. La premi\u00e8re r\u00e9sulte d\u2019un d\u00e9pouillement de la forme en dehors de la mati\u00e8re, mais qui continue \u00e0 raisonner \u00e0 partir d\u2019ici-bas : elle cherche des Id\u00e9es s\u00e9par\u00e9es pour des formes naturelles qui ne peuvent jamais \u00eatre compl\u00e8tement abstraites de la mati\u00e8re \u00e0 laquelle elles sont li\u00e9es. La seconde reconna\u00eet que certains noms sont propres aux compos\u00e9s ici-bas et, par cons\u00e9quent, ne correspondent \u00e0 aucune r\u00e9alit\u00e9 l\u00e0-bas. En revanche, elle pose des Id\u00e9es, \u00e0 la fois causes et mod\u00e8les des compos\u00e9s ici-bas, qui poss\u00e8dent une subsistance s\u00e9par\u00e9e.\r\n\r\nSi le travail ex\u00e9g\u00e9tique de Simplicius ne brille pas toujours par son g\u00e9nie philosophique, il s\u2019emploie \u00e0 chercher des solutions \u00e0 certains des probl\u00e8mes les plus complexes de la tradition platonicienne. Comme souvent, la solution qu\u2019il propose, en d\u00e9pit du bricolage doctrinal sur lequel elle se fonde, l\u00e8ve la difficult\u00e9 d\u2019une fa\u00e7on nette et pr\u00e9cise. Il offre une nouvelle fois aux commentateurs que nous sommes une le\u00e7on \u00e0 m\u00e9diter. [conclusion p. 159-160]","btype":3,"date":"2011","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ihW4uaycr2RFg3O","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":125,"full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1313,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"\u00c9tudes platoniciennes","volume":"8","issue":"","pages":"145-160"}},"sort":[2011]}

Archytas lu par Simplicius. Un art de la conciliation, 2011
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine

Title	Archytas lu par Simplicius. Un art de la conciliation
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2011
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	5
Issue	1
Pages	85-158
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Intent upon harmonizing doctrines of their predecessors, some Neoplatonic com-mentators are faced with a problem of resolving doctrinal discrepancies so as to restore the συμφωνία in the history of philosophy. This article considers a parti-cular example of this attempt ats harmonization: how Simplicius reconciles Aris-totle’s Categories with the Neopythagorean doctrine of the Pseudo-Archytas. The chronological inversion introduced by the counterfeiter produces remarkable effects on the late Platonic doctrine about general terms, to the extent that a commentator such as Simplicius works to reduce the dissonance between Archytas’ and Aristotle’s words. This paper has three aims: to restore the general grid that Simplicius uses for reading and commenting on Archytas through Aristotle; to identify the exegeti-cal strategies aimed at a doctrinal reconciliation; to consider a specific case, pro-vided by the doctrine of weight, which engenders a new physical theory by Simplicius. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CcW2PJaT6w7pONA

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Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 1.3–4, 2011
By: Simplicius Cilicius, Huby, Pamela M. (Ed.), Taylor, Christopher C. W. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 1.3–4
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2011
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius Cilicius
Editor(s)	Huby, Pamela M. , Taylor, Christopher C. W.
Translator(s)	Huby, Pamela M.(Huby, Pamela M.) , Taylor, Christopher C. W.(Taylor, Christopher C. W.) ,

In this volume Simplicius deals with Aristotle's account of the Presocratics, and for many of them he is our chief or even sole authority. He quotes at length from Melissus, Parmenides and Zeno, sometimes from their original works but also from later writers from Plato onwards, drawing particularly on Alexander's lost commentary on Aristotle's Physics and on Porphyry. Much of his approach is just scholarly, but in places he reveals his Neoplatonist affiliation and attempts to show the basic agreement among his predecessors in spite of their apparent differences. This volume, part of the groundbreaking Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series, translates into English for the first time Simplicius' commentary, and includes a detailed introduction, extensive explanatory notes and a bibliography. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6GpvV97ruLyfIbX

ΑΠΑΓΩΓΗ: The method of Hippocrates of Chios and Plato's hypothetical method in the Meno, 2011
By: Karasmanis, Vassilis, Longo, Angela (Ed.), Del Forno, Davide (Coll.) (Ed.)

Title	ΑΠΑΓΩΓΗ: The method of Hippocrates of Chios and Plato's hypothetical method in the Meno
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2011
Published in	Argument from Hypothesis in Ancient Philosophy
Pages	21-41
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Karasmanis, Vassilis
Editor(s)	Longo, Angela , Del Forno, Davide (Coll.)
Translator(s)

In this essay, I am going to argue that the Greek geometer of the late fifth century B.C. Hippocrates of Chios1 was the first who systematically employed a method of indirect proof called apagoge (reduction). Apagoge is probably the early stage of the geometrical method of analysis and synthesis, and consists roughly in reducing one problem (or theorem) to another. Reductions can be continued until we arrive at something already known, or at something that is possible to be solved directly. Finally, I shall support the view that «the method of geometers» to which Plato refers in the Meno is the geometrical method of apagoge. [introduction, p. 21]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vD5NrSUbtb9PXEC

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Hippocrates of Chios1 was the first who systematically employed a method of indirect proof called apagoge (reduction). Apagoge is probably the early stage of the geo\u00admetrical method of analysis and synthesis, and consists roughly in reducing one problem (or theorem) to another. Reductions can \r\nbe continued until we arrive at something already known, or at something that is possible to be solved directly. Finally, I shall support the view that \u00abthe method of geometers\u00bb to which Plato \r\nrefers in the Meno is the geometrical method of apagoge. [introduction, p. 21]","btype":2,"date":"2011","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vD5NrSUbtb9PXEC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":214,"full_name":"Karasmanis, Vassilis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":463,"full_name":"Longo, Angela","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":464,"full_name":"Del Forno, Davide","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1363,"section_of":355,"pages":"21-41","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":355,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Argument from Hypothesis in Ancient Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Longo2011","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2011","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2011","abstract":"This volume offers an over-arching study of teh use of hypothetical arguments in ancient philosophy. It may claim to be pioneering inasmuch as it considers texts and authors from the classical period from the Hellenistic age, and from late antiquity. Its order is chronological: from Plato to Damascius. Its approach is plural: there are historico-critical essays and there are pieces of a more theoretical nature; the theoretical parts of the volume aim to explain what sort of thing a hypothesis is, what marks off arguments based upon hypotheses from other arguments, what rules of inference hypothetical argumentation invokes, what a hypothecial argument may hope to achieve, and so on. \r\nThe primary aspiration of the volume is to provide a wide view of a subject which, insofar as it is in itself semwhat technical, tends to attract a nice and narrow inspection. Thus one criterion which contributors have been encouraged to observe is this: the use of hypothetical arguments - or of the \"hypothetical method\" - should be considered not in isolation but rather in connection with the other dialectical procedures of division, definition, demonstration, and analysis. The volume makes a first step towrds a synthetic account of the use of hypotheses in ancient dialectic. ","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ABkBQ3CmiH2yDCa","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":355,"pubplace":"Napoli","publisher":"Bibliopolis","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":{"id":1363,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition","volume":"8","issue":"1","pages":"21-41"}},"sort":[2011]}

Discussions on the Eternity of the world in Late Antiquity, 2011
By: Chase, Michael

Title	Discussions on the Eternity of the world in Late Antiquity
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2011
Journal	ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition
Volume	5
Issue	2
Pages	111-173
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This article studies the debate between the Neoplatonist philosophers Simplicius and John Philoponus on the question of the eternity of the world. The first part consists in a historical introduction situating their debate within the context of the conflict between Christians and Pa- gan in the Byzantine Empire of the first half of the sixth century. Particular attention is paid to the attitudes of these two thinkers to Aristotle's attempted proofs of the eternity of motion and time in Physics 8.1. The second part traces the origins, structure and function of a particular argument used by Philoponus to argue for the world's creation within time. Philoponus takes advantage of a tension inherent in Aristotle's theory of motion, between his standard view that all motion and change is continuous and takes place in time, and his occasional admission that at least some kinds of motion and change are instantaneous. For Philoponus, God's creation of the world is precisely such an instantaneous change: it is not a motion on the part of the Creator, but is analo- gous to the activation of a state (hexis), which is timeless and implies no change on the part of the agent. The various transformations of this doctrine at the hands of Peripatetic, Neoplatonic, and Islamic commentators are studied (Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius, al-Kindi, al-Farabi), as is Philoponus' use of it in his debate against Proclus. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ufpZP6w4wwJDnXs

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Parmenides B8.38 and Cornford’s Fragment, 2010
By: McKirahan, Richard D.

Title	Parmenides B8.38 and Cornford’s Fragment
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	Ancient Philosophy
Volume	30
Issue	1
Pages	1-14
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	McKirahan, Richard D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Having established the attributes of τὸ ἐόν in a series of arguments that end at B8.33, in the following eight lines Parmenides goes on to explore implications of his earlier claim that ‘you cannot know what is not...nor can you declare it’ (B2.7-8) in the light of the results obtained so far in B8. He begins by stating (B8.34) that ‘what is to be thought of is the same as that on account of which the thought is’ and goes on to give an argument for that claim (B8.35-38a). He then (B8.38b-41) states as a consequence of the claim, that ‘it (that is, τὸ ἐόν) has been named all things that mortals, persuaded that they are real, have posited both to be generated and to perish, both to be and not, and to change place and alter bright color’. His treatment of these issues, which concern the relations among reality, thought, and language, is one of the most philosophically important parts of his work; it is arguably the very heart of his philosophy. It is also one of the most obscure. The philosophical difficulties are compounded by the facts that the Greek text is uncertain and its grammatical structure is hard to make out. One of the principal issues in dispute is the relation between a line quoted in two ancient sources (Plato’s Theaetetus and a commentary on that work by an unknown author) and B8.38. Do those sources contain the true version of B8.38, an incorrect version of that line—a misquotation of the true version, or an altogether different line? B8.38 is a pivotal line in the passage B8.34-41; as indicated above, I believe that it contains the end of the first part of the passage and the beginning of the second, although it is commonly understood differently. The first step towards understanding the passage is to establish the text of B8.38. Ideally such a text would have substantial support in the ancient sources, it would be a line of the dactylic hexameter verse in which Parmenides wrote, it would make grammatical sense, it would give a good philosophical sense in the place where it occurs, it would suit Parmenides’ manner of presenting his ideas and arguments, and it would make sense in relation to the rest of his philosophy. In part I, I survey the evidence for B8.38 and argue that if the version reported by Plato and his commentator is accepted as a separate fragment, then one of the metrically acceptable versions of the line preserved in the manuscripts of Simplicius is more strongly supported than has previously been thought and, in fact, from this point of view it becomes the leading candidate. In part II, I argue that this version can be read in a way that is philologically unobjectionable, and I propose a way of reading it that fits well with its context, is characteristic of Parmenides’ philosophical style, and gives at least as good philosophical sense as previous construals do. I also defend my interpretation against recent claims by Kingsley, Vlastos, and Mourelatos. Finally, in part III, I take up the question of Cornford’s fragment (as the line quoted by Plato and his commentator is known). I boost the alleged fragment’s claim to authenticity by proposing a new way to understand the text that makes the line metrically and philologically unobjectionable and presenting two ways of construing it that make philosophical sense and make claims that do not repeat what Parmenides says elsewhere but accord well with his views. [introduction p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/SqC5oF6JPgbuN3v

{"_index":"sire","_id":"989","_score":null,"_source":{"id":989,"authors_free":[{"id":1490,"entry_id":989,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":253,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"McKirahan, Richard D.","free_first_name":"Richard D.","free_last_name":"McKirahan","norm_person":{"id":253,"first_name":"Richard D.","last_name":"McKirahan","full_name":"McKirahan, Richard D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131702254","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Parmenides B8.38 and Cornford\u2019s Fragment","main_title":{"title":"Parmenides B8.38 and Cornford\u2019s Fragment"},"abstract":"Having established the attributes of \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f10\u03cc\u03bd in a series of arguments that end at B8.33, in the following eight lines Parmenides goes on to explore implications of his earlier claim that \u2018you cannot know what is not...nor can you declare it\u2019 (B2.7-8) in the light of the results obtained so far in B8. He begins by stating (B8.34) that \u2018what is to be thought of is the same as that on account of which the thought is\u2019 and goes on to give an argument for that claim (B8.35-38a). He then (B8.38b-41) states as a consequence of the claim, that \u2018it (that is, \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f10\u03cc\u03bd) has been named all things that mortals, persuaded that they are real, have posited both to be generated and to perish, both to be and not, and to change place and alter bright color\u2019. His treatment of these issues, which concern the relations among reality, thought, and language, is one of the most philosophically important parts of his work; it is arguably the very heart of his philosophy. It is also one of the most obscure. The philosophical difficulties are compounded by the facts that the Greek text is uncertain and its grammatical structure is hard to make out.\r\n\r\nOne of the principal issues in dispute is the relation between a line quoted in two ancient sources (Plato\u2019s Theaetetus and a commentary on that work by an unknown author) and B8.38. Do those sources contain the true version of B8.38, an incorrect version of that line\u2014a misquotation of the true version, or an altogether different line? B8.38 is a pivotal line in the passage B8.34-41; as indicated above, I believe that it contains the end of the first part of the passage and the beginning of the second, although it is commonly understood differently.\r\n\r\nThe first step towards understanding the passage is to establish the text of B8.38. Ideally such a text would have substantial support in the ancient sources, it would be a line of the dactylic hexameter verse in which Parmenides wrote, it would make grammatical sense, it would give a good philosophical sense in the place where it occurs, it would suit Parmenides\u2019 manner of presenting his ideas and arguments, and it would make sense in relation to the rest of his philosophy.\r\n\r\nIn part I, I survey the evidence for B8.38 and argue that if the version reported by Plato and his commentator is accepted as a separate fragment, then one of the metrically acceptable versions of the line preserved in the manuscripts of Simplicius is more strongly supported than has previously been thought and, in fact, from this point of view it becomes the leading candidate. In part II, I argue that this version can be read in a way that is philologically unobjectionable, and I propose a way of reading it that fits well with its context, is characteristic of Parmenides\u2019 philosophical style, and gives at least as good philosophical sense as previous construals do. I also defend my interpretation against recent claims by Kingsley, Vlastos, and Mourelatos.\r\n\r\nFinally, in part III, I take up the question of Cornford\u2019s fragment (as the line quoted by Plato and his commentator is known). I boost the alleged fragment\u2019s claim to authenticity by proposing a new way to understand the text that makes the line metrically and philologically unobjectionable and presenting two ways of construing it that make philosophical sense and make claims that do not repeat what Parmenides says elsewhere but accord well with his views. [introduction p. 1-2]","btype":3,"date":"2010","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/SqC5oF6JPgbuN3v","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":253,"full_name":"McKirahan, Richard D.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":989,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Ancient Philosophy","volume":"30","issue":"1","pages":"1-14"}},"sort":[2010]}

Cosmología, cosmogonía y teogonía en el poema de Parménides, 2010
By: Bredlow, Luis-Andrés

Title	Cosmología, cosmogonía y teogonía en el poema de Parménides
Type	Article
Language	Spanish
Date	2010
Journal	Emerita: Revista de Lingüística y Filología Clasíca
Volume	78
Issue	2
Pages	275-297
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bredlow, Luis-Andrés
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The aim of this paper is to offer a fresh reconstruction of Parmenides’ system of the physical world, duly distinguishing the cosmological, cosmogonic and theogonic moments of the theory, whose confusion has been a main source of misunderstanding in earlier interpretations. In particular, the system of wreaths or bands of B 12 and A 37 does not represent the present order of the universe, but the general structure of matter, as well as the initial stage of the cosmogony (section 1), as can be substantiated also from Simplicius’ reading of the fragments (section 2). This distinction will allow a tentative reconstruction of Parmenides’ cosmogony (section 3) and cosmology, whose most striking feature is the position of the fixed stars below the sun and the moon, paralleled in Anaximander and – as I will try to show – in the cosmology of the orphic Derveni Papyrus (section 4). [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IstgO7KI8zaKM84

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Introduction to the Second Edition: New findings on Philoponus, 2010
By: Sorabji, Richard

Title	Introduction to the Second Edition: New findings on Philoponus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2010
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition
Pages	1-40
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Since 1987, when the first edition of this book appeared, there have been new findings both about Philoponus' thought and about his milieu. In this Introduction to the second edition, I will start with the milieu. There has been a major archaeological discovery, nothing less than the lecture rooms of the Alexandrian school. It was announced in 2004 that the Polish archaeological team under Grzegorz Majcherek had identified the lecture rooms of the 6th-century Alexandrian school, surprisingly well preserved. Although the first few rooms had been excavated 25 years earlier, the identification had become possible only now. By 2008, 20 rooms had been excavated. 20 is the number of rooms reported by a 12th-century source writing in Arabic, Abd el-Latif, but there may be more. [introduction p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UotikAt6Giet2tb

{"_index":"sire","_id":"796","_score":null,"_source":{"id":796,"authors_free":[{"id":1174,"entry_id":796,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Introduction to the Second Edition: New findings on Philoponus","main_title":{"title":"Introduction to the Second Edition: New findings on Philoponus"},"abstract":"Since 1987, when the first edition of this book appeared, there have been new findings both about Philoponus' thought and about his milieu. In this Introduction to the second edition, I will start with the milieu. There has been a major archaeological discovery, nothing less than the lecture rooms of the Alexandrian school. It was announced in 2004 that the Polish archaeological team under Grzegorz Majcherek had identified the lecture rooms of the 6th-century Alexandrian school, surprisingly well preserved. Although the first few rooms had been excavated 25 years earlier, the identification had become possible only now. By 2008, 20 rooms had been excavated. 20 is the number of rooms reported by a 12th-century source writing in Arabic, Abd el-Latif, but there may be more. [introduction p. 1]","btype":2,"date":"2010","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/UotikAt6Giet2tb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":796,"section_of":184,"pages":"1-40","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":184,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabji1987c","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2010","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Richard Sorabji is the editor of a vast and growing number of translations of ancient\r\ncommentaries on Aristotle and the editor of several excellent collections of studies on the\r\nAristotelian tradition. Philoponus, a 6th century Christian thinker who was originally trained as\r\na Neoplatonist, is best remembered today for his attack on Aristotle's 'physics'; his influence on\r\nlater philosophers and scientists and his role in the reevaluation of Aristotelian science and\r\nnatural philosophy are indeed remarkable. The second edition of Philoponus and the Rejection\r\nof Aristotelian Science includes a new two-part introduction which offers a survey of the\r\nrapidly expanding scholarship on Philoponus and of recent archeological discoveries (such as\r\nthe lecture rooms of the 6th century Alexandrian school), as well as new insights into the\r\ninteraction between Greek paganism and Christianity in connection with Philoponus and his\r\nmilieu. The twelve chapters included in this collection are written by very prominent scholars\r\nand tackle topics such as Philoponus' corollaries on space and time, the differences between his\r\ntheological views (e.g. on the three hypostases) and the prevailing dogmas of the time, the\r\nrelation between his theory about impetus and later treatments of impetus and related\r\nconcepts in a number of Arab thinkers and in Galileo. This collection is one of the most reliable\r\nand wide-ranging introductions to Philoponus' views and influence, and those interested in late\r\nancient philosophy and its interactions with Christian thought will find this to be a most\r\nvaluable resource. [Review by Tiberiu Popa]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CJSIbOOK7lIAB00","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":184,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London","series":"BICS Supplement","volume":"103","edition_no":"2","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2010]}

I "Cadaveri" di Eraclito (Fr. 96 D.-K.) e la Polemica Neoplatonica di Simplicio, 2010
By: Saudelli, Lucia

Title	I "Cadaveri" di Eraclito (Fr. 96 D.-K.) e la Polemica Neoplatonica di Simplicio
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2010
Journal	Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica
Volume	96
Issue	3
Pages	127-137
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Saudelli, Lucia
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This article focuses on an unpublished allusion to Heraclitus' fragment 96 D.-K. After an analytic study of the ancient preserved testimonia, I have presented the evidence of the Neoplatonist Simplicius, who uses Heraclitus' dictum about corpses in his personal polemic against Christianity. Then I have tried to explain the probable original signification of Heraclitus' fragment in comparison with other Presocratic texts and according to the Ionian philosophical and religious background of the 5th century B.C. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H7VTl0R3s0lDL6j

{"_index":"sire","_id":"855","_score":null,"_source":{"id":855,"authors_free":[{"id":1259,"entry_id":855,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":311,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Saudelli, Lucia","free_first_name":"Lucia","free_last_name":"Saudelli","norm_person":{"id":311,"first_name":"Lucia","last_name":"Saudelli","full_name":"Saudelli, Lucia","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1047619067","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"I \"Cadaveri\" di Eraclito (Fr. 96 D.-K.) e la Polemica Neoplatonica di Simplicio","main_title":{"title":"I \"Cadaveri\" di Eraclito (Fr. 96 D.-K.) e la Polemica Neoplatonica di Simplicio"},"abstract":"This article focuses on an unpublished allusion to Heraclitus' fragment 96 D.-K. After an analytic study of the ancient preserved testimonia, I have presented the evidence of the Neoplatonist Simplicius, who uses Heraclitus' dictum about corpses in his personal polemic against Christianity. Then I have tried to explain the probable original signification of Heraclitus' fragment in comparison with other Presocratic texts and according to the Ionian philosophical and religious background of the 5th century B.C. [Author\u2019s abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2010","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/H7VTl0R3s0lDL6j","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":311,"full_name":"Saudelli, Lucia","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":855,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica","volume":"96","issue":"3","pages":"127-137"}},"sort":[2010]}

What's the Matter? Some Neo-Platonist Answers, 2010
By: Mueller, Ian, Mohr, Richard D. (Ed.), Sattler, Barbara M. (Ed.)

Title	What's the Matter? Some Neo-Platonist Answers
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2010
Published in	One Book, The Whole Universe: Plato’s Timaeus Today
Pages	151-163
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mueller, Ian
Editor(s)	Mohr, Richard D. , Sattler, Barbara M.
Translator(s)

In this essay, I want to say a very few things about Neo-Platonist interpretations of the Timaeus relating to the receptacle and the geometric characterization of earth, water, air, and fire. The starting point of my reflections was translating Simplicius’ commentary on books 3 and 4 of Aristotle’s On the Heavens, and much of what I say is based upon that. But I will also be invoking a passage from his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics and some material in John Philoponus and Proclus. I begin with some remarks about Simplicius’ basic conception of what we call Aristotle’s criticisms of Plato. At the beginning of his extensive discussion of Aristotle’s objections to Plato’s geometrical chemistry, Simplicius says: The disagreement between the philosophers is not substantive, but Aristotle pays attention to those who understand Plato superficially and frequently raises objections against the apparent meaning of what Plato says and what can be understood in a worse way, and he seems to be refuting Plato. (Simplicius, On Aristotle’s On the Heavens, 640, 28–31) Simplicius’ point is not that Aristotle is a superficial reader, but that he raises objections to the surface meaning of what Plato says in order to prevent other people from espousing those superficial readings. In connection with another passage in On the Heavens in which Aristotle connects Plato’s association of the cube with earth to earth’s stability, Simplicius refers to Aristotle’s earlier criticism of Plato for allegedly saying that the earth has a winding motion around the pole: It is worth pointing out that Aristotle does know that Plato thinks the earth is steady since it was Plato who said that it is a cube because it is stable and remains fixed. Consequently, when in the preceding book he asserted that the earth is said by Timaeus to be wound and move , he was confronting those who understand Timaeus’ words in this way. (Simplicius, On Aristotle’s On the Heavens, 662, 31–663, 2) So, Aristotle knows and shares Plato’s true view, and his criticisms are all directed at the superficial readings of Plato made by others. [introduction p. 151-152]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/26CCMYYQai0hS5Z

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Some Neo-Platonist Answers","main_title":{"title":"What's the Matter? Some Neo-Platonist Answers"},"abstract":"In this essay, I want to say a very few things about Neo-Platonist interpretations of the Timaeus relating to the receptacle and the geometric characterization of earth, water, air, and fire. The starting point of my reflections was translating Simplicius\u2019 commentary on books 3 and 4 of Aristotle\u2019s On the Heavens, and much of what I say is based upon that. But I will also be invoking a passage from his commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics and some material in John Philoponus and Proclus. I begin with some remarks about Simplicius\u2019 basic conception of what we call Aristotle\u2019s criticisms of Plato. At the beginning of his extensive discussion of Aristotle\u2019s objections to Plato\u2019s geometrical chemistry, Simplicius says:\r\n\r\n The disagreement between the philosophers <Plato and Aristotle>\r\n is not substantive, but Aristotle pays attention to those who\r\n understand Plato superficially and frequently raises objections\r\n against the apparent meaning of what Plato says and what can\r\n be understood in a worse way, and he seems to be refuting Plato.\r\n (Simplicius, On Aristotle\u2019s On the Heavens, 640, 28\u201331)\r\n\r\nSimplicius\u2019 point is not that Aristotle is a superficial reader, but that he raises objections to the surface meaning of what Plato says in order to prevent other people from espousing those superficial readings. In connection with another passage in On the Heavens in which Aristotle connects Plato\u2019s association of the cube with earth to earth\u2019s stability, Simplicius refers to Aristotle\u2019s earlier criticism of Plato for allegedly saying that the earth has a winding motion around the pole:\r\n\r\n It is worth pointing out that Aristotle does know that Plato thinks\r\n the earth is steady since it was Plato who said that it is a cube\r\n because it is stable and remains fixed. Consequently, when in\r\n the preceding book he asserted that the earth is said by Timaeus\r\n to be wound and move <around the pole>, he was confronting\r\n those who understand Timaeus\u2019 words in this way.\r\n (Simplicius, On Aristotle\u2019s On the Heavens, 662, 31\u2013663, 2)\r\n\r\nSo, Aristotle knows and shares Plato\u2019s true view, and his criticisms are all directed at the superficial readings of Plato made by others. [introduction p. 151-152]","btype":2,"date":"2010","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/26CCMYYQai0hS5Z","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":270,"full_name":"Mueller, Ian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":271,"full_name":"Mohr, Richard D.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":272,"full_name":"Sattler, Barbara M.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":952,"section_of":300,"pages":"151-163","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":300,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"One Book, The Whole Universe: Plato\u2019s Timaeus Today","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Mohr2010","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2010","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2010","abstract":"This collection of original essays brings together philosophers, classicists, physicists, and architects to reveal the meaning and assess the impact of one of the most profound and influential works of Western letters - Plato's Timaeus, a work that comes as close as any to giving a comprehensive account of life, the universe, and everything, and does so in a startlingly narrow compass.\r\n\r\nThe Timaeus gives an account of the nature of god and creation, a theory of knowledge, a taxonomy of the soul and perception, and an account of objects that gods and soul might encounter... [offical abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tmvgz6Nr6OBQMua","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":300,"pubplace":"Las Vegas - Zurich - Athens","publisher":"Parmenides Publishing","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2010]}

Did Theophrastus Reject Aristotle's Account of Place?, 2010
By: Morison, Benjamin

Title	Did Theophrastus Reject Aristotle's Account of Place?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	55
Issue	1
Pages	68-103
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Morison, Benjamin
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It is commonly held that Theophrastus criticized or rejected Aristotle's account of place. The evidence that scholars put forward for this view, from Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Physics, comes in two parts: (1) Simplicius reports some aporiai that Theophras tus found for Aristotle's account; (2) Simplicius cites a passage of Theophrastus which is said to 'bear witness' to the theory of place which Simplicius himself adopts (that of his teacher Damascius) - a theory which is utterly different from Aristotle's. But the aporiai have relatively straightforward solutions, and we have no reason to suppose that Theophras tus didn't avail himself of them (and some reason to think that he did). Moreover, the text which Simplicius cites as bearing witness to Damascius' view on closer inspection does not seem to be inconsistent with Aristotle's account of place or natural motion. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GbvOxzvRrwDkAHd

{"_index":"sire","_id":"954","_score":null,"_source":{"id":954,"authors_free":[{"id":1433,"entry_id":954,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":265,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Morison, Benjamin","free_first_name":"Benjamin","free_last_name":"Morison","norm_person":{"id":265,"first_name":"Benjamin","last_name":"Morison","full_name":"Morison, Benjamin","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1221826255","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Did Theophrastus Reject Aristotle's Account of Place?","main_title":{"title":"Did Theophrastus Reject Aristotle's Account of Place?"},"abstract":"It is commonly held that Theophrastus criticized or rejected Aristotle's account of place. The evidence that scholars put forward for this view, from Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Physics, comes in two parts: (1) Simplicius reports some aporiai that Theophras tus found for Aristotle's account; (2) Simplicius cites a passage of Theophrastus which is said to 'bear witness' to the theory of place which Simplicius himself adopts (that of his teacher Damascius) - a theory which is utterly different from Aristotle's. But the aporiai have relatively straightforward solutions, and we have no reason to suppose that Theophras tus didn't avail himself of them (and some reason to think that he did). Moreover, the text which Simplicius cites as bearing witness to Damascius' view on closer inspection does not seem to be inconsistent with Aristotle's account of place or natural motion. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2010","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GbvOxzvRrwDkAHd","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":265,"full_name":"Morison, Benjamin","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":954,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"55","issue":"1","pages":"68-103"}},"sort":[2010]}

Simplicius and the Subversion of Authority, 2010
By: Baltussen, Han

Title	Simplicius and the Subversion of Authority
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	Antiquorum Philosophial
Volume	3
Pages	121-136
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper, I have made the case for the position that Simplicius is more independent as a philosophical writer than modern scholarship has allowed. As soon as he became used as a source for Presocratic philosophy, attention was deflected from his own contributions to the philosophical debate. In broad terms, Simplicius remains loyal to his teachers, but it would be wrong to see him as a mindless copyist or a slavish collector of doxai. This means that there is room for changing our view of him. Late Platonism may have formed a united front, but this does not preclude critical reading and assessment of previous views and disagreements among themselves. I have attempted to illustrate the extent to which Simplicius found fault with and criticized his fellow Platonists and other commentators. That this was not always done by head-on confrontation may be explained by the historical situation he found himself in: firstly, he had to cope with an immensely learned and copious tradition, a task which he took on with considerable courage and resourcefulness; secondly, he was forced to choose a defensive line of argument with respect to the presentation of pagan philosophy in a world that had been taken over by Christianity. This circumstance contributed importantly to his predicament and the ensuing strategy. As I concluded in my summing up of his methodology: "In trying to defend the Platonist point of view in contradistinction to the Christian outlook, he uses polemic to persuade and refute, and comprehensive exegesis to clarify and proselytize." The extent to which he is seen to dissent would need further confirmation, but the preliminary evidence suggests that it is in proportion to the difficult balancing act forced upon him by his historical position. Philosophically, he is a seventh-generation Platonist since Plotinus taught his new doctrine, and ideologically, he finds himself "surrounded" by an increasingly hostile world. Given the sheer amount of material canvassed and processed, it is a miracle he managed to express a personal view at all. As the works stand, he does so cautiously and judiciously. In his modus operandi, he comes close to the ideal commentator outlined in In Cat. 7.23–32, with the added bonus that he offers quotations to support his arguments. A partial explanation for his "cautious" comments, offered as muted disagreement, could be that criticizing fellow Platonists too strongly might weaken one’s overall position. A final peculiarity also hints at his ability to take a more objective stance: Simplicius occasionally adopts a detached view of the Platonists, referring to them as "the Platonists do this or that," as if he were not to be counted among them. This coincides with his unusually comprehensive scope of source analysis, an approach which was bound to produce tensions and hence difficulties in presenting a unified picture of the philosophical tradition, whether it was meant to be Greek (a wide perspective) or Platonist (a narrow perspective). It can be concluded, therefore, that respect for authority can go hand in hand with criticism and dissent in Simplicius, without jeopardizing the fundamental tenets of Platonism. [conclusion p. 133]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YpEQGyC0xI7815g

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Simplicius on the "Theaetetus" ("In Physica" 17,38-18,23 Diels), 2010
By: Menn, Stephen

Title	Simplicius on the "Theaetetus" ("In Physica" 17,38-18,23 Diels)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	55
Issue	3
Pages	255-270
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Menn, Stephen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle in Physics 1,1 says some strange-sounding things about how we come to know wholes and parts, universals and particulars. In explicating these, Simplicius distinguishes an initial rough cognition of a thing as a whole, an intermediate "cognition according to the definition and through the elements," and a final cognition of how the thing's many elements are united: only this last is ἐπιστήμη. Simplicius refers to the Theaetetus for the point about what is needed for ἐπιστήμη and the ways that cognition according to the definition and through the elements falls short. By unpacking this reference I try to recon struct Simplicius' reading of "Socrates' Dream," its place in the Theaetetus larger argument, and its harmony with other Platonic and Aristotelian texts. But this reconstruction depends on undoing some catastrophic emendations in Diels's text of Simplicius. Diels's emendations arise from his assumptions about definitions and elements, in Socrates' Dream and elsewhere, and rethinking the Simplicius passage may help us rethink those assumptions. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dEWYys9PQqr0WtF

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Review of: Baltussen: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius. The Methodology of a Commentator, 2010
By: Menn, Stephen

Title	Review of: Baltussen: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius. The Methodology of a Commentator
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	The Classical World
Volume	104
Issue	1
Pages	117-118
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Menn, Stephen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Most people who have heard of Simplicius know two things about him: he was a very learned man who included many quotations and reports of others' views in his writing, thus becoming one of our main sources for the pre-Socratics; but, unfortunately, he was a Neoplatonist, and his testimony is therefore to some degree suspect. So Simplicius has been studied more for the sake of assessing testimony about earlier philosophers than for his own sake; this is the first full-scale monograph on Simplicius in English, although virtually simultaneous with Pantelis Golitsis' Les commentaires de Simplicius et de Jean Philopon à la "Physique" d'Aristote: tradition et innovation (Berlin, 2008). Simplicius, however, is not so neglected or undervalued as this might suggest: his projects of harmonizing Plato and Aristotle (and sometimes other philosophers), and of defending pagan philosophy against Christian attacks (leading to his polemics against Philoponus), have been much studied both by Anglophone scholars around Richard Sorabji and by Francophone scholars around Ilsetraut Hadot and Philippe Hoffmann. "Neoplatonist" is no longer an insult, and it now seems normal that in later antiquity reading and commenting on Plato and Aristotle should also be a way of doing philosophy. If Simplicius' religious and harmonistic aims, and his scholarly methods, are not ours, we are interested in alternatives to our own way of doing things. But we have lacked a systematic study of Simplicius' methods in his commentaries, and of his strategies for using authors besides Plato and Aristotle (not just the pre-Socratics, but also Theophrastus and Eudemus, Alexander of Aphrodisias, Porphyry, and Proclus and his school, whom Baltussen discusses in turn). Baltussen's aims are laudable, but his book is not a safe guide; Golitsis, while not comprehensive, is much better. Baltussen pursues some good questions: why does Simplicius quote so much (just to save the texts from the wave of Christian barbarism?), what are his sources, and how does he handle so much information? (Actually, Simplicius discusses no more writers than Proclus, but he cites verbatim much more, and tries to go beyond secondary sources.) Baltussen needlessly defends Simplicius against the bizarre idea that he knew the pre-Socratics only through Alexander of Aphrodisias. However, it is true that Simplicius sometimes uses secondary sources, and also that Alexander was very important for him. Baltussen says that "overall Simplicius considered [Alexander a] reliable guide and interpreter... Disagreement is expressed in muted form and head-on confrontation is rare" (192). This both understates and overstates Simplicius' relation to Alexander and misses his method as a commentator. Simplicius' Physics and De Caelo commentaries are in effect metacommentaries on Alexander's lost commentaries (his Categories commentary starts instead from Porphyry and Iamblichus). One important hermeneutic principle for Simplicius is that each treatise must have a single primary object (skopos), such that everything else it discusses is discussed on account of some relation to that object. Baltussen discusses this principle but misleadingly. On p. 117, he has Simplicius attribute to Alexander (top of the page) the view that the skopos of the De Caelo is the world, and (lower down) the view that it is the four elements; attribute to Iamblichus the view that it is the universe; and Simplicius himself endorse the view that it is "both the universe... and the four elements." In fact, Simplicius attributes to Iamblichus the view that it is only the fifth (heavenly) body, and to Alexander the view that it is both the world and the five simple bodies. Simplicius himself says that the skopos is just the five simple bodies. The mistake is particularly serious because Baltussen suggests that Simplicius does not really make up his mind and opts for plural skopoi, when Simplicius emphatically insists that each treatise must have a single skopos and criticizes Alexander for breaking that rule. (On p. 36, Baltussen seems to suggest that Simplicius took the single-skopos rule from Alexander, but in the passage he cites Simplicius is criticizing Alexander.) On p. 23 and 158, Syrianus (died ca. 437 A.D.) is listed among Simplicius' teachers. On p. 81, the inset translation of In Physica 161.23-162.2 turns the text into nonsense, taking proéchthēsan (from proagō) as if it were from a compound of achthomai ("am grieved") and misunderstanding Simplicius' term proéchthēsan ("charitable interpretation"). (Baltussen doesn't usually quote the Greek, so the reader must be on guard.) On p. 190 (and 175), he turns Simplicius' comments on constructing an equilateral triangle into a discussion of the first postulate, to draw a straight line. He notes skeptically that Simplicius "mentions a work 'On Prayer' by Aristotle... in which he claims that Aristotle knew of a transcendent intellect" (182), but On Prayer is well-attested, and of course Aristotle believed in a transcendent intellect; Simplicius' audacious claim in this passage is that Aristotle, like Plato, believed in a divine first principle above intellect and being. Baltussen's discussions of Philoponus and Christianity are particularly misleading. On p. 185, he cites Leslie MacCoull as putting some of Philoponus' arguments in the context of "the theological debate among Arrianists [sic]", but Philoponus was a Monophysite, the Arians had nothing to do with it, and MacCoull does not say they did. Baltussen also speaks here of Philoponus' aims in his "polemic with Simplicius," but there seems to be no evidence that Philoponus knew of Simplicius' existence. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nycXB8DgJkcMbQt

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The Methodology of a Commentator"},"abstract":"Most people who have heard of Simplicius know two things about him: he was a very learned man who included many quotations and reports of others' views in his writing, thus becoming one of our main sources for the pre-Socratics; but, unfortunately, he was a Neoplatonist, and his testimony is therefore to some degree suspect. So Simplicius has been studied more for the sake of assessing testimony about earlier philosophers than for his own sake; this is the first full-scale monograph on Simplicius in English, although virtually simultaneous with Pantelis Golitsis' Les commentaires de Simplicius et de Jean Philopon \u00e0 la \"Physique\" d'Aristote: tradition et innovation (Berlin, 2008).\r\n\r\nSimplicius, however, is not so neglected or undervalued as this might suggest: his projects of harmonizing Plato and Aristotle (and sometimes other philosophers), and of defending pagan philosophy against Christian attacks (leading to his polemics against Philoponus), have been much studied both by Anglophone scholars around Richard Sorabji and by Francophone scholars around Ilsetraut Hadot and Philippe Hoffmann. \"Neoplatonist\" is no longer an insult, and it now seems normal that in later antiquity reading and commenting on Plato and Aristotle should also be a way of doing philosophy. If Simplicius' religious and harmonistic aims, and his scholarly methods, are not ours, we are interested in alternatives to our own way of doing things. But we have lacked a systematic study of Simplicius' methods in his commentaries, and of his strategies for using authors besides Plato and Aristotle (not just the pre-Socratics, but also Theophrastus and Eudemus, Alexander of Aphrodisias, Porphyry, and Proclus and his school, whom Baltussen discusses in turn).\r\n\r\nBaltussen's aims are laudable, but his book is not a safe guide; Golitsis, while not comprehensive, is much better. Baltussen pursues some good questions: why does Simplicius quote so much (just to save the texts from the wave of Christian barbarism?), what are his sources, and how does he handle so much information? (Actually, Simplicius discusses no more writers than Proclus, but he cites verbatim much more, and tries to go beyond secondary sources.) Baltussen needlessly defends Simplicius against the bizarre idea that he knew the pre-Socratics only through Alexander of Aphrodisias. However, it is true that Simplicius sometimes uses secondary sources, and also that Alexander was very important for him. Baltussen says that \"overall Simplicius considered [Alexander a] reliable guide and interpreter... Disagreement is expressed in muted form and head-on confrontation is rare\" (192). This both understates and overstates Simplicius' relation to Alexander and misses his method as a commentator.\r\n\r\nSimplicius' Physics and De Caelo commentaries are in effect metacommentaries on Alexander's lost commentaries (his Categories commentary starts instead from Porphyry and Iamblichus). One important hermeneutic principle for Simplicius is that each treatise must have a single primary object (skopos), such that everything else it discusses is discussed on account of some relation to that object. Baltussen discusses this principle but misleadingly. On p. 117, he has Simplicius attribute to Alexander (top of the page) the view that the skopos of the De Caelo is the world, and (lower down) the view that it is the four elements; attribute to Iamblichus the view that it is the universe; and Simplicius himself endorse the view that it is \"both the universe... and the four elements.\"\r\n\r\nIn fact, Simplicius attributes to Iamblichus the view that it is only the fifth (heavenly) body, and to Alexander the view that it is both the world and the five simple bodies. Simplicius himself says that the skopos is just the five simple bodies. The mistake is particularly serious because Baltussen suggests that Simplicius does not really make up his mind and opts for plural skopoi, when Simplicius emphatically insists that each treatise must have a single skopos and criticizes Alexander for breaking that rule. (On p. 36, Baltussen seems to suggest that Simplicius took the single-skopos rule from Alexander, but in the passage he cites Simplicius is criticizing Alexander.)\r\n\r\nOn p. 23 and 158, Syrianus (died ca. 437 A.D.) is listed among Simplicius' teachers. On p. 81, the inset translation of In Physica 161.23-162.2 turns the text into nonsense, taking pro\u00e9chth\u0113san (from proag\u014d) as if it were from a compound of achthomai (\"am grieved\") and misunderstanding Simplicius' term pro\u00e9chth\u0113san (\"charitable interpretation\"). (Baltussen doesn't usually quote the Greek, so the reader must be on guard.)\r\n\r\nOn p. 190 (and 175), he turns Simplicius' comments on constructing an equilateral triangle into a discussion of the first postulate, to draw a straight line. He notes skeptically that Simplicius \"mentions a work 'On Prayer' by Aristotle... in which he claims that Aristotle knew of a transcendent intellect\" (182), but On Prayer is well-attested, and of course Aristotle believed in a transcendent intellect; Simplicius' audacious claim in this passage is that Aristotle, like Plato, believed in a divine first principle above intellect and being.\r\n\r\nBaltussen's discussions of Philoponus and Christianity are particularly misleading. On p. 185, he cites Leslie MacCoull as putting some of Philoponus' arguments in the context of \"the theological debate among Arrianists [sic]\", but Philoponus was a Monophysite, the Arians had nothing to do with it, and MacCoull does not say they did. Baltussen also speaks here of Philoponus' aims in his \"polemic with Simplicius,\" but there seems to be no evidence that Philoponus knew of Simplicius' existence. [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"2010","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nycXB8DgJkcMbQt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":255,"full_name":"Menn, Stephen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":978,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical World","volume":"104","issue":"1","pages":"117-118"}},"sort":[2010]}

One Book, The Whole Universe: Plato’s Timaeus Today, 2010
By: Mohr, Richard D. (Ed.), Sattler, Barbara M. (Ed.)

Title	One Book, The Whole Universe: Plato’s Timaeus Today
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2010
Publication Place	Las Vegas - Zurich - Athens
Publisher	Parmenides Publishing
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Mohr, Richard D. , Sattler, Barbara M.
Translator(s)

This collection of original essays brings together philosophers, classicists, physicists, and architects to reveal the meaning and assess the impact of one of the most profound and influential works of Western letters - Plato's Timaeus, a work that comes as close as any to giving a comprehensive account of life, the universe, and everything, and does so in a startlingly narrow compass. The Timaeus gives an account of the nature of god and creation, a theory of knowledge, a taxonomy of the soul and perception, and an account of objects that gods and soul might encounter... [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tmvgz6Nr6OBQMua

{"_index":"sire","_id":"300","_score":null,"_source":{"id":300,"authors_free":[{"id":373,"entry_id":300,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":271,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Mohr, Richard D.","free_first_name":"Richard D.","free_last_name":"Mohr","norm_person":{"id":271,"first_name":"Richard D.","last_name":"Mohr","full_name":"Mohr, Richard D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132154315","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":374,"entry_id":300,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":272,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sattler, Barbara M.","free_first_name":"Barbara M.","free_last_name":"Sattler","norm_person":{"id":272,"first_name":"Barbara M.","last_name":"Sattler","full_name":"Sattler, Barbara M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/13210749X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"One Book, The Whole Universe: Plato\u2019s Timaeus Today","main_title":{"title":"One Book, The Whole Universe: Plato\u2019s Timaeus Today"},"abstract":"This collection of original essays brings together philosophers, classicists, physicists, and architects to reveal the meaning and assess the impact of one of the most profound and influential works of Western letters - Plato's Timaeus, a work that comes as close as any to giving a comprehensive account of life, the universe, and everything, and does so in a startlingly narrow compass.\r\n\r\nThe Timaeus gives an account of the nature of god and creation, a theory of knowledge, a taxonomy of the soul and perception, and an account of objects that gods and soul might encounter... [offical abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2010","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tmvgz6Nr6OBQMua","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":271,"full_name":"Mohr, Richard D.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":272,"full_name":"Sattler, Barbara M.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":300,"pubplace":"Las Vegas - Zurich - Athens","publisher":"Parmenides Publishing","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2010]}

Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition, 2010
By: Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2010
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London
Series	BICS Supplement
Volume	103
Edition No.	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Richard Sorabji is the editor of a vast and growing number of translations of ancient commentaries on Aristotle and the editor of several excellent collections of studies on the Aristotelian tradition. Philoponus, a 6th century Christian thinker who was originally trained as a Neoplatonist, is best remembered today for his attack on Aristotle's 'physics'; his influence on later philosophers and scientists and his role in the reevaluation of Aristotelian science and natural philosophy are indeed remarkable. The second edition of Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science includes a new two-part introduction which offers a survey of the rapidly expanding scholarship on Philoponus and of recent archeological discoveries (such as the lecture rooms of the 6th century Alexandrian school), as well as new insights into the interaction between Greek paganism and Christianity in connection with Philoponus and his milieu. The twelve chapters included in this collection are written by very prominent scholars and tackle topics such as Philoponus' corollaries on space and time, the differences between his theological views (e.g. on the three hypostases) and the prevailing dogmas of the time, the relation between his theory about impetus and later treatments of impetus and related concepts in a number of Arab thinkers and in Galileo. This collection is one of the most reliable and wide-ranging introductions to Philoponus' views and influence, and those interested in late ancient philosophy and its interactions with Christian thought will find this to be a most valuable resource. [Review by Tiberiu Popa]

Online Resources

I commentari all'Isagoge di Porfirio tra V e VI secolo, 2010
By: Militello, Chiara

{"_index":"sire","_id":"184","_score":null,"_source":{"id":184,"authors_free":[{"id":1830,"entry_id":184,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition","main_title":{"title":"Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition"},"abstract":"Richard Sorabji is the editor of a vast and growing number of translations of ancient\r\ncommentaries on Aristotle and the editor of several excellent collections of studies on the\r\nAristotelian tradition. Philoponus, a 6th century Christian thinker who was originally trained as\r\na Neoplatonist, is best remembered today for his attack on Aristotle's 'physics'; his influence on\r\nlater philosophers and scientists and his role in the reevaluation of Aristotelian science and\r\nnatural philosophy are indeed remarkable. The second edition of Philoponus and the Rejection\r\nof Aristotelian Science includes a new two-part introduction which offers a survey of the\r\nrapidly expanding scholarship on Philoponus and of recent archeological discoveries (such as\r\nthe lecture rooms of the 6th century Alexandrian school), as well as new insights into the\r\ninteraction between Greek paganism and Christianity in connection with Philoponus and his\r\nmilieu. The twelve chapters included in this collection are written by very prominent scholars\r\nand tackle topics such as Philoponus' corollaries on space and time, the differences between his\r\ntheological views (e.g. on the three hypostases) and the prevailing dogmas of the time, the\r\nrelation between his theory about impetus and later treatments of impetus and related\r\nconcepts in a number of Arab thinkers and in Galileo. This collection is one of the most reliable\r\nand wide-ranging introductions to Philoponus' views and influence, and those interested in late\r\nancient philosophy and its interactions with Christian thought will find this to be a most\r\nvaluable resource. [Review by Tiberiu Popa]","btype":4,"date":"2010","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CJSIbOOK7lIAB00","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":184,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London","series":"BICS Supplement","volume":"103","edition_no":"2","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2010]}

Title	I commentari all'Isagoge di Porfirio tra V e VI secolo
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2010
Publication Place	Roma
Publisher	Bonanno Editore
Series	Analecta Humanitatis
Volume	18
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Militello, Chiara
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Oggetto di questo volume sono i commentari all.Isagoge di Porfirio che furono redatti tra il V e il VII secolo d.C. da Ammonio, Elia, Davide, pseudo-Elia (tutti rappresentanti della Scuola di Alessandria) e Boezio (che riprese nel mondo latino la tradizione delle Scuole neoplatoniche ateniese e alessandrina). All'analisi della struttura generale dei commentari si accompagna lo studio e la contestualizzazione all'interno del complesso sviluppo della tradizione esegetica (che comprende tanto fattori di continuità quanto momenti di rottura) dei passi che, vertendo sui concetti logico-metafisici di genere, specie e individuo, esemplificano le diverse soluzioni al problema dell'armonizzazione tra aristotelismo e platonismo. [author's abstract] Translation: The subject of this volume is the commentaries on Porphyry's Isagoge, which were written between the 5th and 7th centuries AD by Ammonius, Elias, David, pseudo-Elias (all representatives of the Alexandrian School), and Boethius (who brought the tradition of the Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonic Schools into the Latin world). Alongside the analysis of the general structure of the commentaries, the study also examines and contextualizes passages within the complex development of the exegetical tradition (which includes both factors of continuity and moments of rupture). These passages, focusing on the logical-metaphysical concepts of genus, species, and individual, illustrate various solutions to the problem of harmonizing Aristotelianism and Platonism.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oU9mkubdz6V4nsQ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1,"authors_free":[{"id":1826,"entry_id":1,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":2,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Militello, Chiara","free_first_name":"Militello","free_last_name":"Chiara","norm_person":{"id":2,"first_name":"Chiara ","last_name":"Militello ","full_name":"Militello, Chiara ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/13666461X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"I commentari all'Isagoge di Porfirio tra V e VI secolo","main_title":{"title":"I commentari all'Isagoge di Porfirio tra V e VI secolo"},"abstract":"Oggetto di questo volume sono i commentari all.Isagoge di Porfirio che furono redatti tra il V e il VII secolo d.C. da Ammonio, Elia, Davide, pseudo-Elia (tutti rappresentanti della Scuola di Alessandria) e Boezio (che riprese nel mondo latino la tradizione delle Scuole neoplatoniche ateniese e alessandrina). All'analisi della struttura generale dei commentari si accompagna lo studio e la contestualizzazione all'interno del complesso sviluppo della tradizione esegetica (che comprende tanto fattori di continuit\u00e0 quanto momenti di rottura) dei passi che, vertendo sui concetti logico-metafisici di genere, specie e individuo, esemplificano le diverse soluzioni al problema dell'armonizzazione tra aristotelismo e platonismo. [author's abstract]\r\nTranslation: The subject of this volume is the commentaries on Porphyry's Isagoge, which were written between the 5th and 7th centuries AD by Ammonius, Elias, David, pseudo-Elias (all representatives of the Alexandrian School), and Boethius (who brought the tradition of the Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonic Schools into the Latin world). Alongside the analysis of the general structure of the commentaries, the study also examines and contextualizes passages within the complex development of the exegetical tradition (which includes both factors of continuity and moments of rupture). These passages, focusing on the logical-metaphysical concepts of genus, species, and individual, illustrate various solutions to the problem of harmonizing Aristotelianism and Platonism.","btype":1,"date":"2010","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/oU9mkubdz6V4nsQ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":2,"full_name":"Militello, Chiara ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1,"pubplace":"Roma","publisher":"Bonanno Editore","series":"Analecta Humanitatis","volume":"18","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2010]}

Nous and Two Kinds of Epistêmê in Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics, 2010
By: Zeev Perelmuter

Title	Nous and Two Kinds of Epistêmê in Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	55
Issue	3
Pages	228-254
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zeev Perelmuter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle in Physics I,1 says some strange-sounding things about how we come to know wholes and parts, universals and particulars. In explicating these, Simplicius distinguishes an initial rough cognition of a thing as a whole, an intermediate “cognition according to the definition and through the elements,” and a final cognition of how the thing's many elements are united: only this last is πιστήμη. Simplicius refers to the Theaetetus for the point about what is needed for πιστήμη and the ways that cognition according to the definition and through the elements falls short. By unpacking this reference I try to reconstruct Simplicius' reading of “Socrates' Dream,” its place in the Theaetetus ' larger argument, and its harmony with other Platonic and Aristotelian texts. But this reconstruction depends on undoing some catastrophic emendations in Diels's text of Simplicius. Diels's emendations arise from his assumptions about definitions and elements, in Socrates' Dream and elsewhere, and rethinking the Simplicius passage may help us rethink those assumptions. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IHkwn4udUD0QWHq

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1593","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1593,"authors_free":[{"id":2793,"entry_id":1593,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Zeev Perelmuter","free_first_name":"Zeev","free_last_name":"Perelmuter","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Nous and Two Kinds of Epist\u00eam\u00ea in Aristotle\u2019s Posterior Analytics","main_title":{"title":"Nous and Two Kinds of Epist\u00eam\u00ea in Aristotle\u2019s Posterior Analytics"},"abstract":"Aristotle in Physics I,1 says some strange-sounding things about how we come to know wholes and parts, universals and particulars. In explicating these, Simplicius distinguishes an initial rough cognition of a thing as a whole, an intermediate \u201ccognition according to the definition and through the elements,\u201d and a final cognition of how the thing's many elements are united: only this last is \u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03bc\u03b7. Simplicius refers to the Theaetetus for the point about what is needed for \u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03bc\u03b7 and the ways that cognition according to the definition and through the elements falls short. By unpacking this reference I try to reconstruct Simplicius' reading of \u201cSocrates' Dream,\u201d its place in the Theaetetus ' larger argument, and its harmony with other Platonic and Aristotelian texts. But this reconstruction depends on undoing some catastrophic emendations in Diels's text of Simplicius. Diels's emendations arise from his assumptions about definitions and elements, in Socrates' Dream and elsewhere, and rethinking the Simplicius passage may help us rethink those assumptions. [author's abstract] ","btype":3,"date":"2010","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/IHkwn4udUD0QWHq","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1593,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis ","volume":"55","issue":"3","pages":"228-254"}},"sort":[2010]}

Review of: Han Baltussen, Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius. The Methodology of a Commentator. London, Duckworth, 2008, 2010
By: Janssens, Jules L.

Title	Review of: Han Baltussen, Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius. The Methodology of a Commentator. London, Duckworth, 2008
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume	72
Issue	1
Pages	193
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Janssens, Jules L.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius van Silicia (ong. 480-540 n.Chr.) is de laatste der antieke 'commentatoren'. Zijn oeuvre wordt vooral (om niet te zeggen haast uitsluitend) gewaardeerd als bron voor de kennis van vroegere Griekse denkers (van wie de werken niet zelden verloren gegaan zijn en enkel Simplicius getuigenis aflegt). Dit wekt de indruk dat Simplicius geen echt filosofisch project had. Op magistrale wijze toont Baltussen aan dat dit geenszins zo is. Het belang van Simplicius' commentaren overschrijdt ruim de functie van kennisgeving van het vroegere Griekse denken. Zij getuigen immers van een speciale exegetische en didactische werkwijze. Bovendien vertegenwoordigen zij een bijzondere fase in de interpretatie van Plato en Aristoteles. Ook vormen zij de overgang van de oudheid naar de middeleeuwen. Deze basiskenmerken worden grondig uitgewerkt in het boek. Een goed idee van de uitzonderlijke rijkdom aan geciteerde bronnen in Simplicius' diverse werken krijgt de lezer dankzij een overzichtstabel (p. 30). De vijf beginselen van Simplicius' exegetische methode (zoals door hemzelf verwoord in zijn commentaar op de Categorieën) worden nader toegelicht (met onder meer aandacht voor het kritisch vergelijken van handschriften en voor de diverse wijzen van citeren). In Simplicius' opvatting is de studie van Aristoteles duidelijk propedeutisch aan die van Plato (enkel deze laatste laat toe de goddelijke waarheid te bereiken). Tot slot verschijnt Simplicius als de laatste verwoorder van een heidense theologie; in die zin is zijn verwerping van Philoponus niet zozeer het resultaat van een polemische ingesteldheid, maar veeleer de uitdrukking van een godsdienstige motivatie. Van groot belang is ook dat Simplicius' werken losstaan van enige onderwijsopdracht en dat de synthese tussen de verschillende bronnen die hij opstelt, gevoerd wordt in propria voce, niet apo phonis. Deze grondideeën worden rijkelijk geïllustreerd via een overzicht van Simplicius' interpretatie van de Griekse filosofie vóór hem (hoofdstukken 2-5). Achtereenvolgens worden de presocratici, de peripatetici, Alexander van Afrodisias en de platonische commentatoren behandeld. Van de vele belangwekkende gedachten die Baltussen formuleert, vermeld ik graag de volgende: het Griekse denken wordt volgens Simplicius gekenmerkt door één grote eenheid (betekenisvol hiervoor is zijn karakterisering van de presocratici als platonici avant la lettre); Simplicius vertoont duidelijk syncretistische neigingen; Alexander van Afrodisias is een belangrijke externe stem voor het uitdiepen van het harmonisatieproces tussen Aristoteles' en Plato's denken, dat zo kenmerkend is voor het latere platonisme; filosoferen betekent voor Simplicius geen zoektocht naar originaliteit, maar het beantwoorden van teksten, waaraan een autoriteitswaarde werd toegekend; de mogelijkheid dat Simplicius rechtstreeks toegang had tot Plotinus' Enneaden, maar waarschijnlijk niet tot Syrianus' werk. Het lijdt geen twijfel dat Baltussen met zijn studie baanbrekend werk heeft geleverd. Hij toont op overtuigende wijze aan dat Simplicius meer was dan een 'archivaris'. Hij was daadwerkelijk een 'filosoof met een project'. De grote lijnen hiervan worden in dit boek meesterlijk uitgetekend. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xYsHY65rt8Xj8n3

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1360","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1360,"authors_free":[{"id":2036,"entry_id":1360,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":205,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Janssens, Jules L.","free_first_name":"Jules L.","free_last_name":"Janssens","norm_person":{"id":205,"first_name":"Jules L.","last_name":"Janssens","full_name":"Janssens, Jules L.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139312471","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of: Han Baltussen, Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius. The Methodology of a Commentator. London, Duckworth, 2008","main_title":{"title":"Review of: Han Baltussen, Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius. The Methodology of a Commentator. London, Duckworth, 2008"},"abstract":"Simplicius van Silicia (ong. 480-540 n.Chr.) is de laatste der antieke 'commentatoren'. Zijn oeuvre wordt vooral (om niet te zeggen haast uitsluitend) gewaardeerd als bron voor de kennis van vroegere Griekse denkers (van wie de werken niet zelden verloren gegaan zijn en enkel Simplicius getuigenis aflegt). Dit wekt de indruk dat Simplicius geen echt filosofisch project had. Op magistrale wijze toont Baltussen aan dat dit geenszins zo is. Het belang van Simplicius' commentaren overschrijdt ruim de functie van kennisgeving van het vroegere Griekse denken. Zij getuigen immers van een speciale exegetische en didactische werkwijze. Bovendien vertegenwoordigen zij een bijzondere fase in de interpretatie van Plato en Aristoteles. Ook vormen zij de overgang van de oudheid naar de middeleeuwen.\r\n\r\nDeze basiskenmerken worden grondig uitgewerkt in het boek. Een goed idee van de uitzonderlijke rijkdom aan geciteerde bronnen in Simplicius' diverse werken krijgt de lezer dankzij een overzichtstabel (p. 30). De vijf beginselen van Simplicius' exegetische methode (zoals door hemzelf verwoord in zijn commentaar op de Categorie\u00ebn) worden nader toegelicht (met onder meer aandacht voor het kritisch vergelijken van handschriften en voor de diverse wijzen van citeren). In Simplicius' opvatting is de studie van Aristoteles duidelijk propedeutisch aan die van Plato (enkel deze laatste laat toe de goddelijke waarheid te bereiken). Tot slot verschijnt Simplicius als de laatste verwoorder van een heidense theologie; in die zin is zijn verwerping van Philoponus niet zozeer het resultaat van een polemische ingesteldheid, maar veeleer de uitdrukking van een godsdienstige motivatie. Van groot belang is ook dat Simplicius' werken losstaan van enige onderwijsopdracht en dat de synthese tussen de verschillende bronnen die hij opstelt, gevoerd wordt in propria voce, niet apo phonis.\r\n\r\nDeze grondidee\u00ebn worden rijkelijk ge\u00efllustreerd via een overzicht van Simplicius' interpretatie van de Griekse filosofie v\u00f3\u00f3r hem (hoofdstukken 2-5). Achtereenvolgens worden de presocratici, de peripatetici, Alexander van Afrodisias en de platonische commentatoren behandeld. Van de vele belangwekkende gedachten die Baltussen formuleert, vermeld ik graag de volgende: het Griekse denken wordt volgens Simplicius gekenmerkt door \u00e9\u00e9n grote eenheid (betekenisvol hiervoor is zijn karakterisering van de presocratici als platonici avant la lettre); Simplicius vertoont duidelijk syncretistische neigingen; Alexander van Afrodisias is een belangrijke externe stem voor het uitdiepen van het harmonisatieproces tussen Aristoteles' en Plato's denken, dat zo kenmerkend is voor het latere platonisme; filosoferen betekent voor Simplicius geen zoektocht naar originaliteit, maar het beantwoorden van teksten, waaraan een autoriteitswaarde werd toegekend; de mogelijkheid dat Simplicius rechtstreeks toegang had tot Plotinus' Enneaden, maar waarschijnlijk niet tot Syrianus' werk.\r\n\r\nHet lijdt geen twijfel dat Baltussen met zijn studie baanbrekend werk heeft geleverd. Hij toont op overtuigende wijze aan dat Simplicius meer was dan een 'archivaris'. Hij was daadwerkelijk een 'filosoof met een project'. De grote lijnen hiervan worden in dit boek meesterlijk uitgetekend.\r\n[the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"2010","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/xYsHY65rt8Xj8n3","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":205,"full_name":"Janssens, Jules L.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1360,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Tijdschrift voor Filosofie","volume":"72","issue":"1","pages":"193"}},"sort":[2010]}

Priscian of Lydia and Pseudo-Simplicius on the Soul, 2010
By: de Haas, F. A. J., Gerson, Lloyd P. (Ed.)

Title	Priscian of Lydia and Pseudo-Simplicius on the Soul
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2010
Published in	The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume II
Pages	756–764
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	de Haas, F. A. J.
Editor(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Translator(s)

The text explores the life of Priscian of Lydia, a little-known philosopher from the late fifth century CE, who accompanied Damascius on a journey to the Sassanian king Chosroes I. Priscian's work "Solutiones ad Chosroem," translated into Latin, addresses various topics in natural history and meteorology. The text delves into questions about the nature of the human soul, the phenomenon of sleep, the connection between vision and dreams, the causes of seasons and climatic zones, the application of drugs with contrary effects, the influence of lunar phases on tides, the properties of air and fire, the diversity of species in different environments, and the purpose of venomous snakes in the world. Priscian's work exhibits a wide range of knowledge from various ancient sources, and it seemingly reinforces Platonic metaphysics through its analysis of physical phenomena. Despite being relatively obscure, the "Solutiones" has been known to some medieval scholars and copied in later centuries. [author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2VbXQkN5q9f6HeT

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1551","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1551,"authors_free":[{"id":2713,"entry_id":1551,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"de Haas, F. A. J.","free_first_name":"F. A. J.","free_last_name":"de Haas","norm_person":null},{"id":2714,"entry_id":1551,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","free_first_name":"Lloyd P.","free_last_name":"Gerson","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Priscian of Lydia and Pseudo-Simplicius on the Soul","main_title":{"title":"Priscian of Lydia and Pseudo-Simplicius on the Soul"},"abstract":"The text explores the life of Priscian of Lydia, a little-known philosopher from the late fifth century CE, who accompanied Damascius on a journey to the Sassanian king Chosroes I. Priscian's work \"Solutiones ad Chosroem,\" translated into Latin, addresses various topics in natural history and meteorology. The text delves into questions about the nature of the human soul, the phenomenon of sleep, the connection between vision and dreams, the causes of seasons and climatic zones, the application of drugs with contrary effects, the influence of lunar phases on tides, the properties of air and fire, the diversity of species in different environments, and the purpose of venomous snakes in the world. Priscian's work exhibits a wide range of knowledge from various ancient sources, and it seemingly reinforces Platonic metaphysics through its analysis of physical phenomena. Despite being relatively obscure, the \"Solutiones\" has been known to some medieval scholars and copied in later centuries. [author\u2019s abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2010","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2VbXQkN5q9f6HeT","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1551,"section_of":964,"pages":"756\u2013764 ","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":964,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume II","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Gerson2011","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2011","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2010","abstract":"The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity comprises over forty specially commissioned essays by experts on the philosophy of the period 200\u2013800 CE. Designed as a successor to The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (edited by A. H. Armstrong), it takes into account some forty years of scholarship since the publication of that volume. The contributors examine philosophy as it entered literature, science and religion, and offer new and extensive assessments of philosophers who until recently have been mostly ignored. The volume also includes a complete digest of all philosophical works known to have been written during this period. It will be an invaluable resource for all those interested in this rich and still emerging field. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kHhRvU7UkRlktbW","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":964,"pubplace":"Cambridge","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2010]}

The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume I, 2010
By: Gerson, Lloyd P.

Title	The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume I
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2010
Publication Place	Cambrige
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Volume	I
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity comprises over forty specially commissioned essays by experts on the philosophy of the period 200–800 ce. Designed as a successor to The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (ed. A. H. Armstrong), it takes into account some forty years of schol- arship since the publication of that volume. The contributors examine philosophy as it entered literature, science and religion, and offer new and extensive assess- ments of philosophers who until recently have been mostly ignored. The volume also includes a complete digest of all philosophical works known to have been written during this period. It will be an invaluable resource for all those interested in this rich and still emerging field. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PBCTQTxz4lJBD2L

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1552","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1552,"authors_free":[{"id":2715,"entry_id":1552,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","free_first_name":"Lloyd P.","free_last_name":"Gerson","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume I","main_title":{"title":"The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume I"},"abstract":"The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity comprises over forty specially\r\ncommissioned essays by experts on the philosophy of the period 200\u2013800 ce.\r\nDesigned as a successor to The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval\r\nPhilosophy (ed. A. H. Armstrong), it takes into account some forty years of schol-\r\narship since the publication of that volume. The contributors examine philosophy\r\nas it entered literature, science and religion, and offer new and extensive assess-\r\nments of philosophers who until recently have been mostly ignored. The volume\r\nalso includes a complete digest of all philosophical works known to have been\r\nwritten during this period. It will be an invaluable resource for all those interested\r\nin this rich and still emerging field. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2010","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PBCTQTxz4lJBD2L","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1552,"pubplace":"Cambrige","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"I","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2010]}

Une anticipation du dualisme de Plotin en 51 [I 8] 6, 33-34 : Le « De Iside et Osiride » (369 A-E) de Plutarque, 2009
By: Narbonne, Jean-Marc, Narbonne, Jean-Marc (Ed.), Poirier, Paul-Hubert (Ed.)

Title	Une anticipation du dualisme de Plotin en 51 [I 8] 6, 33-34 : Le « De Iside et Osiride » (369 A-E) de Plutarque
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2009
Published in	Gnose et Philosophie. Études en hommage à Pierre Hadot
Pages	87-95
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Narbonne, Jean-Marc
Editor(s)	Narbonne, Jean-Marc , Poirier, Paul-Hubert
Translator(s)

Despite numerous studies conducted for a long time on Plotinus' treatise 51, the formula expressing the radical opposition of good and evil remains partly a mystery. Plotinus argues against Aristotle's idea that substances do not have opposites, and claims that universal substance can have a contrary, namely non-substance and the nature of evil. Plotinus' dualism allows for organized counterattacks while preserving the supremacy of good, with evil existing as an enclave within being, limited by the boundaries of good. The image of a prisoner acting but limited by the chains that surround him from the outside is used to illustrate this idea. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/O9OqImqHCPz7w7D

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1105","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1105,"authors_free":[{"id":1668,"entry_id":1105,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":275,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","free_first_name":"Jean-Marc","free_last_name":"Narbonne","norm_person":{"id":275,"first_name":"Jean-Marc","last_name":"Narbonne","full_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124470408","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1669,"entry_id":1105,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":275,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","free_first_name":"Jean-Marc","free_last_name":"Narbonne","norm_person":{"id":275,"first_name":"Jean-Marc","last_name":"Narbonne","full_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124470408","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1670,"entry_id":1105,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":276,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Poirier, Paul-Hubert","free_first_name":"Paul-Hubert","free_last_name":"Poirier","norm_person":{"id":276,"first_name":"Paul-Hubert","last_name":"Poirier","full_name":"Poirier, Paul-Hubert","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/103382867X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Une anticipation du dualisme de Plotin en 51 [I\u00a08]\u00a06, 33-34 : Le \u00ab\u00a0De Iside et Osiride\u00a0\u00bb (369 A-E) de Plutarque","main_title":{"title":"Une anticipation du dualisme de Plotin en 51 [I\u00a08]\u00a06, 33-34 : Le \u00ab\u00a0De Iside et Osiride\u00a0\u00bb (369 A-E) de Plutarque"},"abstract":"Despite numerous studies conducted for a long time on Plotinus' treatise 51, the formula expressing the radical opposition of good and evil remains partly a mystery. Plotinus argues against Aristotle's idea that substances do not have opposites, and claims that universal substance can have a contrary, namely non-substance and the nature of evil. Plotinus' dualism allows for organized counterattacks while preserving the supremacy of good, with evil existing as an enclave within being, limited by the boundaries of good. The image of a prisoner acting but limited by the chains that surround him from the outside is used to illustrate this idea. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":2,"date":"2009","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/O9OqImqHCPz7w7D","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":275,"full_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":275,"full_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":276,"full_name":"Poirier, Paul-Hubert","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1105,"section_of":301,"pages":"87-95","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":301,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Gnose et Philosophie. \u00c9tudes en hommage \u00e0 Pierre Hadot","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Narbonne2009c","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2009","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2009","abstract":"Un livre d\u2019historiens et de philosophes sp\u00e9cilalistes de l\u2019antiquit\u00e9 en hommage \u00e0 Pierre Hadot, lui-m\u00eame philosophe fran\u00e7ais et historien de l'antiquit\u00e9 tr\u00e8s r\u00e9put\u00e9 et l'auteur d'une \u0153uvre actuelle et majeure, dont l'influence n'est pas encore assez mesur\u00e9e, d\u00e9velopp\u00e9e notamment autour de la notion d'exercice spirituel et de philosophie comme mani\u00e8re de vivre. [offical abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/U9H8sJ1wzJuelAx","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":301,"pubplace":"Paris - Qu\u00e9bec","publisher":"Vrin - Les Presses de l'Universit\u00e9 Laval","series":"Collection Z\u00eat\u00easis: S\u00e9rie \u00abTextes et essais\u00bb","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2009]}

Addendum: Simplicius, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium (CAG 8), V, P. 109, 5-110, 25 (Kalbfleish), 2009
By: Narbonne, Jean-Marc, Narbonne, Jean-Marc (Ed.), Poirier, Paul-Hubert (Ed.)

Title	Addendum: Simplicius, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium (CAG 8), V, P. 109, 5-110, 25 (Kalbfleish)
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2009
Published in	Gnose et Philosophie. Études en hommage à Pierre Hadot
Pages	97-100
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Narbonne, Jean-Marc
Editor(s)	Narbonne, Jean-Marc , Poirier, Paul-Hubert
Translator(s)

This text is an addendum to the book Simplicius, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium (CAG 8) p. 109. It explores Plotinus‘ concept of substance and non-substance, good and evil, and the principle of better and worse things. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ahDdnxIxJ6Y3VGD

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1106","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1106,"authors_free":[{"id":1671,"entry_id":1106,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":275,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","free_first_name":"Jean-Marc","free_last_name":"Narbonne","norm_person":{"id":275,"first_name":"Jean-Marc","last_name":"Narbonne","full_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124470408","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1672,"entry_id":1106,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":275,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","free_first_name":"Jean-Marc","free_last_name":"Narbonne","norm_person":{"id":275,"first_name":"Jean-Marc","last_name":"Narbonne","full_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124470408","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1673,"entry_id":1106,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":276,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Poirier, Paul-Hubert","free_first_name":"Paul-Hubert","free_last_name":"Poirier","norm_person":{"id":276,"first_name":"Paul-Hubert","last_name":"Poirier","full_name":"Poirier, Paul-Hubert","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/103382867X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Addendum: Simplicius, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium (CAG 8), V, P. 109, 5-110, 25 (Kalbfleish)","main_title":{"title":"Addendum: Simplicius, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium (CAG 8), V, P. 109, 5-110, 25 (Kalbfleish)"},"abstract":"This text is an addendum to the book Simplicius, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium (CAG 8) p. 109. It explores Plotinus\u2018 concept of substance and non-substance, good and evil, and the principle of better and worse things. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"2009","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ahDdnxIxJ6Y3VGD","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":275,"full_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":275,"full_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":276,"full_name":"Poirier, Paul-Hubert","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1106,"section_of":301,"pages":"97-100","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":301,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Gnose et Philosophie. \u00c9tudes en hommage \u00e0 Pierre Hadot","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Narbonne2009c","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2009","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2009","abstract":"Un livre d\u2019historiens et de philosophes sp\u00e9cilalistes de l\u2019antiquit\u00e9 en hommage \u00e0 Pierre Hadot, lui-m\u00eame philosophe fran\u00e7ais et historien de l'antiquit\u00e9 tr\u00e8s r\u00e9put\u00e9 et l'auteur d'une \u0153uvre actuelle et majeure, dont l'influence n'est pas encore assez mesur\u00e9e, d\u00e9velopp\u00e9e notamment autour de la notion d'exercice spirituel et de philosophie comme mani\u00e8re de vivre. [offical abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/U9H8sJ1wzJuelAx","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":301,"pubplace":"Paris - Qu\u00e9bec","publisher":"Vrin - Les Presses de l'Universit\u00e9 Laval","series":"Collection Z\u00eat\u00easis: S\u00e9rie \u00abTextes et essais\u00bb","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2009]}

Simplicius on the Reality of Relations and Relational Change, 2009
By: Harari, Orna, Brad Inwood (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius on the Reality of Relations and Relational Change
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2009
Published in	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Pages	245-274
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Harari, Orna
Editor(s)	Brad Inwood
Translator(s)

The ancient commentators’ approach to Aristotle’s account of relatives in Categories 7 is shaped by the conception that prevailed in later antiquity, in which relatives are composites of a substrate, i.e. an attribute that belongs to the other categories, and a relation. Simplicius shares this conception with the other commentators, but he formulates it in different terms. He calls the substrate on which relational attributes supervene a difference (διαφορά) or a character (χαρακτήρ) and the supervening relational attribute an inclination (ἀπόνευσις). In this study, I attempt to clarify the significance of this terminology, arguing that through the notion of inclination Simplicius answers the question of the unity of Aristotle’s category of relatives, as formulated in Plotinus’ Ennead 6.1.6-9. To expound this contention, I outline Plotinus’ construal of Aristotle’s category of relatives. In the opening paragraph of his discussion of relatives in Categories 7, Aristotle presents two lists of examples; the first contains greater and double, the second contains states, conditions, perception, knowledge, and position (6a38-b3). Although Aristotle does not explicitly distinguish these lists, they seem to exemplify two different notions of relatives. The first list seems to contain relational attributes whose bearers possess them merely due to their mutual dependence, whereas the second list seems to contain attributes which, in addition to arising from their bearers’ mutual dependence, are internal qualitative states thereof. Corresponding to this distinction, Plotinus in Ennead 6.1.9 distinguishes two types of relational attributes: those that come about by participation and those that result from an activity. In so doing, he associates Aristotle’s account of relatives with the question of the reality of relations, which does not appear in Categories 7 but arises from the Stoic notion of relatives. Consequently, Plotinus’ distinction of these types of relatives leads to two different accounts of the reality of relations. The first account, in which relational attributes are acquired by participation, secures the reality of relations by preventing their reduction to their substrates. By this account, relational attributes are not mere dispositions of their substrates, as the Stoics hold, but exist over and above their substrates. The second account, in which relational attributes are activities of their substrates, secures the reality of relations by grounding them in the inner nature of their substrates. It thereby confronts the contention found in Aristotle’s Metaphysics N 1 (1088u29-35) and in Sextus Empiricus (M. 8.455-8) that relational attributes are ontologically inferior because their substrates do not undergo an intrinsic change when they acquire and lose their relational attributes. Plotinus’ Ennead 6.1.6-9 leaves this dilemma unsettled. On the one hand, he considers active relations less problematic than relations by participation (6.1.6.13-18); on the other hand, he argues that the unity of the category of relatives is secured if relations are considered to be forms acquired by participation (6.1.9.25-7). How to distinguish relations from their relata without jeopardizing the subject-attribute scheme remains an open question. In substantiating my interpretation, I analyze in the first section Simplicius’ and the other late commentators’ discussions of the reality of relations. I show that Simplicius’ discussion gives rise to the formulation of a precise distinction between relations and their substrates, whereas the other late commentators stress the dependence of relations on their substrates. In the second section, I turn to Simplicius’ criticism of the Stoic distinction between relatives and relatively disposed attributes, showing that, despite the distinction between relations and their substrates, Simplicius follows the other commentators in stressing the dependence of relational attributes on the inner nature of their substrates. In light of these conclusions, in the third section I seek to show how Simplicius succeeds in accommodating the distinction between relations and their substrates with his view that relations depend on their substrates. Here, I analyze Simplicius’ discussion of relational change and show that it facilitates the integration of these two accounts and that it underlies the notion of inclination. In conclusion, I show that Simplicius’ conception of relations originates in Proclus’ commentary on Plato’s Parmenides and in Damascius’ account of the relation between the higher and lower grades of reality in Neoplatonic metaphysics. This discussion lends further support to my attempt to articulate the notion of inclination and offers a possible explanation of Simplicius’ motivation for deviating from the stance of the other late commentators. [introduction p. 245-248]

Online Resources

Autour d'Eudore. Les débuts de l'exégèse des Catégories dans les Moyen Platonisme, 2009
By: Chiaradonna, Riccardo , Bonazzi, Mauro (Ed.), Opsomer, Jan (Ed.)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1145","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1145,"authors_free":[{"id":1718,"entry_id":1145,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":169,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Harari, Orna","free_first_name":"Orna","free_last_name":"Harari","norm_person":{"id":169,"first_name":"Orna","last_name":"Harari","full_name":"Harari Orna","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2804,"entry_id":1145,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Brad Inwood","free_first_name":"Brad","free_last_name":"Inwood","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Simplicius on the Reality of Relations and Relational Change","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius on the Reality of Relations and Relational Change"},"abstract":"The ancient commentators\u2019 approach to Aristotle\u2019s account of relatives in Categories 7 is shaped by the conception that prevailed in later antiquity, in which relatives are composites of a substrate, i.e. an attribute that belongs to the other categories, and a relation. Simplicius shares this conception with the other commentators, but he formulates it in different terms. He calls the substrate on which relational attributes supervene a difference (\u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03c6\u03bf\u03c1\u03ac) or a character (\u03c7\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1\u03ba\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1) and the supervening relational attribute an inclination (\u1f00\u03c0\u03cc\u03bd\u03b5\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2). In this study, I attempt to clarify the significance of this terminology, arguing that through the notion of inclination Simplicius answers the question of the unity of Aristotle\u2019s category of relatives, as formulated in Plotinus\u2019 Ennead 6.1.6-9. To expound this contention, I outline Plotinus\u2019 construal of Aristotle\u2019s category of relatives.\r\n\r\nIn the opening paragraph of his discussion of relatives in Categories 7, Aristotle presents two lists of examples; the first contains greater and double, the second contains states, conditions, perception, knowledge, and position (6a38-b3). Although Aristotle does not explicitly distinguish these lists, they seem to exemplify two different notions of relatives. The first list seems to contain relational attributes whose bearers possess them merely due to their mutual dependence, whereas the second list seems to contain attributes which, in addition to arising from their bearers\u2019 mutual dependence, are internal qualitative states thereof.\r\n\r\nCorresponding to this distinction, Plotinus in Ennead 6.1.9 distinguishes two types of relational attributes: those that come about by participation and those that result from an activity. In so doing, he associates Aristotle\u2019s account of relatives with the question of the reality of relations, which does not appear in Categories 7 but arises from the Stoic notion of relatives. Consequently, Plotinus\u2019 distinction of these types of relatives leads to two different accounts of the reality of relations.\r\n\r\nThe first account, in which relational attributes are acquired by participation, secures the reality of relations by preventing their reduction to their substrates. By this account, relational attributes are not mere dispositions of their substrates, as the Stoics hold, but exist over and above their substrates. The second account, in which relational attributes are activities of their substrates, secures the reality of relations by grounding them in the inner nature of their substrates. It thereby confronts the contention found in Aristotle\u2019s Metaphysics N 1 (1088u29-35) and in Sextus Empiricus (M. 8.455-8) that relational attributes are ontologically inferior because their substrates do not undergo an intrinsic change when they acquire and lose their relational attributes.\r\n\r\nPlotinus\u2019 Ennead 6.1.6-9 leaves this dilemma unsettled. On the one hand, he considers active relations less problematic than relations by participation (6.1.6.13-18); on the other hand, he argues that the unity of the category of relatives is secured if relations are considered to be forms acquired by participation (6.1.9.25-7).\r\n\r\nHow to distinguish relations from their relata without jeopardizing the subject-attribute scheme remains an open question. In substantiating my interpretation, I analyze in the first section Simplicius\u2019 and the other late commentators\u2019 discussions of the reality of relations. I show that Simplicius\u2019 discussion gives rise to the formulation of a precise distinction between relations and their substrates, whereas the other late commentators stress the dependence of relations on their substrates.\r\n\r\nIn the second section, I turn to Simplicius\u2019 criticism of the Stoic distinction between relatives and relatively disposed attributes, showing that, despite the distinction between relations and their substrates, Simplicius follows the other commentators in stressing the dependence of relational attributes on the inner nature of their substrates.\r\n\r\nIn light of these conclusions, in the third section I seek to show how Simplicius succeeds in accommodating the distinction between relations and their substrates with his view that relations depend on their substrates. Here, I analyze Simplicius\u2019 discussion of relational change and show that it facilitates the integration of these two accounts and that it underlies the notion of inclination.\r\n\r\nIn conclusion, I show that Simplicius\u2019 conception of relations originates in Proclus\u2019 commentary on Plato\u2019s Parmenides and in Damascius\u2019 account of the relation between the higher and lower grades of reality in Neoplatonic metaphysics. This discussion lends further support to my attempt to articulate the notion of inclination and offers a possible explanation of Simplicius\u2019 motivation for deviating from the stance of the other late commentators. [introduction p. 245-248]","btype":2,"date":"2009","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PleABvrSeQ8LVfR","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":169,"full_name":"Harari Orna","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1145,"section_of":1602,"pages":"245-274","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1602,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Inwood2009","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2009","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"One of the leading series on ancient Greek and Roman philosophy, Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy presents outstanding new work in the field. The volumes feature original essays on a wide range of themes and problems in all periods of ancient philosophy, from its earliest beginnings to the threshold of the middle ages. It is anonymously peer-reviewed and appears twice a year.\r\n\r\nThe series was founded in 1983, and in 2016 published its 50th volume. The series format was chosen so that it might include essays of more substantial length than is customarily allowed in journals, as well as critical essays on books of distinctive importance. Past editors include Julia Annas, Christopher Taylor, David Sedley, Brad Inwood, and Victor Caston. The current editor, as of July 2022, is Rachana Kamtekar. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PleABvrSeQ8LVfR","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1602,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Oxford University Press","series":"","volume":"XXXVII","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":{"id":1145,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy","volume":"37","issue":"","pages":"245-274"}},"sort":[2009]}

Title	Autour d'Eudore. Les débuts de l'exégèse des Catégories dans les Moyen Platonisme
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2009
Published in	The Origins of the Platonic System: Platonisms of the early empire and their philosophical contexts
Pages	89-111
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chiaradonna, Riccardo
Editor(s)	Bonazzi, Mauro , Opsomer, Jan
Translator(s)

Si l’on se borne à souligner qu’Eudore a critiqué tel ou tel passage des Catégories, on oublie une donnée fondamentale : ses critiques portent sur des détails, mais ne remettent jamais en question la doctrine des catégories comme telle. Son ouvrage (quoi qu’il en soit de ses caractères formels) visait probablement à rattacher les catégories au platonisme pythagorisant, en en corrigeant des éléments ponctuels. C’est pourquoi, me semble-t-il, il n’est pas absurde de supposer qu’Eudore a été à l’origine des différentes tentatives médio-platoniciennes pour incorporer les catégories dans le platonisme : on trouve plusieurs exemples d’une telle attitude, ce qui n’exclut pas la présence de variations importantes, notamment chez le commentateur anonyme du Théétète, chez Alcinous (Did. 159, 43-44) et chez Plutarque. Cette position est manifestement différente de celle d’Atticus, qui ne visait nullement à annexer les catégories au platonisme. L’interprétation d’Eudore n’est pas non plus identique à celle du mystérieux Lucius et de Nicostrate qui, au dire de Simplicius, adressaient toute sorte d’objections extrêmement polémiques aux catégories d’Aristote. Et l’exégèse d’Eudore n’a rien à voir avec la discussion critique des catégories développée par Plotin, qui utilise les apories internes à la doctrine d’Aristote comme une sorte de démonstration dialectique des principes ontologiques « platoniciens ». Il y a une analogie superficielle entre le projet philosophique et idéologique d’Eudore et celui qui, après Plotin, sera développé par Porphyre : Eudore et Porphyre visent à construire, de manière très différente, une tradition philosophique unitaire en subordonnant les doctrines revues et corrigées d’Aristote à leur platonisme. Mais les quelques fragments d’Eudore que nous avons ne suffisent pas à développer ce parallèle ; qui plus est, l’intégration très complexe de l’aristotélisme et du platonisme chez Porphyre se fonde sur l’œuvre des grands auteurs du IIe et du IIIe siècle, notamment Alexandre d’Aphrodise et Plotin ; elle a très peu en commun avec Eudore et son arrière-plan conceptuel. Bref, si nous ne nous sommes pas égarés, il faut conclure que la première réception des catégories d’Aristote dans le platonisme autour d’Eudore est entièrement redevable au contexte précis de la période qui s’étend entre le Ier siècle avant et le Ier siècle après J.-C. S’il y a des éléments de continuité qui rattachent le platonisme de cette époque au platonisme des siècles postérieurs (notamment au platonisme de Plotin et de Porphyre), ce n’est décidément pas dans l’usage des catégories d’Aristote qu’il faut les rechercher. [conclusion p. 107-108]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RwMqNOyFpPRLD09

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1269","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1269,"authors_free":[{"id":1860,"entry_id":1269,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":49,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Chiaradonna, Riccardo ","free_first_name":"Riccardo ","free_last_name":"Chiaradonna","norm_person":{"id":49,"first_name":"Riccardo ","last_name":"Chiaradonna","full_name":"Chiaradonna, Riccardo ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1142403548","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2041,"entry_id":1269,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":210,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Bonazzi, Mauro","free_first_name":"Mauro","free_last_name":"Bonazzi","norm_person":{"id":210,"first_name":"Mauro","last_name":"Bonazzi","full_name":"Bonazzi, Mauro","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139388737","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2042,"entry_id":1269,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":211,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Opsomer, Jan","free_first_name":"Jan","free_last_name":"Opsomer","norm_person":{"id":211,"first_name":"Jan","last_name":"Opsomer","full_name":"Opsomer, Jan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1120966310","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Autour d'Eudore. Les d\u00e9buts de l'ex\u00e9g\u00e8se des Cat\u00e9gories dans les Moyen Platonisme","main_title":{"title":"Autour d'Eudore. Les d\u00e9buts de l'ex\u00e9g\u00e8se des Cat\u00e9gories dans les Moyen Platonisme"},"abstract":"Si l\u2019on se borne \u00e0 souligner qu\u2019Eudore a critiqu\u00e9 tel ou tel passage des Cat\u00e9gories, on oublie une donn\u00e9e fondamentale : ses critiques portent sur des d\u00e9tails, mais ne remettent jamais en question la doctrine des cat\u00e9gories comme telle. Son ouvrage (quoi qu\u2019il en soit de ses caract\u00e8res formels) visait probablement \u00e0 rattacher les cat\u00e9gories au platonisme pythagorisant, en en corrigeant des \u00e9l\u00e9ments ponctuels.\r\n\r\nC\u2019est pourquoi, me semble-t-il, il n\u2019est pas absurde de supposer qu\u2019Eudore a \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019origine des diff\u00e9rentes tentatives m\u00e9dio-platoniciennes pour incorporer les cat\u00e9gories dans le platonisme : on trouve plusieurs exemples d\u2019une telle attitude, ce qui n\u2019exclut pas la pr\u00e9sence de variations importantes, notamment chez le commentateur anonyme du Th\u00e9\u00e9t\u00e8te, chez Alcinous (Did. 159, 43-44) et chez Plutarque.\r\n\r\nCette position est manifestement diff\u00e9rente de celle d\u2019Atticus, qui ne visait nullement \u00e0 annexer les cat\u00e9gories au platonisme. L\u2019interpr\u00e9tation d\u2019Eudore n\u2019est pas non plus identique \u00e0 celle du myst\u00e9rieux Lucius et de Nicostrate qui, au dire de Simplicius, adressaient toute sorte d\u2019objections extr\u00eamement pol\u00e9miques aux cat\u00e9gories d\u2019Aristote.\r\n\r\nEt l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se d\u2019Eudore n\u2019a rien \u00e0 voir avec la discussion critique des cat\u00e9gories d\u00e9velopp\u00e9e par Plotin, qui utilise les apories internes \u00e0 la doctrine d\u2019Aristote comme une sorte de d\u00e9monstration dialectique des principes ontologiques \u00ab platoniciens \u00bb.\r\n\r\nIl y a une analogie superficielle entre le projet philosophique et id\u00e9ologique d\u2019Eudore et celui qui, apr\u00e8s Plotin, sera d\u00e9velopp\u00e9 par Porphyre : Eudore et Porphyre visent \u00e0 construire, de mani\u00e8re tr\u00e8s diff\u00e9rente, une tradition philosophique unitaire en subordonnant les doctrines revues et corrig\u00e9es d\u2019Aristote \u00e0 leur platonisme.\r\n\r\nMais les quelques fragments d\u2019Eudore que nous avons ne suffisent pas \u00e0 d\u00e9velopper ce parall\u00e8le ; qui plus est, l\u2019int\u00e9gration tr\u00e8s complexe de l\u2019aristot\u00e9lisme et du platonisme chez Porphyre se fonde sur l\u2019\u0153uvre des grands auteurs du IIe et du IIIe si\u00e8cle, notamment Alexandre d\u2019Aphrodise et Plotin ; elle a tr\u00e8s peu en commun avec Eudore et son arri\u00e8re-plan conceptuel.\r\n\r\nBref, si nous ne nous sommes pas \u00e9gar\u00e9s, il faut conclure que la premi\u00e8re r\u00e9ception des cat\u00e9gories d\u2019Aristote dans le platonisme autour d\u2019Eudore est enti\u00e8rement redevable au contexte pr\u00e9cis de la p\u00e9riode qui s\u2019\u00e9tend entre le Ier si\u00e8cle avant et le Ier si\u00e8cle apr\u00e8s J.-C.\r\n\r\nS\u2019il y a des \u00e9l\u00e9ments de continuit\u00e9 qui rattachent le platonisme de cette \u00e9poque au platonisme des si\u00e8cles post\u00e9rieurs (notamment au platonisme de Plotin et de Porphyre), ce n\u2019est d\u00e9cid\u00e9ment pas dans l\u2019usage des cat\u00e9gories d\u2019Aristote qu\u2019il faut les rechercher.\r\n[conclusion p. 107-108]","btype":2,"date":"2009","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RwMqNOyFpPRLD09","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":49,"full_name":"Chiaradonna, Riccardo ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":210,"full_name":"Bonazzi, Mauro","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":211,"full_name":"Opsomer, Jan","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1269,"section_of":274,"pages":"89-111","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":274,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"The Origins of the Platonic System: Platonisms of the early empire and their philosophical contexts","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Bonazzi\/Opsomer2009","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2009","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2009","abstract":"From the 1st century BC onwards followers of Plato began to systematize Plato's thought. These attempts went in various directions and were subjected to all kinds of philosophical influences, especially Aristotelian, Stoic, and Pythagorean. The result was a broad variety of Platonisms without orthodoxy. That would only change with Plotinus. This volume, being the fruit of the collaboration among leading scholars in the field, addresses a number of aspects of this period of system building with substantial contributions on Antiochus and Alcinous and their relation to Stoicism; on Pythagoreanising tendencies in Platonism; on Eudorus and the tradition of commentaries on Aristotle's Categories; on the creationism of the Jewish Platonist Philo of Alexandria; on Ammonius, the Egyptian teacher of Plutarch; on Plutarch's discussion of Socrates' guardian spirit. The contributions are in English, French, Italian and German.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DYApTa5lTYcdYSX","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":274,"pubplace":"Louvain \u2013 Namur \u2013 Paris \u2013 Walpole, MA","publisher":"\u00c9ditions Peeters. Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 des \u00e9tudes classique","series":"Collection d'\u00c9tudes Classiques","volume":"23","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2009]}

The Stoic Ontology of Geometrical Limits, 2009
By: Eunyoung Ju, Anna

Title	The Stoic Ontology of Geometrical Limits
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2009
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	54
Issue	4/5
Pages	371-389
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Eunyoung Ju, Anna
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Scholars have long recognised the interest of the Stoics' thought on geometrical limits, both as a specific topic in their physics and within the context of the school's ontological taxonomy. Unfortunately, insufficient textual evidence remains for us to reconstruct their discussion fully. The sources we do have on Stoic geometrical themes are highly polemical, tending to reveal a disagreement as to whether limit is to be understood as a mere concept, as a body or as an incorporeal. In my view, this disagreement held among the historical Stoics, rather than simply reflecting a doxographical divergence in transmission. This apparently Stoic disagreement has generated extensive debate, in which there is still no consensus as to a standard Stoic doctrine of limit. The evidence is thin, and little of it refers in detail to specific texts, especially from the school's founders. But in its overall features the evidence suggests that Posidonius and Cleomedes differed from their Stoic precursors on this topic. There are also grounds for believing that some degree of disagreement obtained between the early Stoics over the metaphysical status of shape. Assuming the Stoics did so disagree, the principal question in the scholarship on Stoic ontology is whether there were actually positions that might be called "standard" within Stoicism on the topic of limit. In attempting to answer this question, my discussion initially sets out to illuminate certain features of early Stoic thinking about limit, and then takes stock of the views offered by late Stoics, notably Posidonius and Cleomedes. Attention to Stoic arguments suggests that the school's founders developed two accounts of shape: on the one hand, as a thought-construct, and, on the other, as a body. In an attempt to resolve the crux bequeathed to them, the school's successors suggested that limits are incorporeal. While the authorship of this last notion cannot be securely identified on account of the absence of direct evidence, it may be traced back to Posidonius, and it went on to have subsequent influence on Stoic thinking, namely in Cleomedes' astronomy. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H3kH3u3PbGnOPyE

{"_index":"sire","_id":"750","_score":null,"_source":{"id":750,"authors_free":[{"id":1115,"entry_id":750,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":83,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Eunyoung Ju, Anna","free_first_name":"Anna","free_last_name":"Eunyoung Ju","norm_person":{"id":83,"first_name":"Anna","last_name":"Eunyoung Ju","full_name":"Eunyoung Ju, Anna","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Stoic Ontology of Geometrical Limits","main_title":{"title":"The Stoic Ontology of Geometrical Limits"},"abstract":"Scholars have long recognised the interest of the Stoics' thought on geometrical limits, both \r\nas a specific topic in their physics and within the context of the school's ontological \r\ntaxonomy. Unfortunately, insufficient textual evidence remains for us to reconstruct their \r\ndiscussion fully. The sources we do have on Stoic geometrical themes are highly polemical, \r\ntending to reveal a disagreement as to whether limit is to be understood as a mere concept, \r\nas a body or as an incorporeal. In my view, this disagreement held among the historical \r\nStoics, rather than simply reflecting a doxographical divergence in transmission. This \r\napparently Stoic disagreement has generated extensive debate, in which there is still no \r\nconsensus as to a standard Stoic doctrine of limit. The evidence is thin, and little of it refers \r\nin detail to specific texts, especially from the school's founders. But in its overall features the \r\nevidence suggests that Posidonius and Cleomedes differed from their Stoic precursors on \r\nthis topic. There are also grounds for believing that some degree of disagreement obtained \r\nbetween the early Stoics over the metaphysical status of shape. Assuming the Stoics did so \r\ndisagree, the principal question in the scholarship on Stoic ontology is whether there were \r\nactually positions that might be called \"standard\" within Stoicism on the topic of limit. In \r\nattempting to answer this question, my discussion initially sets out to illuminate certain \r\nfeatures of early Stoic thinking about limit, and then takes stock of the views offered by late \r\nStoics, notably Posidonius and Cleomedes. Attention to Stoic arguments suggests that the \r\nschool's founders developed two accounts of shape: on the one hand, as a thought-construct, \r\nand, on the other, as a body. In an attempt to resolve the crux bequeathed to them, the \r\nschool's successors suggested that limits are incorporeal. While the authorship of this last \r\nnotion cannot be securely identified on account of the absence of direct evidence, it may be \r\ntraced back to Posidonius, and it went on to have subsequent influence on Stoic thinking, \r\nnamely in Cleomedes' astronomy. [Author\u2019s abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2009","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/H3kH3u3PbGnOPyE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":83,"full_name":"Eunyoung Ju, Anna","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":750,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"54","issue":"4\/5","pages":"371-389"}},"sort":[2009]}

Simplicius: Commentary, Harmony, and Authority, 2009
By: Barney, Rachel

Title	Simplicius: Commentary, Harmony, and Authority
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2009
Journal	Antiquorum Philosophia
Volume	3
Pages	101-119
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Barney, Rachel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I have tried to make the case for two claims. First, we can do better than to speak of Simplicius as simply being committed to "the" Neoplatonic project of harmonizing Plato and Aristotle. Simplicius’ project is a very distinctive one, and, properly speaking, it is not to harmonize Plato and Aristotle. Nor, on the other hand, is it to harmonize the whole of pagan wisdom, or even the whole of Greek philosophy. Rather, it is to vindicate the unity of a certain dominant, broadly Platonic philosophical tradition, which importantly includes Aristotle, the Presocratics, and, to a lesser extent, the Stoics, in order to better defend that tradition against Christian attack. The scope, methods, and spirit of this project are all modeled on Aristotle’s own treatment of his predecessors, including an expansive but not unreasonable version of the principle of charity. Second, I have tried to bring out that projects of harmonization in philosophy have a perennial attraction for philosophers and interpreters alike, and not only for those who are antecedently committed to a canon of conflicting authorities. Projects of harmonization come in many guises and range across a spectrum from the primarily philosophical to the purely exegetical. Simplicius comes close to the latter extreme: his persona and methods are, in fact, strikingly close to those of a familiar sort of modern scholar, notwithstanding the strong philosophical commitments that inform his project. Finally, I would suggest that this self-appointed role as exegete is, more than anything else, an expression of Simplicius’ self-conscious belatedness. With a few exceptions, such as the residual puzzles about place and time addressed in the Corollaries, Simplicius’ work shows us what it is like to do philosophy after all the philosophical problems have been solved. All that remains open to him is the essentially interpretive work of showing how the correct solutions fit together. [conclusion p. 117-118]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bBLV4U0YGAzXs7u

{"_index":"sire","_id":"825","_score":null,"_source":{"id":825,"authors_free":[{"id":1226,"entry_id":825,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":418,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Barney, Rachel","free_first_name":"Rachel","free_last_name":"Barney","norm_person":{"id":418,"first_name":"Rachel","last_name":"Barney","full_name":"Barney, Rachel","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/17355959X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius: Commentary, Harmony, and Authority","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius: Commentary, Harmony, and Authority"},"abstract":"I have tried to make the case for two claims. First, we can do better than to speak of Simplicius as simply being committed to \"the\" Neoplatonic project of harmonizing Plato and Aristotle. Simplicius\u2019 project is a very distinctive one, and, properly speaking, it is not to harmonize Plato and Aristotle. Nor, on the other hand, is it to harmonize the whole of pagan wisdom, or even the whole of Greek philosophy. Rather, it is to vindicate the unity of a certain dominant, broadly Platonic philosophical tradition, which importantly includes Aristotle, the Presocratics, and, to a lesser extent, the Stoics, in order to better defend that tradition against Christian attack. The scope, methods, and spirit of this project are all modeled on Aristotle\u2019s own treatment of his predecessors, including an expansive but not unreasonable version of the principle of charity.\r\n\r\nSecond, I have tried to bring out that projects of harmonization in philosophy have a perennial attraction for philosophers and interpreters alike, and not only for those who are antecedently committed to a canon of conflicting authorities. Projects of harmonization come in many guises and range across a spectrum from the primarily philosophical to the purely exegetical. Simplicius comes close to the latter extreme: his persona and methods are, in fact, strikingly close to those of a familiar sort of modern scholar, notwithstanding the strong philosophical commitments that inform his project. Finally, I would suggest that this self-appointed role as exegete is, more than anything else, an expression of Simplicius\u2019 self-conscious belatedness. With a few exceptions, such as the residual puzzles about place and time addressed in the Corollaries, Simplicius\u2019 work shows us what it is like to do philosophy after all the philosophical problems have been solved. All that remains open to him is the essentially interpretive work of showing how the correct solutions fit together. [conclusion p. 117-118]","btype":3,"date":"2009","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/bBLV4U0YGAzXs7u","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":418,"full_name":"Barney, Rachel","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":825,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Antiquorum Philosophia","volume":"3","issue":"","pages":"101-119"}},"sort":[2009]}

Plotin und Simplikios über die Kategorie des Wo, 2009
By: Strobel, Benedikt

Title	Plotin und Simplikios über die Kategorie des Wo
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2009
Journal	Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume	51
Pages	7-33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Strobel, Benedikt
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Wir haben im vorhergehenden drei semantische Interpretationen von Lokativen – als Ortsbezeichnungen, als Bezeichnungen von einem in einem anderen und als Ausdrücke von Relationen – kennengelernt, mit denen Plotin in VI 1 [42] 14 gegen die aristotelische Annahme der Kategorie des Wo (πού) argumentiert und die drei verschiedene Bestimmungen des Wo einschließen: als Ort (τόπος), als eines in einem anderen (ἄλλο ἐν ἄλλῳ) und als Beziehung zu einem Ort (σχέσις πρὸς τόπον). Dabei hat sich unter anderem gezeigt: (i) Weder diese Interpretationen noch die auf ihnen beruhenden Argumente überzeugen völlig, und Simplikios' Verteidigung der aristotelischen Annahme der Kategorie des Wo ist weitgehend erfolgreich, weist jedoch mit der These, dass Lokative nicht-reziproke Relationen ausdrücken, eine Schwachstelle auf. (ii) Plotins drittes, auf der Interpretation von Lokativen als Ausdrücke von Relationen beruhendes Argument überzeugt zwar letztlich nicht, weist jedoch auf ein ernsthaftes Problem für Aristoteles hin. (iii) Die in der antiken Philosophie weitverbreitete Auffassung, an einem Ort zu sein bedeute, von einem Körper umfasst zu werden, gründet in einem bestimmten Verständnis von Lokativen der Form ἐν τινι (z. B. ἐν Λύκειον und ἐν Ἀκαδημίᾳ). Dies bestätigt die zu Beginn aufgestellte These, dass die semantische Analyse von Lokativen Konsequenzen hat für die Wahl der Antwort darauf, was es heißt, an einem Ort zu sein, und was es heißt, der Ort von etwas zu sein. [introduction p. 30-31]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/aD2ORfI4GVXZhsH

{"_index":"sire","_id":"844","_score":null,"_source":{"id":844,"authors_free":[{"id":1248,"entry_id":844,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":326,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Strobel, Benedikt","free_first_name":"Benedikt","free_last_name":"Strobel","norm_person":{"id":326,"first_name":" Benedikt","last_name":"Strobel,","full_name":"Strobel, Benedikt","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/173882056","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Plotin und Simplikios \u00fcber die Kategorie des Wo","main_title":{"title":"Plotin und Simplikios \u00fcber die Kategorie des Wo"},"abstract":"Wir haben im vorhergehenden drei semantische Interpretationen von Lokativen \u2013 als Ortsbezeichnungen, als Bezeichnungen von einem in einem anderen und als Ausdr\u00fccke von Relationen \u2013 kennengelernt, mit denen Plotin in VI 1 [42] 14 gegen die aristotelische Annahme der Kategorie des Wo (\u03c0\u03bf\u03cd) argumentiert und die drei verschiedene Bestimmungen des Wo einschlie\u00dfen: als Ort (\u03c4\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2), als eines in einem anderen (\u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf \u1f10\u03bd \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u1ff3) und als Beziehung zu einem Ort (\u03c3\u03c7\u03ad\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd).\r\n\r\nDabei hat sich unter anderem gezeigt:\r\n(i) Weder diese Interpretationen noch die auf ihnen beruhenden Argumente \u00fcberzeugen v\u00f6llig, und Simplikios' Verteidigung der aristotelischen Annahme der Kategorie des Wo ist weitgehend erfolgreich, weist jedoch mit der These, dass Lokative nicht-reziproke Relationen ausdr\u00fccken, eine Schwachstelle auf.\r\n(ii) Plotins drittes, auf der Interpretation von Lokativen als Ausdr\u00fccke von Relationen beruhendes Argument \u00fcberzeugt zwar letztlich nicht, weist jedoch auf ein ernsthaftes Problem f\u00fcr Aristoteles hin.\r\n(iii) Die in der antiken Philosophie weitverbreitete Auffassung, an einem Ort zu sein bedeute, von einem K\u00f6rper umfasst zu werden, gr\u00fcndet in einem bestimmten Verst\u00e4ndnis von Lokativen der Form \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03b9 (z. B. \u1f10\u03bd \u039b\u03cd\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd und \u1f10\u03bd \u1f08\u03ba\u03b1\u03b4\u03b7\u03bc\u03af\u1fb3). Dies best\u00e4tigt die zu Beginn aufgestellte These, dass die semantische Analyse von Lokativen Konsequenzen hat f\u00fcr die Wahl der Antwort darauf, was es hei\u00dft, an einem Ort zu sein, und was es hei\u00dft, der Ort von etwas zu sein.\r\n[introduction p. 30-31]","btype":3,"date":"2009","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/aD2ORfI4GVXZhsH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":326,"full_name":"Strobel, Benedikt","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":844,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archiv f\u00fcr Begriffsgeschichte","volume":"51","issue":"","pages":"7-33"}},"sort":[2009]}

The Origins of the Platonic System: Platonisms of the early empire and their philosophical contexts, 2009
By: Bonazzi, Mauro (Ed.), Opsomer, Jan (Ed.)

Title	The Origins of the Platonic System: Platonisms of the early empire and their philosophical contexts
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2009
Publication Place	Louvain – Namur – Paris – Walpole, MA
Publisher	Éditions Peeters. Société des études classique
Series	Collection d'Études Classiques
Volume	23
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Bonazzi, Mauro , Opsomer, Jan
Translator(s)

From the 1st century BC onwards followers of Plato began to systematize Plato's thought. These attempts went in various directions and were subjected to all kinds of philosophical influences, especially Aristotelian, Stoic, and Pythagorean. The result was a broad variety of Platonisms without orthodoxy. That would only change with Plotinus. This volume, being the fruit of the collaboration among leading scholars in the field, addresses a number of aspects of this period of system building with substantial contributions on Antiochus and Alcinous and their relation to Stoicism; on Pythagoreanising tendencies in Platonism; on Eudorus and the tradition of commentaries on Aristotle's Categories; on the creationism of the Jewish Platonist Philo of Alexandria; on Ammonius, the Egyptian teacher of Plutarch; on Plutarch's discussion of Socrates' guardian spirit. The contributions are in English, French, Italian and German.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DYApTa5lTYcdYSX

{"_index":"sire","_id":"274","_score":null,"_source":{"id":274,"authors_free":[{"id":2043,"entry_id":274,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":210,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Bonazzi, Mauro","free_first_name":"Bonazzi","free_last_name":"Mauro","norm_person":{"id":210,"first_name":"Mauro","last_name":"Bonazzi","full_name":"Bonazzi, Mauro","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139388737","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2044,"entry_id":274,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":211,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Opsomer, Jan","free_first_name":"Jan","free_last_name":"Opsomer","norm_person":{"id":211,"first_name":"Jan","last_name":"Opsomer","full_name":"Opsomer, Jan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1120966310","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Origins of the Platonic System: Platonisms of the early empire and their philosophical contexts","main_title":{"title":"The Origins of the Platonic System: Platonisms of the early empire and their philosophical contexts"},"abstract":"From the 1st century BC onwards followers of Plato began to systematize Plato's thought. These attempts went in various directions and were subjected to all kinds of philosophical influences, especially Aristotelian, Stoic, and Pythagorean. The result was a broad variety of Platonisms without orthodoxy. That would only change with Plotinus. This volume, being the fruit of the collaboration among leading scholars in the field, addresses a number of aspects of this period of system building with substantial contributions on Antiochus and Alcinous and their relation to Stoicism; on Pythagoreanising tendencies in Platonism; on Eudorus and the tradition of commentaries on Aristotle's Categories; on the creationism of the Jewish Platonist Philo of Alexandria; on Ammonius, the Egyptian teacher of Plutarch; on Plutarch's discussion of Socrates' guardian spirit. The contributions are in English, French, Italian and German.","btype":4,"date":"2009","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DYApTa5lTYcdYSX","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":210,"full_name":"Bonazzi, Mauro","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":211,"full_name":"Opsomer, Jan","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":274,"pubplace":"Louvain \u2013 Namur \u2013 Paris \u2013 Walpole, MA","publisher":"\u00c9ditions Peeters. Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 des \u00e9tudes classique","series":"Collection d'\u00c9tudes Classiques","volume":"23","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2009]}

Gnose et Philosophie. Études en hommage à Pierre Hadot, 2009
By: Narbonne, Jean-Marc (Ed.), Poirier, Paul-Hubert (Ed.)

Title	Gnose et Philosophie. Études en hommage à Pierre Hadot
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2009
Publication Place	Paris - Québec
Publisher	Vrin - Les Presses de l'Université Laval
Series	Collection Zêtêsis: Série «Textes et essais»
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Narbonne, Jean-Marc , Poirier, Paul-Hubert
Translator(s)

Un livre d’historiens et de philosophes spécilalistes de l’antiquité en hommage à Pierre Hadot, lui-même philosophe français et historien de l'antiquité très réputé et l'auteur d'une œuvre actuelle et majeure, dont l'influence n'est pas encore assez mesurée, développée notamment autour de la notion d'exercice spirituel et de philosophie comme manière de vivre. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/U9H8sJ1wzJuelAx

{"_index":"sire","_id":"301","_score":null,"_source":{"id":301,"authors_free":[{"id":375,"entry_id":301,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":275,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","free_first_name":"Jean-Marc","free_last_name":"Narbonne","norm_person":{"id":275,"first_name":"Jean-Marc","last_name":"Narbonne","full_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124470408","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":376,"entry_id":301,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":276,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Poirier, Paul-Hubert","free_first_name":"Paul-Hubert","free_last_name":"Poirier","norm_person":{"id":276,"first_name":"Paul-Hubert","last_name":"Poirier","full_name":"Poirier, Paul-Hubert","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/103382867X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Gnose et Philosophie. \u00c9tudes en hommage \u00e0 Pierre Hadot","main_title":{"title":"Gnose et Philosophie. \u00c9tudes en hommage \u00e0 Pierre Hadot"},"abstract":"Un livre d\u2019historiens et de philosophes sp\u00e9cilalistes de l\u2019antiquit\u00e9 en hommage \u00e0 Pierre Hadot, lui-m\u00eame philosophe fran\u00e7ais et historien de l'antiquit\u00e9 tr\u00e8s r\u00e9put\u00e9 et l'auteur d'une \u0153uvre actuelle et majeure, dont l'influence n'est pas encore assez mesur\u00e9e, d\u00e9velopp\u00e9e notamment autour de la notion d'exercice spirituel et de philosophie comme mani\u00e8re de vivre. [offical abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2009","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/U9H8sJ1wzJuelAx","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":275,"full_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":276,"full_name":"Poirier, Paul-Hubert","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":301,"pubplace":"Paris - Qu\u00e9bec","publisher":"Vrin - Les Presses de l'Universit\u00e9 Laval","series":"Collection Z\u00eat\u00easis: S\u00e9rie \u00abTextes et essais\u00bb","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2009]}

Ancient Perspectives on Aristotle's De anima, 2009
By: Destrée, Pierre (Ed.), Van Riel, Gerd (Ed.), Crawford, Cyril K. (Ed.), Van Campe, Leen (Ed.)

Title	Ancient Perspectives on Aristotle's De anima
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2009
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Leuven University Press
Series	De Wulf-Mansion Centre, Ancient and Medieval Philosophy
Volume	I 41
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Destrée, Pierre , Van Riel, Gerd , Crawford, Cyril K. , Van Campe, Leen
Translator(s)

Aristotle's treatise "On the Soul" figures among the most influential texts in the intellectual history of the West. It is the first systematic treatise on the nature and functioning of the human soul, presenting Aristotle's authoritative analyses of, among others, sense perception, imagination, memory, and intellect. The ongoing debates on this difficult work continue the commentary tradition that dates back to antiquity. This volume offers a selection of papers by distinguished scholars, exploring the ancient perspectives on Aristotle's "De anima", from Aristotle's earliest successors through the Aristotelian Commentators at the end of Antiquity. It constitutes a twin publication with a volume entitled "Medieval Perspectives on Aristotle's "De anima"" [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1vWVivBFKYUW50b

{"_index":"sire","_id":"88","_score":null,"_source":{"id":88,"authors_free":[{"id":100,"entry_id":88,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":90,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Destr\u00e9e, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Destr\u00e9e","norm_person":{"id":90,"first_name":"Pierre ","last_name":"Destr\u00e9e","full_name":"Destr\u00e9e, Pierre ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1085171485","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":101,"entry_id":88,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":105,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Van Riel, Gerd","free_first_name":"Gerd","free_last_name":"Van Riel","norm_person":{"id":105,"first_name":"Gerd ","last_name":"Van Riel","full_name":"Van Riel, Gerd ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140513264","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2528,"entry_id":88,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":536,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Crawford, Cyril K. ","free_first_name":"Cyril K. ","free_last_name":"Crawford","norm_person":{"id":536,"first_name":"Cyril K. ","last_name":"Crawford","full_name":"Crawford, Cyril K. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2529,"entry_id":88,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":535,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Van Campe, Leen ","free_first_name":"Leen","free_last_name":"Van Campe","norm_person":{"id":535,"first_name":"Leen","last_name":"Van Campe","full_name":"Van Campe, Leen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ancient Perspectives on Aristotle's De anima","main_title":{"title":"Ancient Perspectives on Aristotle's De anima"},"abstract":"Aristotle's treatise \"On the Soul\" figures among the most influential texts in the intellectual history of the West. It is the first systematic treatise on the nature and functioning of the human soul, presenting Aristotle's authoritative analyses of, among others, sense perception, imagination, memory, and intellect. The ongoing debates on this difficult work continue the commentary tradition that dates back to antiquity. This volume offers a selection of papers by distinguished scholars, exploring the ancient perspectives on Aristotle's \"De anima\", from Aristotle's earliest successors through the Aristotelian Commentators at the end of Antiquity. It constitutes a twin publication with a volume entitled \"Medieval Perspectives on Aristotle's \"De anima\"\" [offical abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2009","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1vWVivBFKYUW50b","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":90,"full_name":"Destr\u00e9e, Pierre ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":105,"full_name":"Van Riel, Gerd ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":536,"full_name":"Crawford, Cyril K. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":535,"full_name":"Van Campe, Leen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":88,"pubplace":"Leuven","publisher":"Leuven University Press","series":"De Wulf-Mansion Centre, Ancient and Medieval Philosophy","volume":"I 41","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2009]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 3.7-4.6’, 2009
By: Simplicius , Mueller, Ian (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 3.7-4.6’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2009
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

Commenting on the end of Aristotle's On the Heavens Book 3, Simplicius examines Aristotle's criticisms of Plato's theory of elemental chemistry in the Timaeus. Plato makes the characteristics of the four elements depend on the shapes of component corpuscles and ultimately on the arrangement of the triangles which compose them. Simplicius preserves and criticizes the contributions made to the debate in lost works by two other major commentators, Alexander the Aristotelian, and Proclus the Platonist. In Book 4, Simplicius identifies fifteen objections by Aristotle to Plato's views on weight in the four elements. He finishes Book 4 by elaborating Aristotle's criticisms of Democritus' theory of weight in the atoms, including Democritus' suggestions about the influence of atomic shape on certain atomic motions. This volume includes an English translation of Simplicius' commentary, a detailed introduction, extensive commentary notes and a bibliography.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9DVMcEiwlRjT1eG

{"_index":"sire","_id":"98","_score":null,"_source":{"id":98,"authors_free":[{"id":115,"entry_id":98,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":270,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Mueller, Ian","free_first_name":"Ian","free_last_name":"Mueller","norm_person":{"id":270,"first_name":"Ian","last_name":"Mueller","full_name":"Mueller, Ian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2277,"entry_id":98,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius ","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2278,"entry_id":98,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":270,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Mueller, Ian","free_first_name":"Ian","free_last_name":"Mueller","norm_person":{"id":270,"first_name":"Ian","last_name":"Mueller","full_name":"Mueller, Ian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 3.7-4.6\u2019","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 3.7-4.6\u2019"},"abstract":"Commenting on the end of Aristotle's On the Heavens Book 3, Simplicius examines Aristotle's criticisms of Plato's theory of elemental chemistry in the Timaeus. Plato makes the characteristics of the four elements depend on the shapes of component corpuscles and ultimately on the arrangement of the triangles which compose them. Simplicius preserves and criticizes the contributions made to the debate in lost works by two other major commentators, Alexander the Aristotelian, and Proclus the Platonist.\r\n\r\nIn Book 4, Simplicius identifies fifteen objections by Aristotle to Plato's views on weight in the four elements. He finishes Book 4 by elaborating Aristotle's criticisms of Democritus' theory of weight in the atoms, including Democritus' suggestions about the influence of atomic shape on certain atomic motions.\r\n\r\nThis volume includes an English translation of Simplicius' commentary, a detailed introduction, extensive commentary notes and a bibliography.\r\n","btype":1,"date":"2009","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9DVMcEiwlRjT1eG","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":270,"full_name":"Mueller, Ian","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":270,"full_name":"Mueller, Ian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":98,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2009]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 3.1-7’, 2009
By: Mueller, Ian (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 3.1-7’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2009
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

The subject of Aristotle's On the Heavens, Books 3-4, is the four elements of earth, air, fire and water, which exist below the heavens. Book 3, in chapters 1 to 7, frequently criticizes the Presocratic philosophers. Because of this, Simplicius' commentary is one of our main sources of quotations of the Presocratics. Ian Mueller's translation of this commentary gains added importance by enabling us to see the context which guided Simplicius' selection of Presocratic texts to quote. Simplicius also criticizes the lost commentary of the leading Aristotelian commentator, Alexander, and thereby gives us important information about that work. The English translation in this volume is accompanied by a detailed introduction, extensive commentary notes and a bibliography. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Tp4gKVaseyADwcc

{"_index":"sire","_id":"99","_score":null,"_source":{"id":99,"authors_free":[{"id":116,"entry_id":99,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":270,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Mueller, Ian","free_first_name":"Ian","free_last_name":"Mueller","norm_person":{"id":270,"first_name":"Ian","last_name":"Mueller","full_name":"Mueller, Ian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2279,"entry_id":99,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":270,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Mueller, Ian","free_first_name":"Ian","free_last_name":"Mueller","norm_person":{"id":270,"first_name":"Ian","last_name":"Mueller","full_name":"Mueller, Ian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2280,"entry_id":99,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius ","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 3.1-7\u2019","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 3.1-7\u2019"},"abstract":"The subject of Aristotle's On the Heavens, Books 3-4, is the four elements of earth, air, fire and water, which exist below the heavens. Book 3, in chapters 1 to 7, frequently criticizes the Presocratic philosophers. Because of this, Simplicius' commentary is one of our main sources of quotations of the Presocratics. Ian Mueller's translation of this commentary gains added importance by enabling us to see the context which guided Simplicius' selection of Presocratic texts to quote. Simplicius also criticizes the lost commentary of the leading Aristotelian commentator, Alexander, and thereby gives us important information about that work. The English translation in this volume is accompanied by a detailed introduction, extensive commentary notes and a bibliography. [official abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2009","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Tp4gKVaseyADwcc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":270,"full_name":"Mueller, Ian","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":270,"full_name":"Mueller, Ian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":99,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2009]}

Simplicius and James of Viterbo on Propensities, 2009
By: Côté, Antoine

Title	Simplicius and James of Viterbo on Propensities
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2009
Journal	Vivarium
Volume	47
Issue	1
Pages	24-53
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Côté, Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The paper examines Simplicius's doctrine of propensities (epitedeioteis ) in his commen- tary on Aristotles Categories and follows its application by the late thirteenth century theologian and philosopher James of Viterbo to problems relating to the causes of volition, intellection and natural change. Although he uses Aristotelian terminology and means his doctrine to conflict minimally with those of Aristode, James s doctrine of propensities really constitutes an attempt to provide a technically rigorous dressing to his Augustinián and Boethian convictions. Central to Jamess procedure is his rejection, following Henry of Ghent, of the principle that "everything that is moved is moved by another". James uses Simplicius' doctrine of propensities as a means of extending the rejection of that principle, which Henry had limited to the case of the will, to cognitive operations and natural change. The result is a theory of cognition and volition that sees the soul as the principal cause of its own acts, and a theory of natural change that minimizes the causal impact of external agents. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/B1zH6E24s1mChA1

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Review of Baltussen 2008: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator, 2009
By: Dillon, John

Title	Review of Baltussen 2008: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2009
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	3
Issue	2
Pages	158 –160
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dillon, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This is a most welcome book, by a scholar who has had much to do with Simplicius over the last decade or so, as part of the great Ancient Commentators on Aristotle project, initiated by Richard Sorabji (indeed it is to Sorabji that the book is dedicated). The fruits of this experience are evidenced on more or less every page. As B. remarks, it has not been customary hitherto to focus on the personality or methods of Simplicius himself, as opposed to his value as a source for previous figures, both commentators and original authors, such as the Presocratics—such would have been the attitude of the great Hermann Diels, for example, who edited the Physics Commentary, as well as making so much use of him for his Fragmente der Vorsokratiker and Doxographi Graeci. But undoubtedly, Simplicius merits some attention for himself. The book consists of six chapters, with an introduction and an epilogue. The introduction sets out the parameters of the problem: what should one expect in the way of philosophical attitudes from a late antique Platonist such as Simplicius, and how B. himself proposes to proceed in evaluating him. He emphasises that there are many ways in which this is something of a "work in progress," but he certainly provides enough material to give us a good idea of what Simplicius is up to. Above all, learned though he is, and copiously though he quotes his predecessors, we should not expect Simplicius to be in any anachronistic way an "objective" scholar. He is a Platonist, and his purpose is to assimilate Aristotle (and indeed the Presocratic philosophers) into the Platonist system. Ch. 1, ‘The Scholar and his Books’, introduces us to what is known of Simplicius’ life and education (with Ammonius in Alexandria and Damascius in Athens, in the early decades of the sixth century) and addresses the major problem of the location and circumstances in which he composed his vast commentaries—necessarily after the official closing of the Academy in 529, and the return of the philosophers, of whom he was one, from Persia in 531. The Harran hypothesis of Tardieu runs into the great problem of the availability of source materials in such a relatively outlying place, and B. is inclined to reject it. The alternative is a return to Athens, or possibly Alexandria, where at least there were good libraries. For one salient aspect of Simplicius’ work is his extraordinary range of reading, and his willingness to provide us with verbatim quotations from this, extending from Presocratics such as Parmenides, Melissus, Empedocles, and Anaxagoras, through immediate followers of Aristotle, such as Theophrastus and Eudemus, and then the great second-century A.D. Aristotelian commentator Alexander of Aphrodisias, down to his Neoplatonic predecessors Porphyry, Iamblichus, Syrianus, and Proclus, and his own teacher Damascius. B. devotes separate chapters to each of these categories of predecessor. Ch. 2, ‘Rethinking Early Greek Philosophy? Origins of Ancient Wisdom’, looks at his use of Parmenides, Empedocles, and Anaxagoras in particular, and makes various suggestions about his overall purposes in this. It is certainly notable that Simplicius favours verbatim quotation even of prose authors—in contrast, for example, to such a figure as Proclus, who prefers to paraphrase prose authors at least—but I think that I would rest content with Simplicius’ own explanation (and apologies for over-quotation!), that he was concerned to preserve as much as he could of sources that were becoming increasingly rare in his day. It does not mean that he is not prepared to distort their meaning in a Neoplatonic direction. Ch. 3, ‘Towards a Canon: The Early Peripatetics’, turns to a study of Theophrastus and Eudemus, and in particular their comments on, and adaptations of, Aristotle’s Physics. It is here, I fear, that one begins to realise that this is the sort of book that is best appreciated if one has the original works it is discussing at one’s elbow, as one generally does not—in this case, chiefly Simplicius’ vast Commentary on the Physics. However, B. undoubtedly gives a good account of how Simplicius uses Theophrastus, and particularly Eudemus, whom he actually refers to far more (132 references as against 37!), for the clarification of Aristotle’s doctrine. Ch. 4, ‘Ghost in the Machine? The Role of Alexander of Aphrodisias’, deals with Alexander, who is indeed Simplicius’ chief authority—quoted or mentioned in all fully 1200 times, of which around 700 are in the Physics Commentary. Alexander is, for Simplicius, simply "the commentator," and is of basic importance to him. After giving a useful account of Alexander's own exegetical achievements, B. tries to draw up something of a typology of ways in which he is used by Simplicius (4.3): first, he can be used as simply a helpful source for understanding Aristotle; secondly, he can be quoted and criticised, on a matter of interpretation or doctrine; thirdly, he can be quoted in connection with a variant in the manuscript tradition. Of all these, he gives examples, emphasising how central Alexander is to the whole commentary tradition. Ch. 5, ‘Platonist Commentators: Sources and Inspiration’, takes us through the later Platonist tradition of commentary, with a glance at the Middle Platonists, but focusing chiefly on Porphyry and Iamblichus, and the establishing of the "harmonising" interpretation of Aristotle of which Simplicius is the heir. The use of these Platonist predecessors is particularly notable in the case of the Categories Commentary, but it affects the others as well. Lastly, in Ch. 6, ‘Polemic and Exegesis in Simplicius: Defending Pagan Theology’, he deals with Simplicius’ fierce controversy with his Christian contemporary John Philoponus, as well as with his more civil criticisms of Alexander. The bitterness of his assaults on Philoponus does, as B. argues, bring home to us how far Simplicius is a heroic and tragic figure, trying to preserve and synthesise the whole of the Hellenic (I do wish we could give up the term "pagan"!) philosophical tradition in face of the ever more insistent Christian challenge, and composing his vast commentaries for a now largely imaginary coterie of students. An Epilogue resumes all these findings, and B. appends some useful appendices, including one listing the probable contents of Simplicius’ library, which certainly brings it home to us that these great works of his could not have been composed while wandering about the Syrian desert on the back of a camel. He really must have been back in Athens, with some access to the library of the Platonic School. At any rate, with this study, B. at last gives Simplicius something of his due as a scholar as well as a commentator. [the entire review p. 158-160]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/p1cPjdejj6J9LSt

{"_index":"sire","_id":"601","_score":null,"_source":{"id":601,"authors_free":[{"id":852,"entry_id":601,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":97,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dillon, John","free_first_name":"John","free_last_name":"Dillon","norm_person":{"id":97,"first_name":"John","last_name":"Dillon","full_name":"Dillon, John","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123498058","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of Baltussen 2008: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator","main_title":{"title":"Review of Baltussen 2008: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator"},"abstract":"This is a most welcome book, by a scholar who has had much to do with Simplicius over the last decade or so, as part of the great Ancient Commentators on Aristotle project, initiated by Richard Sorabji (indeed it is to Sorabji that the book is dedicated). The fruits of this experience are evidenced on more or less every page. As B. remarks, it has not been customary hitherto to focus on the personality or methods of Simplicius himself, as opposed to his value as a source for previous figures, both commentators and original authors, such as the Presocratics\u2014such would have been the attitude of the great Hermann Diels, for example, who edited the Physics Commentary, as well as making so much use of him for his Fragmente der Vorsokratiker and Doxographi Graeci. But undoubtedly, Simplicius merits some attention for himself.\r\n\r\nThe book consists of six chapters, with an introduction and an epilogue. The introduction sets out the parameters of the problem: what should one expect in the way of philosophical attitudes from a late antique Platonist such as Simplicius, and how B. himself proposes to proceed in evaluating him. He emphasises that there are many ways in which this is something of a \"work in progress,\" but he certainly provides enough material to give us a good idea of what Simplicius is up to. Above all, learned though he is, and copiously though he quotes his predecessors, we should not expect Simplicius to be in any anachronistic way an \"objective\" scholar. He is a Platonist, and his purpose is to assimilate Aristotle (and indeed the Presocratic philosophers) into the Platonist system.\r\n\r\nCh. 1, \u2018The Scholar and his Books\u2019, introduces us to what is known of Simplicius\u2019 life and education (with Ammonius in Alexandria and Damascius in Athens, in the early decades of the sixth century) and addresses the major problem of the location and circumstances in which he composed his vast commentaries\u2014necessarily after the official closing of the Academy in 529, and the return of the philosophers, of whom he was one, from Persia in 531. The Harran hypothesis of Tardieu runs into the great problem of the availability of source materials in such a relatively outlying place, and B. is inclined to reject it. The alternative is a return to Athens, or possibly Alexandria, where at least there were good libraries.\r\n\r\nFor one salient aspect of Simplicius\u2019 work is his extraordinary range of reading, and his willingness to provide us with verbatim quotations from this, extending from Presocratics such as Parmenides, Melissus, Empedocles, and Anaxagoras, through immediate followers of Aristotle, such as Theophrastus and Eudemus, and then the great second-century A.D. Aristotelian commentator Alexander of Aphrodisias, down to his Neoplatonic predecessors Porphyry, Iamblichus, Syrianus, and Proclus, and his own teacher Damascius. B. devotes separate chapters to each of these categories of predecessor.\r\n\r\nCh. 2, \u2018Rethinking Early Greek Philosophy? Origins of Ancient Wisdom\u2019, looks at his use of Parmenides, Empedocles, and Anaxagoras in particular, and makes various suggestions about his overall purposes in this. It is certainly notable that Simplicius favours verbatim quotation even of prose authors\u2014in contrast, for example, to such a figure as Proclus, who prefers to paraphrase prose authors at least\u2014but I think that I would rest content with Simplicius\u2019 own explanation (and apologies for over-quotation!), that he was concerned to preserve as much as he could of sources that were becoming increasingly rare in his day. It does not mean that he is not prepared to distort their meaning in a Neoplatonic direction.\r\n\r\nCh. 3, \u2018Towards a Canon: The Early Peripatetics\u2019, turns to a study of Theophrastus and Eudemus, and in particular their comments on, and adaptations of, Aristotle\u2019s Physics. It is here, I fear, that one begins to realise that this is the sort of book that is best appreciated if one has the original works it is discussing at one\u2019s elbow, as one generally does not\u2014in this case, chiefly Simplicius\u2019 vast Commentary on the Physics. However, B. undoubtedly gives a good account of how Simplicius uses Theophrastus, and particularly Eudemus, whom he actually refers to far more (132 references as against 37!), for the clarification of Aristotle\u2019s doctrine.\r\n\r\nCh. 4, \u2018Ghost in the Machine? The Role of Alexander of Aphrodisias\u2019, deals with Alexander, who is indeed Simplicius\u2019 chief authority\u2014quoted or mentioned in all fully 1200 times, of which around 700 are in the Physics Commentary. Alexander is, for Simplicius, simply \"the commentator,\" and is of basic importance to him. After giving a useful account of Alexander's own exegetical achievements, B. tries to draw up something of a typology of ways in which he is used by Simplicius (4.3): first, he can be used as simply a helpful source for understanding Aristotle; secondly, he can be quoted and criticised, on a matter of interpretation or doctrine; thirdly, he can be quoted in connection with a variant in the manuscript tradition. Of all these, he gives examples, emphasising how central Alexander is to the whole commentary tradition.\r\n\r\nCh. 5, \u2018Platonist Commentators: Sources and Inspiration\u2019, takes us through the later Platonist tradition of commentary, with a glance at the Middle Platonists, but focusing chiefly on Porphyry and Iamblichus, and the establishing of the \"harmonising\" interpretation of Aristotle of which Simplicius is the heir. The use of these Platonist predecessors is particularly notable in the case of the Categories Commentary, but it affects the others as well.\r\n\r\nLastly, in Ch. 6, \u2018Polemic and Exegesis in Simplicius: Defending Pagan Theology\u2019, he deals with Simplicius\u2019 fierce controversy with his Christian contemporary John Philoponus, as well as with his more civil criticisms of Alexander. The bitterness of his assaults on Philoponus does, as B. argues, bring home to us how far Simplicius is a heroic and tragic figure, trying to preserve and synthesise the whole of the Hellenic (I do wish we could give up the term \"pagan\"!) philosophical tradition in face of the ever more insistent Christian challenge, and composing his vast commentaries for a now largely imaginary coterie of students.\r\n\r\nAn Epilogue resumes all these findings, and B. appends some useful appendices, including one listing the probable contents of Simplicius\u2019 library, which certainly brings it home to us that these great works of his could not have been composed while wandering about the Syrian desert on the back of a camel. He really must have been back in Athens, with some access to the library of the Platonic School.\r\n\r\nAt any rate, with this study, B. at last gives Simplicius something of his due as a scholar as well as a commentator. [the entire review p. 158-160]","btype":3,"date":"2009","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/p1cPjdejj6J9LSt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":97,"full_name":"Dillon, John","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":601,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition","volume":"3","issue":"2","pages":"158 \u2013160"}},"sort":[2009]}

Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, 2009
By: Brad Inwood (Ed.)

Title	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2009
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Volume	XXXVII
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Brad Inwood
Translator(s)

One of the leading series on ancient Greek and Roman philosophy, Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy presents outstanding new work in the field. The volumes feature original essays on a wide range of themes and problems in all periods of ancient philosophy, from its earliest beginnings to the threshold of the middle ages. It is anonymously peer-reviewed and appears twice a year. The series was founded in 1983, and in 2016 published its 50th volume. The series format was chosen so that it might include essays of more substantial length than is customarily allowed in journals, as well as critical essays on books of distinctive importance. Past editors include Julia Annas, Christopher Taylor, David Sedley, Brad Inwood, and Victor Caston. The current editor, as of July 2022, is Rachana Kamtekar. [official abstract]

Online Resources

The Ancient Commentators on Plato and Aristotle, 2009
By: Tuominen, Miira

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Title	The Ancient Commentators on Plato and Aristotle
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2009
Publication Place	Berkley
Publisher	University of California Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tuominen, Miira
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The study of the ancient commentators has developed considerably over the past few decades, fueled by recent translations of their often daunting writings. This book offers the only concise, accessible general introduction currently available to the writings of the late ancient commentators on Aristotle and, to a lesser extent, Plato. Miira Tuominen provides a historical overview followed by a series of thematic chapters on epistemology, science and logic, physics, psychology, metaphysics, and ethics. In particular, she focuses on the writings of Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius, Porphyry, Proclus, Philoponus, and Simplicius. Until recently, the late ancient commentators have been understood mainly as sources of information concerning the masters upon whose works they comment. This book offers new insights into their way of doing philosophy in their own right. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vWARKgjVH1fGgSq

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Heraclides on the Rotation of the Earth: Texts, Contexts and Continuities, 2009
By: Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Pender, Elizabeth E. (Ed.), Todd, Robert B., Bowen, Alan C.

Title	Heraclides on the Rotation of the Earth: Texts, Contexts and Continuities
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2009
Published in	Heraclides of Pontus: Discussion
Pages	155-183
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Todd, Robert B. , Bowen, Alan C.
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Pender, Elizabeth E.
Translator(s)

This chapter will present annotated translations of the texts and contexts that constitute the evidence for Heraclides’ most celebrated legacy—the theory that the Earth rotates daily on its axis from west to east. Its movement was inferred from the observable motions of the fixed stars, with these being explained as the apparent motions of an immobile celestial sphere. (Evidence for Heraclides’ special theories of the motions of Mercury and Venus will be discussed in the next two chapters: first by Alan C. Bowen and Robert B. Todd, and then by Paul Keyser.) The passages translated here (T1–6) go well beyond the brief reports found in the relevant “fragments” of modern editions (65C, 66–69, and 71 in volume XIV = 104–108 and 110 W). These fragments, drawn from secondary reports, consist only of the immediate context of passages in which Heraclides is named, in line with a practice probably best known from Edelstein’s and Kidd’s edition of Posidonius’ fragments. But such limited parcels of evidence (enclosed in our translations by //...// ) cannot indicate why Heraclides was mentioned within larger expositions. To be sure, such collections of source material are useful, but they have to be selective for pragmatic reasons and therefore also need to be complemented by the sort of project undertaken here, particularly where the focus is on one of antiquity’s most famous anticipations of modern cosmology, and where the contexts for the earliest references to it reveal the historical and theoretical framework within which it was received. To the authors in question, Heraclides may have been just a footnote, but the texts to which his theory was attached amply repay careful study. Information on this theory of the Earth’s rotation first appears in a lost treatise of the Stoic Posidonius (1st c. B.C.) (T2), which is roughly contemporary with a doxographical report (T1) attributed to Aetius. What is known of the content and purpose of this theory is only as much as Posidonius and subsequent authors (Geminus [1st c. B.C.], who cites Posidonius, Alexander of Aphrodisias [fl. ca. 200 A.D.], who cites Geminus, and later Proclus [412–485 A.D.] and Simplicius [ca. 490–560 A.D.]) have allowed us to derive from the contexts into which they introduced it. Even the doxographical report is interpretive, since by implicitly marginalizing Heraclides as one of a group that deviated from the consensus that the Earth was immobile, it adopts the same general attitude found in all the other reports. Thus, the Posidonian report (T2), known from Simplicius’ citation from Alexander in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, dismisses Heraclides out of hand, while three reports in Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s De caelo (T4–6), and one in Proclus’ commentary on Plato’s Timaeus (T3), occur within exegetical passages in which Heraclides serves only to identify an alternative and unacceptable position. In what follows, we shall first couple the Posidonian report with a vestigial version of it in Ptolemy’s Almagest (T2a), on which Simplicius (T5 and T6) later drew. There follow two closely related exegetical discussions of Plato’s description of the Earth at Timaeus 40B8–C3 by Proclus (T3) and Simplicius (T4), where Heraclides’ theory exemplifies the unorthodox view that this passage refers to a moving Earth. Finally, there are two reports by Simplicius (T5–6) appended to discussions of Aristotle’s account of the mobility and stability of the Earth in the De caelo. In an Afterword, we argue that since this body of evidence tells us virtually nothing about the original form and scope of Heraclides’ theory, it offers an insecure basis for reconstruction. Instead, what most significantly emerges—first in Posidonius and then in Ptolemy and Simplicius (especially T5 and T6)—is a methodological rationale for Heraclides’ theory as a hypothesis designed, to use a famous phrase found in several of these texts, “to save the phenomena.” Yet such a rationale should not be projected back to Heraclides: far from offering access to the thought of a theorist of the fourth century B.C., the contexts for the evidence for Heraclides’ theory of the Earth’s motion primarily reveal philosophical preoccupations about science and its relation to philosophy that became pressing only in the first century B.C. and were still at issue in the sixth century A.D. The sheer oddity of Heraclides’ theory made it a welcome, though peripheral, device for articulating these preoccupations. So, whatever its attraction to modern historians of science taking a longer view, Heraclides’ theory of a rotating Earth primarily helped later ancient science address issues involving the status of scientific theory and, in particular, the problems raised by an awareness that astronomical phenomena could be explained in a variety of ways. [conclusion p. 155-158]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2YB813ju2mFR0oM

Heraclides of Pontus: Discussion, 2009
By: Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Pender, Elizabeth E. (Ed.)

Title	Heraclides of Pontus: Discussion
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2009
Publication Place	London - New York
Publisher	Routledge
Series	Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities
Volume	15
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Pender, Elizabeth E.
Translator(s)

Heraclides of Pontus hailed from the shores of the Black Sea. He studied with Aristotle in Plato's Academy, and became a respected member of that school. During Plato's third trip to Sicily, Heraclides served as head of the Academy and was almost elected its head on the death of Speusippus.Heraclides' interests were diverse. He wrote on the movements of the planets and the basic matter of the universe. He adopted a materialistic theory of soul, which he considered immortal and subject to reincarnation. He discussed pleasure, and like Aristotle, he commented on the Homeric poems. In addition, he concerned himself with religion, music and medical issues. None of Heraclides' works have survived intact, but in antiquity his dialogues were much admired and often pillaged for sententiae and the like.The contributions presented here comment on Heraclides' life and thought. They include La Tradizione Papirologica di Eraclide Pontico by Tiziano Dorandi, Heraclides' Intellectual Context by Jorgen Mejer, and Heraclides of Pontus and the Philosophical Dialogue by Matthew Fox. There is also discussion of Heraclides' understanding of pleasure and of the human soul: Heraclides on Pleasure by Eckart Schutrumpf and Heraclides on the Soul and Its Ancient Readers by Inna Kupreeva. In addition, there are essays that address Heraclides' physics and astronomical theories: Unjointed Masses: A Note on Heraclides Physical Theory by Robert W. Sharples; Heliocentrism in or out of Heraclides by Paul T. Keyser, The Reception of Heraclides' Theory of the Rotation of the Earth from Posidonius to Simplicius: Texts, Contexts and Continuities by Robert B. Todd and Alan C. Bowen, and Heraclides of Pontus on the Motions of Venus and Mercury by Alan C. Bowen and Robert B. Todd. Finally, there are essays that view Heraclides from the stand point of ancient medicine, literary criticism and musical theory: Heraclides on Diseases and on the Woman Who Did Not Breathe by [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/M1J1UpbWT682j4V

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1501","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1501,"authors_free":[{"id":2603,"entry_id":1501,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":7,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W.","free_first_name":"William W.","free_last_name":"Fortenbaugh","norm_person":{"id":7,"first_name":"William W. ","last_name":"Fortenbaugh","full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/110233700","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2605,"entry_id":1501,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":558,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Pender, Elizabeth E.","free_first_name":"Elizabeth E.","free_last_name":"Pender","norm_person":{"id":558,"first_name":"Elizabeth E.","last_name":"Pender","full_name":"Pender, Elizabeth E.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122513010","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Heraclides of Pontus: Discussion","main_title":{"title":"Heraclides of Pontus: Discussion"},"abstract":"Heraclides of Pontus hailed from the shores of the Black Sea. He studied with Aristotle in Plato's Academy, and became a respected member of that school. During Plato's third trip to Sicily, Heraclides served as head of the Academy and was almost elected its head on the death of Speusippus.Heraclides' interests were diverse. He wrote on the movements of the planets and the basic matter of the universe. He adopted a materialistic theory of soul, which he considered immortal and subject to reincarnation. He discussed pleasure, and like Aristotle, he commented on the Homeric poems. In addition, he concerned himself with religion, music and medical issues. None of Heraclides' works have survived intact, but in antiquity his dialogues were much admired and often pillaged for sententiae and the like.The contributions presented here comment on Heraclides' life and thought. They include La Tradizione Papirologica di Eraclide Pontico by Tiziano Dorandi, Heraclides' Intellectual Context by Jorgen Mejer, and Heraclides of Pontus and the Philosophical Dialogue by Matthew Fox. There is also discussion of Heraclides' understanding of pleasure and of the human soul: Heraclides on Pleasure by Eckart Schutrumpf and Heraclides on the Soul and Its Ancient Readers by Inna Kupreeva. In addition, there are essays that address Heraclides' physics and astronomical theories: Unjointed Masses: A Note on Heraclides Physical Theory by Robert W. Sharples; Heliocentrism in or out of Heraclides by Paul T. Keyser, The Reception of Heraclides' Theory of the Rotation of the Earth from Posidonius to Simplicius: Texts, Contexts and Continuities by Robert B. Todd and Alan C. Bowen, and Heraclides of Pontus on the Motions of Venus and Mercury by Alan C. Bowen and Robert B. Todd. Finally, there are essays that view Heraclides from the stand point of ancient medicine, literary criticism and musical theory: Heraclides on Diseases and on the Woman Who Did Not Breathe by [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2009","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/M1J1UpbWT682j4V","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":7,"full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":558,"full_name":"Pender, Elizabeth E.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1501,"pubplace":"London - New York","publisher":"Routledge","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2009]}

Defending Alexander of Aphrodisias in the Age of the Counter-Reformation: Iacopo Zabarella on the Mortality of the Soul according to Aristotle, 2009
By: Branko Mitrovic

Title	Defending Alexander of Aphrodisias in the Age of the Counter-Reformation: Iacopo Zabarella on the Mortality of the Soul according to Aristotle
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2009
Journal	Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume	91
Issue	3
Pages	330-354
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Branko Mitrovic
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The work of the Paduan Aristotelian philosopher Iacopo Zabarella (1533– 1589) has attracted the attention of historians of philosophy mainly for his contributions to logic, scientific methodology and because of his possible influence on Galileo. At the same time, Zabarella’s views on Aristotelian psychology have been little studied so far; even those historians of Renaissance philosophy who have discussed them, have based their analysis mainly on the psychological essays included in Zabarella’s De rebus naturalibus, but have avoided Zabarella’s commentary on Aristotle’s De anima. This has led to an inaccurate, but widespread, understanding of Zabarella’s views. The intention of this article is to provide a systematic analysis of Zabarella’s arguments about the (im)mortality of the soul in the context of Aristotelian psychology. Zabarella’s view that the soul is mortal according to Aristotle is remarkable for his time, while his elaboration of this position is far more comprehensive than that of Pietro Pomponazzi, the other significant Renaissance thinker who shared the same view. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yApKXKo5NhAKVkF

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1544","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1544,"authors_free":[{"id":2698,"entry_id":1544,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Branko Mitrovic","free_first_name":"Branko","free_last_name":"Mitrovic","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Defending Alexander of Aphrodisias in the Age of the Counter-Reformation: Iacopo Zabarella on the Mortality of the Soul according to Aristotle","main_title":{"title":"Defending Alexander of Aphrodisias in the Age of the Counter-Reformation: Iacopo Zabarella on the Mortality of the Soul according to Aristotle"},"abstract":"The work of the Paduan Aristotelian philosopher Iacopo Zabarella (1533\u2013\r\n1589) has attracted the attention of historians of philosophy mainly for his contributions to logic, scientific methodology and because of his possible influence on Galileo.\r\nAt the same time, Zabarella\u2019s views on Aristotelian psychology have been little studied so far; even those historians of Renaissance philosophy who have discussed them, have based their analysis mainly on the psychological essays included in Zabarella\u2019s De rebus naturalibus, but have avoided Zabarella\u2019s commentary on Aristotle\u2019s De anima. This has led to an inaccurate, but widespread, understanding of Zabarella\u2019s views. The intention of this article is to provide a systematic analysis of Zabarella\u2019s arguments about the (im)mortality of the soul in the context of Aristotelian psychology. Zabarella\u2019s view that the soul is mortal according to Aristotle is remarkable for his time, while his elaboration of this position is far more comprehensive than that of Pietro Pomponazzi, the other significant Renaissance thinker who shared the same view. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2009","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yApKXKo5NhAKVkF","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1544,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archiv f\u00fcr Geschichte der Philosophie","volume":"91","issue":"3","pages":"330-354"}},"sort":[2009]}

Diogenes revisited, 2008
By: Laks, André

Title	Diogenes revisited
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2008
Published in
Pages	281-290
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In the first edition of this book (1983), I made an attempt to take Diogenes somewhat more seriously than he had usually been taken, at least after Diels’ devastating 1881 article, in which he portrayed Diogenes as a second-rate eclectic thinker. Diels showed, particularly through an analysis of Diogenian echoes in Aristophanes’ Clouds, that Diogenes was quite popular in the last third of the 5th century (a popularity that has been confirmed by the discovery in 1962 of the Derveni Papyrus). His popularity, however, was in Diels’ view a confirmation of the unserious quality of Diogenes’ thinking (are not serious thinkers always ignored by the vulgar?). Has this attempt been successful? The fact that some collections and translations of Presocratic philosophers leave him out may or may not be significant—some publishing companies obviously think that the corpus is too bulky. But Diogenes is certainly still lacking general recognition. Histories of archaic philosophy tend to overlook him and often offer little more than an implicit justification for his exclusion, the core of which is encapsulated in the term “eclecticism.” What makes him visible is his absence rather than any discussion about him. One complaint made by a reviewer of the Cambridge Companion to Early Greek Philosophy was that it nowhere happens even to mention the one achievement Diogenes is credited with, namely his alleged role in the history of teleology, for which he is occasionally praised. It is all the more noteworthy that Graham (2006) has made Diogenes a landmark in the history of Presocratic philosophy by making him, rather than the older Anaximenes, the real initiator of the doctrine of “Material Monism” (chap. 10). I personally tend to think that Diogenes’ contribution on this point is rather to have explicitly stated the implications of Anaximenes’ monism, rather than substituting a material monism for an Anaximenean pluralism, which is Graham’s paradoxical point (see above, p. 70). In what follows, I just want to restate briefly what seem to me to be the two basic points about Diogenes. The first one concerns what I take to be the center of Diogenes’ own thought, namely the relation between his noetics (so I shall call his doctrine of Intelligence) and his teleology. The second is about the reception of Diogenes’ thought and the origin of his reputation as an eclectic. [introduction p. 281-282]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/q5b1PHFAeBZnhpa

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1186","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1186,"authors_free":[{"id":1758,"entry_id":1186,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":225,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","free_first_name":"Andr\u00e9","free_last_name":"Laks","norm_person":{"id":225,"first_name":"Andr\u00e9","last_name":"Laks","full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/135869161","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Diogenes revisited","main_title":{"title":"Diogenes revisited"},"abstract":"In the first edition of this book (1983), I made an attempt to take Diogenes somewhat more seriously than he had usually been taken, at least after Diels\u2019 devastating 1881 article, in which he portrayed Diogenes as a second-rate eclectic thinker. Diels showed, particularly through an analysis of Diogenian echoes in Aristophanes\u2019 Clouds, that Diogenes was quite popular in the last third of the 5th century (a popularity that has been confirmed by the discovery in 1962 of the Derveni Papyrus). His popularity, however, was in Diels\u2019 view a confirmation of the unserious quality of Diogenes\u2019 thinking (are not serious thinkers always ignored by the vulgar?).\r\n\r\nHas this attempt been successful? The fact that some collections and translations of Presocratic philosophers leave him out may or may not be significant\u2014some publishing companies obviously think that the corpus is too bulky. But Diogenes is certainly still lacking general recognition. Histories of archaic philosophy tend to overlook him and often offer little more than an implicit justification for his exclusion, the core of which is encapsulated in the term \u201ceclecticism.\u201d What makes him visible is his absence rather than any discussion about him. One complaint made by a reviewer of the Cambridge Companion to Early Greek Philosophy was that it nowhere happens even to mention the one achievement Diogenes is credited with, namely his alleged role in the history of teleology, for which he is occasionally praised.\r\n\r\nIt is all the more noteworthy that Graham (2006) has made Diogenes a landmark in the history of Presocratic philosophy by making him, rather than the older Anaximenes, the real initiator of the doctrine of \u201cMaterial Monism\u201d (chap. 10). I personally tend to think that Diogenes\u2019 contribution on this point is rather to have explicitly stated the implications of Anaximenes\u2019 monism, rather than substituting a material monism for an Anaximenean pluralism, which is Graham\u2019s paradoxical point (see above, p. 70).\r\n\r\nIn what follows, I just want to restate briefly what seem to me to be the two basic points about Diogenes. The first one concerns what I take to be the center of Diogenes\u2019 own thought, namely the relation between his noetics (so I shall call his doctrine of Intelligence) and his teleology. The second is about the reception of Diogenes\u2019 thought and the origin of his reputation as an eclectic. [introduction p. 281-282]","btype":2,"date":"2008","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/q5b1PHFAeBZnhpa","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":225,"full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1186,"section_of":351,"pages":"281-290","is_catalog":null,"book":null},"article":null},"sort":[2008]}

Pour une histoire de l’interprétation de Diogène, 2008
By: Laks, André

Title	Pour une histoire de l’interprétation de Diogène
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2008
Published in
Pages	21-36
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses the interpretation of Diogenes of Apollonia, a philosopher whose work is thought to date back to the 5th century BC. While Diogenes is often referred to as "the last of the physicists," there were other contemporaries who could also claim that title. Despite this, Diogenes' ideas on philosophy represented a culmination of previous philosophies, particularly those of Anaxagoras and Socrates. Diogenes criticized Anaxagoras' perspective and introduced the idea that "intellection" is immanent in the air, constructing a new universe based on this premise. The text notes that while Socratic-Platonic critique overshadowed Diogenes' exegesis, his work remains relevant due to its internal critique of Anaxagoras' ideas. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/uMTvuWxbtSS0NTk

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1189","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1189,"authors_free":[{"id":1761,"entry_id":1189,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":225,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","free_first_name":"Andr\u00e9","free_last_name":"Laks","norm_person":{"id":225,"first_name":"Andr\u00e9","last_name":"Laks","full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/135869161","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Pour une histoire de l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation de Diog\u00e8ne","main_title":{"title":"Pour une histoire de l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation de Diog\u00e8ne"},"abstract":"This text discusses the interpretation of Diogenes of Apollonia, a philosopher whose work is thought to date back to the 5th century BC. While Diogenes is often referred to as \"the last of the physicists,\" there were other contemporaries who could also claim that title. Despite this, Diogenes' ideas on philosophy represented a culmination of previous philosophies, particularly those of Anaxagoras and Socrates. Diogenes criticized Anaxagoras' perspective and introduced the idea that \"intellection\" is immanent in the air, constructing a new universe based on this premise. The text notes that while Socratic-Platonic critique overshadowed Diogenes' exegesis, his work remains relevant due to its internal critique of Anaxagoras' ideas. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"2008","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/uMTvuWxbtSS0NTk","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":225,"full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1189,"section_of":351,"pages":"21-36","is_catalog":null,"book":null},"article":null},"sort":[2008]}

Les fragments, 2008
By: Laks, André

Title	Les fragments
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2008
Published in
Pages	62-71, 118-125, 132-159, 198-201
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A commentary of Fragments in Simplicius: Fragment 4 (B2 FK); Fragment 5 (B7 DK); T3 a and b (A7 and 13A4 DK); T4 (A5 DK); T8 (A19 DK); T23a, b, c, and d (A10 and 13A11 DK); T24 (A10 DK)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Du6NCbF1wmtuJiM

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1192","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1192,"authors_free":[{"id":1763,"entry_id":1192,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":225,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","free_first_name":"Andr\u00e9","free_last_name":"Laks","norm_person":{"id":225,"first_name":"Andr\u00e9","last_name":"Laks","full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/135869161","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les fragments","main_title":{"title":"Les fragments"},"abstract":"A commentary of Fragments in Simplicius: Fragment 4 (B2 FK); Fragment 5 (B7 DK); T3 a and b (A7 and 13A4 DK); T4 (A5 DK); T8 (A19 DK); T23a, b, c, and d (A10 and 13A11 DK); T24 (A10 DK) ","btype":2,"date":"2008","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Du6NCbF1wmtuJiM","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":225,"full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1192,"section_of":351,"pages":"62-71, 118-125, 132-159, 198-201","is_catalog":null,"book":null},"article":null},"sort":[2008]}

Albert le Grand sur la dérivation des formes géométriques: Un témoignage de l'influence de Simplicius par le biais des Arabes?, 2008
By: Chase, Michael

Title	Albert le Grand sur la dérivation des formes géométriques: Un témoignage de l'influence de Simplicius par le biais des Arabes?
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2008
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Faisons donc le bilan de ce parcours qui nous a menés du IVe siècle av. J.-C. au Moyen Âge latin. L'argumentation présentée par Albert dans son De quinque universalibus provient d'une ambiance intellectuelle qui baignait dans des influences de la philosophie arabe : al-Fārābī, al-Ghazālī, Averroès, mais surtout Avicenne. Elle est marquée par l'utilisation du schéma de la dérivation des formes géométriques élémentaires — point, ligne, surface, corps — à partir du mouvement en flux générateur de chacun de ces éléments. Or, ce schéma de dérivation géométrique joue un rôle assez important dans la pensée d'Albert, qui l'attribue à Platon. Cette attribution ne semble pas si farfelue que cela, même si la dérivation des formes géométriques à partir du flux du point semble provenir de Speusippe plutôt que de son oncle Platon. Il n'en reste pas moins que, du moins selon l'interprétation de l'École de Tübingen, le schéma de dérivation point/nombre-ligne-surface-corps est d'une importance tout à fait fondamentale pour l'ontologie ésotérique de Platon. Sans accès aux Dialogues de Platon, Albert le Grand finit donc, quelles qu'aient été ses sources prochaines et lointaines pour les doctrines platoniciennes, par défendre une image de Platon qui correspond, dans une large mesure, à celle de l'École de Tübingen. Quant à la question de ses sources et de la voie de transmission de ces doctrines, Albert a pu trouver chez la plus importante d'entre elles — la pensée d'Avicenne — de quoi nourrir une réflexion approfondie sur cette question de la dérivation des formes géométriques. Cependant, le commentaire d'Albert aux Éléments d'Euclide montre qu'à cette influence avicennienne est venue s'ajouter une autre, indépendante : la doctrine géométrique de Simplicius, véhiculée par la traduction latine du commentaire euclidien d'al-Nairīzī. Qu'en est-il de la relation entre Simplicius et Avicenne ? Nous avons vu que certains éléments du schéma simplicien de la dérivation des formes géométriques se retrouvent déjà dans l'École de Bagdad, autour de Yaḥyā ibn ‘Adī. G. Freudenthal, pour sa part, avait conclu de son étude de la géométrie d'al-Fārābī qu'« il est fort probable qu'al-Fārābī connaissait soit les ouvrages de Simplicius auxquels an-Nairīzī avait accès, soit seulement la brève citation [p. 2, 19-23 Curze] contenue dans le commentaire d'an-Nairīzī ». Quoi qu'il en soit, il semble difficile d'éviter la conclusion qu'Avicenne connaissait bien la doctrine géométrique de Simplicius, du moins telle que transmise par le commentaire d'al-Nairīzī, soit par l'intermédiaire de l'École de Bagdad, soit par ses lectures propres. De Platon à Speusippe, en passant par des sources hellénistiques telles que Sextus Empiricus, la doctrine de la dérivation des formes géométriques a fini, au VIe siècle apr. J.-C., par faire partie intégrante du bagage intellectuel des derniers néoplatoniciens tels que Philopon et Simplicius. C'est, semble-t-il, la pensée géométrique de ce dernier qui, traduite en arabe et préservée dans le commentaire euclidien d'al-Nairīzī, contribue à former la pensée d'Avicenne au premier quart du XIe siècle, avant d'arriver, quelque deux siècles plus tard, sous les yeux de ce lecteur omnivore qu'était Albert le Grand. Pour expliquer cet itinéraire de la pensée, il n'est sans doute pas nécessaire de postuler que, comme le soutient Mme Hadot, Simplicius ait rédigé son Commentaire d'Euclide à Harran. Mais rien n'exclut cette hypothèse non plus, et quand on pense aux éléments de preuve rassemblés par Mme Hadot et d'autres concernant l'importance du legs de l'École mathématique de Simplicius dans le monde arabe, on peut estimer que le cas du schéma de la dérivation des formes géométriques à partir du point ne fait qu'ajouter une brique de plus à l'édifice des preuves témoignant en faveur de l'hypothèse de l'« École néoplatonicienne de Harran ». [conclusion p. 28-29]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mVjTC4EIjO2Aggg

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1259","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1259,"authors_free":[{"id":1838,"entry_id":1259,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":25,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Chase, Michael ","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Chase","norm_person":{"id":25,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Chase","full_name":"Chase, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031917152","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Albert le Grand sur la d\u00e9rivation des formes g\u00e9om\u00e9triques: Un t\u00e9moignage de l'influence de Simplicius par le biais des Arabes?","main_title":{"title":"Albert le Grand sur la d\u00e9rivation des formes g\u00e9om\u00e9triques: Un t\u00e9moignage de l'influence de Simplicius par le biais des Arabes?"},"abstract":"Faisons donc le bilan de ce parcours qui nous a men\u00e9s du IVe si\u00e8cle av. J.-C. au Moyen \u00c2ge latin. L'argumentation pr\u00e9sent\u00e9e par Albert dans son De quinque universalibus provient d'une ambiance intellectuelle qui baignait dans des influences de la philosophie arabe : al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b, al-Ghaz\u0101l\u012b, Averro\u00e8s, mais surtout Avicenne. Elle est marqu\u00e9e par l'utilisation du sch\u00e9ma de la d\u00e9rivation des formes g\u00e9om\u00e9triques \u00e9l\u00e9mentaires \u2014 point, ligne, surface, corps \u2014 \u00e0 partir du mouvement en flux g\u00e9n\u00e9rateur de chacun de ces \u00e9l\u00e9ments.\r\n\r\nOr, ce sch\u00e9ma de d\u00e9rivation g\u00e9om\u00e9trique joue un r\u00f4le assez important dans la pens\u00e9e d'Albert, qui l'attribue \u00e0 Platon. Cette attribution ne semble pas si farfelue que cela, m\u00eame si la d\u00e9rivation des formes g\u00e9om\u00e9triques \u00e0 partir du flux du point semble provenir de Speusippe plut\u00f4t que de son oncle Platon. Il n'en reste pas moins que, du moins selon l'interpr\u00e9tation de l'\u00c9cole de T\u00fcbingen, le sch\u00e9ma de d\u00e9rivation point\/nombre-ligne-surface-corps est d'une importance tout \u00e0 fait fondamentale pour l'ontologie \u00e9sot\u00e9rique de Platon.\r\n\r\nSans acc\u00e8s aux Dialogues de Platon, Albert le Grand finit donc, quelles qu'aient \u00e9t\u00e9 ses sources prochaines et lointaines pour les doctrines platoniciennes, par d\u00e9fendre une image de Platon qui correspond, dans une large mesure, \u00e0 celle de l'\u00c9cole de T\u00fcbingen.\r\n\r\nQuant \u00e0 la question de ses sources et de la voie de transmission de ces doctrines, Albert a pu trouver chez la plus importante d'entre elles \u2014 la pens\u00e9e d'Avicenne \u2014 de quoi nourrir une r\u00e9flexion approfondie sur cette question de la d\u00e9rivation des formes g\u00e9om\u00e9triques. Cependant, le commentaire d'Albert aux \u00c9l\u00e9ments d'Euclide montre qu'\u00e0 cette influence avicennienne est venue s'ajouter une autre, ind\u00e9pendante : la doctrine g\u00e9om\u00e9trique de Simplicius, v\u00e9hicul\u00e9e par la traduction latine du commentaire euclidien d'al-Nair\u012bz\u012b.\r\n\r\nQu'en est-il de la relation entre Simplicius et Avicenne ? Nous avons vu que certains \u00e9l\u00e9ments du sch\u00e9ma simplicien de la d\u00e9rivation des formes g\u00e9om\u00e9triques se retrouvent d\u00e9j\u00e0 dans l'\u00c9cole de Bagdad, autour de Ya\u1e25y\u0101 ibn \u2018Ad\u012b. G. Freudenthal, pour sa part, avait conclu de son \u00e9tude de la g\u00e9om\u00e9trie d'al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b qu'\u00ab il est fort probable qu'al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b connaissait soit les ouvrages de Simplicius auxquels an-Nair\u012bz\u012b avait acc\u00e8s, soit seulement la br\u00e8ve citation [p. 2, 19-23 Curze] contenue dans le commentaire d'an-Nair\u012bz\u012b \u00bb.\r\n\r\nQuoi qu'il en soit, il semble difficile d'\u00e9viter la conclusion qu'Avicenne connaissait bien la doctrine g\u00e9om\u00e9trique de Simplicius, du moins telle que transmise par le commentaire d'al-Nair\u012bz\u012b, soit par l'interm\u00e9diaire de l'\u00c9cole de Bagdad, soit par ses lectures propres.\r\n\r\nDe Platon \u00e0 Speusippe, en passant par des sources hell\u00e9nistiques telles que Sextus Empiricus, la doctrine de la d\u00e9rivation des formes g\u00e9om\u00e9triques a fini, au VIe si\u00e8cle apr. J.-C., par faire partie int\u00e9grante du bagage intellectuel des derniers n\u00e9oplatoniciens tels que Philopon et Simplicius.\r\n\r\nC'est, semble-t-il, la pens\u00e9e g\u00e9om\u00e9trique de ce dernier qui, traduite en arabe et pr\u00e9serv\u00e9e dans le commentaire euclidien d'al-Nair\u012bz\u012b, contribue \u00e0 former la pens\u00e9e d'Avicenne au premier quart du XIe si\u00e8cle, avant d'arriver, quelque deux si\u00e8cles plus tard, sous les yeux de ce lecteur omnivore qu'\u00e9tait Albert le Grand.\r\n\r\nPour expliquer cet itin\u00e9raire de la pens\u00e9e, il n'est sans doute pas n\u00e9cessaire de postuler que, comme le soutient Mme Hadot, Simplicius ait r\u00e9dig\u00e9 son Commentaire d'Euclide \u00e0 Harran. Mais rien n'exclut cette hypoth\u00e8se non plus, et quand on pense aux \u00e9l\u00e9ments de preuve rassembl\u00e9s par Mme Hadot et d'autres concernant l'importance du legs de l'\u00c9cole math\u00e9matique de Simplicius dans le monde arabe, on peut estimer que le cas du sch\u00e9ma de la d\u00e9rivation des formes g\u00e9om\u00e9triques \u00e0 partir du point ne fait qu'ajouter une brique de plus \u00e0 l'\u00e9difice des preuves t\u00e9moignant en faveur de l'hypoth\u00e8se de l'\u00ab \u00c9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne de Harran \u00bb. [conclusion p. 28-29]","btype":3,"date":"2008","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mVjTC4EIjO2Aggg","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":25,"full_name":"Chase, Michael ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2008]}

Priscianus of Ludia, 2008
By: Baltussen, Han, Keyser, Paul T. (Ed.), Irby-Massie, Georgia L. (Ed.)

Title	Priscianus of Ludia
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2008
Published in	The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientist. The Greek tradition and its many heirs
Pages	695-696
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Keyser, Paul T. , Irby-Massie, Georgia L.
Translator(s)

Neo-Platonic philosopher and colleague of Simplicius, active in Athens when Justinian’s new laws forbade pagan philosophers to teach (529 CE). Little is known about his life or his works. His contribution to scientific writing lies solely in the incomplete Metaphrasis [paraphrase] of Theophrastus' On Sense-Perception, which discusses Aristotle’s psychology from a Neo-Platonic perspective and specifically inquires into what Theophrastus contributes to the subject in his Physics (Books 4–5). Together with Themistius’ summary version of Aristotle’s On the Soul, Priscian’s Metaphrasis is a major source on Theophrastus’ psychology. Steel attributes to Priscian a commentary on Aristotle’s On the Soul, but this is still disputed. Priscian’s Solutions to King Chosroes' Scientific Questions (Solutiones eorum de quibus dubitavit Chosroes Persarum rex—only in Latin translation, CTGS. 1.2), presumably written in Persia, belongs to the problemata genre, covering—without originality—topics such as the soul, sleep, astronomy, lunar phases, the four elements, animal species, and motion. [whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DUCMT9Wxvvxb3Jq

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1263","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1263,"authors_free":[{"id":1853,"entry_id":1263,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":39,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Baltussen, Han","free_first_name":"Han","free_last_name":"Baltussen","norm_person":{"id":39,"first_name":"Han","last_name":"Baltussen","full_name":"Baltussen, Han","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136236456","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2092,"entry_id":1263,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":45,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Keyser, Paul T. ","free_first_name":"Paul T.","free_last_name":"Keyser","norm_person":{"id":45,"first_name":"Paul T. ","last_name":"Keyser","full_name":"Keyser, Paul T. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1050677153","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2093,"entry_id":1263,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":44,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Irby-Massie, Georgia L.","free_first_name":"Georgia L.","free_last_name":"Irby-Massie","norm_person":{"id":44,"first_name":"Georgia L.","last_name":"Irby-Massie","full_name":"Irby-Massie, Georgia L.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/121145972","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Priscianus of Ludia","main_title":{"title":"Priscianus of Ludia"},"abstract":"Neo-Platonic philosopher and colleague of Simplicius, active in Athens when Justinian\u2019s new laws forbade pagan philosophers to teach (529 CE). Little is known about his life or his works. His contribution to scientific writing lies solely in the incomplete Metaphrasis [paraphrase] of Theophrastus' On Sense-Perception, which discusses Aristotle\u2019s psychology from a Neo-Platonic perspective and specifically inquires into what Theophrastus contributes to the subject in his Physics (Books 4\u20135).\r\n\r\nTogether with Themistius\u2019 summary version of Aristotle\u2019s On the Soul, Priscian\u2019s Metaphrasis is a major source on Theophrastus\u2019 psychology. Steel attributes to Priscian a commentary on Aristotle\u2019s On the Soul, but this is still disputed.\r\n\r\nPriscian\u2019s Solutions to King Chosroes' Scientific Questions (Solutiones eorum de quibus dubitavit Chosroes Persarum rex\u2014only in Latin translation, CTGS. 1.2), presumably written in Persia, belongs to the problemata genre, covering\u2014without originality\u2014topics such as the soul, sleep, astronomy, lunar phases, the four elements, animal species, and motion. [whole text]","btype":2,"date":"2008","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DUCMT9Wxvvxb3Jq","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":39,"full_name":"Baltussen, Han","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":45,"full_name":"Keyser, Paul T. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":44,"full_name":"Irby-Massie, Georgia L.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1263,"section_of":1265,"pages":"695-696","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1265,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientist. The Greek tradition and its many heirs","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Keyser\/Irby-Massie2008","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2008","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientists is the first comprehensive English language work to provide a survey of all ancient natural science, from its beginnings through the end of Late Antiquity. A team of over 100 of the world\u2019s experts in the field have compiled this Encyclopedia, including entries which are not mentioned in any other reference work \u2013 resulting in a unique and hugely ambitious resource which will prove indispensable for anyone seeking the details of the history of ancient science.\r\n\r\nAdditional features include a Glossary, Gazetteer, and Time-Line. The Glossary explains many Greek (or Latin) terms difficult to translate, whilst the Gazetteer describes the many locales from which scientists came. The Time-Line shows the rapid rise in the practice of science in the 5th century BCE and rapid decline after Hadrian, due to the centralization of Roman power, with consequent loss of a context within which science could flourish. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/up8tW1NBxVY23yX","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1265,"pubplace":"London \u2013 New York","publisher":"Routledge","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":{"id":1263,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientists","volume":"","issue":"","pages":"695-696"}},"sort":[2008]}

Simplicius of Kilikia, 2008
By: Baltussen, Han, Keyser, Paul T. (Ed.), Irby-Massie, Georgia L. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius of Kilikia
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2008
Published in	The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientist. The Greek tradition and its many heirs
Pages	743-745
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Keyser, Paul T. , Irby-Massie, Georgia L.
Translator(s)

Pupil of Damascius and Ammonius in Alexandria, Simplicius wrote several long commentaries on Aristotle’s works. Upon Justinian’s closure of the school in 529 CE, Simplicius and some colleagues fled to King Chosroes of Persia, reputed for his enlightened rule and interest in philosophy (Agathias, Histories 2.28.1 Keydell). Simplicius most probably wrote his commentaries after 532 (the location is disputed, but he must have had access to a sizeable library given the range of writers he references). He preserves important material from early sources on astronomy and mathematics (Eudemus, Eudoxus) and meteorology (Poseidonius, from Geminus’ summary) and enhances our understanding of ancient physics through Aristotle and other thinkers. With Plotinus, the focus of Platonists became increasingly otherworldly, though without fully rejecting nature. While the physical world was of secondary importance, their analysis of physics remained highly relevant. Their perspective was both religious and philosophical: a deeper understanding of, and respect for, creation was seen as a form of worshiping God and an aid to achieving their ultimate goal, the “return” to God. In explicating Aristotle’s philosophy, Neo-Platonists used commentaries as a vehicle for philosophical and scientific thought, and studying Aristotle served as preparation for studying the works of Plato within the Neo-Platonic curriculum. Simplicius paraphrases and clarifies Aristotle’s dense prose, further developing problems and themes from his own Neo-Platonic perspective, harmonizing Plato and Aristotle whenever possible. His claim that he adds little is partly a topos, partly an expression of respect and acknowledgment of belonging to a tradition; however, this does not exclude originality. On scientific issues, Simplicius believed that advances were being made (e.g., Physics Commentary, Corollary on Place: CAG 9 [1882] 625.2, cf. 795.33-35). He himself significantly altered Aristotle’s cosmological account, incorporating post-Aristotelian reactions both inside and outside the Peripatetic tradition. The rotation of the sphere of fire, for instance, is called “supernatural.” Starting from criticisms by the Peripatetic Xenarchus and a suggestion by Origen (the 3rd-century Platonizing Christian), he reinterprets Aristotle’s theory, making the fifth element (aither) influence the motion of fire, whereas Aristotle considered fire to rotate according to its natural inclination. Simplicius also refers to an objection, found in Alexander of Aphrodisias, that the rotation of transparent spheres could not explain the occasional proximity of some planets. Like his teacher Ammonius, he transformed Aristotle’s thinking-god into a creator-god (following Plato’s Timaeus). He famously polemicized against Philoponus on the eternity of the world. Contributions to the Concepts of Time and Place His most original contributions concern time and place. On place, which Aristotle regarded as a two-dimensional surface, Simplicius follows Theophrastus’ criticism, arguing for a dynamic rather than a static concept. Together with Damascius, he ascribes to place the power to arrange the parts of the world, which is viewed as an “organism” with “members.” Iamblichus had already postulated that place holds things together, giving each thing a unique position that moves with it. Simplicius and Damascius maintain that place organizes the world’s members (e.g., Corollary on Place, pp. 636.8-13, 637.25-30), but Simplicius rejects Damascius’ idea that measure—a kind of mold (tupos) into which the organism should fit—determines size and arrangement. Instead, Simplicius argues that each thing has a unique place (idios topos) that moves along with it (Corollary on Place p. 629.8-12). A second excursus (in Book 4 of the Physics Commentary: CAG 9, pp. 773-800) addresses the problem of time. Aristotle had dismissed the paradoxes regarding time’s existence, arguing that since its parts do not exist independently, time itself cannot exist. The Neo-Platonists, however, distinguished between higher and lower time, with the former being “above change” (Iamblichus). The higher kind is immune to paradox, while the lower kind is a stretch of time between two instants. Simplicius reports Damascius’ solution but only agrees that time exists as something that continuously comes into being and is divisible only in thought. In his discussion on the continuum (Physics 6), he adds his own argument: time is infinite, without beginning or end, if viewed as a cycle. Possible Medical Writings Some evidence suggests that Simplicius wrote a commentary on a Hippocratic work. The Fihrist (an Arabic bibliography) mentions a lost work, and Abu Bakr al-Razi (al-Hawi, v. 13, p. 159.9) names Simplicius as a commentator on On Fractures (Peri Agmon), known in Arabic as Kitab al-Kasr or Kitab al-Jabr (“On Setting [Bones]”). [the entire text p. 743-745]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0UokyY5QmcTIDJB

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1264","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1264,"authors_free":[{"id":1854,"entry_id":1264,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":39,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Baltussen, Han","free_first_name":"Han","free_last_name":"Baltussen","norm_person":{"id":39,"first_name":"Han","last_name":"Baltussen","full_name":"Baltussen, Han","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136236456","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2094,"entry_id":1264,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":45,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Keyser, Paul T. ","free_first_name":"Paul T.","free_last_name":"Keyser","norm_person":{"id":45,"first_name":"Paul T. ","last_name":"Keyser","full_name":"Keyser, Paul T. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1050677153","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2095,"entry_id":1264,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":44,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Irby-Massie, Georgia L.","free_first_name":"Georgia L.","free_last_name":"Irby-Massie","norm_person":{"id":44,"first_name":"Georgia L.","last_name":"Irby-Massie","full_name":"Irby-Massie, Georgia L.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/121145972","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius of Kilikia","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius of Kilikia"},"abstract":"Pupil of Damascius and Ammonius in Alexandria, Simplicius wrote several long commentaries on Aristotle\u2019s works. Upon Justinian\u2019s closure of the school in 529 CE, Simplicius and some colleagues fled to King Chosroes of Persia, reputed for his enlightened rule and interest in philosophy (Agathias, Histories 2.28.1 Keydell). Simplicius most probably wrote his commentaries after 532 (the location is disputed, but he must have had access to a sizeable library given the range of writers he references).\r\n\r\nHe preserves important material from early sources on astronomy and mathematics (Eudemus, Eudoxus) and meteorology (Poseidonius, from Geminus\u2019 summary) and enhances our understanding of ancient physics through Aristotle and other thinkers.\r\n\r\nWith Plotinus, the focus of Platonists became increasingly otherworldly, though without fully rejecting nature. While the physical world was of secondary importance, their analysis of physics remained highly relevant. Their perspective was both religious and philosophical: a deeper understanding of, and respect for, creation was seen as a form of worshiping God and an aid to achieving their ultimate goal, the \u201creturn\u201d to God.\r\n\r\nIn explicating Aristotle\u2019s philosophy, Neo-Platonists used commentaries as a vehicle for philosophical and scientific thought, and studying Aristotle served as preparation for studying the works of Plato within the Neo-Platonic curriculum. Simplicius paraphrases and clarifies Aristotle\u2019s dense prose, further developing problems and themes from his own Neo-Platonic perspective, harmonizing Plato and Aristotle whenever possible. His claim that he adds little is partly a topos, partly an expression of respect and acknowledgment of belonging to a tradition; however, this does not exclude originality.\r\n\r\nOn scientific issues, Simplicius believed that advances were being made (e.g., Physics Commentary, Corollary on Place: CAG 9 [1882] 625.2, cf. 795.33-35). He himself significantly altered Aristotle\u2019s cosmological account, incorporating post-Aristotelian reactions both inside and outside the Peripatetic tradition. The rotation of the sphere of fire, for instance, is called \u201csupernatural.\u201d Starting from criticisms by the Peripatetic Xenarchus and a suggestion by Origen (the 3rd-century Platonizing Christian), he reinterprets Aristotle\u2019s theory, making the fifth element (aither) influence the motion of fire, whereas Aristotle considered fire to rotate according to its natural inclination.\r\n\r\nSimplicius also refers to an objection, found in Alexander of Aphrodisias, that the rotation of transparent spheres could not explain the occasional proximity of some planets. Like his teacher Ammonius, he transformed Aristotle\u2019s thinking-god into a creator-god (following Plato\u2019s Timaeus). He famously polemicized against Philoponus on the eternity of the world.\r\nContributions to the Concepts of Time and Place\r\n\r\nHis most original contributions concern time and place. On place, which Aristotle regarded as a two-dimensional surface, Simplicius follows Theophrastus\u2019 criticism, arguing for a dynamic rather than a static concept. Together with Damascius, he ascribes to place the power to arrange the parts of the world, which is viewed as an \u201corganism\u201d with \u201cmembers.\u201d Iamblichus had already postulated that place holds things together, giving each thing a unique position that moves with it. Simplicius and Damascius maintain that place organizes the world\u2019s members (e.g., Corollary on Place, pp. 636.8-13, 637.25-30), but Simplicius rejects Damascius\u2019 idea that measure\u2014a kind of mold (tupos) into which the organism should fit\u2014determines size and arrangement. Instead, Simplicius argues that each thing has a unique place (idios topos) that moves along with it (Corollary on Place p. 629.8-12).\r\n\r\nA second excursus (in Book 4 of the Physics Commentary: CAG 9, pp. 773-800) addresses the problem of time. Aristotle had dismissed the paradoxes regarding time\u2019s existence, arguing that since its parts do not exist independently, time itself cannot exist. The Neo-Platonists, however, distinguished between higher and lower time, with the former being \u201cabove change\u201d (Iamblichus). The higher kind is immune to paradox, while the lower kind is a stretch of time between two instants. Simplicius reports Damascius\u2019 solution but only agrees that time exists as something that continuously comes into being and is divisible only in thought.\r\n\r\nIn his discussion on the continuum (Physics 6), he adds his own argument: time is infinite, without beginning or end, if viewed as a cycle.\r\nPossible Medical Writings\r\n\r\nSome evidence suggests that Simplicius wrote a commentary on a Hippocratic work. The Fihrist (an Arabic bibliography) mentions a lost work, and Abu Bakr al-Razi (al-Hawi, v. 13, p. 159.9) names Simplicius as a commentator on On Fractures (Peri Agmon), known in Arabic as Kitab al-Kasr or Kitab al-Jabr (\u201cOn Setting [Bones]\u201d). [the entire text p. 743-745]","btype":2,"date":"2008","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/0UokyY5QmcTIDJB","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":39,"full_name":"Baltussen, Han","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":45,"full_name":"Keyser, Paul T. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":44,"full_name":"Irby-Massie, Georgia L.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1264,"section_of":1265,"pages":"743-745","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1265,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientist. The Greek tradition and its many heirs","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Keyser\/Irby-Massie2008","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2008","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientists is the first comprehensive English language work to provide a survey of all ancient natural science, from its beginnings through the end of Late Antiquity. A team of over 100 of the world\u2019s experts in the field have compiled this Encyclopedia, including entries which are not mentioned in any other reference work \u2013 resulting in a unique and hugely ambitious resource which will prove indispensable for anyone seeking the details of the history of ancient science.\r\n\r\nAdditional features include a Glossary, Gazetteer, and Time-Line. The Glossary explains many Greek (or Latin) terms difficult to translate, whilst the Gazetteer describes the many locales from which scientists came. The Time-Line shows the rapid rise in the practice of science in the 5th century BCE and rapid decline after Hadrian, due to the centralization of Roman power, with consequent loss of a context within which science could flourish. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/up8tW1NBxVY23yX","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1265,"pubplace":"London \u2013 New York","publisher":"Routledge","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":{"id":1264,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientists","volume":"","issue":"","pages":"743-745"}},"sort":[2008]}

The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientist. The Greek tradition and its many heirs, 2008
By: Keyser, Paul T. (Ed.), Irby-Massie, Georgia L. (Ed.)

Title	The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientist. The Greek tradition and its many heirs
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2008
Publication Place	London – New York
Publisher	Routledge
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Keyser, Paul T. , Irby-Massie, Georgia L.
Translator(s)

The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientists is the first comprehensive English language work to provide a survey of all ancient natural science, from its beginnings through the end of Late Antiquity. A team of over 100 of the world’s experts in the field have compiled this Encyclopedia, including entries which are not mentioned in any other reference work – resulting in a unique and hugely ambitious resource which will prove indispensable for anyone seeking the details of the history of ancient science. Additional features include a Glossary, Gazetteer, and Time-Line. The Glossary explains many Greek (or Latin) terms difficult to translate, whilst the Gazetteer describes the many locales from which scientists came. The Time-Line shows the rapid rise in the practice of science in the 5th century BCE and rapid decline after Hadrian, due to the centralization of Roman power, with consequent loss of a context within which science could flourish. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/up8tW1NBxVY23yX

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The Medieval Posterity of Simplicius’ Commentary on the Categories: Thomas Aquinas and al-Fārābī, 2008
By: Chase, Michael, Newton, Lloyd A. (Ed.)

Title	The Medieval Posterity of Simplicius’ Commentary on the Categories: Thomas Aquinas and al-Fārābī
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2008
Published in	Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Categories
Pages	9-29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)	Newton, Lloyd A.
Translator(s)

The particular parallels we have noted between Thomas and al-Fārābī may be indicative of a deeper similarity, which Simplicius’ commentaries, including that on the Categories, may help to explain. In a reversal of traditional viewpoints, recent commentators have argued that the philosophies of both Thomas Aquinas and al-Fārābī, usually considered as followers of the Peripatetic school, are in fact basically Platonist. Paradoxically, however, the same scholars have also argued that neither of these philosophers had actually read Plato. This odd situation can be explained by the nature of the sources of both Thomas and al-Fārābī, which present definite similarities. Neither had access to complete translations of the works of Plato. Both were consequently forced to rely on the works of Aristotle, but this was an Aristotelian corpus quite unlike the one studied in the West today. It included works—the Liber de Causis was most influential in Thomas’ case, while the Theology of Aristotle may have played an analogous role in the case of al-Fārābī—which we now know to be apocryphal compilations of Neoplatonic texts deriving from Proclus, Plotinus, and possibly Porphyry. Equally importantly, however, it included Neoplatonic commentaries on the genuine works of Aristotle, including those by Simplicius. As we have glimpsed, the philosophy of both al-Fārābī and Thomas Aquinas is profoundly influenced by the kind of Neoplatonizing interpretation of Aristotle that fills the commentaries of Simplicius, Ammonius, Themistius, and other late antique professors of philosophy. These commentaries are the source of most of the common elements in their thought, the most crucial of which is no doubt the idea of the ultimate reconcilability of Plato and Aristotle. According to both Thomas and al-Fārābī, both Plato and Aristotle teach that there is a single divine cause that perpetually distributes being to all entities in a continuous, graded hierarchy. There are, of course, also profound differences in the ways Thomas and al-Fārābī interpreted and utilized the doctrines they both received from the Alexandrian commentators. For Thomas, who (certainly indirectly) follows Iamblichus in this regard, philosophy occupies a subordinate position within theology, while for al-Fārābī, whatever his genuine religious beliefs may have been, philosophy remains the nec plus ultra, capable of providing ultimate happiness through conjunction with the Agent Intellect. The contrasting attitudes of Thomas and al-Fārābī may, in turn, be traceable to a similar contrast within late antique Neoplatonism. Porphyry of Tyre was considered by his successors to have held that philosophy alone was sufficient for salvation, consisting in the soul’s definitive return to the intelligible world whence it came, while Iamblichus placed the emphasis on the need for religion, in the form of theurgical operations and prayers, and the grace of the gods. What seems to have been at stake in the arguments between the two was ultimately no less than the nature of philosophy: is it the ultimate discipline, sufficient for happiness, as Porphyry held, or is it merely an ancilla theologiae, as was the view of Iamblichus? Thomas and al-Fārābī, who had at least some knowledge of these debates through the intermediary of such sources as Simplicius’ commentary on the Categories, seem to have prolonged this controversy, Thomas siding with Iamblichus and al-Fārābī with Porphyry. Wayne Hankey has written: "Not only for both [Iamblichus and Aquinas] is philosophy contained within theology, and theology contained within religion, but also, for both, centuries its great teachers are priests and saints. In order to be doing philosophy as spiritual exercise belonging to a way of life, we need not engage directly in self-knowledge." Such ideas were anathema to Porphyry, the other great Neoplatonist whose ideas were transmitted to posterity by, among other sources, Simplicius’ commentary on the Categories. For the Tyrian thinker, as for al-Fārābī writing some six centuries after him, philosophy is not subordinate to religion, nor are its teachers priests or saints, but it is autonomous and capable, all by itself, of ensuring human felicity both in this life and the next. Philosophy for Porphyry was indeed a way of life, an important part of which was reading and commenting on the philosophical texts of the ancient Masters. For Porphyry, however, who wrote a treatise On the “Know thyself”, as for the entire ancient tradition which, as Pierre Hadot has shown, considered philosophy to be a way of life, self-knowledge was the indispensable starting-point for all philosophy. Indeed, one may question whether this was not the case for Iamblichus as well: it was he, after all, who established the First Alcibiades as the first Platonic dialogue to be read and studied in the Neoplatonic curriculum; but the skopos or goal of this dialogue, for Iamblichus, was none other than self-knowledge. Whatever may have been Iamblichus’ particular view, the Hellenic tradition on the whole was unanimous on the crucial importance of self-knowledge as the starting-point for philosophical education. When in 946 the traveler al-Mas‘ūdī visited Harrān in Mesopotamia, center of the pagan Sābians, he saw, inscribed on the door-knocker of the central temple, an inscription in Syriac reading “He who knows his nature becomes god,” which is, as Tardieu was the first to recognize, a reference to Plato’s Alcibiades 133 C. When we recall that, according to some of his biographers, al-Fārābī went to Harrān at about the time of al-Mas‘ūdī’s visit to complete his studies of the Aristotelian Organon, one is not surprised to find that self-knowledge is as essential for al-Fārābī as it was for Porphyry, with several of whose works the Second Master seems to have been familiar. In al-Fārābī’s noetics, the potential intellect (al-‘aql bi’l-quwwah) becomes an intellect in act (al-‘aql bi’l-fi‘l) when, by abstracting the forms in matter from their material accompanying circumstances, it receives these disembodied forms within itself. Unlike the forms stamped in wax, however, which affect only the surface of the receptive matter, these forms penetrate the potential intellect so thoroughly that it becomes identical with the forms it has intelligized. Once it has intelligized all such intelligible forms, the intellect becomes, in act, the totality of intelligibles. The human intellect has thus become an intelligible, and when it intelligizes itself, it becomes an intelligible in act. Thus, for the soul, or rather the soul’s intellect, to know itself is to become, quite literally, identical with its essence, and it can henceforth intelligize all other separate intelligibles—that is, those that have never been in conjunction with matter—in the same way as it knows its own essence. This occurs at the third of al-Fārābī’s four levels or kinds of intellection, the intellectus adeptus (al-‘aql al-mustafād). Thus, for al-Fārābī, self-knowledge plays a crucial role both at the beginning and at a fairly advanced stage of philosophical progress. At the outset, the student must, with the help of an experienced professor, look within himself to find the first intelligibles innate within him which, once elaborated, clarified, and classified, will serve as the premises of the syllogisms he will use as the starting-point of his logical deductions. At a later stage, when through abstraction he has accumulated a sufficient number of intelligibles, he will know his own intellect, and therefore himself, thoroughly. This in turn is the precondition for being able to know the intelligible Forms and separate intelligences which, unlike the material forms incorporated in the sensible world, have never been in conjunction with matter. The way is henceforth open for the permanent conjunction with the Agent Intellect which, according to al-Fārābī, constitutes felicity: that felicity which, for al-Fārābī as for Simplicius, is the only goal and justification for doing philosophy. [conclusion p. 25-29]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yzntZRUqTC8wnrp

{"_index":"sire","_id":"609","_score":null,"_source":{"id":609,"authors_free":[{"id":860,"entry_id":609,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":25,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Chase, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Chase","norm_person":{"id":25,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Chase","full_name":"Chase, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031917152","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":861,"entry_id":609,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":26,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Newton, Lloyd A. ","free_first_name":"Lloyd A. ","free_last_name":"Newton","norm_person":{"id":26,"first_name":"Lloyd A. ","last_name":"Newton","full_name":"Newton, Lloyd A. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137965583","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Medieval Posterity of Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on the Categories: Thomas Aquinas and al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b","main_title":{"title":"The Medieval Posterity of Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on the Categories: Thomas Aquinas and al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b"},"abstract":"The particular parallels we have noted between Thomas and al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b may be indicative of a deeper similarity, which Simplicius\u2019 commentaries, including that on the Categories, may help to explain.\r\n\r\nIn a reversal of traditional viewpoints, recent commentators have argued that the philosophies of both Thomas Aquinas and al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b, usually considered as followers of the Peripatetic school, are in fact basically Platonist. Paradoxically, however, the same scholars have also argued that neither of these philosophers had actually read Plato. This odd situation can be explained by the nature of the sources of both Thomas and al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b, which present definite similarities. Neither had access to complete translations of the works of Plato. Both were consequently forced to rely on the works of Aristotle, but this was an Aristotelian corpus quite unlike the one studied in the West today.\r\n\r\nIt included works\u2014the Liber de Causis was most influential in Thomas\u2019 case, while the Theology of Aristotle may have played an analogous role in the case of al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b\u2014which we now know to be apocryphal compilations of Neoplatonic texts deriving from Proclus, Plotinus, and possibly Porphyry. Equally importantly, however, it included Neoplatonic commentaries on the genuine works of Aristotle, including those by Simplicius.\r\n\r\nAs we have glimpsed, the philosophy of both al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b and Thomas Aquinas is profoundly influenced by the kind of Neoplatonizing interpretation of Aristotle that fills the commentaries of Simplicius, Ammonius, Themistius, and other late antique professors of philosophy. These commentaries are the source of most of the common elements in their thought, the most crucial of which is no doubt the idea of the ultimate reconcilability of Plato and Aristotle. According to both Thomas and al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b, both Plato and Aristotle teach that there is a single divine cause that perpetually distributes being to all entities in a continuous, graded hierarchy.\r\n\r\nThere are, of course, also profound differences in the ways Thomas and al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b interpreted and utilized the doctrines they both received from the Alexandrian commentators. For Thomas, who (certainly indirectly) follows Iamblichus in this regard, philosophy occupies a subordinate position within theology, while for al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b, whatever his genuine religious beliefs may have been, philosophy remains the nec plus ultra, capable of providing ultimate happiness through conjunction with the Agent Intellect.\r\n\r\nThe contrasting attitudes of Thomas and al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b may, in turn, be traceable to a similar contrast within late antique Neoplatonism. Porphyry of Tyre was considered by his successors to have held that philosophy alone was sufficient for salvation, consisting in the soul\u2019s definitive return to the intelligible world whence it came, while Iamblichus placed the emphasis on the need for religion, in the form of theurgical operations and prayers, and the grace of the gods.\r\n\r\nWhat seems to have been at stake in the arguments between the two was ultimately no less than the nature of philosophy: is it the ultimate discipline, sufficient for happiness, as Porphyry held, or is it merely an ancilla theologiae, as was the view of Iamblichus? Thomas and al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b, who had at least some knowledge of these debates through the intermediary of such sources as Simplicius\u2019 commentary on the Categories, seem to have prolonged this controversy, Thomas siding with Iamblichus and al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b with Porphyry.\r\n\r\nWayne Hankey has written:\r\n\r\n \"Not only for both [Iamblichus and Aquinas] is philosophy contained within theology, and theology contained within religion, but also, for both, centuries its great teachers are priests and saints. In order to be doing philosophy as spiritual exercise belonging to a way of life, we need not engage directly in self-knowledge.\"\r\n\r\nSuch ideas were anathema to Porphyry, the other great Neoplatonist whose ideas were transmitted to posterity by, among other sources, Simplicius\u2019 commentary on the Categories. For the Tyrian thinker, as for al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b writing some six centuries after him, philosophy is not subordinate to religion, nor are its teachers priests or saints, but it is autonomous and capable, all by itself, of ensuring human felicity both in this life and the next.\r\n\r\nPhilosophy for Porphyry was indeed a way of life, an important part of which was reading and commenting on the philosophical texts of the ancient Masters. For Porphyry, however, who wrote a treatise On the \u201cKnow thyself\u201d, as for the entire ancient tradition which, as Pierre Hadot has shown, considered philosophy to be a way of life, self-knowledge was the indispensable starting-point for all philosophy.\r\n\r\nIndeed, one may question whether this was not the case for Iamblichus as well: it was he, after all, who established the First Alcibiades as the first Platonic dialogue to be read and studied in the Neoplatonic curriculum; but the skopos or goal of this dialogue, for Iamblichus, was none other than self-knowledge.\r\n\r\nWhatever may have been Iamblichus\u2019 particular view, the Hellenic tradition on the whole was unanimous on the crucial importance of self-knowledge as the starting-point for philosophical education.\r\n\r\nWhen in 946 the traveler al-Mas\u2018\u016bd\u012b visited Harr\u0101n in Mesopotamia, center of the pagan S\u0101bians, he saw, inscribed on the door-knocker of the central temple, an inscription in Syriac reading \u201cHe who knows his nature becomes god,\u201d which is, as Tardieu was the first to recognize, a reference to Plato\u2019s Alcibiades 133 C.\r\n\r\nWhen we recall that, according to some of his biographers, al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b went to Harr\u0101n at about the time of al-Mas\u2018\u016bd\u012b\u2019s visit to complete his studies of the Aristotelian Organon, one is not surprised to find that self-knowledge is as essential for al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b as it was for Porphyry, with several of whose works the Second Master seems to have been familiar.\r\n\r\nIn al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b\u2019s noetics, the potential intellect (al-\u2018aql bi\u2019l-quwwah) becomes an intellect in act (al-\u2018aql bi\u2019l-fi\u2018l) when, by abstracting the forms in matter from their material accompanying circumstances, it receives these disembodied forms within itself.\r\n\r\nUnlike the forms stamped in wax, however, which affect only the surface of the receptive matter, these forms penetrate the potential intellect so thoroughly that it becomes identical with the forms it has intelligized. Once it has intelligized all such intelligible forms, the intellect becomes, in act, the totality of intelligibles.\r\n\r\nThe human intellect has thus become an intelligible, and when it intelligizes itself, it becomes an intelligible in act. Thus, for the soul, or rather the soul\u2019s intellect, to know itself is to become, quite literally, identical with its essence, and it can henceforth intelligize all other separate intelligibles\u2014that is, those that have never been in conjunction with matter\u2014in the same way as it knows its own essence.\r\n\r\nThis occurs at the third of al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b\u2019s four levels or kinds of intellection, the intellectus adeptus (al-\u2018aql al-mustaf\u0101d).\r\n\r\nThus, for al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b, self-knowledge plays a crucial role both at the beginning and at a fairly advanced stage of philosophical progress. At the outset, the student must, with the help of an experienced professor, look within himself to find the first intelligibles innate within him which, once elaborated, clarified, and classified, will serve as the premises of the syllogisms he will use as the starting-point of his logical deductions.\r\n\r\nAt a later stage, when through abstraction he has accumulated a sufficient number of intelligibles, he will know his own intellect, and therefore himself, thoroughly. This in turn is the precondition for being able to know the intelligible Forms and separate intelligences which, unlike the material forms incorporated in the sensible world, have never been in conjunction with matter.\r\n\r\nThe way is henceforth open for the permanent conjunction with the Agent Intellect which, according to al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b, constitutes felicity: that felicity which, for al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b as for Simplicius, is the only goal and justification for doing philosophy. [conclusion p. 25-29]","btype":2,"date":"2008","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yzntZRUqTC8wnrp","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":25,"full_name":"Chase, Michael ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":26,"full_name":"Newton, Lloyd A. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":609,"section_of":275,"pages":"9-29","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":275,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Categories","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Newton2008","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2008","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2008","abstract":"Medieval commentary writing has often been described as a way of \"doing philosophy,\" and not without reason. The various commentaries on Aristotle's Categories we have from this period did not simply elaborate a dialectical exercise for training students; rather, they provided their authors with an unparalleled opportunity to work through crucial philosophical problems, many of which remain with us today. As such, this unique commentary tradition is important not only in its own right, but also to the history and development of philosophy as a whole. The contributors to this volume take a fresh look at it, examining a wide range of medieval commentators, from Simplicius to John Wyclif, and discussing such issues as the compatibility of Platonism with Aristotelianism; the influence of Avicenna; the relationship between grammar, logic, and metaphysics; the number of the categories; the status of the categories as a science realism vs. nominalism; and the relationship between categories.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ouJZQT7V8FBvg8Y","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":275,"pubplace":"Leiden","publisher":"Brill","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2008]}

Habent sua fata libelli: Aristotle’s Categories in the First Century BC, 2008
By: Sharples, Robert W.

Title	Habent sua fata libelli: Aristotle’s Categories in the First Century BC
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2008
Journal	Acta Antiqua
Volume	48
Issue	1-2
Pages	273-287
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sharples, Robert W.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A re-examination of the question of why, during the revival of interest in Aristotle’s esoteric works in the first century BC, the Categories played such a prominent role. The answers suggested are that the work aroused interest precisely because it did not easily fit into the standard Hellenistic divisions of philosophy and their usual agendas, and that, more than Aristotle’s other works—with the possible exception of the Metaphysics—it revealed aspects of Aristotle’s thought that had become unfamiliar during the Hellenistic period. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9elANNxfsrgxsis

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Empedokleův sfairos v pohledech antických interpretů, 2008
By: Hladký, Vojtech

Title	Empedokleův sfairos v pohledech antických interpretů
Type	Article
Language	Czech
Date	2008
Journal	Listy filologické / Folia philologica
Volume	131
Issue	3/4
Pages	379-439
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hladký, Vojtech
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Tento text si klade za cíl prozkoumat způsob, jakým recipují a reinterpretují Empedokleovu koncepci či spíše představu Sfairu pozdější antičtí autoři. Navazuje přitom na naši předchozí práci, ve které jsme se pokusili – především na základě textů Empedoklea samého – tento moment Empedokleova rozvrhu světa rekonstruovat.² V něm, jak známo, čtyři základní a věčné prvky-živly (oheň, vzduch, vodu, zemi) přetvářejí, navzájem slučují a rozlučují dvě formující síly – Láska a Svár. Působením Lásky tak z původně jednoduchých prvků vznikají vyšší a složitější organismy a vůbec všechny věci, naproti tomu působením Sváru dochází k jejich rozkladu a návratu prvků do jejich původní čisté podoby. Podle závěru našeho předchozího článku je Sfairos, vzniklý v okamžiku největšího vzepětí Lásky, ve skutečnosti jakýsi obrovský organismus, zahrnující do sebe všechny předtím vzniklé věci. Ty se dohromady spojí buď tak, že doslova fyzicky srostou, či přinejmenším dohromady vytvoří harmonický svět, v němž Láska zaručuje mírumilovné soužití a soubytí všeho, co předtím ze základních prvků vytvořila. Navíc je snad možné ztotožnit Sfairos se „svatou a nadlidskou myslí (φρην ιερή και άθέσφατος)“, o níž tento autor mluví ve svém zlomku B 134. Jsme si přitom vědomi, že tato interpretace Empedokleova Sfairu je dosti neobvyklá. Vzhledem k tomu, že se nám báseň velkého Akragantťana nezachovala v úplnosti a její přesné filozofické sdělení bylo na mnoha místech ne zcela jasné patrně již pro antického čtenáře, musíme se bohužel o mnoha aspektech nauky, kterou hlásá, pouze dohadovat. V předchozí práci jsme se pokusili rekonstruovat Sfairos na základě rozboru zachovaného Empedokleova textu doplněného o starověká svědectví. Snažíme-li se nyní provést rozbor výkladů Sfairu, které podávají Empedokleovi filozofičtí následovníci, činíme tak rovněž proto, abychom naši poněkud nezvyklou interpretaci dále nepřímo podpořili a zároveň poukázali na vliv, jaký Empedoklés – zejména pak v případě Platónových dialogů Tímaia, Politika a Symposia – mohl mít. Projdeme-li v detailu ohlasy Empedoklea u pozdějších autorů, které jsou možná někdy poněkud překvapivé, můžeme si pak na konci našeho zkoumání znovu položit otázku, zda by nemohly vrhnout nové světlo na jeho bohužel jen velmi torzovitě zachované dílo. [introduction p. 379-381] Übersetzung: Dieser Text zielt darauf ab, die Art und Weise zu untersuchen, wie spätere antike Autoren Empedokles’ Konzept oder eher die Vorstellung des Sphairos aufnehmen und reinterpretieren. Dabei knüpft er an unsere vorherige Arbeit an, in der wir versucht haben – vor allem auf der Grundlage von Empedokles’ eigenen Texten – diesen Aspekt von Empedokles’ Weltentwurf zu rekonstruieren.² Darin, wie bekannt, formen, verbinden und trennen sich die vier grundlegenden und ewigen Elemente (Feuer, Luft, Wasser, Erde) durch das Wirken von zwei gestaltenden Kräften – Liebe und Streit. Durch die Wirkung der Liebe entstehen aus den ursprünglich einfachen Elementen höhere und komplexere Organismen und überhaupt alle Dinge, während durch die Wirkung des Streits deren Zerfall und die Rückkehr der Elemente in ihre ursprüngliche reine Form erfolgt. Laut dem Schluss unserer vorherigen Arbeit ist der Sphairos, der im Moment des höchsten Wirkens der Liebe entsteht, tatsächlich eine Art riesiger Organismus, der alle zuvor entstandenen Dinge in sich vereint. Diese verbinden sich entweder dadurch, dass sie buchstäblich physisch miteinander verschmelzen, oder zumindest gemeinsam eine harmonische Welt schaffen, in der die Liebe ein friedliches Zusammenleben und Mitsein all dessen garantiert, was zuvor aus den grundlegenden Elementen erschaffen wurde. Darüber hinaus ist es vielleicht möglich, den Sphairos mit dem „heiligen und übermenschlichen Geist (φρην ιερή και άθέσφατος)“ zu identifizieren, von dem dieser Autor in seinem Fragment B 134 spricht. Wir sind uns dabei bewusst, dass diese Interpretation des Sphairos von Empedokles recht ungewöhnlich ist. Da das Gedicht des großen Akragantinischen Dichters nicht vollständig erhalten ist und seine genaue philosophische Aussage wohl schon für die antiken Leser an vielen Stellen nicht völlig klar war, müssen wir uns leider in vielen Aspekten der Lehre, die er verkündet, nur auf Vermutungen stützen. In der vorherigen Arbeit haben wir versucht, den Sphairos auf der Grundlage der Analyse des erhaltenen Textes von Empedokles, ergänzt durch antike Zeugnisse, zu rekonstruieren. Wenn wir nun versuchen, die Auslegungen des Sphairos zu analysieren, die von den philosophischen Nachfolgern des Empedokles gegeben wurden, tun wir dies auch, um unsere etwas ungewöhnliche Interpretation indirekt weiter zu stützen und zugleich auf den Einfluss hinzuweisen, den Empedokles – insbesondere im Fall der platonischen Dialoge Timaios, Politikos und Symposion – möglicherweise hatte. Wenn wir die Rezeptionen von Empedokles bei späteren Autoren im Detail durchgehen, die manchmal vielleicht etwas überraschend sind, können wir uns am Ende unserer Untersuchung erneut die Frage stellen, ob diese nicht ein neues Licht auf sein leider nur sehr fragmentarisch erhaltenes Werk werfen könnten.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DoW1OJgnzqLFDXs

{"_index":"sire","_id":"778","_score":null,"_source":{"id":778,"authors_free":[{"id":1142,"entry_id":778,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":180,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hladk\u00fd, Vojtech ","free_first_name":"Vojtech","free_last_name":"Hladk\u00fd","norm_person":{"id":180,"first_name":"Vojt\u011bch","last_name":"Hladk\u00fd","full_name":"Hladk\u00fd, Vojt\u011bch","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Empedokle\u016fv sfairos v pohledech antick\u00fdch interpret\u016f","main_title":{"title":"Empedokle\u016fv sfairos v pohledech antick\u00fdch interpret\u016f"},"abstract":"Tento text si klade za c\u00edl prozkoumat zp\u016fsob, jak\u00fdm recipuj\u00ed a reinterpretuj\u00ed Empedokleovu koncepci \u010di sp\u00ed\u0161e p\u0159edstavu Sfairu pozd\u011bj\u0161\u00ed anti\u010dt\u00ed auto\u0159i. Navazuje p\u0159itom na na\u0161i p\u0159edchoz\u00ed pr\u00e1ci, ve kter\u00e9 jsme se pokusili \u2013 p\u0159edev\u0161\u00edm na z\u00e1klad\u011b text\u016f Empedoklea sam\u00e9ho \u2013 tento moment Empedokleova rozvrhu sv\u011bta rekonstruovat.\u00b2 V n\u011bm, jak zn\u00e1mo, \u010dty\u0159i z\u00e1kladn\u00ed a v\u011b\u010dn\u00e9 prvky-\u017eivly (ohe\u0148, vzduch, vodu, zemi) p\u0159etv\u00e1\u0159ej\u00ed, navz\u00e1jem slu\u010duj\u00ed a rozlu\u010duj\u00ed dv\u011b formuj\u00edc\u00ed s\u00edly \u2013 L\u00e1ska a Sv\u00e1r. P\u016fsoben\u00edm L\u00e1sky tak z p\u016fvodn\u011b jednoduch\u00fdch prvk\u016f vznikaj\u00ed vy\u0161\u0161\u00ed a slo\u017eit\u011bj\u0161\u00ed organismy a v\u016fbec v\u0161echny v\u011bci, naproti tomu p\u016fsoben\u00edm Sv\u00e1ru doch\u00e1z\u00ed k jejich rozkladu a n\u00e1vratu prvk\u016f do jejich p\u016fvodn\u00ed \u010dist\u00e9 podoby.\r\n\r\nPodle z\u00e1v\u011bru na\u0161eho p\u0159edchoz\u00edho \u010dl\u00e1nku je Sfairos, vznikl\u00fd v okam\u017eiku nejv\u011bt\u0161\u00edho vzep\u011bt\u00ed L\u00e1sky, ve skute\u010dnosti jak\u00fdsi obrovsk\u00fd organismus, zahrnuj\u00edc\u00ed do sebe v\u0161echny p\u0159edt\u00edm vznikl\u00e9 v\u011bci. Ty se dohromady spoj\u00ed bu\u010f tak, \u017ee doslova fyzicky srostou, \u010di p\u0159inejmen\u0161\u00edm dohromady vytvo\u0159\u00ed harmonick\u00fd sv\u011bt, v n\u011bm\u017e L\u00e1ska zaru\u010duje m\u00edrumilovn\u00e9 sou\u017eit\u00ed a soubyt\u00ed v\u0161eho, co p\u0159edt\u00edm ze z\u00e1kladn\u00edch prvk\u016f vytvo\u0159ila. Nav\u00edc je snad mo\u017en\u00e9 ztoto\u017enit Sfairos se \u201esvatou a nadlidskou mysl\u00ed (\u03c6\u03c1\u03b7\u03bd \u03b9\u03b5\u03c1\u03ae \u03ba\u03b1\u03b9 \u03ac\u03b8\u03ad\u03c3\u03c6\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2)\u201c, o n\u00ed\u017e tento autor mluv\u00ed ve sv\u00e9m zlomku B 134.\r\n\r\nJsme si p\u0159itom v\u011bdomi, \u017ee tato interpretace Empedokleova Sfairu je dosti neobvykl\u00e1. Vzhledem k tomu, \u017ee se n\u00e1m b\u00e1se\u0148 velk\u00e9ho Akragant\u0165ana nezachovala v \u00faplnosti a jej\u00ed p\u0159esn\u00e9 filozofick\u00e9 sd\u011blen\u00ed bylo na mnoha m\u00edstech ne zcela jasn\u00e9 patrn\u011b ji\u017e pro antick\u00e9ho \u010dten\u00e1\u0159e, mus\u00edme se bohu\u017eel o mnoha aspektech nauky, kterou hl\u00e1s\u00e1, pouze dohadovat. V p\u0159edchoz\u00ed pr\u00e1ci jsme se pokusili rekonstruovat Sfairos na z\u00e1klad\u011b rozboru zachovan\u00e9ho Empedokleova textu dopln\u011bn\u00e9ho o starov\u011bk\u00e1 sv\u011bdectv\u00ed.\r\n\r\nSna\u017e\u00edme-li se nyn\u00ed prov\u00e9st rozbor v\u00fdklad\u016f Sfairu, kter\u00e9 pod\u00e1vaj\u00ed Empedokleovi filozofi\u010dt\u00ed n\u00e1sledovn\u00edci, \u010din\u00edme tak rovn\u011b\u017e proto, abychom na\u0161i pon\u011bkud nezvyklou interpretaci d\u00e1le nep\u0159\u00edmo podpo\u0159ili a z\u00e1rove\u0148 pouk\u00e1zali na vliv, jak\u00fd Empedokl\u00e9s \u2013 zejm\u00e9na pak v p\u0159\u00edpad\u011b Plat\u00f3nov\u00fdch dialog\u016f T\u00edmaia, Politika a Symposia \u2013 mohl m\u00edt. Projdeme-li v detailu ohlasy Empedoklea u pozd\u011bj\u0161\u00edch autor\u016f, kter\u00e9 jsou mo\u017en\u00e1 n\u011bkdy pon\u011bkud p\u0159ekvapiv\u00e9, m\u016f\u017eeme si pak na konci na\u0161eho zkoum\u00e1n\u00ed znovu polo\u017eit ot\u00e1zku, zda by nemohly vrhnout nov\u00e9 sv\u011btlo na jeho bohu\u017eel jen velmi torzovit\u011b zachovan\u00e9 d\u00edlo. [introduction p. 379-381] \u00dcbersetzung: Dieser Text zielt darauf ab, die Art und Weise zu untersuchen, wie sp\u00e4tere antike Autoren Empedokles\u2019 Konzept oder eher die Vorstellung des Sphairos aufnehmen und reinterpretieren. Dabei kn\u00fcpft er an unsere vorherige Arbeit an, in der wir versucht haben \u2013 vor allem auf der Grundlage von Empedokles\u2019 eigenen Texten \u2013 diesen Aspekt von Empedokles\u2019 Weltentwurf zu rekonstruieren.\u00b2 Darin, wie bekannt, formen, verbinden und trennen sich die vier grundlegenden und ewigen Elemente (Feuer, Luft, Wasser, Erde) durch das Wirken von zwei gestaltenden Kr\u00e4ften \u2013 Liebe und Streit. Durch die Wirkung der Liebe entstehen aus den urspr\u00fcnglich einfachen Elementen h\u00f6here und komplexere Organismen und \u00fcberhaupt alle Dinge, w\u00e4hrend durch die Wirkung des Streits deren Zerfall und die R\u00fcckkehr der Elemente in ihre urspr\u00fcngliche reine Form erfolgt.\r\n\r\nLaut dem Schluss unserer vorherigen Arbeit ist der Sphairos, der im Moment des h\u00f6chsten Wirkens der Liebe entsteht, tats\u00e4chlich eine Art riesiger Organismus, der alle zuvor entstandenen Dinge in sich vereint. Diese verbinden sich entweder dadurch, dass sie buchst\u00e4blich physisch miteinander verschmelzen, oder zumindest gemeinsam eine harmonische Welt schaffen, in der die Liebe ein friedliches Zusammenleben und Mitsein all dessen garantiert, was zuvor aus den grundlegenden Elementen erschaffen wurde. Dar\u00fcber hinaus ist es vielleicht m\u00f6glich, den Sphairos mit dem \u201eheiligen und \u00fcbermenschlichen Geist (\u03c6\u03c1\u03b7\u03bd \u03b9\u03b5\u03c1\u03ae \u03ba\u03b1\u03b9 \u03ac\u03b8\u03ad\u03c3\u03c6\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2)\u201c zu identifizieren, von dem dieser Autor in seinem Fragment B 134 spricht.\r\n\r\nWir sind uns dabei bewusst, dass diese Interpretation des Sphairos von Empedokles recht ungew\u00f6hnlich ist. Da das Gedicht des gro\u00dfen Akragantinischen Dichters nicht vollst\u00e4ndig erhalten ist und seine genaue philosophische Aussage wohl schon f\u00fcr die antiken Leser an vielen Stellen nicht v\u00f6llig klar war, m\u00fcssen wir uns leider in vielen Aspekten der Lehre, die er verk\u00fcndet, nur auf Vermutungen st\u00fctzen. In der vorherigen Arbeit haben wir versucht, den Sphairos auf der Grundlage der Analyse des erhaltenen Textes von Empedokles, erg\u00e4nzt durch antike Zeugnisse, zu rekonstruieren.\r\n\r\nWenn wir nun versuchen, die Auslegungen des Sphairos zu analysieren, die von den philosophischen Nachfolgern des Empedokles gegeben wurden, tun wir dies auch, um unsere etwas ungew\u00f6hnliche Interpretation indirekt weiter zu st\u00fctzen und zugleich auf den Einfluss hinzuweisen, den Empedokles \u2013 insbesondere im Fall der platonischen Dialoge Timaios, Politikos und Symposion \u2013 m\u00f6glicherweise hatte. Wenn wir die Rezeptionen von Empedokles bei sp\u00e4teren Autoren im Detail durchgehen, die manchmal vielleicht etwas \u00fcberraschend sind, k\u00f6nnen wir uns am Ende unserer Untersuchung erneut die Frage stellen, ob diese nicht ein neues Licht auf sein leider nur sehr fragmentarisch erhaltenes Werk werfen k\u00f6nnten.","btype":3,"date":"2008","language":"Czech","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DoW1OJgnzqLFDXs","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":180,"full_name":"Hladk\u00fd, Vojt\u011bch","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":778,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Listy filologick\u00e9 \/ Folia philologica","volume":"131","issue":"3\/4","pages":"379-439"}},"sort":[2008]}

Methods in examining sense-perception: John Philoponus and Ps.-Simplicius, 2008
By: Lautner, Peter

Title	Methods in examining sense-perception: John Philoponus and Ps.-Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2008
Journal	Laval théologique et philosophique
Volume	64
Issue	3
Pages	651-661
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lautner, Peter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The paper discusses the methods applied by Philoponus and Pseudo-Simplicius in commenting on Aristotle’s theory of sense-perception, and indicates their differences. Philoponus frequently employs medical theories and empirical material, mostly taken from Aristotle, to highlight not only the activities of the particular senses, but also a certain kind of awareness and the way we experience our inner states. By contrast, his Athenian contemporary Pseudo-Simplicius disregards such aspects altogether. His method is deductive: He relies on some general thesis, partly taken from Iamblichus, from which to derive theses on sense-perception. The emphasis falls on Philoponus’ doctrine since his reliance on medical views leads to an interesting blend of Platonic and medical/empirical theories. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Hp3HmG57KFdbOQW

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Nicolas, l'auteur du Sommaire de la philosophie d'Aristote : doutes sur son identité, sa datation, son origine, 2008
By: Fazzo, Silvia

Title	Nicolas, l'auteur du Sommaire de la philosophie d'Aristote : doutes sur son identité, sa datation, son origine
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2008
Journal	Revue des Études Grecques
Volume	121
Issue	1
Pages	99-126
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fazzo, Silvia
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The paper discusses the attribution of the compendium De Philosophia Aristotelis to Nicolaus of Damascus the general historian (fl.: end 1st c. BC). By contrast, there are reasons to believe that the work was written by a Peripatetic Nicolaus between the 3rd and the 6th century, most likely from Syria in the 4th c. AD. Among the consequences: one piece of evidence for interest in a wide range of Aristotle's works already in the 1st century BC-lst century AD is removed; the supposedly earliest evidence for Metaphysics as the title of Aristotle's work is moved to a later date; the idea that Peripatetic activity more or less ceased with Alexander, Thémistius being the only exception, is weakened by another counter-example. On the contrary, a distinctively Peripatetic culture must have been still alive in Themistius' and Nicolas' time, when special tools were produced both for teaching activity and for the transmission of Aristotle's philosophy to later eras. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/jxgfqFdijkuOVZK

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Metaphysicizing the Aristotelian Categories. Two References to the Parmenides in Simplicius’ Commentary on the Categories (Simplicius, In Categorias 4 [CAG 8, 75,6 Kalbfleisch] and In Categorias 8 [291,2 K.]), 2008
By: Bechtle, Gerald

Title	Metaphysicizing the Aristotelian Categories. Two References to the Parmenides in Simplicius’ Commentary on the Categories (Simplicius, In Categorias 4 [CAG 8, 75,6 Kalbfleisch] and In Categorias 8 [291,2 K.])
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2008
Journal	Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum
Volume	12
Issue	1
Pages	150-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bechtle, Gerald
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Der Artikel geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die aristotelische Kategorienschrift im Neuplatonismus zur Deutung der ersten Prinzipien genutzt und dadurch selbst als Teil metaphysischer Überlegungen etabliert wurde. Dadurch stellt sich die Frage, ob eine Verbindung mit der Rezeption von Platons Parmenides besteht, der für die Deutung der höchsten Prinzipien grundlegend war. Dies wird exemplarisch an Simplicius und dessen Kategorienkommentar untersucht. In diesem geht Simplicius an zwei Stellen explizit auf Platons Parmenides ein. Beide Stellen werden analysiert. Es zeigt sich, dass Simplicius die Terminologie der Kategorien durchaus auf Gott, das Gute oder das Eine anwendet, auch wenn an der weit verbreiteten Ansicht, die Kategorien könnten sich nur auf sprachlich ausdrückbare, also wahrnehmbare Dinge beziehen, nicht gerüttelt wird. Hiervon ist jedoch die Position des Iamblichus zu unterscheiden, der die Kategorien auch für den noetischen Bereich annehmen konnte. In eine ähnliche Richtung weist die zweite explizite Bezugnahme auf Platons Parmenides in Simplicius’ Kategorienkommentar, die sich mit dem Ausschluss von Mehr-Weniger beschäftigt. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8GUIq8DJVD3GuiA

{"_index":"sire","_id":"824","_score":null,"_source":{"id":824,"authors_free":[{"id":1225,"entry_id":824,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":420,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bechtle, Gerald","free_first_name":"Gerald","free_last_name":"Bechtle","norm_person":{"id":420,"first_name":"Gerald","last_name":"Bechtle","full_name":"Bechtle, Gerald","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/120560038","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Metaphysicizing the Aristotelian Categories. Two References to the Parmenides in Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on the Categories (Simplicius, In Categorias 4 [CAG 8, 75,6 Kalbfleisch] and In Categorias 8 [291,2 K.])","main_title":{"title":"Metaphysicizing the Aristotelian Categories. Two References to the Parmenides in Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on the Categories (Simplicius, In Categorias 4 [CAG 8, 75,6 Kalbfleisch] and In Categorias 8 [291,2 K.])"},"abstract":"Der Artikel geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die aristotelische Kategorienschrift im Neuplatonismus zur Deutung der ersten Prinzipien genutzt und dadurch selbst als Teil metaphysischer \u00dcberlegungen etabliert wurde. Dadurch stellt sich die Frage, ob eine Verbindung mit der Rezeption von Platons Parmenides besteht, der f\u00fcr die Deutung der h\u00f6chsten Prinzipien grundlegend war. Dies wird exemplarisch an Simplicius und dessen Kategorienkommentar untersucht. In diesem geht Simplicius an zwei Stellen explizit auf Platons Parmenides ein. Beide Stellen werden analysiert. Es zeigt sich, dass Simplicius die Terminologie der Kategorien durchaus auf Gott, das Gute oder das Eine anwendet, auch wenn an der weit verbreiteten Ansicht, die Kategorien k\u00f6nnten sich nur auf sprachlich ausdr\u00fcckbare, also wahrnehmbare Dinge beziehen, nicht ger\u00fcttelt wird.\r\n\r\nHiervon ist jedoch die Position des Iamblichus zu unterscheiden, der die Kategorien auch f\u00fcr den noetischen Bereich annehmen konnte. In eine \u00e4hnliche Richtung weist die zweite explizite Bezugnahme auf Platons Parmenides in Simplicius\u2019 Kategorienkommentar, die sich mit dem Ausschluss von Mehr-Weniger besch\u00e4ftigt. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2008","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/8GUIq8DJVD3GuiA","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":420,"full_name":"Bechtle, Gerald","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":824,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Antikes Christentum","volume":"12","issue":"1","pages":"150-165"}},"sort":[2008]}

La Brillance de Nestis (Empédocle, fr. 96), 2008
By: Picot, Jean-Claude

Title	La Brillance de Nestis (Empédocle, fr. 96)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2008
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	26
Issue	1
Pages	75-100
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Picot, Jean-Claude
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Dans le De l'âme, Aristote illustre l'importance de la proportion (λόγος) et de la combinaison (σύνθεσις) des éléments entre eux par rapport à ce que sont les éléments ; pour ce faire, il rapporte trois vers d'Empédocle (410 a 4-6) relatifs à la composition de l'os. Simplicius rapporte les mêmes vers et en ajoute un sur l'action d'Harmonie ; il précise avoir tiré sa citation du premier livre de la Physique d'Empédocle. Ce sont ces quatre vers que Diels a recueillis sous le fr. 96 : ἤ δὲ χθὼν ἐπίηρος ἐν εὐτύκτοις χοάνοισι τώ δύο τῶν ὀκτὼ μερέων λάχε Νήστιδος αἴγλης, τέσσαρα δ' Ἡφαίστοιο· τὰ δ' ὀστέα λευκὰ γένοντο Ἁρμονίης κόλληισιν ἀρηρότα θεσπεσίηισιν. Traduction : Et la terre serviable en ses creusets bien façonnés Reçut deux parts sur huit de la brillance de Nestis, Et quatre d'Héphaïstos ; et ces choses-là devinrent les os blancs, Tenus ensemble par les colles divines d'Harmonie. L'os serait composé de deux parts de la « brillance de Nestis » (δύο τῶν ὀκτὼ μερέων [...] Νήστιδος αἴγλης) – où l'on s'accorde à reconnaître l'eau sous le nom de Nestis –, de quatre parts de feu – puisque Héphaïstos désigne traditionnellement le feu (τέσσαρα δ' Ἡφαίστοιο) – et de deux parts de terre (ἤ δὲ χθὼν ἐπίηρος) pour parvenir à huit parts au total. Dans le présent article, je voudrais analyser le texte du fr. 96 pour prendre position sur la question suivante : quel est le sens à donner à l'expression Νήστιδος αἴγλης, c’est-à-dire « la brillance de Nestis » ? La brillance de Nestis désigne-t-elle l'eau, ou bien un mélange d'air et d'eau ? Certaines questions divisent les commentateurs actuels d'Empédocle, mais la question de la brillance de Nestis n'en fait pas partie. En effet, tout le monde ou presque s'accorde pour dire que la brillance de Nestis désigne l'eau et rien d'autre. Pourquoi alors s'interroger sur quelque chose qui ne divise point ? Parce que le consensus est parfois trompeur. Il peut se fixer sur la solution simple, celle qui ne nécessite presque pas ou peu d'explication. Mais à l'analyse, l'objet peut se révéler complexe, et le consensus sur le simple avoir fait fausse route. J'espère parvenir à montrer au fil de cet article que la brillance de Nestis est un mélange d'air et d'eau, et non pas simplement de l'eau. Si Empédocle n'avait pas introduit la brillance (αἴγλη), aucun doute n'aurait été permis pour comprendre que τῶ δύο τῶν ὀκτὼ μερέων [...] Νήστιδος signifie deux parts sur huit d'eau. Mais la brillance pose problème. Elle pose d'autant plus problème que la tournure τῶ δύο τῶν ὀκτὼ μερέων [...] Νήστιδος αἴγλης insiste sur le fait que les deux parts en question sont des parts de la brillance et non pas directement des parts de Nestis. Peut-on spontanément dire que pour Empédocle, Nestis apparaît brillante, tout comme Apollon est brillant (αἰγλήτης), tout comme Artémis et Hécate sont dispensatrices de lumière (φωσφόρος) ? Si la brillance n'ajoutait rien à la compréhension de Nestis, la « brillance de Nestis » se réduirait à une façon poétique de dire Nestis. Si, au contraire, la brillance ajoutait quelque chose à Nestis, l'élément qui n'est pas nommé dans le fr. 96, à savoir l'air, pourrait être sous-entendu dans la brillance de Nestis. Nous avons formulé une interprétation en faveur de l'air dans la composition de l'os. La conclusion n'en serait que renforcée si nous pouvions nous appuyer sur un témoignage ancien, différent de celui du Pseudo-Simplicius, voire de Philopon, qu'il est facile de mettre en doute. Ce témoignage existe. Il a été jusqu'ici traité avec indifférence et parfois dévalorisé. C'est celui de Théophraste. Théophraste, critiquant Empédocle, dit que chez cet auteur les os et les poils devraient avoir des sensations puisqu'ils sont formés de tous les éléments (De sensibus, ΧΧΙΠ = A86.23). En d'autres termes, selon Théophraste, les os sont formés des quatre éléments, et les poils de même. Les modernes n'ont pas jugé bon de partir de Théophraste pour contredire Aétius et pour affirmer que l'os doit être composé des quatre éléments. Il n'y a guère de doute que pour Empédocle, il existe des mélanges qui ne comportent pas les quatre éléments. Prenons quelques exemples : le bronze produit par l'alliage de l'étain et du cuivre (fr. 92), le vin mélangé à de l'eau (fr. 91), les couleurs résultant d'un mélange des couleurs de base (fr. 23), la pâte servant à faire le pain (fr. 34), la boue ou la pâte de poterie (fr. 73), l'eau salée de la mer (fr. 55, 56), etc. Mais quand il s'agit des êtres vivant sur terre, il est permis de penser que Philotès fait chaque mélange sans exclure aucun élément, à l'instar du sang et des chairs (fr. 98). En effet, l'œuvre de l'Amour réalisée dans ces êtres éphémères semble préfigurer le grand vivant, composé des quatre éléments, qu'est le Sphairos. Pour les êtres vivants et éphémères, les parts pourraient être inégales dans chaque organe, mais tous les éléments être néanmoins présents. Tout cela, certes, n'est que pure hypothèse. Aucun texte n'affirme que pour Empédocle, toutes les parties des vivants sont un mélange des quatre éléments. Une certitude demeure : on ne peut déconsidérer la parole de Théophraste sur l'os, ce même Théophraste qui disait que pour Empédocle, l'eau est noire. [introduction p. 75-77/conclusion p. 99-100]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Kn8BmLiIsvQZnjb

{"_index":"sire","_id":"863","_score":null,"_source":{"id":863,"authors_free":[{"id":1267,"entry_id":863,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":291,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Picot, Jean-Claude","free_first_name":"Jean-Claude","free_last_name":"Picot","norm_person":{"id":291,"first_name":"Jean-Claude","last_name":"Picot","full_name":"Picot, Jean-Claude","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La Brillance de Nestis (Emp\u00e9docle, fr. 96)","main_title":{"title":"La Brillance de Nestis (Emp\u00e9docle, fr. 96)"},"abstract":"Dans le De l'\u00e2me, Aristote illustre l'importance de la proportion (\u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2) et de la combinaison (\u03c3\u03cd\u03bd\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) des \u00e9l\u00e9ments entre eux par rapport \u00e0 ce que sont les \u00e9l\u00e9ments ; pour ce faire, il rapporte trois vers d'Emp\u00e9docle (410 a 4-6) relatifs \u00e0 la composition de l'os. Simplicius rapporte les m\u00eames vers et en ajoute un sur l'action d'Harmonie ; il pr\u00e9cise avoir tir\u00e9 sa citation du premier livre de la Physique d'Emp\u00e9docle. Ce sont ces quatre vers que Diels a recueillis sous le fr. 96 :\r\n\r\n \u1f24 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c7\u03b8\u1f7c\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03af\u03b7\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd \u03b5\u1f50\u03c4\u03cd\u03ba\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c7\u03bf\u03ac\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9\r\n \u03c4\u03ce \u03b4\u03cd\u03bf \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f40\u03ba\u03c4\u1f7c \u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u03ad\u03c9\u03bd \u03bb\u03ac\u03c7\u03b5 \u039d\u03ae\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f34\u03b3\u03bb\u03b7\u03c2,\r\n \u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1 \u03b4' \u1f29\u03c6\u03b1\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u00b7 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03b4' \u1f40\u03c3\u03c4\u03ad\u03b1 \u03bb\u03b5\u03c5\u03ba\u1f70 \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\r\n \u1f09\u03c1\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03af\u03b7\u03c2 \u03ba\u03cc\u03bb\u03bb\u03b7\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f00\u03c1\u03b7\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03b1 \u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03c0\u03b5\u03c3\u03af\u03b7\u03b9\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd.\r\n\r\nTraduction :\r\n\r\n Et la terre serviable en ses creusets bien fa\u00e7onn\u00e9s\r\n Re\u00e7ut deux parts sur huit de la brillance de Nestis,\r\n Et quatre d'H\u00e9pha\u00efstos ; et ces choses-l\u00e0 devinrent les os blancs,\r\n Tenus ensemble par les colles divines d'Harmonie.\r\n\r\nL'os serait compos\u00e9 de deux parts de la \u00ab brillance de Nestis \u00bb (\u03b4\u03cd\u03bf \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f40\u03ba\u03c4\u1f7c \u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u03ad\u03c9\u03bd [...] \u039d\u03ae\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f34\u03b3\u03bb\u03b7\u03c2) \u2013 o\u00f9 l'on s'accorde \u00e0 reconna\u00eetre l'eau sous le nom de Nestis \u2013, de quatre parts de feu \u2013 puisque H\u00e9pha\u00efstos d\u00e9signe traditionnellement le feu (\u03c4\u03ad\u03c3\u03c3\u03b1\u03c1\u03b1 \u03b4' \u1f29\u03c6\u03b1\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf) \u2013 et de deux parts de terre (\u1f24 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c7\u03b8\u1f7c\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03af\u03b7\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2) pour parvenir \u00e0 huit parts au total.\r\n\r\nDans le pr\u00e9sent article, je voudrais analyser le texte du fr. 96 pour prendre position sur la question suivante : quel est le sens \u00e0 donner \u00e0 l'expression \u039d\u03ae\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f34\u03b3\u03bb\u03b7\u03c2, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire \u00ab la brillance de Nestis \u00bb ? La brillance de Nestis d\u00e9signe-t-elle l'eau, ou bien un m\u00e9lange d'air et d'eau ?\r\n\r\nCertaines questions divisent les commentateurs actuels d'Emp\u00e9docle, mais la question de la brillance de Nestis n'en fait pas partie. En effet, tout le monde ou presque s'accorde pour dire que la brillance de Nestis d\u00e9signe l'eau et rien d'autre. Pourquoi alors s'interroger sur quelque chose qui ne divise point ? Parce que le consensus est parfois trompeur. Il peut se fixer sur la solution simple, celle qui ne n\u00e9cessite presque pas ou peu d'explication. Mais \u00e0 l'analyse, l'objet peut se r\u00e9v\u00e9ler complexe, et le consensus sur le simple avoir fait fausse route.\r\n\r\nJ'esp\u00e8re parvenir \u00e0 montrer au fil de cet article que la brillance de Nestis est un m\u00e9lange d'air et d'eau, et non pas simplement de l'eau.\r\n\r\nSi Emp\u00e9docle n'avait pas introduit la brillance (\u03b1\u1f34\u03b3\u03bb\u03b7), aucun doute n'aurait \u00e9t\u00e9 permis pour comprendre que \u03c4\u1ff6 \u03b4\u03cd\u03bf \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f40\u03ba\u03c4\u1f7c \u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u03ad\u03c9\u03bd [...] \u039d\u03ae\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 signifie deux parts sur huit d'eau. Mais la brillance pose probl\u00e8me. Elle pose d'autant plus probl\u00e8me que la tournure \u03c4\u1ff6 \u03b4\u03cd\u03bf \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f40\u03ba\u03c4\u1f7c \u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u03ad\u03c9\u03bd [...] \u039d\u03ae\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b1\u1f34\u03b3\u03bb\u03b7\u03c2 insiste sur le fait que les deux parts en question sont des parts de la brillance et non pas directement des parts de Nestis. Peut-on spontan\u00e9ment dire que pour Emp\u00e9docle, Nestis appara\u00eet brillante, tout comme Apollon est brillant (\u03b1\u1f30\u03b3\u03bb\u03ae\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2), tout comme Art\u00e9mis et H\u00e9cate sont dispensatrices de lumi\u00e8re (\u03c6\u03c9\u03c3\u03c6\u03cc\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2) ?\r\n\r\nSi la brillance n'ajoutait rien \u00e0 la compr\u00e9hension de Nestis, la \u00ab brillance de Nestis \u00bb se r\u00e9duirait \u00e0 une fa\u00e7on po\u00e9tique de dire Nestis. Si, au contraire, la brillance ajoutait quelque chose \u00e0 Nestis, l'\u00e9l\u00e9ment qui n'est pas nomm\u00e9 dans le fr. 96, \u00e0 savoir l'air, pourrait \u00eatre sous-entendu dans la brillance de Nestis.\r\n\r\nNous avons formul\u00e9 une interpr\u00e9tation en faveur de l'air dans la composition de l'os. La conclusion n'en serait que renforc\u00e9e si nous pouvions nous appuyer sur un t\u00e9moignage ancien, diff\u00e9rent de celui du Pseudo-Simplicius, voire de Philopon, qu'il est facile de mettre en doute. Ce t\u00e9moignage existe. Il a \u00e9t\u00e9 jusqu'ici trait\u00e9 avec indiff\u00e9rence et parfois d\u00e9valoris\u00e9. C'est celui de Th\u00e9ophraste.\r\n\r\nTh\u00e9ophraste, critiquant Emp\u00e9docle, dit que chez cet auteur les os et les poils devraient avoir des sensations puisqu'ils sont form\u00e9s de tous les \u00e9l\u00e9ments (De sensibus, \u03a7\u03a7\u0399\u03a0 = A86.23). En d'autres termes, selon Th\u00e9ophraste, les os sont form\u00e9s des quatre \u00e9l\u00e9ments, et les poils de m\u00eame. Les modernes n'ont pas jug\u00e9 bon de partir de Th\u00e9ophraste pour contredire A\u00e9tius et pour affirmer que l'os doit \u00eatre compos\u00e9 des quatre \u00e9l\u00e9ments.\r\n\r\nIl n'y a gu\u00e8re de doute que pour Emp\u00e9docle, il existe des m\u00e9langes qui ne comportent pas les quatre \u00e9l\u00e9ments. Prenons quelques exemples : le bronze produit par l'alliage de l'\u00e9tain et du cuivre (fr. 92), le vin m\u00e9lang\u00e9 \u00e0 de l'eau (fr. 91), les couleurs r\u00e9sultant d'un m\u00e9lange des couleurs de base (fr. 23), la p\u00e2te servant \u00e0 faire le pain (fr. 34), la boue ou la p\u00e2te de poterie (fr. 73), l'eau sal\u00e9e de la mer (fr. 55, 56), etc.\r\n\r\nMais quand il s'agit des \u00eatres vivant sur terre, il est permis de penser que Philot\u00e8s fait chaque m\u00e9lange sans exclure aucun \u00e9l\u00e9ment, \u00e0 l'instar du sang et des chairs (fr. 98). En effet, l'\u0153uvre de l'Amour r\u00e9alis\u00e9e dans ces \u00eatres \u00e9ph\u00e9m\u00e8res semble pr\u00e9figurer le grand vivant, compos\u00e9 des quatre \u00e9l\u00e9ments, qu'est le Sphairos. Pour les \u00eatres vivants et \u00e9ph\u00e9m\u00e8res, les parts pourraient \u00eatre in\u00e9gales dans chaque organe, mais tous les \u00e9l\u00e9ments \u00eatre n\u00e9anmoins pr\u00e9sents.\r\n\r\nTout cela, certes, n'est que pure hypoth\u00e8se. Aucun texte n'affirme que pour Emp\u00e9docle, toutes les parties des vivants sont un m\u00e9lange des quatre \u00e9l\u00e9ments. Une certitude demeure : on ne peut d\u00e9consid\u00e9rer la parole de Th\u00e9ophraste sur l'os, ce m\u00eame Th\u00e9ophraste qui disait que pour Emp\u00e9docle, l'eau est noire.\r\n[introduction p. 75-77\/conclusion p. 99-100]","btype":3,"date":"2008","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Kn8BmLiIsvQZnjb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":291,"full_name":"Picot, Jean-Claude","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":863,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue de Philosophie Ancienne","volume":"26","issue":"1","pages":"75-100"}},"sort":[2008]}

Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Categories, 2008
By: Newton, Lloyd A. (Ed.)

Title	Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Categories
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2008
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Newton, Lloyd A.
Translator(s)

Medieval commentary writing has often been described as a way of "doing philosophy," and not without reason. The various commentaries on Aristotle's Categories we have from this period did not simply elaborate a dialectical exercise for training students; rather, they provided their authors with an unparalleled opportunity to work through crucial philosophical problems, many of which remain with us today. As such, this unique commentary tradition is important not only in its own right, but also to the history and development of philosophy as a whole. The contributors to this volume take a fresh look at it, examining a wide range of medieval commentators, from Simplicius to John Wyclif, and discussing such issues as the compatibility of Platonism with Aristotelianism; the influence of Avicenna; the relationship between grammar, logic, and metaphysics; the number of the categories; the status of the categories as a science realism vs. nominalism; and the relationship between categories.

Online Resources

Selbstbewusstsein in der Spätantike: Die neuplatonischen Kommentare zu Aristoteles' “De anima”, 2008
By: Perkams, Matthias

{"_index":"sire","_id":"275","_score":null,"_source":{"id":275,"authors_free":[{"id":346,"entry_id":275,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":26,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Newton, Lloyd A.","free_first_name":"Lloyd A.","free_last_name":"Newton","norm_person":{"id":26,"first_name":"Lloyd A. ","last_name":"Newton","full_name":"Newton, Lloyd A. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137965583","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Categories","main_title":{"title":"Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Categories"},"abstract":"Medieval commentary writing has often been described as a way of \"doing philosophy,\" and not without reason. The various commentaries on Aristotle's Categories we have from this period did not simply elaborate a dialectical exercise for training students; rather, they provided their authors with an unparalleled opportunity to work through crucial philosophical problems, many of which remain with us today. As such, this unique commentary tradition is important not only in its own right, but also to the history and development of philosophy as a whole. The contributors to this volume take a fresh look at it, examining a wide range of medieval commentators, from Simplicius to John Wyclif, and discussing such issues as the compatibility of Platonism with Aristotelianism; the influence of Avicenna; the relationship between grammar, logic, and metaphysics; the number of the categories; the status of the categories as a science realism vs. nominalism; and the relationship between categories.","btype":4,"date":"2008","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ouJZQT7V8FBvg8Y","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":26,"full_name":"Newton, Lloyd A. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":275,"pubplace":"Leiden","publisher":"Brill","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2008]}

Title	Selbstbewusstsein in der Spätantike: Die neuplatonischen Kommentare zu Aristoteles' “De anima”
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2008
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	de Gruyter
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Während Aristoteles’ De anima Seele als Lebensprinzip des körperlichen Wesens definiert, ist sie für die neuplatonischen Kommentatoren dieser Schrift eine geistige, vom Körper trennbare Größe, die sich auf sich selbst zurückwenden kann. Die Studie untersucht, wie die Ausleger Johannes Philoponos, Priskian von Lydien (Pseudo-Simplikios) und Stephanos von Alexandrien (Pseudo-Philoponos) mit dieser Problematik umgingen. In einem ersten Teil werden die philosophischen Konzeptionen der einzelnen Kommentare je für sich dargestellt und historisch eingeordnet. Deren Wert für die De anima-Interpretation wird ebenso diskutiert wie die Identität ihrer Autoren und das Verhältnis des Philoponos zu seinem Lehrer Ammonios. Der zweite Teil ist die erste philosophische Rekonstruktion von Priskians Konzeption des Selbstbezugs der Seele, die als detaillierteste antike Darstellung des menschlichen Selbstbewusstseins gelten kann. Plotins Überlegungen zur Selbsterkenntnis des Geistes werden so auf die menschliche Person übertragen, dass diese sich konstituiert, indem sie um die Wiedergewinnung ihrer ursprünglichen Identität als geistiges Wesen ringt. Um dies zu erläutern unterscheidet Priskian mehrere Formen des Selbstbezugs und setzt sie in Beziehung zueinander. [authors abstract]

Online Resources

Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator, 2008
By: Baltussen, Han

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Title	Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2008
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This is the first book-length study in English of the interpretative and philosophical approach of the commentaries of Simplicius of Cilicia (c. AD 530). Simplicius' work, marked by doctrinal complexity and scholarship, is unusually self-conscious, learned and rich in its sources, and he is therefore one of those rare authors who is of interest to ancient philosophers, historians and classicists alike. Here, Han Baltussen argues that our understanding of Simplicius' methodology will be greatly enhanced if we study how his scholarly approach impacts on his philosophical exegesis. His commentaries are placed in their intellectual context and several case studies shed light on his critical treatment of earlier philosophers and his often polemical use of previous commentaries. "Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius" not only clarifies the objectives, pre-suppositions and impact of Simplicius' work, but also illustrates how, as a competent philosopher explicating Aristotelian and Platonic ideas, he continues and develops a method that pursues philosophy by way of exegetical engagement with earlier thinkers and commentators. The investigation opens up connections with broader issues, such as the reception of Presocratic philosophy within the commentary tradition, the nature and purpose of his commentaries, and the demise of pagan philosophy.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6fusW1GpgUp9w7O

{"_index":"sire","_id":"226","_score":null,"_source":{"id":226,"authors_free":[{"id":288,"entry_id":226,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":39,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Baltussen, Han","free_first_name":"Han","free_last_name":"Baltussen","norm_person":{"id":39,"first_name":"Han","last_name":"Baltussen","full_name":"Baltussen, Han","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136236456","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator","main_title":{"title":"Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator"},"abstract":"This is the first book-length study in English of the interpretative and philosophical approach of the commentaries of Simplicius of Cilicia (c. AD 530). Simplicius' work, marked by doctrinal complexity and scholarship, is unusually self-conscious, learned and rich in its sources, and he is therefore one of those rare authors who is of interest to ancient philosophers, historians and classicists alike. Here, Han Baltussen argues that our understanding of Simplicius' methodology will be greatly enhanced if we study how his scholarly approach impacts on his philosophical exegesis. His commentaries are placed in their intellectual context and several case studies shed light on his critical treatment of earlier philosophers and his often polemical use of previous commentaries. \"Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius\" not only clarifies the objectives, pre-suppositions and impact of Simplicius' work, but also illustrates how, as a competent philosopher explicating Aristotelian and Platonic ideas, he continues and develops a method that pursues philosophy by way of exegetical engagement with earlier thinkers and commentators. The investigation opens up connections with broader issues, such as the reception of Presocratic philosophy within the commentary tradition, the nature and purpose of his commentaries, and the demise of pagan philosophy.","btype":1,"date":"2008","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6fusW1GpgUp9w7O","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":39,"full_name":"Baltussen, Han","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":226,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2008]}

Les Commentaires de Simplicius et de Jean Philopon à La Physique d’Aristote: Tradition et Innovation, 2008
By: Golitsis, Pantelis

Title	Les Commentaires de Simplicius et de Jean Philopon à La Physique d’Aristote: Tradition et Innovation
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2008
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In der griechischen Spätantike definiert sich die Philosophie vor allem über die Auslegung autoritativer Texte wie der Dialoge Platons oder der Abhandlungen des Aristoteles. In der vorliegenden Studie werden die letzten spätantiken Kommentare des Heiden Simplikios und des Christen Philoponos (beide 6. Jh. n.Chr.) zu Aristoteles’ Physik untersucht. Golitsis zeigt auf, wie unterschiedlich die beiden Zeitgenossen die philosophische Tradition bewerten undwelchunterschiedlichen Wegzur Wahrheitsfindung sie daraus ableiten. Der Autor wurde für dieses Buch mit dem "Prix Zographos" der "Association pour l'Encouragement des Études Grecques" ausgezeichnet. [author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/p4M88GaW4sKfDxE

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Selbstbewusstsein in der Spätantike: Die neuplatonischen Kommentare zu Aristoteles' De anima, 2008
By: Perkams, Matthias

Title	Selbstbewusstsein in der Spätantike: Die neuplatonischen Kommentare zu Aristoteles' De anima
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2008
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Quellen und Studien zur Philosophie
Volume	85
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

Review of Baltussen, Han: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator, 2008
By: Todd, Robert B.

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Title	Review of Baltussen, Han: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2008
Journal	Aestimatio
Volume	5
Pages	210–224
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Todd, Robert B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In Philosophy and Exegesis in Simpliciusf a preparatory study for a history of the ancient philosophical commentary [224nnl0, 13], Han Baltussen addresses the ‘methodology’ of pagan antiquity’s last ma jor Platonist and its greatest philosophical scholar, Simplicius of Cili cia (AD ca 480- ca 540). What ‘methodology’ means can be best appreciated if the book’s general conclusions are first summarized. [introduction p. 210]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oXKF0eqANW36ItV

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Eudorus and the Early Platonist Interpretation of the "Categories", 2008
By: Tarrant, Harold

Title	Eudorus and the Early Platonist Interpretation of the "Categories"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2008
Journal	Laval théologique et philosophique
Volume	64
Issue	3
Pages	583-595
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarrant, Harold
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The hermeneutic tradition concerning Aristotle’s Categories goes back to Eudorus and his contemporaries in the first century BC. Initially a perplexing text, it forces the Platonist to consider a variety of new dialectical questions. The criticisms of Eudorus demonstrate the desire for orderly arrangements, and pose questions that the hermeneutic tradition, culminating in the magnificent commentary of Simplicius, would try to answer. His pursuit of a critical agenda does not warrant the label “anti-Aristotelian” or “polemical”, but it does show why he preferred to be known as an Academic than as a Peripatetic. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wSO0JNPufdqhWkk

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Simplicius ’ Commentary on the Categories in the Medieval West, 2008
By: Michael Chase, Lloyd A. Newton (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius ’ Commentary on the Categories in the Medieval West
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2008
Published in	Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Categories
Pages	9-30
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Michael Chase
Editor(s)	Lloyd A. Newton
Translator(s)

Michael Chase begins the volume by demonstrating the importance of Simplicius ’ commentary for two key medieval thinkers, Aquinas and al Fārābī. Due in part to Simplicius’ infl uence, and particularly his commentary on the Categories, both fi gures adopt the Neoplatonic project of reconciling Plato and Aristotle, in spite of the apparent differences between them. Interestingly, though, while both al-Fārābī and Aquinas ultimately agree on the harmony between Plato and Aristotle, they differ in that Aquinas follows Iamblichus, who makes philosophy subordinate to theology, while al-Fārābī follows Porphyry, who views philosophy as alone suffi cient for beatitude. [Introduction, by Newton]

Online Resources

Diogène d’Apollonie: Edition, traduction et commentaire des fragments et témoignages, 2008
By: Laks, André

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1584","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1584,"authors_free":[{"id":2779,"entry_id":1584,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Michael Chase","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Chase","norm_person":null},{"id":2780,"entry_id":1584,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Lloyd A. Newton ","free_first_name":"Lloyd A. ","free_last_name":"Newton","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Simplicius \u2019 Commentary on the Categories in the Medieval West","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius \u2019 Commentary on the Categories in the Medieval West"},"abstract":"Michael Chase begins the volume by demonstrating the importance\r\nof Simplicius \u2019 commentary for two key medieval thinkers, Aquinas\r\nand al F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b. Due in part to Simplicius\u2019 infl uence, and particularly his commentary on the Categories, both fi gures adopt the Neoplatonic\r\nproject of reconciling Plato and Aristotle, in spite of the apparent differences\r\nbetween them. Interestingly, though, while both al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b and\r\nAquinas ultimately agree on the harmony between Plato and Aristotle,\r\nthey differ in that Aquinas follows Iamblichus, who makes philosophy\r\nsubordinate to theology, while al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b follows Porphyry, who views\r\nphilosophy as alone suffi cient for beatitude. [Introduction, by Newton]","btype":2,"date":"2008","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ouJZQT7V8FBvg8Y","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1584,"section_of":275,"pages":"9-30","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":275,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Categories","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Newton2008","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2008","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2008","abstract":"Medieval commentary writing has often been described as a way of \"doing philosophy,\" and not without reason. The various commentaries on Aristotle's Categories we have from this period did not simply elaborate a dialectical exercise for training students; rather, they provided their authors with an unparalleled opportunity to work through crucial philosophical problems, many of which remain with us today. As such, this unique commentary tradition is important not only in its own right, but also to the history and development of philosophy as a whole. The contributors to this volume take a fresh look at it, examining a wide range of medieval commentators, from Simplicius to John Wyclif, and discussing such issues as the compatibility of Platonism with Aristotelianism; the influence of Avicenna; the relationship between grammar, logic, and metaphysics; the number of the categories; the status of the categories as a science realism vs. nominalism; and the relationship between categories.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ouJZQT7V8FBvg8Y","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":275,"pubplace":"Leiden","publisher":"Brill","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2008]}

Title	Diogène d’Apollonie: Edition, traduction et commentaire des fragments et témoignages
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2008
Publication Place	Sankt Augustin
Publisher	Academia Verlag
Series	International Pre-Platonic Studies
Volume	6
Edition No.	2 (1st 1983)
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Depuis la première édition de ce livre, Diogène d'Apollonie, un des derniers "physiciens" présocratiques, longtemps dévalorisé par la réputation d' "éclectique" que H. Diels avait attachée à son nom dans un article de 1881, a suscité un regain d'intérêt. Cette seconde édition d'un ouvrage qui reste à ce jour le seul commentaire exhaustif des fragments et des témoignages de Diogène, a été revue et corrigée, mais elle prend aussi en compte, dans une série d'ajouts marqués comme tels, les travaux parus au cours des vint-cinq années écoulées. Le livre retrace l'histoire de la transmission des fragments de Diogène, analyse les positions de la critique moderne depuis l'article séminal de F. Schleiermacher (1811), et offre, pour chacun des douze fragments et des quelques trente-six témoignages, dont un nouveau classement est proposé, une analyse visant à reconstruire la logique de l'original perdu. Quatre des Notes additionnelles abordent des problèmes spécifiques, qui requéraient un traitement séparé. Une cinquième, en anglais, offre une présentation synthétique de l'interprétation ici défendue, qui situe l'importance de Diogène dans son rapport à Anaxagore et à sa doctrine de l' "intellect". [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/l5eQc4K0fWglpHt

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Speculating about Diogenes, 2008
By: Laks, André, Curd, Patricia (Ed.), Graham, Daniel W. (Ed.)

Title	Speculating about Diogenes
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2008
Published in	The Oxford Handbook of Presocratic Philosophy
Pages	353-364
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)	Curd, Patricia , Graham, Daniel W.
Translator(s)

Twenty-five years ago, I made an attempt (in my book Diogène d’Apollonie, 1983) to take Diogenes somewhat more seriously than he had usually been taken, at least since Diels’s devastating 1881 article in which he portrayed Diogenes as a second-rate eclectic thinker. Diogenes’ popularity in the last third of the fifth century, which Diels greatly contributed to establishing through an analysis of Diogenian echoes in Aristophanes’ Clouds and was confirmed by the discovery in 1962 of the Derveni Papyrus, went along with Diogenes’ depreciated intellectual status: Are not serious thinkers ignored by the vulgar? Has this attempt been successful? The fact that some collections and translations of Presocratic philosophers leave him out may or may not be significant: some publishers obviously think the corpus is too bulky. But Diogenes is certainly still lacking general recognition. Histories of archaic philosophy tend to overlook him and often offer little more than an implicit justification for his exclusion, the core of which is encapsulated in the term “eclecticism.” What makes him visible is his absence, rather than any discussion about him. One complaint made by a reviewer of the Cambridge Companion to Early Greek Philosophy was that it nowhere happens even to mention the one achievement Diogenes is credited with, namely his alleged role in the history of teleology, for which he is occasionally praised. It is all the more noteworthy that Graham, in his recent book, has made of Diogenes a landmark in the history of Presocratic philosophy by making him, rather than the older Anaximenes, the real promoter of the doctrine of “material monism.” I personally tend to think that Diogenes’ contribution, on this point, is rather to have explicitly stated the implications of Anaximenes’ monism, rather than substituting a material monism to an Anaximenean pluralism (Graham’s paradoxical point); but Graham’s book came out after this contribution was submitted and could not be taken into account. I shall consequently restate in a rather perfunctory manner, without adding much to what I have written before, what seem to be two basic points about Diogenes. The first one concerns what I take to be the center of Diogenes’ own thought, namely the relation between his noetics (so I shall call his doctrine of Intelligence) and his teleology; the second is about the reception of Diogenes’ thought and the origin of his reputation as an eclectic. [introduction p. 353-354]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/438sP1InUW9fsIE

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Diogenes\u2019 popularity in the last third of the fifth century, which Diels greatly contributed to establishing through an analysis of Diogenian echoes in Aristophanes\u2019 Clouds and was confirmed by the discovery in 1962 of the Derveni Papyrus, went along with Diogenes\u2019 depreciated intellectual status: Are not serious thinkers ignored by the vulgar?\r\n\r\nHas this attempt been successful? The fact that some collections and translations of Presocratic philosophers leave him out may or may not be significant: some publishers obviously think the corpus is too bulky. But Diogenes is certainly still lacking general recognition. Histories of archaic philosophy tend to overlook him and often offer little more than an implicit justification for his exclusion, the core of which is encapsulated in the term \u201ceclecticism.\u201d What makes him visible is his absence, rather than any discussion about him. One complaint made by a reviewer of the Cambridge Companion to Early Greek Philosophy was that it nowhere happens even to mention the one achievement Diogenes is credited with, namely his alleged role in the history of teleology, for which he is occasionally praised. It is all the more noteworthy that Graham, in his recent book, has made of Diogenes a landmark in the history of Presocratic philosophy by making him, rather than the older Anaximenes, the real promoter of the doctrine of \u201cmaterial monism.\u201d\r\n\r\nI personally tend to think that Diogenes\u2019 contribution, on this point, is rather to have explicitly stated the implications of Anaximenes\u2019 monism, rather than substituting a material monism to an Anaximenean pluralism (Graham\u2019s paradoxical point); but Graham\u2019s book came out after this contribution was submitted and could not be taken into account. I shall consequently restate in a rather perfunctory manner, without adding much to what I have written before, what seem to be two basic points about Diogenes. The first one concerns what I take to be the center of Diogenes\u2019 own thought, namely the relation between his noetics (so I shall call his doctrine of Intelligence) and his teleology; the second is about the reception of Diogenes\u2019 thought and the origin of his reputation as an eclectic. [introduction p. 353-354]","btype":2,"date":"2008","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/438sP1InUW9fsIE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":225,"full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":58,"full_name":"Curd, Patricia","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":374,"full_name":"Graham, Daniel W.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1399,"section_of":1400,"pages":"353-364","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1400,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Oxford Handbook of Presocratic Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Curd2008","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2008","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"The Oxford Handbook of Presocratic Philosophy brings together leading international scholars to study the diverse figures, movements, and approaches that constitute Presocratic philosophy. In the sixth and fifth centuries bc a new kind of thinker appeared in Greek city-states, dedicated to finding the origins of the world and everything in it, using observation and reason rather than tradition and myth. We call these thinkers Presocratic philosophers, and recognize them as the first philosophers of the Western tradition, as well as the originators of scientific thinking. New textual discoveries and new approaches make a reconsideration of the Presocratics at the beginning of the twenty-first century especially timely. More than a survey of scholarship, this study presents new interpretations and evaluations of the Presocratics' accomplishments, from Thales to the sophists, from theology to science, and from pre-philosophical background to their influence on later thinkers. Many positions presented here challenge accepted wisdom and offer alternative accounts of Presocratic theories. This book includes chapters on the Milesians (Thales, Anaximander, Anaximenes), Xenophanes, Heraclitus, Parmenides, Anaxagoras, Empedocles, the Pythagoreans, the atomists, and the sophists. Special studies are devoted to the sources of Presocratic philosophy, oriental influences, Hippocratic medicine, cosmology, explanation, epistemology, theology, and the reception of Presocratic thought in Aristotle and other ancient authors. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mXFwMNnXTnju9zT","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1400,"pubplace":"New York","publisher":"Oxford University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2008]}

The Oxford Handbook of Presocratic Philosophy, 2008
By: Curd, Patricia (Ed.), Graham, Daniel W. (Ed.)

Title	The Oxford Handbook of Presocratic Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2008
Publication Place	New York
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Curd, Patricia , Graham, Daniel W.
Translator(s)

The Oxford Handbook of Presocratic Philosophy brings together leading international scholars to study the diverse figures, movements, and approaches that constitute Presocratic philosophy. In the sixth and fifth centuries bc a new kind of thinker appeared in Greek city-states, dedicated to finding the origins of the world and everything in it, using observation and reason rather than tradition and myth. We call these thinkers Presocratic philosophers, and recognize them as the first philosophers of the Western tradition, as well as the originators of scientific thinking. New textual discoveries and new approaches make a reconsideration of the Presocratics at the beginning of the twenty-first century especially timely. More than a survey of scholarship, this study presents new interpretations and evaluations of the Presocratics' accomplishments, from Thales to the sophists, from theology to science, and from pre-philosophical background to their influence on later thinkers. Many positions presented here challenge accepted wisdom and offer alternative accounts of Presocratic theories. This book includes chapters on the Milesians (Thales, Anaximander, Anaximenes), Xenophanes, Heraclitus, Parmenides, Anaxagoras, Empedocles, the Pythagoreans, the atomists, and the sophists. Special studies are devoted to the sources of Presocratic philosophy, oriental influences, Hippocratic medicine, cosmology, explanation, epistemology, theology, and the reception of Presocratic thought in Aristotle and other ancient authors. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vobizazZn2VOG2v

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Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle, De Caelo 2.10-12: An Annotated Translation, Part 2, 2008
By: Bowen, Alan C., Simplicius

Title	Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle, De Caelo 2.10-12: An Annotated Translation, Part 2
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2008
Journal	SCIAMVS: Sources and Commentaries in Exact Sciences
Volume	9
Pages	25-131
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bowen, Alan C. , Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This completes my translation of the narrowly astronomical sections of Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s De caelo, which first appeared in SCIAMVS 4 (2003), 23–58. Its aim, as before, is to provide the reader with a suitably annotated rendering of Simplicius’ text that will facilitate addressing critical questions regarding the nature, construction, and historical value of Simplicius’ commentary, especially as it pertains to the history of earlier Greek astronomical theorizing. In completing this project, I have relied strictly on modern editions of Aristotle’s De caelo in presenting the lemmata in full and have relegated comments about any differences with Simplicius’ abbreviated lemmata to footnotes. After all, given that we have only Simplicius’ lemmata and not the full text of the De caelo that he used, there seems little sense in presenting Aristotle’s text in full while combining it with readings from Simplicius’ text, thereby implying a text that does not exist. At the same time, I have preserved the fact that the text quoted or paraphrased in the commentary proper sometimes differs from the text found in the lemmata. Thus, the lemmata presented here differ from those offered by Ian Mueller (2005), since he revises the received text of the De caelo in light of Simplicius’ text and removes any differences between Simplicius’ lemmata and his quotations and paraphrases. For the modern text of Aristotle’s De caelo, my primary source is Paul Moraux’s edition, as it makes extensive use of the indirect tradition in establishing Aristotle’s text. Moreover, as before, I have used Heiberg’s 1894 edition for the text of Simplicius’ commentary. However, caveat lector: this edition has recently been criticized for its reliance on the 1540 edition of the Latin translation of In De caelo made by William of Moerbeke in the 13th century. Additionally, arguments have been made for the importance of the recently discovered translation of De caelo 2 and related passages from Simplicius by Robert Grosseteste in establishing Simplicius’ text. Regrettably, there is only a proper edition thus far of Moerbeke’s translation of Simplicius’ commentary on De caelo 1; and, though it has certainly proved useful, we must all await the publication of the edition of Moerbeke’s version of Simplicius’ In De caelo 2. This forthcoming edition, as I understand, will account for both of Moerbeke’s translations of Simplicius’ astronomical digression in his commentary on 2.12. As for Grosseteste’s translation, though there is apparently a typescript edition by the late Fernand Bossier, it seems to be privately circulated, and so far, I have been unable to obtain a copy. Next, in interpreting the syntax and meaning of Simplicius’ Greek, I have used terminology that remains faithful to our ancient sources while also being familiar to historians of science, ensuring an accurate rendering of the technical language that Simplicius employs (and sometimes misuses) in the course of his philosophical and astronomical interpretations. As before, the line numbers in the margins of the translation indicate the line in which the first word of the corresponding line in Heiberg’s text appears. The result is not exact in terms of the actual line count, but it should suffice to allow readers to move between my translation and Simplicius’ text if they so wish. Finally, I have supplied extensive footnotes and comments to explicate the many issues that readers should understand in order to assess the nature of Simplicius’ commentary on De caelo 2.12. Readers may well disagree with my claims and arguments; however, I trust that this annotation will at least help them avoid missteps—mine included. What I have not done, however, is address the voluminous literature offering reconstructions of the system of homocentric spheres that Simplicius describes in the great astronomical digression concluding his commentary on 2.12. As in Part 1, my overriding aim is to provide only such annotation as allows readers to engage with Simplicius’ testimony directly, without obscuring it beneath layers of learned interpretation and speculation. My hope is that this approach will encourage readers to assess such reconstructions critically. Admittedly, this aim aligns with my own conclusion that such reconstructions, which trace back to Schiaparelli in the 19th century and were largely codified by Heath (1913), must today be seen as an egregious example of how scholars and their communities project their own perspectives onto the past. Moreover, this approach fits with my conviction that Simplicius’ commentary on De caelo 2.10–12 is historically significant in its own right as a witness to concerns in late antiquity about the nature and foundations of astronomical knowledge. Accordingly, I have limited my remarks on these reconstructions to instances where proponents make claims about the meaning of Simplicius’ Greek or critique his interpretations. For the most part, I have set aside alternative reconstructions proposed by Maula (1974), Heglmeier (1996), Mendell (1998, 2000), and Yavetz (1998, 2001, 2003). For further details on the principles underlying this translation and the format of its presentation, I urge the reader to consult Part 1, especially pages 25–26. [introduction p. 25-27]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bK5nxtsNqCbstdI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1480","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1480,"authors_free":[{"id":2561,"entry_id":1480,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":16,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bowen, Alan C.","free_first_name":"Alan C.","free_last_name":"Bowen","norm_person":{"id":16,"first_name":"Bowen C.","last_name":"Bowen","full_name":"Bowen, Alan C. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140052720","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2600,"entry_id":1480,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle, De Caelo 2.10-12: An Annotated Translation, Part 2","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle, De Caelo 2.10-12: An Annotated Translation, Part 2"},"abstract":"This completes my translation of the narrowly astronomical sections of Simplicius\u2019 commentary on Aristotle\u2019s De caelo, which first appeared in SCIAMVS 4 (2003), 23\u201358. Its aim, as before, is to provide the reader with a suitably annotated rendering of Simplicius\u2019 text that will facilitate addressing critical questions regarding the nature, construction, and historical value of Simplicius\u2019 commentary, especially as it pertains to the history of earlier Greek astronomical theorizing.\r\n\r\nIn completing this project, I have relied strictly on modern editions of Aristotle\u2019s De caelo in presenting the lemmata in full and have relegated comments about any differences with Simplicius\u2019 abbreviated lemmata to footnotes. After all, given that we have only Simplicius\u2019 lemmata and not the full text of the De caelo that he used, there seems little sense in presenting Aristotle\u2019s text in full while combining it with readings from Simplicius\u2019 text, thereby implying a text that does not exist. At the same time, I have preserved the fact that the text quoted or paraphrased in the commentary proper sometimes differs from the text found in the lemmata. Thus, the lemmata presented here differ from those offered by Ian Mueller (2005), since he revises the received text of the De caelo in light of Simplicius\u2019 text and removes any differences between Simplicius\u2019 lemmata and his quotations and paraphrases.\r\n\r\nFor the modern text of Aristotle\u2019s De caelo, my primary source is Paul Moraux\u2019s edition, as it makes extensive use of the indirect tradition in establishing Aristotle\u2019s text. Moreover, as before, I have used Heiberg\u2019s 1894 edition for the text of Simplicius\u2019 commentary. However, caveat lector: this edition has recently been criticized for its reliance on the 1540 edition of the Latin translation of In De caelo made by William of Moerbeke in the 13th century. Additionally, arguments have been made for the importance of the recently discovered translation of De caelo 2 and related passages from Simplicius by Robert Grosseteste in establishing Simplicius\u2019 text. Regrettably, there is only a proper edition thus far of Moerbeke\u2019s translation of Simplicius\u2019 commentary on De caelo 1; and, though it has certainly proved useful, we must all await the publication of the edition of Moerbeke\u2019s version of Simplicius\u2019 In De caelo 2. This forthcoming edition, as I understand, will account for both of Moerbeke\u2019s translations of Simplicius\u2019 astronomical digression in his commentary on 2.12.\r\n\r\nAs for Grosseteste\u2019s translation, though there is apparently a typescript edition by the late Fernand Bossier, it seems to be privately circulated, and so far, I have been unable to obtain a copy.\r\n\r\nNext, in interpreting the syntax and meaning of Simplicius\u2019 Greek, I have used terminology that remains faithful to our ancient sources while also being familiar to historians of science, ensuring an accurate rendering of the technical language that Simplicius employs (and sometimes misuses) in the course of his philosophical and astronomical interpretations. As before, the line numbers in the margins of the translation indicate the line in which the first word of the corresponding line in Heiberg\u2019s text appears. The result is not exact in terms of the actual line count, but it should suffice to allow readers to move between my translation and Simplicius\u2019 text if they so wish.\r\n\r\nFinally, I have supplied extensive footnotes and comments to explicate the many issues that readers should understand in order to assess the nature of Simplicius\u2019 commentary on De caelo 2.12. Readers may well disagree with my claims and arguments; however, I trust that this annotation will at least help them avoid missteps\u2014mine included. What I have not done, however, is address the voluminous literature offering reconstructions of the system of homocentric spheres that Simplicius describes in the great astronomical digression concluding his commentary on 2.12.\r\n\r\nAs in Part 1, my overriding aim is to provide only such annotation as allows readers to engage with Simplicius\u2019 testimony directly, without obscuring it beneath layers of learned interpretation and speculation. My hope is that this approach will encourage readers to assess such reconstructions critically. Admittedly, this aim aligns with my own conclusion that such reconstructions, which trace back to Schiaparelli in the 19th century and were largely codified by Heath (1913), must today be seen as an egregious example of how scholars and their communities project their own perspectives onto the past.\r\n\r\nMoreover, this approach fits with my conviction that Simplicius\u2019 commentary on De caelo 2.10\u201312 is historically significant in its own right as a witness to concerns in late antiquity about the nature and foundations of astronomical knowledge. Accordingly, I have limited my remarks on these reconstructions to instances where proponents make claims about the meaning of Simplicius\u2019 Greek or critique his interpretations. For the most part, I have set aside alternative reconstructions proposed by Maula (1974), Heglmeier (1996), Mendell (1998, 2000), and Yavetz (1998, 2001, 2003).\r\n\r\nFor further details on the principles underlying this translation and the format of its presentation, I urge the reader to consult Part 1, especially pages 25\u201326. [introduction p. 25-27]","btype":3,"date":"2008","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/bK5nxtsNqCbstdI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":16,"full_name":"Bowen, Alan C. ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1480,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"SCIAMVS: Sources and Commentaries in Exact Sciences","volume":"9","issue":"","pages":"25-131"}},"sort":[2008]}

Remarque complémentaire à mon article “Dans quel lieu le néoplatonicien Simplicius a-t-il fondé son école de mathémathiques, et où a pu avoir lieu son entretien avec un manichéen?”, 2007
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Remarque complémentaire à mon article “Dans quel lieu le néoplatonicien Simplicius a-t-il fondé son école de mathémathiques, et où a pu avoir lieu son entretien avec un manichéen?”
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2007
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	1
Pages	263-269
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Concerning the book by R. Arnzen Abū l-‘Abbās an-Nayrīzīs Exzerpte aus (Ps.-?) Simplicius’ Kommentar zu den Definitionen, Postulaten und Axiomen in Euclids Elementa I, the present paper off ers a survey of the way the late Neoplatonists used to conceive and compose their commentaries. Far from trying to be original, each commentary is largely based on the works of predecessors. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MJR57V7OQzq7spB

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1179","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1179,"authors_free":[{"id":1753,"entry_id":1179,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Remarque compl\u00e9mentaire \u00e0 mon article \u201cDans quel lieu le n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius a-t-il fond\u00e9 son \u00e9cole de math\u00e9mathiques, et o\u00f9 a pu avoir lieu son entretien avec un manich\u00e9en?\u201d","main_title":{"title":"Remarque compl\u00e9mentaire \u00e0 mon article \u201cDans quel lieu le n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius a-t-il fond\u00e9 son \u00e9cole de math\u00e9mathiques, et o\u00f9 a pu avoir lieu son entretien avec un manich\u00e9en?\u201d"},"abstract":"Concerning the book by R. Arnzen Ab\u016b l-\u2018Abb\u0101s an-Nayr\u012bz\u012bs Exzerpte aus (Ps.-?) Simplicius\u2019 Kommentar zu den Definitionen, Postulaten und Axiomen in Euclids Elementa I, the present paper off ers a survey of the way the late Neoplatonists used to conceive and compose their commentaries. Far from trying to be original, each commentary is largely based on the works of predecessors. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2007","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/MJR57V7OQzq7spB","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1179,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition","volume":"1","issue":"","pages":"263-269"}},"sort":[2007]}

Aperçu de la réception de la doctrine stoïcienne du mélange total dans le néoplatonisme après Plotin, 2007
By: Cohen, Daniel

Title	Aperçu de la réception de la doctrine stoïcienne du mélange total dans le néoplatonisme après Plotin
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2007
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	25
Issue	2
Pages	67-100
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cohen, Daniel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aux niveaux les plus inférieurs, où prédomine la multiplicité et la division, le mélange peut se manifester selon deux modes : Ou bien les composants d'une totalité préservent leur identité au détriment de l'unité du produit du mélange (il ne s'agit alors pas à proprement parler d'un mélange mais plutôt d'un « assemblage » dans lequel les éléments sont simplement juxtaposés : il s'agit plutôt de la παράθεσις stoïcienne ou de la σύνθεσις d'Aristote). Ou bien le produit du mélange forme une véritable totalité unifiée, mais alors cette unité est réalisée au détriment de l'identité des composantes, qui s'altèrent et se confondent pour former une entité nouvelle (il s'agit alors de la σύγχυσις stoïcienne ou du véritable mélange au sens aristotélicien). Au niveau des réalités immatérielles, c'est sur le modèle stoïcien du mélange total que les Néoplatoniciens envisagent cette paradoxale « fusion sans confusion » qui unifie toute multiplicité sur le mode de la totalité antérieure à la dispersion de ses parties au sein de la matière. Dans la mesure où les jugements que les Néoplatoniciens portent sur l'héritage philosophique des doctrines anciennes se présentent la plupart du temps comme une confrontation avec la perspective qui est supposée être celle de Platon, on peut dire que la réception néoplatonicienne des physiques du mélange d'Aristote et des Stoïciens aboutit à la conclusion suivante : Les Stoïciens se trompent parce qu'ils rendent les causes immanentes et donc mélangées à la matière. Aristote a raison, mais il se limite à rendre compte des phénomènes sensibles. Aristote et les Stoïciens font partie de ce que Proclus qualifiera de « crème des disputeurs qui, pour avoir observé quelque petite portion de la nature, pensent pouvoir déchirer Platon ». Ce n'est donc pas le moindre des paradoxes si les représentants du Néoplatonisme, après avoir rejeté les lois de la physique aristotélicienne comme n'ayant de validité qu'au seul niveau sensible, et après avoir vigoureusement critiqué le matérialisme stoïcien, ont transposé la donnée la plus fondamentale de la physique stoïcienne — celle qui permettait aux Stoïciens de justifier l'immanence intégrale de la causalité divine (et donc le matérialisme corporaliste le plus radical) — aux niveaux les plus élevés, comme régissant les relations entre les réalités immatérielles et incorporelles. Comme l'a bien montré Pierre Hadot, cette transfiguration doctrinale, qui deviendra typique de la démarche néoplatonicienne, a été amorcée dans le cadre de la synthèse réalisée par Porphyre. En ce sens, écrivait-il, « c'est précisément une des caractéristiques de la doctrine porphyrienne (...) de montrer que le Stoïcisme n'est vrai que dans la transposition néoplatonicienne, la physique stoïcienne devenant ainsi une métaphysique », de sorte que « la théorie des mélanges élaborée par les Stoïciens ne découvre sa vérité que sur le plan intelligible ». Nous avons vu cependant que cette vérité se découvre avant même d'envisager le mélange proprement noétique, Porphyre lui-même ayant déjà fait intervenir la krasis stoïcienne dans le contexte d'un exposé sur l'embryologie, et les Néoplatoniciens ultérieurs dans cet ordre intermédiaire, négligé par Plotin, où se tiennent les « corps immatériels » non qualifiés. La conception stoïcienne du mélange total s'est finalement imposée au sein de la métaphysique néoplatonicienne au prix d'un double réaménagement doctrinal, ayant eu pour résultat : La synthèse de la doctrine stoïcienne de l'interpénétration totale sans confusion avec les élaborations aristotéliciennes de l'acte et de la puissance. La transposition du domaine des réalités matérielles à celui des réalités corporelles non encore engagées dans la matière première. [conclusion p. 99-100]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/T9kWS2QRZ2oeq7V

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1273","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1273,"authors_free":[{"id":1863,"entry_id":1273,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":51,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cohen, Daniel","free_first_name":"Daniel","free_last_name":"Cohen","norm_person":{"id":51,"first_name":"Daniel","last_name":"Cohen","full_name":"Cohen, Daniel","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1024876659","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aper\u00e7u de la r\u00e9ception de la doctrine sto\u00efcienne du m\u00e9lange total dans le n\u00e9oplatonisme apr\u00e8s Plotin","main_title":{"title":"Aper\u00e7u de la r\u00e9ception de la doctrine sto\u00efcienne du m\u00e9lange total dans le n\u00e9oplatonisme apr\u00e8s Plotin"},"abstract":"Aux niveaux les plus inf\u00e9rieurs, o\u00f9 pr\u00e9domine la multiplicit\u00e9 et la division, le m\u00e9lange peut se manifester selon deux modes :\r\n\r\n Ou bien les composants d'une totalit\u00e9 pr\u00e9servent leur identit\u00e9 au d\u00e9triment de l'unit\u00e9 du produit du m\u00e9lange (il ne s'agit alors pas \u00e0 proprement parler d'un m\u00e9lange mais plut\u00f4t d'un \u00ab assemblage \u00bb dans lequel les \u00e9l\u00e9ments sont simplement juxtapos\u00e9s : il s'agit plut\u00f4t de la \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 sto\u00efcienne ou de la \u03c3\u03cd\u03bd\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 d'Aristote).\r\n Ou bien le produit du m\u00e9lange forme une v\u00e9ritable totalit\u00e9 unifi\u00e9e, mais alors cette unit\u00e9 est r\u00e9alis\u00e9e au d\u00e9triment de l'identit\u00e9 des composantes, qui s'alt\u00e8rent et se confondent pour former une entit\u00e9 nouvelle (il s'agit alors de la \u03c3\u03cd\u03b3\u03c7\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 sto\u00efcienne ou du v\u00e9ritable m\u00e9lange au sens aristot\u00e9licien).\r\n\r\nAu niveau des r\u00e9alit\u00e9s immat\u00e9rielles, c'est sur le mod\u00e8le sto\u00efcien du m\u00e9lange total que les N\u00e9oplatoniciens envisagent cette paradoxale \u00ab fusion sans confusion \u00bb qui unifie toute multiplicit\u00e9 sur le mode de la totalit\u00e9 ant\u00e9rieure \u00e0 la dispersion de ses parties au sein de la mati\u00e8re.\r\n\r\nDans la mesure o\u00f9 les jugements que les N\u00e9oplatoniciens portent sur l'h\u00e9ritage philosophique des doctrines anciennes se pr\u00e9sentent la plupart du temps comme une confrontation avec la perspective qui est suppos\u00e9e \u00eatre celle de Platon, on peut dire que la r\u00e9ception n\u00e9oplatonicienne des physiques du m\u00e9lange d'Aristote et des Sto\u00efciens aboutit \u00e0 la conclusion suivante :\r\n\r\n Les Sto\u00efciens se trompent parce qu'ils rendent les causes immanentes et donc m\u00e9lang\u00e9es \u00e0 la mati\u00e8re.\r\n Aristote a raison, mais il se limite \u00e0 rendre compte des ph\u00e9nom\u00e8nes sensibles.\r\n\r\nAristote et les Sto\u00efciens font partie de ce que Proclus qualifiera de \u00ab cr\u00e8me des disputeurs qui, pour avoir observ\u00e9 quelque petite portion de la nature, pensent pouvoir d\u00e9chirer Platon \u00bb.\r\n\r\nCe n'est donc pas le moindre des paradoxes si les repr\u00e9sentants du N\u00e9oplatonisme, apr\u00e8s avoir rejet\u00e9 les lois de la physique aristot\u00e9licienne comme n'ayant de validit\u00e9 qu'au seul niveau sensible, et apr\u00e8s avoir vigoureusement critiqu\u00e9 le mat\u00e9rialisme sto\u00efcien, ont transpos\u00e9 la donn\u00e9e la plus fondamentale de la physique sto\u00efcienne \u2014 celle qui permettait aux Sto\u00efciens de justifier l'immanence int\u00e9grale de la causalit\u00e9 divine (et donc le mat\u00e9rialisme corporaliste le plus radical) \u2014 aux niveaux les plus \u00e9lev\u00e9s, comme r\u00e9gissant les relations entre les r\u00e9alit\u00e9s immat\u00e9rielles et incorporelles.\r\n\r\nComme l'a bien montr\u00e9 Pierre Hadot, cette transfiguration doctrinale, qui deviendra typique de la d\u00e9marche n\u00e9oplatonicienne, a \u00e9t\u00e9 amorc\u00e9e dans le cadre de la synth\u00e8se r\u00e9alis\u00e9e par Porphyre. En ce sens, \u00e9crivait-il, \u00ab c'est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment une des caract\u00e9ristiques de la doctrine porphyrienne (...) de montrer que le Sto\u00efcisme n'est vrai que dans la transposition n\u00e9oplatonicienne, la physique sto\u00efcienne devenant ainsi une m\u00e9taphysique \u00bb, de sorte que \u00ab la th\u00e9orie des m\u00e9langes \u00e9labor\u00e9e par les Sto\u00efciens ne d\u00e9couvre sa v\u00e9rit\u00e9 que sur le plan intelligible \u00bb.\r\n\r\nNous avons vu cependant que cette v\u00e9rit\u00e9 se d\u00e9couvre avant m\u00eame d'envisager le m\u00e9lange proprement no\u00e9tique, Porphyre lui-m\u00eame ayant d\u00e9j\u00e0 fait intervenir la krasis sto\u00efcienne dans le contexte d'un expos\u00e9 sur l'embryologie, et les N\u00e9oplatoniciens ult\u00e9rieurs dans cet ordre interm\u00e9diaire, n\u00e9glig\u00e9 par Plotin, o\u00f9 se tiennent les \u00ab corps immat\u00e9riels \u00bb non qualifi\u00e9s.\r\n\r\nLa conception sto\u00efcienne du m\u00e9lange total s'est finalement impos\u00e9e au sein de la m\u00e9taphysique n\u00e9oplatonicienne au prix d'un double r\u00e9am\u00e9nagement doctrinal, ayant eu pour r\u00e9sultat :\r\n\r\n La synth\u00e8se de la doctrine sto\u00efcienne de l'interp\u00e9n\u00e9tration totale sans confusion avec les \u00e9laborations aristot\u00e9liciennes de l'acte et de la puissance.\r\n La transposition du domaine des r\u00e9alit\u00e9s mat\u00e9rielles \u00e0 celui des r\u00e9alit\u00e9s corporelles non encore engag\u00e9es dans la mati\u00e8re premi\u00e8re. [conclusion p. 99-100]","btype":3,"date":"2007","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/T9kWS2QRZ2oeq7V","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":51,"full_name":"Cohen, Daniel","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1273,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue de Philosophie Ancienne","volume":"25 ","issue":"2","pages":"67-100"}},"sort":[2007]}

Die philosophischen Kommentare aus der Antike. Ein Überblick mit ausgewählten Literaturangaben, 2007
By: Perkams, Matthias

Title	Die philosophischen Kommentare aus der Antike. Ein Überblick mit ausgewählten Literaturangaben
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2007
Journal	Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Philosophie
Volume	32
Issue	1
Pages	51-79
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ein typisches Beispiel für einen systematisch anspruchsvoll argumentierenden Kommentar, auf den viele der hier genannten Merkmale zutreffen, ist der De anima-Kommentar des Neuplatonikers Priskian von Lydien, eines Zeitgenossen und Bekannten des Damaskios und Simplikios um 530. Der Autor setzt es sich zu Beginn seines Kommentars ausdrücklich zum Ziel, sich bei der Auslegung des aristotelischen Textes und der Klärung der hierbei bestehenden Zweifel nach Möglichkeit an die sachliche Wahrheit (alētheia tōn pragmatōn) zu halten. Dabei will er diese nicht einfach aus dem Text ableiten, sondern orientiert sich bewusst an der Seelenlehre Jamblichs (3. Jh.), des eigentlichen Begründers des spätneuplatonischen Systems (1, 18–20). Diese Zugangsweise stellt den Kommentator freilich vor schwierige inhaltliche Probleme: Zum einen gilt es, Aristoteles’ Seelenlehre richtig zu verstehen, die davon ausgeht, dass die Seele schlichtweg das Lebensprinzip des menschlichen Körpers und eben dadurch definiert ist. Andererseits muss Priskian den Intentionen Jamblichs gerecht werden, dessen Neuplatonismus der Transzendenz auch des menschlichen Geistes und damit einer Art Leib-Seele-Dualismus verpflichtet bleibt. Um beiden Ansprüchen genügen zu können, entwickelt der Kommentator eine komplexe Theorie der menschlichen Seele, die das neuplatonische Menschenbild nicht unwesentlich variiert und verfeinert: Erstens führt Priskian in den für Aristoteles’ Seelenlehre zentralen Begriff der Entelechie bzw. Formursache eine Unterscheidung zwischen einer Formursächlichkeit als Gestaltprinzip des leib-seelischen Wesens und einer Formursächlichkeit als dessen Bewegungsprinzip ein (4,12–5,5). Das letztere Prinzip findet Priskian in Aristoteles’ Aussage, der Geist könne möglicherweise auch so im Körper sein wie ein Schiffer auf einem Schiff (De anima II 1, 413a 6–9). Für Priskian gibt es die Unterschiedenheit zwischen formender und bewegender Entelechie jedoch nicht nur (und nicht in erster Linie, wie noch deutlich werden wird) auf der Ebene der rationalen Seele bzw. des menschlichen Nous, sondern auch auf den Seelenstufen des Vegetativen und des Sensitiven, wobei beim Vegetativen der formende Charakter stark überwiegt. Für die Ebene des Nous reicht diese Differenzierung jedoch nicht aus; denn auch ein Bewegungsprinzip ist nach neuplatonischer Vorstellung als solches notwendig mit dem Körper verbunden, während es für den aristotelischen Nous ganz unangemessen ist, dass er überhaupt in irgendeiner notwendigen Verbindung zum Körper steht (227,6–32). Priskian antwortet mit einer feingliedrigen Differenzierung des Nous-Begriffs, wobei die Einheit und Vielheit der verschiedenen unterschiedenen Stufen mit Hilfe der neuplatonischen Idee einer triadischen Dynamik des Geistigen verstanden werden muss. Grundlegend ist der Gedanke, dass der Nous im Menschen, verstanden als sein alltägliches, gleichsam empirisches Selbst, sich entweder ganz von der Verbindung mit Körperlichem lösen und sich dem bloßen Denken zuwenden oder aber durch die eingegangene Verbindung mit dem Körper nur potentiell zu einem derartigen Denken befähigt sein kann. Priskian schildert diesen Gegensatz jedoch nicht nur, wie andere Neuplatoniker, als eine bloße Wahlmöglichkeit der rationalen Seele zwischen einer Wendung nach oben – zum Geistigen – oder nach unten – zum Körperlichen –, sondern er stellt ihn als eine Zuwendung der Seele zu ihrem eigentlichen, idealen Selbst dar, das als transzendentales Subjekt ihres Denkens zu gelten hat und damit das Denken eigentlich erst „bewirkt“ (das ist seine Interpretation des aristotelischen aktiven Geistes). Dieses ideale Selbst ist aber nicht, wie Plotin annimmt, völlig konstant, sondern es entwickelt und verändert sich zusammen mit der Ebene unseres alltäglichen Denkens, das erst durch eine Rückwendung zum Geistigen auch eine volle Wiederherstellung seines transzendentalen Selbst bewirken kann (220,2–25; 240,2–241,26). Unser Geist ist daher „von sich selbst entfremdet“ (allotriōthen heautou; 223,26), und unser Leben eine dauerhafte Suche nach der Wiedergewinnung der Einheit von empirischem und idealem Selbst. Diese kann erreicht werden durch eine Selbsterkenntnis, bei der sich das empirische Selbst als sein ideales Selbst erkennt und zu diesem wird; um diesen Prozess zu erklären, wendet Priskian die neuplatonische Idee einer geistigen Bewegung aus Bleiben, Hervorgehen und Zurückkehren (monē, prohodos, epistrophē) auf den menschlichen Geist an, was hier nicht im Detail nachvollzogen werden kann. Dieser sehr grobe Überblick über einen ebenso scharfsinnigen wie schwierigen und voraussetzungsreichen Text zeigt in besonders extremer Form, mit welchen systematischen Interessen nicht wenige Kommentatoren an ihre Texte herantraten; häufig lässt sich im kommentierten Text allenfalls der Anlass erkennen, der den Kommentator dazu führt, seine eigenen systematischen Fragen am autoritativ verstandenen Vorlagetext abzuhandeln, was entweder zu einem besseren Verständnis des Textes oder – wie im gerade diskutierten Fall – zu einer Bereicherung der zeitgenössischen Diskussion führt, von der auch der heutige Leser profitieren kann, wenn er bereit ist, den häufig mühsamen Weg zum Verständnis eines Kommentators zu gehen. [introduction p. 52-53]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pSf0FMkBh5xKMAw

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1085","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1085,"authors_free":[{"id":1641,"entry_id":1085,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":283,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Perkams, Matthias","free_first_name":"Matthias","free_last_name":"Perkams","norm_person":{"id":283,"first_name":"Matthias","last_name":"Perkams","full_name":"Perkams, Matthias","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123439760","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die philosophischen Kommentare aus der Antike. Ein \u00dcberblick mit ausgew\u00e4hlten Literaturangaben","main_title":{"title":"Die philosophischen Kommentare aus der Antike. Ein \u00dcberblick mit ausgew\u00e4hlten Literaturangaben"},"abstract":"Ein typisches Beispiel f\u00fcr einen systematisch anspruchsvoll argumentierenden Kommentar, auf den viele der hier genannten Merkmale zutreffen, ist der De anima-Kommentar des Neuplatonikers Priskian von Lydien, eines Zeitgenossen und Bekannten des Damaskios und Simplikios um 530. Der Autor setzt es sich zu Beginn seines Kommentars ausdr\u00fccklich zum Ziel, sich bei der Auslegung des aristotelischen Textes und der Kl\u00e4rung der hierbei bestehenden Zweifel nach M\u00f6glichkeit an die sachliche Wahrheit (al\u0113theia t\u014dn pragmat\u014dn) zu halten. Dabei will er diese nicht einfach aus dem Text ableiten, sondern orientiert sich bewusst an der Seelenlehre Jamblichs (3. Jh.), des eigentlichen Begr\u00fcnders des sp\u00e4tneuplatonischen Systems (1, 18\u201320).\r\n\r\nDiese Zugangsweise stellt den Kommentator freilich vor schwierige inhaltliche Probleme: Zum einen gilt es, Aristoteles\u2019 Seelenlehre richtig zu verstehen, die davon ausgeht, dass die Seele schlichtweg das Lebensprinzip des menschlichen K\u00f6rpers und eben dadurch definiert ist. Andererseits muss Priskian den Intentionen Jamblichs gerecht werden, dessen Neuplatonismus der Transzendenz auch des menschlichen Geistes und damit einer Art Leib-Seele-Dualismus verpflichtet bleibt.\r\n\r\nUm beiden Anspr\u00fcchen gen\u00fcgen zu k\u00f6nnen, entwickelt der Kommentator eine komplexe Theorie der menschlichen Seele, die das neuplatonische Menschenbild nicht unwesentlich variiert und verfeinert: Erstens f\u00fchrt Priskian in den f\u00fcr Aristoteles\u2019 Seelenlehre zentralen Begriff der Entelechie bzw. Formursache eine Unterscheidung zwischen einer Formurs\u00e4chlichkeit als Gestaltprinzip des leib-seelischen Wesens und einer Formurs\u00e4chlichkeit als dessen Bewegungsprinzip ein (4,12\u20135,5). Das letztere Prinzip findet Priskian in Aristoteles\u2019 Aussage, der Geist k\u00f6nne m\u00f6glicherweise auch so im K\u00f6rper sein wie ein Schiffer auf einem Schiff (De anima II 1, 413a 6\u20139).\r\n\r\nF\u00fcr Priskian gibt es die Unterschiedenheit zwischen formender und bewegender Entelechie jedoch nicht nur (und nicht in erster Linie, wie noch deutlich werden wird) auf der Ebene der rationalen Seele bzw. des menschlichen Nous, sondern auch auf den Seelenstufen des Vegetativen und des Sensitiven, wobei beim Vegetativen der formende Charakter stark \u00fcberwiegt.\r\n\r\nF\u00fcr die Ebene des Nous reicht diese Differenzierung jedoch nicht aus; denn auch ein Bewegungsprinzip ist nach neuplatonischer Vorstellung als solches notwendig mit dem K\u00f6rper verbunden, w\u00e4hrend es f\u00fcr den aristotelischen Nous ganz unangemessen ist, dass er \u00fcberhaupt in irgendeiner notwendigen Verbindung zum K\u00f6rper steht (227,6\u201332). Priskian antwortet mit einer feingliedrigen Differenzierung des Nous-Begriffs, wobei die Einheit und Vielheit der verschiedenen unterschiedenen Stufen mit Hilfe der neuplatonischen Idee einer triadischen Dynamik des Geistigen verstanden werden muss.\r\n\r\nGrundlegend ist der Gedanke, dass der Nous im Menschen, verstanden als sein allt\u00e4gliches, gleichsam empirisches Selbst, sich entweder ganz von der Verbindung mit K\u00f6rperlichem l\u00f6sen und sich dem blo\u00dfen Denken zuwenden oder aber durch die eingegangene Verbindung mit dem K\u00f6rper nur potentiell zu einem derartigen Denken bef\u00e4higt sein kann. Priskian schildert diesen Gegensatz jedoch nicht nur, wie andere Neuplatoniker, als eine blo\u00dfe Wahlm\u00f6glichkeit der rationalen Seele zwischen einer Wendung nach oben \u2013 zum Geistigen \u2013 oder nach unten \u2013 zum K\u00f6rperlichen \u2013, sondern er stellt ihn als eine Zuwendung der Seele zu ihrem eigentlichen, idealen Selbst dar, das als transzendentales Subjekt ihres Denkens zu gelten hat und damit das Denken eigentlich erst \u201ebewirkt\u201c (das ist seine Interpretation des aristotelischen aktiven Geistes).\r\n\r\nDieses ideale Selbst ist aber nicht, wie Plotin annimmt, v\u00f6llig konstant, sondern es entwickelt und ver\u00e4ndert sich zusammen mit der Ebene unseres allt\u00e4glichen Denkens, das erst durch eine R\u00fcckwendung zum Geistigen auch eine volle Wiederherstellung seines transzendentalen Selbst bewirken kann (220,2\u201325; 240,2\u2013241,26). Unser Geist ist daher \u201evon sich selbst entfremdet\u201c (allotri\u014dthen heautou; 223,26), und unser Leben eine dauerhafte Suche nach der Wiedergewinnung der Einheit von empirischem und idealem Selbst.\r\n\r\nDiese kann erreicht werden durch eine Selbsterkenntnis, bei der sich das empirische Selbst als sein ideales Selbst erkennt und zu diesem wird; um diesen Prozess zu erkl\u00e4ren, wendet Priskian die neuplatonische Idee einer geistigen Bewegung aus Bleiben, Hervorgehen und Zur\u00fcckkehren (mon\u0113, prohodos, epistroph\u0113) auf den menschlichen Geist an, was hier nicht im Detail nachvollzogen werden kann.\r\n\r\nDieser sehr grobe \u00dcberblick \u00fcber einen ebenso scharfsinnigen wie schwierigen und voraussetzungsreichen Text zeigt in besonders extremer Form, mit welchen systematischen Interessen nicht wenige Kommentatoren an ihre Texte herantraten; h\u00e4ufig l\u00e4sst sich im kommentierten Text allenfalls der Anlass erkennen, der den Kommentator dazu f\u00fchrt, seine eigenen systematischen Fragen am autoritativ verstandenen Vorlagetext abzuhandeln, was entweder zu einem besseren Verst\u00e4ndnis des Textes oder \u2013 wie im gerade diskutierten Fall \u2013 zu einer Bereicherung der zeitgen\u00f6ssischen Diskussion f\u00fchrt, von der auch der heutige Leser profitieren kann, wenn er bereit ist, den h\u00e4ufig m\u00fchsamen Weg zum Verst\u00e4ndnis eines Kommentators zu gehen. [introduction p. 52-53]","btype":3,"date":"2007","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/pSf0FMkBh5xKMAw","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":283,"full_name":"Perkams, Matthias","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1085,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Allgemeine Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Philosophie","volume":"32","issue":"1","pages":"51-79"}},"sort":[2007]}

Semence, vertu formatrice et intellect agent chez Nicolò Leoniceno entre la tradition arabo-latine et la renaissance des commentateurs grecs, 2007
By: Hiro, Harai

Title	Semence, vertu formatrice et intellect agent chez Nicolò Leoniceno entre la tradition arabo-latine et la renaissance des commentateurs grecs
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2007
Journal	Early Science and Medicine
Volume	12
Issue	2
Pages	134-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hiro, Harai
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The treatise On Formative Power (Venice, 1506) of Ferrara's emblematic medical humanist, Nicolo Leoniceno (1428-1524), is the one of the first embryological monographs of the Renaissance. It shows, at the same time, the continuity of medi eval Arabo-Latin tradition and the new elements brought by Renaissance medical humanism, namely through the use of the ancient Greek commentators of Aristotle like Simplicius. Thus this treatise stands at the crossroad of these two currents. The present study analyses the range of Leoniceno's philosophical discussion, determines its exact sources and brings to light premises for the early modern development of the concept of formative force, which will end up in the theory of "plastic nature" at the heart of the Scientific Revolution. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Bqb94gvDLPcl42S

{"_index":"sire","_id":"806","_score":null,"_source":{"id":806,"authors_free":[{"id":1193,"entry_id":806,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":179,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hiro, Harai","free_first_name":"Harai","free_last_name":"Hiro","norm_person":{"id":179,"first_name":"Harai","last_name":"Hiro","full_name":"Hiro, Harai","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1078284075","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Semence, vertu formatrice et intellect agent chez Nicol\u00f2 Leoniceno entre la tradition arabo-latine et la renaissance des commentateurs grecs","main_title":{"title":"Semence, vertu formatrice et intellect agent chez Nicol\u00f2 Leoniceno entre la tradition arabo-latine et la renaissance des commentateurs grecs"},"abstract":"The treatise On Formative Power (Venice, 1506) of Ferrara's emblematic medical humanist, Nicolo Leoniceno (1428-1524), is the one of the first embryological monographs of the Renaissance. It shows, at the same time, the continuity of medi eval Arabo-Latin tradition and the new elements brought by Renaissance medical humanism, namely through the use of the ancient Greek commentators of Aristotle like Simplicius. Thus this treatise stands at the crossroad of these two currents. The present study analyses the range of Leoniceno's philosophical discussion, determines its exact sources and brings to light premises for the early modern development of the concept of formative force, which will end up in the theory of \"plastic nature\" at the heart of the Scientific Revolution. [Author\u2019s abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2007","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Bqb94gvDLPcl42S","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":179,"full_name":"Hiro, Harai","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":806,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Early Science and Medicine","volume":"12","issue":"2","pages":"134-165"}},"sort":[2007]}

From Polemic to Exegesis: The Ancient Philosophical Commentary, 2007
By: Baltussen, Han

Title	From Polemic to Exegesis: The Ancient Philosophical Commentary
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2007
Journal	Poetics Today
Volume	28
Issue	2
Pages	247–281
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Commentary was an important vehicle for philosophical debate in late antiquity. Its antecedents lie in the rise of rational argumentation, polemical rivalry, literacy, and the canonization of texts. This essay aims to give a historical and typological outline of philosophical exegesis in antiquity, from the earliest allegorizing readings of Homer to the full-blown “running commentary” in the Platonic tradition (fourth to sixth centuries CE). Running commentaries are mostly on authoritative thinkers such as Plato and Aristotle. Yet they are never mere scholarly enterprises but, rather, springboards for syncretistic clarification, elaboration, and creative interpretation. Two case studies (Galen 129-219 CE, Simplicius ca. 530 CE) will illustrate the range of exegetical tools available at the end of a long tradition in medical science and in reading Aristotle through Neoplatonic eyes, respectively. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9evl1bXvfOTYX0r

{"_index":"sire","_id":"968","_score":null,"_source":{"id":968,"authors_free":[{"id":1455,"entry_id":968,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":39,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Baltussen, Han","free_first_name":"Han","free_last_name":"Baltussen","norm_person":{"id":39,"first_name":"Han","last_name":"Baltussen","full_name":"Baltussen, Han","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136236456","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"From Polemic to Exegesis: The Ancient Philosophical Commentary","main_title":{"title":"From Polemic to Exegesis: The Ancient Philosophical Commentary"},"abstract":"Commentary was an important vehicle for philosophical debate in late antiquity. Its antecedents lie in the rise of rational argumentation, polemical rivalry, literacy, and the canonization of texts. This essay aims to give a historical and typological outline of philosophical exegesis in antiquity, from the earliest alle\u00adgorizing readings of Homer to the full-blown \u201crunning commentary\u201d in the Pla\u00adtonic tradition (fourth to sixth centuries CE). Running commentaries are mostly on authoritative thinkers such as Plato and Aristotle. Yet they are never mere scholarly enterprises but, rather, springboards for syncretistic clarification, elaboration, and creative interpretation. Two case studies (Galen 129-219 CE, Simplicius ca. 530 CE) will illustrate the range of exegetical tools available at the end of a long tradition in medical science and in reading Aristotle through Neoplatonic eyes, respectively. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2007","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9evl1bXvfOTYX0r","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":39,"full_name":"Baltussen, Han","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":968,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Poetics Today","volume":"28","issue":"2","pages":"247\u2013281"}},"sort":[2007]}

Essentialisme. Alexandre d'Aphrodise entre logique, physique et cosmologie, 2007
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	Essentialisme. Alexandre d'Aphrodise entre logique, physique et cosmologie
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2007
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina
Volume	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This book is the first study of the ontological system of Alexander of Aphrodisias (floruit c. 200 AD), famous for his commentaries on the works of Aristotle. By drawing not only on the entire known corpus of the commentator's works, but also on numerous new Greek and Arabic sources, Marwan Rashed aimsat defining Alexander’s place in the history of metaphysics. Alexander’s attempt to substantiate the objectivity of the Aristotelian form draws down the curtain on the phase of the Hellenistic peripatos, at the same time marking the beginning of medieval Aristotelianism.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UWvfc21ygCYe7ts

{"_index":"sire","_id":"9","_score":null,"_source":{"id":9,"authors_free":[{"id":9,"entry_id":9,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Essentialisme. Alexandre d'Aphrodise entre logique, physique et cosmologie","main_title":{"title":"Essentialisme. Alexandre d'Aphrodise entre logique, physique et cosmologie"},"abstract":"This book is the first study of the ontological system of Alexander of Aphrodisias (floruit c. 200 AD), famous for his commentaries on the works of Aristotle. By drawing not only on the entire known corpus of the commentator's works, but also on numerous new Greek and Arabic sources, Marwan Rashed aimsat defining Alexander\u2019s place in the history of metaphysics. Alexander\u2019s attempt to substantiate the objectivity of the Aristotelian form draws down the curtain on the phase of the Hellenistic peripatos, at the same time marking the beginning of medieval Aristotelianism.","btype":1,"date":"2007","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/UWvfc21ygCYe7ts","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":9,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New \tYork","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2007]}

Simplicius lecteur du Sophiste. Contribution à l’étude de l’exégèse néoplatonicienne, 2007
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine

Title	Simplicius lecteur du Sophiste. Contribution à l’étude de l’exégèse néoplatonicienne
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2007
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Klincksieck
Series	Etudes & commentaires
Volume	108
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ce livre explore la methode et l'interpretation du Sophiste par Simplicius, en tant qu'elles illustrent l'exegese neoplatonicienne tardive et entrainent une restauration de la lettre du texte. A partir d'un corpus issu des commentaires (largement inedit en francais), Marc-Antoine Gavray reconstruit la lecture de Simplicius et la met en regard avec celles de Plotin, de Proclus et de Damascius. Il en ressort une exegese attentive, digne d'accompagner le lecteur moderne dans sa comprehension de Platon. [a.a]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/L6skhmRNm3vvMA0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"30","_score":null,"_source":{"id":30,"authors_free":[{"id":34,"entry_id":30,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":125,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","free_first_name":"Marc-Antoine","free_last_name":"Gavray","norm_person":{"id":125,"first_name":"Marc-Antoine","last_name":"Gavray","full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1078511411","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius lecteur du Sophiste. Contribution \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9tude de l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se n\u00e9oplatonicienne","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius lecteur du Sophiste. Contribution \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9tude de l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se n\u00e9oplatonicienne"},"abstract":"Ce livre explore la methode et l'interpretation du Sophiste par Simplicius, en tant qu'elles illustrent l'exegese neoplatonicienne tardive et entrainent une restauration de la lettre du texte. A partir d'un corpus issu des commentaires (largement inedit en francais), Marc-Antoine Gavray reconstruit la lecture de Simplicius et la met en regard avec celles de Plotin, de Proclus et de Damascius. Il en ressort une exegese attentive, digne d'accompagner le lecteur moderne dans sa comprehension de Platon. [a.a]","btype":1,"date":"2007","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/L6skhmRNm3vvMA0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":125,"full_name":"Gavray, Marc-Antoine","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":30,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Klincksieck","series":"Etudes & commentaires","volume":"108","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2007]}

The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network "Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture", Strasbourg, March 12-14, 2004 under the Scientific Committee of the meeting, composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D’Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endreß, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche, 2007
By: D'Ancona Costa, Cristina (Ed.)

Title	The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network "Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture", Strasbourg, March 12-14, 2004 under the Scientific Committee of the meeting, composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D’Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endreß, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2007
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia Antiqua
Volume	107
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Translator(s)

The transmission of Greek learning to the Arabic-speaking world paved the way to the rise of Arabic philosophy. This volume offers a deep and multifarious survey of transmission of Greek philosophy through the schools of late Antiquity to the Syriac-speaking and Arabic-speaking worlds [a.a]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Adnom07DPUlmcQv

{"_index":"sire","_id":"37","_score":null,"_source":{"id":37,"authors_free":[{"id":44,"entry_id":37,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":60,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","free_first_name":"Cristina","free_last_name":"D'Ancona Costa","norm_person":{"id":60,"first_name":"Cristina","last_name":"D'Ancona Costa","full_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138912297","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network \"Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture\", Strasbourg, March 12-14, 2004 under the Scientific Committee of the meeting, composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D\u2019Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endre\u00df, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche","main_title":{"title":"The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network \"Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture\", Strasbourg, March 12-14, 2004 under the Scientific Committee of the meeting, composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D\u2019Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endre\u00df, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche"},"abstract":"The transmission of Greek learning to the Arabic-speaking world paved the way to the rise of Arabic philosophy. This volume offers a deep and multifarious survey of transmission of Greek philosophy through the schools of late Antiquity to the Syriac-speaking and Arabic-speaking worlds [a.a]","btype":4,"date":"2007","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Adnom07DPUlmcQv","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":60,"full_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":37,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia Antiqua","volume":"107","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2007]}

Porphyry and Iamblichus on Universals and Synonymous Predication, 2007
By: Chiaradonna, Riccardo

Title	Porphyry and Iamblichus on Universals and Synonymous Predication
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2007
Journal	Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale
Volume	18
Pages	123-140
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chiaradonna, Riccardo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Porphyry’s interpretation of Aristotle’s theories of genus and substantial predication is based on two related assumptions: That a clear separation exists between logic and metaphysics (= doctrine of transcendent realities). That there is a close relation between logic and physics. Since Porphyry’s physics is part of his ontology, logic and ontology (i.e., the logic and the ontology of the physical world) stand in close relation with each other. Porphyry only makes very partial references to metaphysics in his logical works. What I have argued is that Porphyry’s conception of genus in the Isagoge reflects the Platonic theory of the hierarchy of beings, since Porphyry presents his genus as an aph’ henos hierarchical relation. This, on the other hand, does not imply that Porphyry’s treatment of genus in the Isagoge refers to transcendent ante rem principles. Porphyry carefully introduces a doctrine in the Isagoge, the complete significance of which emerges in a different context: the ‘Porphyrean tree’ is thus a mere analogon of the Platonic hierarchy of beings. The presence of physical doctrines is far more essential to Porphyry’s views of universals and predication. Physical entities such as bodiless immanent forms provide real correlates for Porphyry’s universal predicates: Aristotle’s substantial predication ‘mirrors’ the relation between a particular and its immanent form. Physical forms are not outside the scope of logic; rather, they provide the ‘real’ foundation for Porphyry’s views on predication. Such a foundation is presented in an introductory way in Porphyry’s logical writings and is only made explicit in his more ‘systematic’ works. Iamblichus’ attitude is different in that his Platonizing of Aristotle’s logic is more direct and pervasive. Consequently, Iamblichus offers a Platonizing reading of the Aristotelian theory of substantial predication, which refers to ante rem genera and to the metaphysical relation of participation. Iamblichus is well aware that an ante rem form cannot be a universal synonymous predicate of its particular instantiations, and he conceives of substantial predication as a paronymous relation. Neither Porphyry nor Iamblichus believe that an ante rem form can be predicated synonymously of corporeal individuals. [conclusion p. 17-18]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sra714DdTLHJIcS

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1289","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1289,"authors_free":[{"id":1878,"entry_id":1289,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":49,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Chiaradonna, Riccardo ","free_first_name":"Riccardo ","free_last_name":"Chiaradonna","norm_person":{"id":49,"first_name":"Riccardo ","last_name":"Chiaradonna","full_name":"Chiaradonna, Riccardo ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1142403548","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Porphyry and Iamblichus on Universals and Synonymous Predication","main_title":{"title":"Porphyry and Iamblichus on Universals and Synonymous Predication"},"abstract":"Porphyry\u2019s interpretation of Aristotle\u2019s theories of genus and substantial predication is based on two related assumptions:\r\n\r\n That a clear separation exists between logic and metaphysics (= doctrine of transcendent realities).\r\n That there is a close relation between logic and physics.\r\n\r\nSince Porphyry\u2019s physics is part of his ontology, logic and ontology (i.e., the logic and the ontology of the physical world) stand in close relation with each other. Porphyry only makes very partial references to metaphysics in his logical works. What I have argued is that Porphyry\u2019s conception of genus in the Isagoge reflects the Platonic theory of the hierarchy of beings, since Porphyry presents his genus as an aph\u2019 henos hierarchical relation. This, on the other hand, does not imply that Porphyry\u2019s treatment of genus in the Isagoge refers to transcendent ante rem principles. Porphyry carefully introduces a doctrine in the Isagoge, the complete significance of which emerges in a different context: the \u2018Porphyrean tree\u2019 is thus a mere analogon of the Platonic hierarchy of beings.\r\n\r\nThe presence of physical doctrines is far more essential to Porphyry\u2019s views of universals and predication. Physical entities such as bodiless immanent forms provide real correlates for Porphyry\u2019s universal predicates: Aristotle\u2019s substantial predication \u2018mirrors\u2019 the relation between a particular and its immanent form. Physical forms are not outside the scope of logic; rather, they provide the \u2018real\u2019 foundation for Porphyry\u2019s views on predication. Such a foundation is presented in an introductory way in Porphyry\u2019s logical writings and is only made explicit in his more \u2018systematic\u2019 works.\r\n\r\nIamblichus\u2019 attitude is different in that his Platonizing of Aristotle\u2019s logic is more direct and pervasive. Consequently, Iamblichus offers a Platonizing reading of the Aristotelian theory of substantial predication, which refers to ante rem genera and to the metaphysical relation of participation. Iamblichus is well aware that an ante rem form cannot be a universal synonymous predicate of its particular instantiations, and he conceives of substantial predication as a paronymous relation. Neither Porphyry nor Iamblichus believe that an ante rem form can be predicated synonymously of corporeal individuals.\r\n[conclusion p. 17-18]","btype":3,"date":"2007","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/sra714DdTLHJIcS","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":49,"full_name":"Chiaradonna, Riccardo ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1289,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale","volume":"18","issue":"","pages":"123-140"}},"sort":[2007]}

Francesco Patrizi da Cherso's Criticism of Aristotle's Logic, 2007
By: Deitz, Luc

Title	Francesco Patrizi da Cherso's Criticism of Aristotle's Logic
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2007
Journal	Vivarum
Volume	45
Issue	1
Pages	113-124
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Deitz, Luc
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Francesco Patrizi da Chersos Discussiones peripateticae (1581) are one of the most com- prehensive analyses of the whole of Aristotelian philosophy to be published before Werner Jaeger s Aristoteles . The main thrust of the argument in the Discussiones is that whatever Aristotle had said that was true was not new, and that whatever he had said that was new was not true. The article shows how Patrizi proves this with respect to the Organon , and deals with the implications for the history of ancient philosophy in general implied by his stance. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/jBaQdPWRsyt3XGo

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Les bibliothèques philosophiques d’après le témoignage de la littérature néoplatonicienne des Ve et VIe siècles, 2007
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, D'Ancona Costa, Cristina (Ed.)

Title	Les bibliothèques philosophiques d’après le témoignage de la littérature néoplatonicienne des Ve et VIe siècles
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2007
Published in	The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network "Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture", Strasbourg, March 12-14, 2004 under the Scientific Committee of the meeting, composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D’Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endreß, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche
Pages	135-153
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Translator(s)

L’enquête que nous venons de mener est semée d’incertitudes, et elle est souvent aporétique. Mais quelques conclusions peuvent être tirées de façon prudente. L’enseignement dispensé dans les écoles néoplatoniciennes suivait un programme qui, depuis les diverses propédeutiques jusqu’à l’étude des poèmes “révélés”, impliquait l’usage de livres – le programme pouvant être interprété comme une sorte de “catalogue idéal”. La pratique du commentaire, essentielle dans ces milieux, semble s’être accompagnée, dans certains cas du moins, d’un usage de manuscrits – sans doute de grand format – dans les marges desquels étaient consignés des développements exégétiques (et l’on aimerait mieux savoir quel type d’écriture pouvait être alors utilisé : faut-il imaginer parfois un recours à une micrographie, comme dans l’exemple byzantin du Vaticanus Urbinas gr. 35, copié pour Aréthas vers 900 ?). Sur certains dossiers, comme celui de l’origine des modèles de la “Collection philosophique” (la bibliothèque de l’école néoplatonicienne d’Alexandrie ?), la recherche a progressé, mettant en lumière le rôle probable de Stéphanos d’Alexandrie dans le transfert à Constantinople, au début du VIIᵉ siècle, des modèles tardo-antiques de la Collection. Cet exemple montre que l’on peut attendre, au gré des recherches, un progrès de nos connaissances, par-delà les considérations souvent hypothétiques qui ont été ici présentées. [conclusion p. 152-153]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Yfl8Gt8Sgf5xdCH

{"_index":"sire","_id":"502","_score":null,"_source":{"id":502,"authors_free":[{"id":694,"entry_id":502,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":695,"entry_id":502,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":60,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","free_first_name":"Cristina","free_last_name":"D'Ancona Costa","norm_person":{"id":60,"first_name":"Cristina","last_name":"D'Ancona Costa","full_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138912297","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les biblioth\u00e8ques philosophiques d\u2019apr\u00e8s le t\u00e9moignage de la litt\u00e9rature n\u00e9oplatonicienne des Ve et VIe si\u00e8cles","main_title":{"title":"Les biblioth\u00e8ques philosophiques d\u2019apr\u00e8s le t\u00e9moignage de la litt\u00e9rature n\u00e9oplatonicienne des Ve et VIe si\u00e8cles"},"abstract":"L\u2019enqu\u00eate que nous venons de mener est sem\u00e9e d\u2019incertitudes, et elle est souvent apor\u00e9tique. Mais quelques conclusions peuvent \u00eatre tir\u00e9es de fa\u00e7on prudente.\r\n\r\nL\u2019enseignement dispens\u00e9 dans les \u00e9coles n\u00e9oplatoniciennes suivait un programme qui, depuis les diverses prop\u00e9deutiques jusqu\u2019\u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9tude des po\u00e8mes \u201cr\u00e9v\u00e9l\u00e9s\u201d, impliquait l\u2019usage de livres \u2013 le programme pouvant \u00eatre interpr\u00e9t\u00e9 comme une sorte de \u201ccatalogue id\u00e9al\u201d. La pratique du commentaire, essentielle dans ces milieux, semble s\u2019\u00eatre accompagn\u00e9e, dans certains cas du moins, d\u2019un usage de manuscrits \u2013 sans doute de grand format \u2013 dans les marges desquels \u00e9taient consign\u00e9s des d\u00e9veloppements ex\u00e9g\u00e9tiques (et l\u2019on aimerait mieux savoir quel type d\u2019\u00e9criture pouvait \u00eatre alors utilis\u00e9 : faut-il imaginer parfois un recours \u00e0 une micrographie, comme dans l\u2019exemple byzantin du Vaticanus Urbinas gr. 35, copi\u00e9 pour Ar\u00e9thas vers 900 ?).\r\n\r\nSur certains dossiers, comme celui de l\u2019origine des mod\u00e8les de la \u201cCollection philosophique\u201d (la biblioth\u00e8que de l\u2019\u00e9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne d\u2019Alexandrie ?), la recherche a progress\u00e9, mettant en lumi\u00e8re le r\u00f4le probable de St\u00e9phanos d\u2019Alexandrie dans le transfert \u00e0 Constantinople, au d\u00e9but du VII\u1d49 si\u00e8cle, des mod\u00e8les tardo-antiques de la Collection.\r\n\r\nCet exemple montre que l\u2019on peut attendre, au gr\u00e9 des recherches, un progr\u00e8s de nos connaissances, par-del\u00e0 les consid\u00e9rations souvent hypoth\u00e9tiques qui ont \u00e9t\u00e9 ici pr\u00e9sent\u00e9es. [conclusion p. 152-153]","btype":2,"date":"2007","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Yfl8Gt8Sgf5xdCH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":60,"full_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":502,"section_of":37,"pages":"135-153","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":37,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network \"Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture\", Strasbourg, March 12-14, 2004 under the Scientific Committee of the meeting, composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D\u2019Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endre\u00df, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"D_Ancona_Costa2007","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2007","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2007","abstract":"The transmission of Greek learning to the Arabic-speaking world paved the way to the rise of Arabic philosophy. This volume offers a deep and multifarious survey of transmission of Greek philosophy through the schools of late Antiquity to the Syriac-speaking and Arabic-speaking worlds [a.a]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Adnom07DPUlmcQv","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":37,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia Antiqua","volume":"107","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2007]}

Un commentaire perpétuel de Georges Pachymère à la Physique d'Aristote, faussement attribué à Michel Psellos, 2007
By: Golitsis, Pantelis

Title	Un commentaire perpétuel de Georges Pachymère à la Physique d'Aristote, faussement attribué à Michel Psellos
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2007
Journal	Byzantinische Zeitschrift
Volume	100
Issue	2
Pages	637-676
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Récapitulons l'essentiel des raisonnements philologiques qui nous ont permis de restituer le véritable auteur du commentaire, qui dorénavant doit être attribué à Georges Pachymère. Nous avons vu que l'ensemble de la tradition manuscrite qui attribue le commentaire à Psellos descend d'un ancêtre commun, l'Ambrosianus H 44 sup., écrit à la fin du XIVᵉ siècle. Celui-ci remonte pourtant à un archétype, écrit vers l'an 1300 et aujourd'hui perdu (l'Escorialensis D. IV. 24), dans lequel le commentaire figurait sous le nom de Pachymère, ainsi que nous avons pu le montrer grâce au Vindobonensis phil. gr. 248 et à des témoignages du XVIᵉ siècle. Cet archétype de l'ensemble de la tradition manuscrite du commentaire a été copié sur le Laurentianus plut. 87,5, autographe stricto sensu de Pachymère, dont il se servait pour assurer son enseignement de la Physique. [Conclusion, p. 676]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VvESFt1BJvfvNnQ

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Nicéphore Blemmyde lecteur du commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d’Aristote, 2007
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, D'Ancona Costa, Cristina (Ed.)

Title	Nicéphore Blemmyde lecteur du commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2007
Published in	The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network "Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture", Strasbourg, March 12-14, 2004 under the Scientific Committee of the meeting, composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D’Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endreß, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche
Pages	243-256
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Translator(s)

Les qualités que certains philologues ou historiens de la philosophie assignent communément de nos jours au commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d’Aristote sont en effet reconnues de longue date. Par la clarté des exposés et la pertinence de l’exégèse, ce commentaire a joui d’une longue postérité chez les érudits et philosophes byzantins. En témoigne d’emblée l’abondance des manuscrits du commentaire produits à l’époque byzantine : presque une quarantaine d’entre eux sont conservés aujourd’hui, soit le quadruple par rapport au nombre des manuscrits contenant le commentaire sur le même ouvrage de son contemporain Jean Philopon. L’utilisation de ce commentaire à Byzance a été presque constante, de Michel Psellos jusqu’à Pléthon et Georges Scholarios, mais la partie de l’Epitomé isagogique (Εἰσαγωγική ἐπιτομή) de Nicéphore Blemmyde (1197-1272) qui se rapporte à la Physique d’Aristote en représente le point culminant. Avant d’aborder l’étude qui nous intéresse ici particulièrement, quelques brèves précisions sur la nature de l’ouvrage seront utiles. L’Epitomé isagogique – autrement dit Abrégé introductif – est un compendium scolaire divisé en deux parties, une partie logique et une partie physique (appelées communément Epitomé logique et Epitomé physique), qui se propose de rassembler, dans 40 et 31 chapitres respectivement, l’essentiel de la logique et de la physique (y compris l’astronomie), la partie physique ayant été publiée dans sa forme finale vers l’an 1260. L’Epitomé de Blemmyde n’appartient évidemment pas au genre du commentaire stricto sensu. Elle est construite non pas sur des textes faisant autorité mais plutôt sur des thèmes philosophiques, qui sont annoncés par le titre de chacun de ses chapitres. Ceci dit, l’ouvrage ne porte pas les marques distinctives de l’érudition philologique tardo-antique : il y manque les spéculations étendues déclenchées par ce qui est dit ou n’est pas dit dans le texte qui fait autorité, la mention des auteurs antérieurs, les citations précises. On a ici affaire non pas à un commentateur, mais plutôt à un compilateur soucieux de rassembler les sujets philosophiques les plus pertinents et nécessaires (τὰ καρικώτερα καὶ τὰ ἀναγκαιότερα, comme il le dit lui-même dans son autobiographie). Les matériaux à partir desquels les 31 chapitres de l’Epitomé physique sont mis en place sont empruntés surtout aux commentaires tardo-antiques : les commentaires de Simplicius à la Physique et au traité Du ciel, le commentaire de Jean Philopon au traité De la génération et de la corruption et celui d’Alexandre d’Aphrodise aux Météorologiques. C’est précisément le rapport de l’Epitomé physique avec le commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique – la source majeure pour les dix premiers chapitres – qui va nous occuper dans la suite. Nous tâcherons d’aborder ce rapport dans une double perspective : faire apparaître, d’une part, les emprunts philosophiques principaux et exclusifs de Blemmyde à Simplicius et évaluer, d’autre part – en considération du fait que Blemmyde reproduit assez fidèlement des passages entiers de son modèle – le rôle de l’Epitomé comme source indirecte de la tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius. [introduction p. 243-244]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wkrCGs8qhVRUK0j

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1319","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1319,"authors_free":[{"id":1953,"entry_id":1319,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":129,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","free_first_name":"Pantelis","free_last_name":"Golitsis","norm_person":{"id":129,"first_name":"Pantelis","last_name":"Golitsis","full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2375,"entry_id":1319,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":60,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","free_first_name":"Cristina","free_last_name":"D'Ancona Costa","norm_person":{"id":60,"first_name":"Cristina","last_name":"D'Ancona Costa","full_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138912297","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Nic\u00e9phore Blemmyde lecteur du commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique d\u2019Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Nic\u00e9phore Blemmyde lecteur du commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique d\u2019Aristote"},"abstract":"Les qualit\u00e9s que certains philologues ou historiens de la philosophie assignent commun\u00e9ment de nos jours au commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique d\u2019Aristote sont en effet reconnues de longue date. Par la clart\u00e9 des expos\u00e9s et la pertinence de l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se, ce commentaire a joui d\u2019une longue post\u00e9rit\u00e9 chez les \u00e9rudits et philosophes byzantins. En t\u00e9moigne d\u2019embl\u00e9e l\u2019abondance des manuscrits du commentaire produits \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9poque byzantine : presque une quarantaine d\u2019entre eux sont conserv\u00e9s aujourd\u2019hui, soit le quadruple par rapport au nombre des manuscrits contenant le commentaire sur le m\u00eame ouvrage de son contemporain Jean Philopon. L\u2019utilisation de ce commentaire \u00e0 Byzance a \u00e9t\u00e9 presque constante, de Michel Psellos jusqu\u2019\u00e0 Pl\u00e9thon et Georges Scholarios, mais la partie de l\u2019Epitom\u00e9 isagogique (\u0395\u1f30\u03c3\u03b1\u03b3\u03c9\u03b3\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c4\u03bf\u03bc\u03ae) de Nic\u00e9phore Blemmyde (1197-1272) qui se rapporte \u00e0 la Physique d\u2019Aristote en repr\u00e9sente le point culminant.\r\n\r\nAvant d\u2019aborder l\u2019\u00e9tude qui nous int\u00e9resse ici particuli\u00e8rement, quelques br\u00e8ves pr\u00e9cisions sur la nature de l\u2019ouvrage seront utiles. L\u2019Epitom\u00e9 isagogique \u2013 autrement dit Abr\u00e9g\u00e9 introductif \u2013 est un compendium scolaire divis\u00e9 en deux parties, une partie logique et une partie physique (appel\u00e9es commun\u00e9ment Epitom\u00e9 logique et Epitom\u00e9 physique), qui se propose de rassembler, dans 40 et 31 chapitres respectivement, l\u2019essentiel de la logique et de la physique (y compris l\u2019astronomie), la partie physique ayant \u00e9t\u00e9 publi\u00e9e dans sa forme finale vers l\u2019an 1260.\r\n\r\nL\u2019Epitom\u00e9 de Blemmyde n\u2019appartient \u00e9videmment pas au genre du commentaire stricto sensu. Elle est construite non pas sur des textes faisant autorit\u00e9 mais plut\u00f4t sur des th\u00e8mes philosophiques, qui sont annonc\u00e9s par le titre de chacun de ses chapitres. Ceci dit, l\u2019ouvrage ne porte pas les marques distinctives de l\u2019\u00e9rudition philologique tardo-antique : il y manque les sp\u00e9culations \u00e9tendues d\u00e9clench\u00e9es par ce qui est dit ou n\u2019est pas dit dans le texte qui fait autorit\u00e9, la mention des auteurs ant\u00e9rieurs, les citations pr\u00e9cises. On a ici affaire non pas \u00e0 un commentateur, mais plut\u00f4t \u00e0 un compilateur soucieux de rassembler les sujets philosophiques les plus pertinents et n\u00e9cessaires (\u03c4\u1f70 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u03ce\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03b3\u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1, comme il le dit lui-m\u00eame dans son autobiographie).\r\n\r\nLes mat\u00e9riaux \u00e0 partir desquels les 31 chapitres de l\u2019Epitom\u00e9 physique sont mis en place sont emprunt\u00e9s surtout aux commentaires tardo-antiques : les commentaires de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique et au trait\u00e9 Du ciel, le commentaire de Jean Philopon au trait\u00e9 De la g\u00e9n\u00e9ration et de la corruption et celui d\u2019Alexandre d\u2019Aphrodise aux M\u00e9t\u00e9orologiques. C\u2019est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment le rapport de l\u2019Epitom\u00e9 physique avec le commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique \u2013 la source majeure pour les dix premiers chapitres \u2013 qui va nous occuper dans la suite. Nous t\u00e2cherons d\u2019aborder ce rapport dans une double perspective : faire appara\u00eetre, d\u2019une part, les emprunts philosophiques principaux et exclusifs de Blemmyde \u00e0 Simplicius et \u00e9valuer, d\u2019autre part \u2013 en consid\u00e9ration du fait que Blemmyde reproduit assez fid\u00e8lement des passages entiers de son mod\u00e8le \u2013 le r\u00f4le de l\u2019Epitom\u00e9 comme source indirecte de la tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius. [introduction p. 243-244]\r\n","btype":2,"date":"2007","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wkrCGs8qhVRUK0j","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":129,"full_name":"Golitsis, Pantelis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":60,"full_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1319,"section_of":37,"pages":"243-256","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":37,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. 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This volume offers a deep and multifarious survey of transmission of Greek philosophy through the schools of late Antiquity to the Syriac-speaking and Arabic-speaking worlds [a.a]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Adnom07DPUlmcQv","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":37,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia Antiqua","volume":"107","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2007]}

La conservation et la transmission des textes philosophiques grecs , 2007
By: Goulet, Richard, D'Ancona Costa, Cristina (Ed.)

Title	La conservation et la transmission des textes philosophiques grecs
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2007
Published in	The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network "Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture", Strasbourg, March 12-14, 2004 under the Scientific Committee of the meeting, composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D’Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endreß, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche
Pages	29-62
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Goulet, Richard
Editor(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Translator(s)

Mais face à tous les facteurs matériels, sociologiques, historiques qui précarisaient la transmission de ces textes et provoquaient de siècle en siècle la disparition de nombre d’entre eux, il s’est trouvé à tous les âges des esprits suffisamment éclairés pour en saisir la valeur et en assurer la copie ou au moins la conservation, et d’autres encore pour les traduire en diverses langues, les paraphraser, les annoter et les commenter, parfois même s’en inspirer pour construire leur propre philosophie. Pour nous aussi, qui affrontons à notre tour de nouveaux supports, c’est peut-être cette activité fondamentale de transmission de l’héritage antique qui restera notre plus grand titre de gloire. Nous pourrons dire à nos successeurs, s’il s’en trouve : nous vous transmettons ce que nous avons reçu, nous avons essayé d’y mettre un peu d’ordre, nous avons édité et traduit ces textes, nous avons ajouté des gloses pour expliquer ce que nos contemporains n’étaient plus en mesure de comprendre facilement, nous n’avons pas nous-mêmes tout compris, mais tout est bien là. [conclusion p. 61]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mQmvNRD4MKEBc5h

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Democrito e l'Accademia. Studi sulla trasmissione dell’atomismo antico da Aristotele a Simplicio, 2007
By: Gemelli Marciano, Millj Laura

Title	Democrito e l'Accademia. Studi sulla trasmissione dell’atomismo antico da Aristotele a Simplicio
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2007
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Studia Praesocratica
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gemelli Marciano, Millj Laura
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Wie sind die antiken Atomisten zur Annahme der Atome gekommen, und wie haben sie deren Unteilbarkeit aufgefasst? Dies sind die schwierigsten Fragen in der Forschung zum antiken Atomismus, und ihnen widmet sich Laura Gemelli in der vorliegenden Studie. Sie überprüft die antike Überlieferung unter einem neuen Gesichtspunkt: nämlich ausgehend von dem Einfluss, den der akademische Atomismus und die damit verbundenen Problemstellungen und Begriffe auf die Interpretation des antiken Atomismus bei Aristoteles hatten. Diese bisher vernachlässigte Perspektive führt zur kritischen Revision allgemein akzeptierter Thesen wie der Entstehung des Atomismus aus dem Eleatismus und der Annahme des Atoms als Lösung der Aporien über die unendliche Teilbarkeit. Die von Aristoteles und von Theophrast ausgehenden Auffassungen des Atomismus werden dann in ihrer weiteren Entwicklung bis zum Neuplatonismus verfolgt. Das Buch schafft die Grundlagen für eine Neubewertung der Quellen und für eine Verschiebung der Perspektive in der Forschung zum antiken Atomismus. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/U3EjUn93CcQdEug

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Addenda Eudemea, 2006
By: Baltussen, Han

Title	Addenda Eudemea
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2006
Journal	Leeds International Classical Studies
Volume	5
Issue	1
Pages	1-28
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper presents 16 fragments of the Peripatetic philosopher Eudemus (c. 350-290 BC), which were not printed in the (still) standard edition of Wehrli (1955; revised 1969), but which had been signalled in passing by De Lacy (1957) and Gottschalk (1973). The aim is to provide a text with translation and brief annotation, to be included in a future edition, and to argue that context can add to our understanding of these passages. Their importance lies in bringing greater comprehensiveness to the collection, offering at least five additional (near) quotations, and illustrating the new trend in fragment studies to contextualize fragments on several levels in order to gain further insight into their value and reception. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HRE0ldIrfqIxrEE

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Das Prinzip der Harmonisierung verschiedener Traditionen in den neuplatonischen Kommentaren zu Platon und Aristoteles, 2006
By: Perkams, Matthias, Ackeren, Marcel van (Ed.), Müller, Jörn (Ed.)

Title	Das Prinzip der Harmonisierung verschiedener Traditionen in den neuplatonischen Kommentaren zu Platon und Aristoteles
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2006
Published in	Antike Philosophie verstehen – Understanding Ancient Philosophy
Pages	332-347
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)	Ackeren, Marcel van , Müller, Jörn
Translator(s)

In gewisser Weise bestätigen diese Überlegungen Sorabjis Feststellung, dass „sich eine vollkommen verrückte Position (die Harmonie) als philosophisch fruchtbar erwies“ (1990, 5). Philoponos’ und Priskians Ausführungen sind in der Tat gute Beispiele dafür, wie das Vorverständnis, es bestehe eine Harmonie zwischen Platon und Aristoteles, dazu führte, dass die aristotelischen Texte in einer originellen Weise interpretiert wurden, die zu neuen philosophischen Entwicklungen Anlass gab. Insofern behalten die Kommentare ein originäres Interesse sowohl für den Philosophiehistoriker als auch für denjenigen, der an originellen Gedanken und Ideen aus einer systematischen Perspektive interessiert ist. Zudem stellt sich die Frage, ob man die These der Harmonie tatsächlich als „verrückt“ bezeichnen soll. So mag sie manchem scheinen, der aus der Perspektive moderner historisch-kritischer Forschung einen deutlichen Unterschied von Platon und Aristoteles erkennt. Für die Kommentatoren selbst war die Harmonisierung aber definitiv nicht verrückt, sondern sie war, wie oben bereits angedeutet, unter den Bedingungen ihrer Zeit ein wichtiges Mittel dazu, die eigene Identität zu wahren und die Deutungshoheit über die gesamte ältere Tradition gegenüber den Ansprüchen des Christentums zu erhalten. Zudem macht die Harmonie auf ein anderes Charakteristikum der neuplatonischen Philosophie aufmerksam, das Simplikios herausstreicht: Das Ziel des Philosophierens besteht darin, durch die Suche nach der Wahrheit als Mensch zu wachsen. Der Königsweg der Neuplatoniker zu diesem Ziel ist es, die Werke ihrer Vorgänger zu studieren und das zu übernehmen, was zu diesem Ziel beiträgt. Das ist eine Maxime für das philosophische Studium, die bis heute nichts von ihrer Aktualität verloren hat. [conclusion p. 347]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iwVpoc1bGR9ng0D

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Philoponos\u2019 und Priskians Ausf\u00fchrungen sind in der Tat gute Beispiele daf\u00fcr, wie das Vorverst\u00e4ndnis, es bestehe eine Harmonie zwischen Platon und Aristoteles, dazu f\u00fchrte, dass die aristotelischen Texte in einer originellen Weise interpretiert wurden, die zu neuen philosophischen Entwicklungen Anlass gab. Insofern behalten die Kommentare ein origin\u00e4res Interesse sowohl f\u00fcr den Philosophiehistoriker als auch f\u00fcr denjenigen, der an originellen Gedanken und Ideen aus einer systematischen Perspektive interessiert ist.\r\n\r\nZudem stellt sich die Frage, ob man die These der Harmonie tats\u00e4chlich als \u201everr\u00fcckt\u201c bezeichnen soll. So mag sie manchem scheinen, der aus der Perspektive moderner historisch-kritischer Forschung einen deutlichen Unterschied von Platon und Aristoteles erkennt. F\u00fcr die Kommentatoren selbst war die Harmonisierung aber definitiv nicht verr\u00fcckt, sondern sie war, wie oben bereits angedeutet, unter den Bedingungen ihrer Zeit ein wichtiges Mittel dazu, die eigene Identit\u00e4t zu wahren und die Deutungshoheit \u00fcber die gesamte \u00e4ltere Tradition gegen\u00fcber den Anspr\u00fcchen des Christentums zu erhalten.\r\n\r\nZudem macht die Harmonie auf ein anderes Charakteristikum der neuplatonischen Philosophie aufmerksam, das Simplikios herausstreicht: Das Ziel des Philosophierens besteht darin, durch die Suche nach der Wahrheit als Mensch zu wachsen. Der K\u00f6nigsweg der Neuplatoniker zu diesem Ziel ist es, die Werke ihrer Vorg\u00e4nger zu studieren und das zu \u00fcbernehmen, was zu diesem Ziel beitr\u00e4gt. Das ist eine Maxime f\u00fcr das philosophische Studium, die bis heute nichts von ihrer Aktualit\u00e4t verloren hat. [conclusion p. 347]","btype":2,"date":"2006","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/iwVpoc1bGR9ng0D","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":283,"full_name":"Perkams, Matthias","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":485,"full_name":"Ackeren, Marcel van","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":486,"full_name":"M\u00fcller, J\u00f6rn","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1149,"section_of":306,"pages":"332-347","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":306,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Antike Philosophie verstehen \u2013 Understanding Ancient Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"vanAckeren_M\u00fcller_2006","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2006","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2006","abstract":"Der mit international bekannten Fachleuten (Martha Nussbaum, Pierre Hadot, Dorothea Frede, Christoph Rapp, Terence Irwin u.a.) sehr hochkar\u00e4tig besetzte Band geht das Denken der Antike von einer neuen Seite an. Die deutsch- und englischsprachigen Texte setzen an den entscheidenden Stellen an, an denen ein Verst\u00e4ndnis scheitern kann; sie bieten Deutungsmuster f\u00fcr den modernen Leser und erl\u00e4utern die Probleme, die beim Interpretieren der Philosophie der Antike entstehen k\u00f6nnen. Welche Textformen gibt es, welche \u00dcbersetzungsprobleme k\u00f6nnen auftreten und wie wurden uns die alten Dokumente \u00fcberhaupt \u00fcberliefert? Durch den internationalen Zugang und die Einbeziehung \u00e4lterer Texte, die f\u00fcr ihre jeweiligen Bereiche Standards gesetzt haben, wird hier ein Grundlagenwerk vorgelegt, das f\u00fcr viele Jahre eine Rolle in der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion spielen wird. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/HHFDfWDciwoyh50","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":306,"pubplace":"Darmstadt","publisher":"Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2006]}

The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity, 2006
By: Zhmud, Leonid,

Title	The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2006
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zhmud, Leonid
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Chernoglazov, Alexander(Chernoglazov, Alexander) .

Dies ist die erste umfassende Untersuchung von Inhalt, Form und Zielen der Peripatetischen Historiographie der Naturwissenschaften. Zhmud konzentriert sich auf den Aristoteles-Schüler Eudemus von Rhodos, dessen Werk die Grundlage der Peripatetischen Historiographie der Naturwissenschaften bildet. Pluspunkte international renommierter Autor stark überarbeitete Übersetzung aus dem Russischen (zuerst Moskau 2002) innovativer Ansatz über die Wurzeln der Wissenschaftsgeschichte in Europa. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4CRyOOElYdy3pJr

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The historiographical project of the Lyceum, 2006
By: Zhmud, Leonid

Title	The historiographical project of the Lyceum
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2006
Published in	The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity
Pages	117-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zhmud, Leonid
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Going back to the beginnings of Peripatetic historiography, I would like to point out again that its emergence corresponds with the period when Greek science, philosophy, and medicine reached a certain maturity. By that time, Greek poetry and music, which had arrived at their "perfection" long before, had already become subjects of historical surveys generally organized chronologically and using the prôtos heuretês principle. Early heurematography and doxography, Sophistic theories on the origin of culture, Plato’s theory of science, and the expert knowledge of specialists in each of the arts and sciences belong to the most important sources the Lyceum relied on. Yet on the whole, the attempt by Aristotle and his disciples to systematize the entire space of contemporary culture and to give a historical retrospective of its development was unique in antiquity and found no analogies until the 18th century. The key notion of Aristotle’s systematics was epistēmē, embracing theoretical sciences, productive arts (music and poetry), and such practical sciences as he was interested in, like politics and rhetoric. Of course, not every historical outline of any of these fields written in the Lyceum was based on the Aristotelian classification of science, the more so since the latter itself consisted of three different schemes that had emerged at different times: first, the Pythagorean quadrivium, then the division of sciences into three kinds, and finally the later subdivision of theoretical sciences into mathematics, physics, and theology. But in the case of the historiographical project, which inquired into the past of all three theoretical sciences (and into medical theories related to physics, as well), the coincidences between Aristotle’s philosophy of science and the history of science written by his disciples are too detailed and numerous to be accidental. Each of these "histories" bore individual features, depending upon the nature of the material and the particular task of each treatise. A description of irrefutable discoveries in mathematics and (partly in) astronomy differed, naturally, from that of the contradictory and often erroneous doxai of the physicists, which in turn had little in common with a historical overview of "principles" considered by theologians. Nevertheless, in spite of the predominantly systematic character of the physical and medical doxography, Theophrastus and Meno did their best to build into the very structure of their works the historical perspective shared by all the Peripatetics in their approach to accumulated scientific knowledge. This perspective is quite clearly reflected in Eudemus’ works on the history of science. We will turn to these works in the next chapters, drawing parallels from Theophrastus, Meno, and Aristoxenus when necessary. [conclusion p. 164-165]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VCMVnSXEqYwQDKH

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By that time, Greek poetry and music, which had arrived at their \"perfection\" long before, had already become subjects of historical surveys generally organized chronologically and using the pr\u00f4tos heuret\u00eas principle. Early heurematography and doxography, Sophistic theories on the origin of culture, Plato\u2019s theory of science, and the expert knowledge of specialists in each of the arts and sciences belong to the most important sources the Lyceum relied on. Yet on the whole, the attempt by Aristotle and his disciples to systematize the entire space of contemporary culture and to give a historical retrospective of its development was unique in antiquity and found no analogies until the 18th century.\r\n\r\nThe key notion of Aristotle\u2019s systematics was epist\u0113m\u0113, embracing theoretical sciences, productive arts (music and poetry), and such practical sciences as he was interested in, like politics and rhetoric. Of course, not every historical outline of any of these fields written in the Lyceum was based on the Aristotelian classification of science, the more so since the latter itself consisted of three different schemes that had emerged at different times: first, the Pythagorean quadrivium, then the division of sciences into three kinds, and finally the later subdivision of theoretical sciences into mathematics, physics, and theology. But in the case of the historiographical project, which inquired into the past of all three theoretical sciences (and into medical theories related to physics, as well), the coincidences between Aristotle\u2019s philosophy of science and the history of science written by his disciples are too detailed and numerous to be accidental.\r\n\r\nEach of these \"histories\" bore individual features, depending upon the nature of the material and the particular task of each treatise. A description of irrefutable discoveries in mathematics and (partly in) astronomy differed, naturally, from that of the contradictory and often erroneous doxai of the physicists, which in turn had little in common with a historical overview of \"principles\" considered by theologians. Nevertheless, in spite of the predominantly systematic character of the physical and medical doxography, Theophrastus and Meno did their best to build into the very structure of their works the historical perspective shared by all the Peripatetics in their approach to accumulated scientific knowledge.\r\n\r\nThis perspective is quite clearly reflected in Eudemus\u2019 works on the history of science. We will turn to these works in the next chapters, drawing parallels from Theophrastus, Meno, and Aristoxenus when necessary.\r\n[conclusion p. 164-165]","btype":2,"date":"2006","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VCMVnSXEqYwQDKH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":368,"full_name":"Zhmud, Leonid","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1215,"section_of":1214,"pages":"117-165","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1214,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"en","title":"The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Zhmud2006","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2006","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2006","abstract":"Dies ist die erste umfassende Untersuchung von Inhalt, Form und Zielen der Peripatetischen Historiographie der Naturwissenschaften. 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Il De caelo di Aristotele e alcuni suoi commentatori: Simplicio, Averroè e Pietro d'Alvernia, 2006
By: Musatti, Cesare Alberto

Title	Il De caelo di Aristotele e alcuni suoi commentatori: Simplicio, Averroè e Pietro d'Alvernia
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2006
Journal	Quaestio
Volume	6
Pages	524–549
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Musatti, Cesare Alberto
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In aggiunta a questi va almeno ricordata l’edizione della traduzione latina dello pseudo-avicenniano Liber de caelo et mundo, parafrasi di alcune parti dei primi due libri del De caelo, tradotta in latino da Domenico Gundissalino e Giovanni di Spagna nel terzo quarto del XII secolo. Inizialmente confuso con lo stesso De caelo di Aristotele, il testo nel XIII secolo (all’incirca dal 1240 in poi) è stato attribuito quasi sempre ad Avicenna. Oggi invece, in virtù soprattutto della testimonianza del Catalogo (Kitāb al-Fihrist) di Ibn al-Nadīm, viene fatto il nome del celebre medico e traduttore Isḥāq ibn Ḥunayn come suo possibile autore. In merito a questa attribuzione bisogna tuttavia tenere presenti le osservazioni di Gutman (pp. XIII-XVII dell’introduzione all’edizione), il quale ha editato il testo sotto il nome dello Pseudo-Avicenna. Per quanto riguarda il commento di Simplicio sul De caelo, nel Medioevo si sono avute due traduzioni latine: una parziale (II libro e prologo del III) ad opera di Roberto Grossatesta, che Bossier data tra il 1235 e il 1253, e una completa di Guglielmo di Moerbeke, conclusa nel 1271. La traduzione di Grossatesta ci è conservata in un solo manoscritto (Oxford, Balliol College 99), e non sembra avere avuto un’ampia diffusione, mentre della traduzione completa di Guglielmo di Moerbeke attualmente sono conosciuti con certezza sei manoscritti. Se sembra da escludere qualsiasi ipotesi di una revisione da parte di Moerbeke della traduzione di Grossatesta del commento di Simplicio, ancora non definitivamente risolta è invece la questione se la traduzione moerbekana del De caelo di Aristotele sia o meno una revisione di quella incompleta del Grossatesta (II libro e prologo del III) che è presente in forma di lemmi nello stesso manoscritto che contiene il commento di Simplicio. Bossier considera «plus probable» l’opinione di D. J. Allan, secondo cui la traduzione di Moerbeke è indipendente da quella del Grossatesta, mentre Lacombe e Franceschini hanno ritenuto trattarsi di una revisione. L’esistenza di un manoscritto (Vat. lat. 2088) nel quale la traduzione del De caelo di Moerbeke risulta contaminata con quella di Grossatesta anche per alcune parti del primo libro lascia supporre che il Lincolniensis abbia tradotto anche quest’ultimo libro, e non solo il II e l’inizio del III. È stato infine ipotizzato che Grossatesta abbia tradotto anche il primo libro del commento di Simplicio. La traduzione del vescovo di Lincoln del II libro del De caelo è ora consultabile nell’Aristoteles Latinus Database, così come il testo della seconda recensione della traduzione di Guglielmo di Moerbeke al De caelo di Aristotele. Di quest’ultima traduzione esistono infatti tre recensioni differenti, di cui la seconda è la cosiddetta recensio vulgata. Il commento di Simplicio sul De caelo è stato scritto probabilmente intorno al 540. Prima di lui almeno due altri autori avevano dedicato un commento al testo aristotelico: Alessandro di Afrodisia e Temistio. Il commento di Alessandro di Afrodisia è andato perduto sia nel testo greco che nella traduzione araba di Abū Bishr Mattā ibn Yūnus. Molte notizie le possiamo trarre però dal commento di Simplicio, di cui il testo di Alessandro costituisce la fonte principale. Il commento di Alessandro viene citato anche nella parafrasi sul De caelo scritta da Temistio. Come per Alessandro di Afrodisia, il testo di Temistio è anch’esso andato perduto sia nell’originale greco che nella traduzione araba di Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī. Si è salvato soltanto nella traduzione ebraica di quest’ultima compiuta nel 1284 da Zerahyah ben Isaac ben Shealtiel Gracian, e nella successiva versione latina del testo ebraico ad opera di Mosé Alatino nel 1574. È opportuno ricordare che, a differenza dei commenti di Alessandro di Afrodisia e di Temistio, il commento di Simplicio sul De caelo non è stato conosciuto dal mondo arabo. [introduction p. 525-526]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vE3O8oovZ2S3BG7

{"_index":"sire","_id":"617","_score":null,"_source":{"id":617,"authors_free":[{"id":873,"entry_id":617,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":274,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Musatti, Cesare Alberto","free_first_name":"Cesare Alberto","free_last_name":"Musatti","norm_person":{"id":274,"first_name":"Cesare Alberto","last_name":"Musatti","full_name":"Musatti, Cesare Alberto","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Il De caelo di Aristotele e alcuni suoi commentatori: Simplicio, Averro\u00e8 e Pietro d'Alvernia","main_title":{"title":"Il De caelo di Aristotele e alcuni suoi commentatori: Simplicio, Averro\u00e8 e Pietro d'Alvernia"},"abstract":"In aggiunta a questi va almeno ricordata l\u2019edizione della traduzione latina dello pseudo-avicenniano Liber de caelo et mundo, parafrasi di alcune parti dei primi due libri del De caelo, tradotta in latino da Domenico Gundissalino e Giovanni di Spagna nel terzo quarto del XII secolo. Inizialmente confuso con lo stesso De caelo di Aristotele, il testo nel XIII secolo (all\u2019incirca dal 1240 in poi) \u00e8 stato attribuito quasi sempre ad Avicenna. Oggi invece, in virt\u00f9 soprattutto della testimonianza del Catalogo (Kit\u0101b al-Fihrist) di Ibn al-Nad\u012bm, viene fatto il nome del celebre medico e traduttore Is\u1e25\u0101q ibn \u1e24unayn come suo possibile autore.\r\n\r\nIn merito a questa attribuzione bisogna tuttavia tenere presenti le osservazioni di Gutman (pp. XIII-XVII dell\u2019introduzione all\u2019edizione), il quale ha editato il testo sotto il nome dello Pseudo-Avicenna.\r\n\r\nPer quanto riguarda il commento di Simplicio sul De caelo, nel Medioevo si sono avute due traduzioni latine: una parziale (II libro e prologo del III) ad opera di Roberto Grossatesta, che Bossier data tra il 1235 e il 1253, e una completa di Guglielmo di Moerbeke, conclusa nel 1271.\r\n\r\nLa traduzione di Grossatesta ci \u00e8 conservata in un solo manoscritto (Oxford, Balliol College 99), e non sembra avere avuto un\u2019ampia diffusione, mentre della traduzione completa di Guglielmo di Moerbeke attualmente sono conosciuti con certezza sei manoscritti.\r\n\r\nSe sembra da escludere qualsiasi ipotesi di una revisione da parte di Moerbeke della traduzione di Grossatesta del commento di Simplicio, ancora non definitivamente risolta \u00e8 invece la questione se la traduzione moerbekana del De caelo di Aristotele sia o meno una revisione di quella incompleta del Grossatesta (II libro e prologo del III) che \u00e8 presente in forma di lemmi nello stesso manoscritto che contiene il commento di Simplicio.\r\n\r\nBossier considera \u00abplus probable\u00bb l\u2019opinione di D. J. Allan, secondo cui la traduzione di Moerbeke \u00e8 indipendente da quella del Grossatesta, mentre Lacombe e Franceschini hanno ritenuto trattarsi di una revisione.\r\n\r\nL\u2019esistenza di un manoscritto (Vat. lat. 2088) nel quale la traduzione del De caelo di Moerbeke risulta contaminata con quella di Grossatesta anche per alcune parti del primo libro lascia supporre che il Lincolniensis abbia tradotto anche quest\u2019ultimo libro, e non solo il II e l\u2019inizio del III. \u00c8 stato infine ipotizzato che Grossatesta abbia tradotto anche il primo libro del commento di Simplicio.\r\n\r\nLa traduzione del vescovo di Lincoln del II libro del De caelo \u00e8 ora consultabile nell\u2019Aristoteles Latinus Database, cos\u00ec come il testo della seconda recensione della traduzione di Guglielmo di Moerbeke al De caelo di Aristotele. Di quest\u2019ultima traduzione esistono infatti tre recensioni differenti, di cui la seconda \u00e8 la cosiddetta recensio vulgata.\r\n\r\nIl commento di Simplicio sul De caelo \u00e8 stato scritto probabilmente intorno al 540. Prima di lui almeno due altri autori avevano dedicato un commento al testo aristotelico: Alessandro di Afrodisia e Temistio.\r\n\r\nIl commento di Alessandro di Afrodisia \u00e8 andato perduto sia nel testo greco che nella traduzione araba di Ab\u016b Bishr Matt\u0101 ibn Y\u016bnus. Molte notizie le possiamo trarre per\u00f2 dal commento di Simplicio, di cui il testo di Alessandro costituisce la fonte principale.\r\n\r\nIl commento di Alessandro viene citato anche nella parafrasi sul De caelo scritta da Temistio. Come per Alessandro di Afrodisia, il testo di Temistio \u00e8 anch\u2019esso andato perduto sia nell\u2019originale greco che nella traduzione araba di Ya\u1e25y\u0101 ibn \u02bfAd\u012b. Si \u00e8 salvato soltanto nella traduzione ebraica di quest\u2019ultima compiuta nel 1284 da Zerahyah ben Isaac ben Shealtiel Gracian, e nella successiva versione latina del testo ebraico ad opera di Mos\u00e9 Alatino nel 1574.\r\n\r\n\u00c8 opportuno ricordare che, a differenza dei commenti di Alessandro di Afrodisia e di Temistio, il commento di Simplicio sul De caelo non \u00e8 stato conosciuto dal mondo arabo. [introduction p. 525-526]","btype":3,"date":"2006","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vE3O8oovZ2S3BG7","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":274,"full_name":"Musatti, Cesare Alberto","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":617,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Quaestio","volume":"6","issue":"","pages":"524\u2013549"}},"sort":[2006]}

Positioning Heaven: The Infidelity of a Faithful Aristotelian, 2006
By: McGinnis, Jon

Title	Positioning Heaven: The Infidelity of a Faithful Aristotelian
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2006
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	51
Issue	2
Pages	140-161
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	McGinnis, Jon
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle's account of place in terms of an innermost limit of a containing body was to generate serious discussion and controversy among Aristotle's later commentators, especially when it was applied to the cosmos as a whole. The problem was that since there is nothing outside of the cosmos that could contain it, the cosmos apparently could not have a place according to Aristotle's definition; however, if the cosmos does not have a place, then it is not clear that it could move, but it was thought to move, namely, in its daily revolution, which was viewed as a kind of natural locomotion and so required the cosmos to have a place. The study briefly outlines Aristotle's account of place and then considers its fate, particularly with respect to the cosmos and its motion, at the hands of later commentators. To this end, it begins with Theophrastus' puzzles concerning Aristotle's account of place, and how later Greek commentators, such as Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius and others, attempted to address these problems in what can only be described as ad hoc ways. It then considers Philoponus' exploitation of these problems as a means to replace Aristotle's account of place with his own account of place understood in terms of extension. The study concludes with the Arabic Neoplatonizing Aristotelian Avicenna and his novel intro- duction of a new category of motion, namely, motion in the category of position. Briefly, Avicenna denies that the cosmos has a place, and so claims that it moves not with respect to place, but with respect to position. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EODvwNwP7DcvnBH

{"_index":"sire","_id":"729","_score":null,"_source":{"id":729,"authors_free":[{"id":1092,"entry_id":729,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":252,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"McGinnis, Jon","free_first_name":"Jon","free_last_name":"McGinnis","norm_person":{"id":252,"first_name":"Jon","last_name":"McGinnis","full_name":"McGinnis, Jon","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/141369248","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Positioning Heaven: The Infidelity of a Faithful Aristotelian","main_title":{"title":"Positioning Heaven: The Infidelity of a Faithful Aristotelian"},"abstract":"Aristotle's account of place in terms of an innermost limit of a containing body was to generate serious discussion and controversy among Aristotle's later commentators, especially when it was applied to the cosmos as a whole. The problem was that since there is nothing outside of the cosmos that could contain it, the cosmos apparently could not have a place according to Aristotle's definition; however, if the cosmos does not have a place, then it is not clear that it could move, but it was thought to move, namely, in its daily revolution, which was viewed as a kind of natural locomotion and so required the cosmos to have a place. The study briefly outlines Aristotle's account of place and then considers its fate, particularly with respect to the cosmos and its motion, at the hands of later commentators. To this end, it begins with Theophrastus' puzzles concerning Aristotle's account of place, and how later Greek commentators, such as Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius and others, attempted to address these problems in what can only be described as ad hoc ways. It then considers Philoponus' exploitation of these problems as a means to replace Aristotle's account of place with his own account of place understood in terms of extension. The study concludes with the Arabic Neoplatonizing Aristotelian Avicenna and his novel intro- duction of a new category of motion, namely, motion in the category of position. Briefly, Avicenna denies that the cosmos has a place, and so claims that it moves not with respect to place, but with respect to position. [Author\u2019s abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2006","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/EODvwNwP7DcvnBH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":252,"full_name":"McGinnis, Jon","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":729,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"51","issue":"2","pages":"140-161"}},"sort":[2006]}

Ancient Philosophy and the Doxographical Tradition, 2006
By: Mejer, Jørgen, Gill, Mary Louise (Ed.), Pellegrin, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Ancient Philosophy and the Doxographical Tradition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2006
Published in	A Companion to Ancient Philosophy
Pages	20-33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mejer, Jørgen
Editor(s)	Gill, Mary Louise , Pellegrin, Pierre
Translator(s)

Most of the other philosophical Lives from late antiquity are written in the context of the Platonic philosophy: Apuleius wrote a book on Plato and his philosophy in the second century ce, and a hundred years later both Porphyry and Iamblichus wrote biographies of Pythagoras, but they are all three more of value as a source to the times of their authors than as a source to the subject of their biographies. Porphyry’s life of Pythagoras was part of his Historia Philosopha, on the history of philosophy in four books up to and culminating in Plato. More important is the fact that we have biographies of some Neoplatonic philosophers written by their students: Porphyry not only collected and edited Plotinus’ writings at the end of the third century ce, he also wrote a vivid description of Plotinus’ life as he knew it from his own time with the Neoplatonic philosopher in Rome.3 Two hundred years later Marinus wrote a life of Proclus who was head of the Academy in Athens in the fifth century ce, and early in the sixth century Damascius wrote a Historia Philosopha (previously called Life of Isidorus), which covers the last couple of generations of Platonic philosophers in Athens. Since we have so many writings by the Neoplatonic philosophers themselves, the significance of these biographies is not what they have to tell us about the thoughts of these Neoplatonists, but their description of the philosophical activities in Athens. Taken together with the numerous commentaries on works of Plato and Aristotle, they offer important information about the institutional aspects of doing philosophy in late antiquity, and much remains to be done in this area.4 It is no coincidence that Simplicius and many others in this period were capable of composing commentaries that are still important both for our understanding of the texts they comment on and for our knowledge of Greek philosophy. [Conclusion, p. 33]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xN3C25WHUYQeLn0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"979","_score":null,"_source":{"id":979,"authors_free":[{"id":1478,"entry_id":979,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":254,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mejer, J\u00f8rgen","free_first_name":"J\u00f8rgen","free_last_name":"Mejer","norm_person":{"id":254,"first_name":"J\u00f8rgen","last_name":"Mejer","full_name":"Mejer, J\u00f8rgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1176526987","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1479,"entry_id":979,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":208,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gill, Mary Louise","free_first_name":"Mary Louise","free_last_name":"Gill","norm_person":{"id":208,"first_name":"Mary Louise ","last_name":"Gill","full_name":"Gill, Mary Louise ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131938045","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1480,"entry_id":979,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":209,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Pellegrin, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Pellegrin","norm_person":{"id":209,"first_name":"Pierre","last_name":"Pellegrin","full_name":"Pellegrin, Pierre","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136458742","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ancient Philosophy and the Doxographical Tradition","main_title":{"title":"Ancient Philosophy and the Doxographical Tradition"},"abstract":"Most of the other philosophical Lives from late antiquity are written in the context \r\nof the Platonic philosophy: Apuleius wrote a book on Plato and his philosophy in the \r\nsecond century ce, and a hundred years later both Porphyry and Iamblichus wrote \r\nbiographies of Pythagoras, but they are all three more of value as a source to the times \r\nof their authors than as a source to the subject of their biographies. Porphyry\u2019s life \r\nof Pythagoras was part of his Historia Philosopha, on the history of philosophy in \r\nfour books up to and culminating in Plato. More important is the fact that we have \r\nbiographies of some Neoplatonic philosophers written by their students: Porphyry not \r\nonly collected and edited Plotinus\u2019 writings at the end of the third century ce, he also \r\nwrote a vivid description of Plotinus\u2019 life as he knew it from his own time with the \r\nNeoplatonic philosopher in Rome.3 Two hundred years later Marinus wrote a life of \r\nProclus who was head of the Academy in Athens in the fifth century ce, and early in \r\nthe sixth century Damascius wrote a Historia Philosopha (previously called Life of \r\nIsidorus), which covers the last couple of generations of Platonic philosophers in \r\nAthens. Since we have so many writings by the Neoplatonic philosophers themselves, \r\nthe significance of these biographies is not what they have to tell us about the thoughts \r\nof these Neoplatonists, but their description of the philosophical activities in Athens. \r\nTaken together with the numerous commentaries on works of Plato and Aristotle, \r\nthey offer important information about the institutional aspects of doing philosophy in \r\nlate antiquity, and much remains to be done in this area.4 It is no coincidence that \r\nSimplicius and many others in this period were capable of composing commentaries \r\nthat are still important both for our understanding of the texts they comment on and \r\nfor our knowledge of Greek philosophy. [Conclusion, p. 33]","btype":2,"date":"2006","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/xN3C25WHUYQeLn0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":254,"full_name":"Mejer, J\u00f8rgen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":208,"full_name":"Gill, Mary Louise ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":209,"full_name":"Pellegrin, Pierre","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":979,"section_of":167,"pages":"20-33","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":167,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"A Companion to Ancient Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Gill\/Pellegrin2006","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2006","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2006","abstract":"A Companion to Ancient Philosophy provides a comprehensive and current overview of the history of ancient Greek and Roman philosophy from its origins until late antiquity.\r\nComprises an extensive collection of original essays, featuring contributions from both rising stars and senior scholars of ancient philosophy\r\nIntegrates analytic and continental traditions\r\nExplores the development of various disciplines, such as mathematics, logic, grammar, physics, and medicine, in relation to ancient philosophy\r\nIncludes an illuminating introduction, bibliography, chronology, maps and an index","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qzOjm6CsROqhaCL","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":167,"pubplace":"Malden \u2013 Oxford - Victoria","publisher":"Blackwell Publishers","series":"Blackwell Companions to Philosophy","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2006]}

The Transformation of Plato and Aristotle, 2006
By: Sorabji, Richard, Tarrant, Harold (Ed.), Baltzly, Dirk (Ed.)

Title	The Transformation of Plato and Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2006
Published in	Reading Plato in antiquity
Pages	185-193
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Tarrant, Harold , Baltzly, Dirk
Translator(s)

In Neoplatonism, though not in Aristotelianism, Plato and Aristotle are transformed in a variety of different ways. The transformation is partly driven by a wish to harmonize Plato and Aristotle, but only partly. There is less effort to harmonize the two in some commentators than in others, and on some issues, as we shall see, there is less harmonization among our commentators than there was in the Middle Platonism of an earlier period. Further, the transformation of views is driven by other factors besides harmonization. Harmonization is most marked in Porphyry and Ammonius. It seems to be least favored by Syrianus and Proclus. Simplicius says that the good commentator should find Plato and Aristotle in harmony on most points (In Cat. 7.23–32). The presumption for a Neoplatonist is that, in the case of disharmony, Plato will be right. However, this presumption is reversed by a late commentator, Olympiodorus, who backs Aristotle against Plato on the definition of relatives (In Cat. 112.19ff). As an example of harmonization, Porphyry, on the standard interpretation, defended Aristotle’s categories from Plotinus’ objections in Enneads VI.1–3. Plotinus accepted only four of Aristotle’s ten categories for classifying the world perceived by the senses, and even then with heavy qualifications. He complained that Aristotle’s categories left out the world of intelligible Forms from which the perceptible world derived. Sensible qualities, for example, are only shadows of the activities of intelligible Forms. Porphyry replied (In Cat. 57.7–8, 58.5–7, and 91.19–27) that Aristotle’s categories are not meant to be exhaustive. They are only intended to distinguish words insofar as they signify things, and words are chiefly used to speak about sensibles. For that limited task, the categories are to be valued. Porphyry thus made Aristotle’s categories forever acceptable to Platonism. Hereafter, it became increasingly useful to reinforce what I regard as the myth of harmony in the face of Christian charges that pagan philosophers contradicted each other. There was an irony in this, because the harmonization—whose motive was thus partly anti-Christian—ended in the thirteenth century by helping Thomas Aquinas present Aristotle as safe for Christianity. This assimilation to Plato had turned Aristotle’s God from a thinker into a Creator and Aristotle’s human soul into an immortal one. There can, however, be more than one approach toward the harmonization of Plato and Aristotle. Lloyd Gerson, in this volume, offers the most thoroughgoing modern attempt to argue that it is basically correct. If, as I have supposed, it is not, the question arises whether pressure toward a false harmonization would be bad for philosophy. Having to convince Christians that Plato and Aristotle agreed with each other on almost everything would surely lead to a loss of their wonderful insights. But in fact, it gave a distinctive character, interesting in its own right, to Neoplatonism. Curiously, it also led to an even closer reading of the texts of Plato and Aristotle, because their texts had to be read very closely indeed if one was going to argue that what they really meant was something different from what might first appear. In fact, the pressure to harmonize proved a valuable stimulus to the imagination in the Greek Neoplatonist commentators. They took Plato to postulate a changeless and timeless world of divine Platonic Forms, and they had to think out how such a world would relate to the temporal, changing world described by Aristotle. I should now like to look at some examples of what happened to the views of Plato and Aristotle in Neoplatonism. I shall ask what factors besides harmonization are at work, whether Plato is transformed in the process as much as Aristotle, whether the harmonizations are hostile or friendly to Aristotle, and where the transformations proved important for subsequent philosophy. [introduction p. 185-186]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/eWLLcrq58WWLfJm

{"_index":"sire","_id":"916","_score":null,"_source":{"id":916,"authors_free":[{"id":1351,"entry_id":916,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1352,"entry_id":916,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":122,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Tarrant, Harold","free_first_name":"Harold","free_last_name":"Tarrant","norm_person":{"id":122,"first_name":"Harold ","last_name":"Tarrant","full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132040077","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1353,"entry_id":916,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":107,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Baltzly, Dirk","free_first_name":"Dirk","free_last_name":"Baltzly","norm_person":{"id":107,"first_name":"Dirk","last_name":"Baltzly","full_name":"Baltzly, Dirk","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1150414960","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Transformation of Plato and Aristotle","main_title":{"title":"The Transformation of Plato and Aristotle"},"abstract":"In Neoplatonism, though not in Aristotelianism, Plato and Aristotle are transformed in a variety of different ways. The transformation is partly driven by a wish to harmonize Plato and Aristotle, but only partly. There is less effort to harmonize the two in some commentators than in others, and on some issues, as we shall see, there is less harmonization among our commentators than there was in the Middle Platonism of an earlier period. Further, the transformation of views is driven by other factors besides harmonization.\r\n\r\nHarmonization is most marked in Porphyry and Ammonius. It seems to be least favored by Syrianus and Proclus. Simplicius says that the good commentator should find Plato and Aristotle in harmony on most points (In Cat. 7.23\u201332). The presumption for a Neoplatonist is that, in the case of disharmony, Plato will be right. However, this presumption is reversed by a late commentator, Olympiodorus, who backs Aristotle against Plato on the definition of relatives (In Cat. 112.19ff).\r\n\r\nAs an example of harmonization, Porphyry, on the standard interpretation, defended Aristotle\u2019s categories from Plotinus\u2019 objections in Enneads VI.1\u20133. Plotinus accepted only four of Aristotle\u2019s ten categories for classifying the world perceived by the senses, and even then with heavy qualifications. He complained that Aristotle\u2019s categories left out the world of intelligible Forms from which the perceptible world derived. Sensible qualities, for example, are only shadows of the activities of intelligible Forms. Porphyry replied (In Cat. 57.7\u20138, 58.5\u20137, and 91.19\u201327) that Aristotle\u2019s categories are not meant to be exhaustive. They are only intended to distinguish words insofar as they signify things, and words are chiefly used to speak about sensibles. For that limited task, the categories are to be valued. Porphyry thus made Aristotle\u2019s categories forever acceptable to Platonism. Hereafter, it became increasingly useful to reinforce what I regard as the myth of harmony in the face of Christian charges that pagan philosophers contradicted each other. There was an irony in this, because the harmonization\u2014whose motive was thus partly anti-Christian\u2014ended in the thirteenth century by helping Thomas Aquinas present Aristotle as safe for Christianity. This assimilation to Plato had turned Aristotle\u2019s God from a thinker into a Creator and Aristotle\u2019s human soul into an immortal one.\r\n\r\nThere can, however, be more than one approach toward the harmonization of Plato and Aristotle. Lloyd Gerson, in this volume, offers the most thoroughgoing modern attempt to argue that it is basically correct. If, as I have supposed, it is not, the question arises whether pressure toward a false harmonization would be bad for philosophy. Having to convince Christians that Plato and Aristotle agreed with each other on almost everything would surely lead to a loss of their wonderful insights. But in fact, it gave a distinctive character, interesting in its own right, to Neoplatonism. Curiously, it also led to an even closer reading of the texts of Plato and Aristotle, because their texts had to be read very closely indeed if one was going to argue that what they really meant was something different from what might first appear.\r\n\r\nIn fact, the pressure to harmonize proved a valuable stimulus to the imagination in the Greek Neoplatonist commentators. They took Plato to postulate a changeless and timeless world of divine Platonic Forms, and they had to think out how such a world would relate to the temporal, changing world described by Aristotle.\r\n\r\nI should now like to look at some examples of what happened to the views of Plato and Aristotle in Neoplatonism. I shall ask what factors besides harmonization are at work, whether Plato is transformed in the process as much as Aristotle, whether the harmonizations are hostile or friendly to Aristotle, and where the transformations proved important for subsequent philosophy. [introduction p. 185-186]","btype":2,"date":"2006","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/eWLLcrq58WWLfJm","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":122,"full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":107,"full_name":"Baltzly, Dirk","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":916,"section_of":196,"pages":"185-193","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":196,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Reading Plato in antiquity","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Tarrant2006","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2006","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2006","abstract":"This important collection of original essays is the first to concentrate at length on how the ancients responded to the challenge of reading and interpreting Plato, primarily between 100 BC and AD, edited by Lloyd Gerson, University of Toronto; 600. It incorporates the fruits of recent research into late antique philosophy, in particular its approach to hermeneutical problems. While a number of prominent figures, including Apuleius, Galen, Plotinus, Porphyry and lamblichus, receive detailed attention, several essays concentrate on the important figure of Proclus, in whom Neoplatonic interpretation of Plato reaches it most impressive, most surprising and most challenging form. The essays appear in chronological of their focal interpreters, giving a sense of the development of Platonist exegesis in this period. Reflecting their devotion to a common theme, the essays have been carefully edited and are presented with a composite bibliography and indices.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PFetB36hpbaF0VD","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":196,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2006]}

Antike Philosophie verstehen – Understanding Ancient Philosophy, 2006
By: Ackeren, Marcel van (Ed.), Müller, Jörn (Ed.)

Title	Antike Philosophie verstehen – Understanding Ancient Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2006
Publication Place	Darmstadt
Publisher	Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Ackeren, Marcel van , Müller, Jörn
Translator(s)

Der mit international bekannten Fachleuten (Martha Nussbaum, Pierre Hadot, Dorothea Frede, Christoph Rapp, Terence Irwin u.a.) sehr hochkarätig besetzte Band geht das Denken der Antike von einer neuen Seite an. Die deutsch- und englischsprachigen Texte setzen an den entscheidenden Stellen an, an denen ein Verständnis scheitern kann; sie bieten Deutungsmuster für den modernen Leser und erläutern die Probleme, die beim Interpretieren der Philosophie der Antike entstehen können. Welche Textformen gibt es, welche Übersetzungsprobleme können auftreten und wie wurden uns die alten Dokumente überhaupt überliefert? Durch den internationalen Zugang und die Einbeziehung älterer Texte, die für ihre jeweiligen Bereiche Standards gesetzt haben, wird hier ein Grundlagenwerk vorgelegt, das für viele Jahre eine Rolle in der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion spielen wird. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HHFDfWDciwoyh50

{"_index":"sire","_id":"306","_score":null,"_source":{"id":306,"authors_free":[{"id":383,"entry_id":306,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":485,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Ackeren, Marcel van","free_first_name":"Marcel","free_last_name":"Ackeren, van","norm_person":{"id":485,"first_name":"Marcel","last_name":"Ackeren, van","full_name":"Ackeren, Marcel van","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129255769","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":384,"entry_id":306,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":486,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"M\u00fcller, J\u00f6rn","free_first_name":"J\u00f6rn","free_last_name":"M\u00fcller","norm_person":{"id":486,"first_name":"J\u00f6rn","last_name":"M\u00fcller","full_name":"M\u00fcller, J\u00f6rn","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132026864","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Antike Philosophie verstehen \u2013 Understanding Ancient Philosophy","main_title":{"title":"Antike Philosophie verstehen \u2013 Understanding Ancient Philosophy"},"abstract":"Der mit international bekannten Fachleuten (Martha Nussbaum, Pierre Hadot, Dorothea Frede, Christoph Rapp, Terence Irwin u.a.) sehr hochkar\u00e4tig besetzte Band geht das Denken der Antike von einer neuen Seite an. Die deutsch- und englischsprachigen Texte setzen an den entscheidenden Stellen an, an denen ein Verst\u00e4ndnis scheitern kann; sie bieten Deutungsmuster f\u00fcr den modernen Leser und erl\u00e4utern die Probleme, die beim Interpretieren der Philosophie der Antike entstehen k\u00f6nnen. Welche Textformen gibt es, welche \u00dcbersetzungsprobleme k\u00f6nnen auftreten und wie wurden uns die alten Dokumente \u00fcberhaupt \u00fcberliefert? Durch den internationalen Zugang und die Einbeziehung \u00e4lterer Texte, die f\u00fcr ihre jeweiligen Bereiche Standards gesetzt haben, wird hier ein Grundlagenwerk vorgelegt, das f\u00fcr viele Jahre eine Rolle in der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion spielen wird. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2006","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/HHFDfWDciwoyh50","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":485,"full_name":"Ackeren, Marcel van","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":486,"full_name":"M\u00fcller, J\u00f6rn","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":306,"pubplace":"Darmstadt","publisher":"Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2006]}

Plato and Aristotle in Agreement? Platonists on Aristotle from Antiochus to Porphyry, 2006
By: Karamanolis, George

Title	Plato and Aristotle in Agreement? Platonists on Aristotle from Antiochus to Porphyry
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2006
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Clarendon Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Karamanolis, George
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This book breaks new ground in the study of later ancient philosophy by examining the interplay of the two main schools of thought, Platonism and Aristotelianism, from the first century BC to the third century AD. From the time of Antiochus and for the next four centuries, Platonists were strongly preoccupied with the question of how Aristotle’s philosophy compared with the Platonic model. Scholars have usually classified Platonists into two groups, the orthodox ones and the eclectics or syncretists, depending on whether Platonists rejected Aristotle’s philosophy as a whole or accepted some Peripatetic doctrines. The book argues against this dichotomy, claiming that Platonists turned to Aristotle only in order to discover and elucidate Plato’s doctrines and thus to reconstruct Plato’s philosophy. They did not hesitate to criticize Aristotle when judging him to be at odds with Plato. For them, Aristotle was merely auxiliary to their accessing and understanding Plato. The evaluation of Aristotle’s testimony on the part of the Platonists also depends on their interpretation of Aristotle himself. This is particularly clear in the case of Porphyry, with whom the ancient discussion reaches a conclusion, which most later Platonists accepted. While essentially in agreement with Plotinus’s interpretation of Plato, Porphyry interpreted Aristotle in such a way that the latter appeared to agree essentially with Plato on all significant philosophical questions, a view which was dominant until the Renaissance. It is argued that Porphyry’s view of Aristotle’s philosophy guided him to become the first Platonist to write commentaries on Aristotle’s works. [author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lGHQiEMtSxBEKEl

{"_index":"sire","_id":"150","_score":null,"_source":{"id":150,"authors_free":[{"id":190,"entry_id":150,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":207,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Karamanolis, George","free_first_name":"George","free_last_name":"Karaman\u014dl\u0113s","norm_person":{"id":207,"first_name":"George","last_name":"Karamanolis","full_name":"Karamanolis, George","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129979007","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Plato and Aristotle in Agreement? Platonists on Aristotle from Antiochus to Porphyry","main_title":{"title":"Plato and Aristotle in Agreement? Platonists on Aristotle from Antiochus to Porphyry"},"abstract":"This book breaks new ground in the study of later ancient philosophy by examining the interplay of the two main schools of thought, Platonism and Aristotelianism, from the first century BC to the third century AD. From the time of Antiochus and for the next four centuries, Platonists were strongly preoccupied with the question of how Aristotle\u2019s philosophy compared with the Platonic model. Scholars have usually classified Platonists into two groups, the orthodox ones and the eclectics or syncretists, depending on whether Platonists rejected Aristotle\u2019s philosophy as a whole or accepted some Peripatetic doctrines. The book argues against this dichotomy, claiming that Platonists turned to Aristotle only in order to discover and elucidate Plato\u2019s doctrines and thus to reconstruct Plato\u2019s philosophy. They did not hesitate to criticize Aristotle when judging him to be at odds with Plato. For them, Aristotle was merely auxiliary to their accessing and understanding Plato. The evaluation of Aristotle\u2019s testimony on the part of the Platonists also depends on their interpretation of Aristotle himself. This is particularly clear in the case of Porphyry, with whom the ancient discussion reaches a conclusion, which most later Platonists accepted. While essentially in agreement with Plotinus\u2019s interpretation of Plato, Porphyry interpreted Aristotle in such a way that the latter appeared to agree essentially with Plato on all significant philosophical questions, a view which was dominant until the Renaissance. It is argued that Porphyry\u2019s view of Aristotle\u2019s philosophy guided him to become the first Platonist to write commentaries on Aristotle\u2019s works. [author\u2019s abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2006","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lGHQiEMtSxBEKEl","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":207,"full_name":"Karamanolis, George","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":150,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Clarendon Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2006]}

A Companion to Ancient Philosophy, 2006
By: Gill, Mary Louise (Ed.), Pellegrin, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	A Companion to Ancient Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2006
Publication Place	Malden – Oxford - Victoria
Publisher	Blackwell Publishers
Series	Blackwell Companions to Philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Gill, Mary Louise , Pellegrin, Pierre
Translator(s)

A Companion to Ancient Philosophy provides a comprehensive and current overview of the history of ancient Greek and Roman philosophy from its origins until late antiquity. Comprises an extensive collection of original essays, featuring contributions from both rising stars and senior scholars of ancient philosophy Integrates analytic and continental traditions Explores the development of various disciplines, such as mathematics, logic, grammar, physics, and medicine, in relation to ancient philosophy Includes an illuminating introduction, bibliography, chronology, maps and an index

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qzOjm6CsROqhaCL

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City and school in late antique Athens and Alexandria, 2006
By: Watts, E. J.

Title	City and school in late antique Athens and Alexandria
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2006
Publication Place	Berkeley – London – Los Angeles
Publisher	University of California Press
Series	The Joan Palevsky imprint in classical literature 41
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Watts, E. J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This lively and wide-ranging study of the men and ideas of late antique education explores the intellectual and doctrinal milieux in the two great cities of Athens and Alexandria from the second to the sixth centuries to shed new light on the interaction between the pagan cultural legacy and Christianity. While previous scholarship has seen Christian reactions to pagan educational culture as the product of an empire-wide process of development, Edward J. Watts crafts two narratives that reveal how differently education was shaped by the local power structures and urban contexts of each city. Touching on the careers of Herodes Atticus, Proclus, Damascius, Ammonius Saccas, Origen, Hypatia, and Olympiodorus; and events including the Herulian sack of Athens, the closing of the Athenian Neoplatonic school under Justinian, the rise of Arian Christianity, and the sack of the Serapeum, he shows that by the sixth century, Athens and Alexandria had two distinct, locally determined, approaches to pagan teaching that had their roots in the unique historical relationships between city and school.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OpuRY87kdA6jtIi

{"_index":"sire","_id":"193","_score":null,"_source":{"id":193,"authors_free":[{"id":249,"entry_id":193,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":357,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Watts, E. J.","free_first_name":"E. J.","free_last_name":"Watts","norm_person":{"id":357,"first_name":"Edward Jay","last_name":"Watts","full_name":"Watts, Edward Jay","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131826530","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"City and school in late antique Athens and Alexandria","main_title":{"title":"City and school in late antique Athens and Alexandria"},"abstract":"This lively and wide-ranging study of the men and ideas of late antique education explores the intellectual and doctrinal milieux in the two great cities of Athens and Alexandria from the second to the sixth centuries to shed new light on the interaction between the pagan cultural legacy and Christianity. While previous scholarship has seen Christian reactions to pagan educational culture as the product of an empire-wide process of development, Edward J. Watts crafts two narratives that reveal how differently education was shaped by the local power structures and urban contexts of each city. Touching on the careers of Herodes Atticus, Proclus, Damascius, Ammonius Saccas, Origen, Hypatia, and Olympiodorus; and events including the Herulian sack of Athens, the closing of the Athenian Neoplatonic school under Justinian, the rise of Arian Christianity, and the sack of the Serapeum, he shows that by the sixth century, Athens and Alexandria had two distinct, locally determined, approaches to pagan teaching that had their roots in the unique historical relationships between city and school.","btype":1,"date":"2006","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/OpuRY87kdA6jtIi","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":357,"full_name":"Watts, Edward Jay","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":193,"pubplace":"Berkeley \u2013 London \u2013 Los Angeles","publisher":"University of California Press","series":"The Joan Palevsky imprint in classical literature 41","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2006]}

Reading Plato in antiquity, 2006
By: Tarrant, Harold (Ed.), Baltzly, Dirk (Ed.)

Title	Reading Plato in antiquity
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2006
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury Academic
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Tarrant, Harold , Baltzly, Dirk
Translator(s)

This important collection of original essays is the first to concentrate at length on how the ancients responded to the challenge of reading and interpreting Plato, primarily between 100 BC and AD, edited by Lloyd Gerson, University of Toronto; 600. It incorporates the fruits of recent research into late antique philosophy, in particular its approach to hermeneutical problems. While a number of prominent figures, including Apuleius, Galen, Plotinus, Porphyry and lamblichus, receive detailed attention, several essays concentrate on the important figure of Proclus, in whom Neoplatonic interpretation of Plato reaches it most impressive, most surprising and most challenging form. The essays appear in chronological of their focal interpreters, giving a sense of the development of Platonist exegesis in this period. Reflecting their devotion to a common theme, the essays have been carefully edited and are presented with a composite bibliography and indices.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PFetB36hpbaF0VD

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De Anima: Die Rezeption der aristotelischen Psychologie im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, 2006
By: Salatowsky, Sascha

Title	De Anima: Die Rezeption der aristotelischen Psychologie im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2006
Publication Place	Amsterdam
Publisher	B.R. Grüner
Series	Bochumer Studien zur Philosophie
Volume	4
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Salatowsky, Sascha
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle’s On the soul is one of the most important books in the history of philosophy. Its fundamental achievement is based on the ontological-ontical definition of the soul and its virtues, which embrace all living beings, including the doctrine of the mind (nous), and whose further explication has been interpreted controversially since antiquity. With respect to the traditional schools of Alexandrism, Neoplatonism, Averroism and Thomism the present study studies the various philosophical and theological constellations of the 16th and 17th century, which were determined by the intracatholical as well as by the interdenominational controversies between the Catholics, Lutherans and Calvinists. From this point of view the works of Luther and Melanchthon, of the Renaissance-Aristotelians Portio, Toletus, Zabarella, and the Conimbricenses as well as the works of the Lutheran and Calvinistic Philosophers of the 17th century are interpreted, these last ones being taken into consideration here for the first time. [authors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vPm1T0yGbb0btt1

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Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.10-12’, 2006
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.10-12’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2006
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Hankinson, R. J.(Hankinson, Robert J.) ,

Here is a battle royal between the Neoplatonist Simplicius and the Aristotelian Alexander on the origins, if any, of the universe. A parallel battle had already been conducted by Philoponus and Proclus, arguing that Plato's "Timaeus" gives a beginning to the universe. Simplicius denies this. In the three chapters of On the Heavens dealt with in this volume, Aristotle argues that the universe is ungenerated and indestructible. In Simplicius' commentary, translated here, we see a battle royal between the Neoplatonist Simplicius and the Aristotelian Alexander, whose lost commentary on Aristotle's On the Heavens Simplicius partly preserves. Simplicius' rival, the Christian Philoponus, had conducted a parallel battle in his Against Proclus but had taken the side of Alexander against Proclus and other Platonists, arguing that Plato's Timaeus gives a beginning to the universe. Simplicius takes the Platonist side, denying that Plato intended a beginning. The origin to which Plato refers is, according to Simplicius, not a temporal origin, but the divine cause that produces the world without beginning. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nf0tApGwuiAkDmf

{"_index":"sire","_id":"107","_score":null,"_source":{"id":107,"authors_free":[{"id":127,"entry_id":107,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":168,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Hankinson, R. J.","free_first_name":"R. J.","free_last_name":"Hankinson","norm_person":{"id":168,"first_name":"Robert J.","last_name":"Hankinson","full_name":"Hankinson, Robert J.","short_ident":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129477370","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2246,"entry_id":107,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius, Cilicius","free_first_name":"Cilicius","free_last_name":"Simplicius","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 1.10-12\u2019","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 1.10-12\u2019"},"abstract":"Here is a battle royal between the Neoplatonist Simplicius and the Aristotelian Alexander on the origins, if any, of the universe. A parallel battle had already been conducted by Philoponus and Proclus, arguing that Plato's \"Timaeus\" gives a beginning to the universe. Simplicius denies this.\r\nIn the three chapters of On the Heavens dealt with in this volume, Aristotle argues that the universe is ungenerated and indestructible. In Simplicius' commentary, translated here, we see a battle royal between the Neoplatonist Simplicius and the Aristotelian Alexander, whose lost commentary on Aristotle's On the Heavens Simplicius partly preserves. Simplicius' rival, the Christian Philoponus, had conducted a parallel battle in his Against Proclus but had taken the side of Alexander against Proclus and other Platonists, arguing that Plato's Timaeus gives a beginning to the universe. Simplicius takes the Platonist side, denying that Plato intended a beginning. The origin to which Plato refers is, according to Simplicius, not a temporal origin, but the divine cause that produces the world without beginning. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2006","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nf0tApGwuiAkDmf","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":168,"full_name":"Hankinson, Robert J.","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":107,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2006]}

What was Commentary in Late Antiquity? The Example of the Neoplatonic Commentators, 2006
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Gill, Mary Louise (Ed.), Pellegrin, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	What was Commentary in Late Antiquity? The Example of the Neoplatonic Commentators
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2006
Published in	A Companion to Ancient Philosophy
Pages	597-622
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Gill, Mary Louise , Pellegrin, Pierre
Translator(s)

Neoplatonic thought at the end of antiquity - like that of most of the schools of the Hellenistic and Roman period - has an essentially exegetical and scholastic dimension. Beginning with the classical and Hellenistic period, philosophy in Greece is inseparable from the existence of schools (private or public), often organized as places of communal life (sunousia), in which the explication of the texts of the school's founders came to be one of the main activities. The practice of exegesis of written texts supplanted the ancient practice of dialogue. It was sustained through its application to canonical texts, and was put to everyday use in the framework of courses in the explication of texts. The social reality of the school as an institution, with its hierarchy, its diadochos (i.e., the successor to the school’s founder), its structure as a conventicle in which communal life was practiced, its library, its regulation of time, and its programs organized around the reading of canonical texts, constitutes a concrete context into which we should reinsert the practice of exegesis, which is the heart of philosophical pedagogy and the matrix of doctrinal and dogmatic works. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/S0TwJW1NoM7Owd5

{"_index":"sire","_id":"503","_score":null,"_source":{"id":503,"authors_free":[{"id":696,"entry_id":503,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":697,"entry_id":503,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":208,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gill, Mary Louise","free_first_name":"Mary Louise","free_last_name":"Gill","norm_person":{"id":208,"first_name":"Mary Louise ","last_name":"Gill","full_name":"Gill, Mary Louise ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131938045","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":698,"entry_id":503,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":209,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Pellegrin, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Pellegrin","norm_person":{"id":209,"first_name":"Pierre","last_name":"Pellegrin","full_name":"Pellegrin, Pierre","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136458742","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"What was Commentary in Late Antiquity? The Example of the Neoplatonic Commentators","main_title":{"title":"What was Commentary in Late Antiquity? The Example of the Neoplatonic Commentators"},"abstract":"Neoplatonic thought at the end of antiquity - like that of most of the schools of the Hellenistic and Roman period - has an essentially exegetical and scholastic dimension. Beginning with the classical and Hellenistic period, philosophy in Greece is inseparable from the existence of schools (private or public), often organized as places of com\u00admunal life (sunousia), in which the explication of the texts of the school's founders came to be one of the main activities. The practice of exegesis of written texts supplanted the ancient practice of dialogue. It was sustained through its application to canonical texts, and was put to everyday use in the framework of courses in the explication of texts. The social reality of the school as an institution, with its hierarchy, its diadochos (i.e., the successor to the school\u2019s founder), its structure as a conventicle in which communal life was practiced, its library, its regulation of time, and its programs organ\u00adized around the reading of canonical texts, constitutes a concrete context into which we should reinsert the practice of exegesis, which is the heart of philosophical ped\u00adagogy and the matrix of doctrinal and dogmatic works. [Author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2006","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/S0TwJW1NoM7Owd5","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":208,"full_name":"Gill, Mary Louise ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":209,"full_name":"Pellegrin, Pierre","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":503,"section_of":167,"pages":"597-622","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":167,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"A Companion to Ancient Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Gill\/Pellegrin2006","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2006","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2006","abstract":"A Companion to Ancient Philosophy provides a comprehensive and current overview of the history of ancient Greek and Roman philosophy from its origins until late antiquity.\r\nComprises an extensive collection of original essays, featuring contributions from both rising stars and senior scholars of ancient philosophy\r\nIntegrates analytic and continental traditions\r\nExplores the development of various disciplines, such as mathematics, logic, grammar, physics, and medicine, in relation to ancient philosophy\r\nIncludes an illuminating introduction, bibliography, chronology, maps and an index","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qzOjm6CsROqhaCL","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":167,"pubplace":"Malden \u2013 Oxford - Victoria","publisher":"Blackwell Publishers","series":"Blackwell Companions to Philosophy","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2006]}

Aristotle on Space, Form, and Matter ("Physics" IV:2, 209 B 17–32), 2006
By: Fritsche, Johannes

Title	Aristotle on Space, Form, and Matter ("Physics" IV:2, 209 B 17–32)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2006
Journal	Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume	48
Pages	45-63
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fritsche, Johannes
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In Physics IV.2, Aristotle argues for private Space of a body as its form (209 b 1-6) and as its matter (209 b 6-11) to conclude that Plato maintains that χώρα, matter, and space are the same (209 b 11-17). Subsequently, he réfutés both possibilities of conceiving Space (209 b 17-28). In a paper on 209 b 6-17,1 have tried to show that his view of Plato is right.1 In this paper, I would like to show that in his réfutation of both possibilities Aristotle argues dialectically in the proper sense; that is, he does not use any assumption that is peculiar to his own theory and not shared by his Opponent. For this purpose I présent (I.) Aristotle's différent usages of (ού) χωρίζεται/χωριστός (»[not] separated/separable«) and (II.) the three différent interprétations of 209 b 22-28 in Philoponus, Simplicius, and Sorabji, and I rule out Sorabji's interprétation. Thereafter, I will give three reasons for Simplicius's interprétation. The first relates to (III.) the issue of prin ciples as the main topic of the Physics in général. Secondly, (IV.) Philoponus's interprétation of 209 b 22-28 contradicts Aristotle's own définition of Space. Thirdly, (V.) only in Simplicius's interprétation is the argument dialectically va lid. Thereafter, I will show (VI.) that the argument in Simplicius's interprétation is conclusive against Plato's reasoning in the Timaeus to finish with (VII.) some général remarks on this paper and the paper on 209 b 1-17. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/We3uupXlF3bVzh0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"592","_score":null,"_source":{"id":592,"authors_free":[{"id":843,"entry_id":592,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":102,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Fritsche, Johannes ","free_first_name":"Johannes","free_last_name":"Fritsche","norm_person":{"id":102,"first_name":"Johannes ","last_name":"Fritsche","full_name":"Fritsche, Johannes ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1204083266","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle on Space, Form, and Matter (\"Physics\" IV:2, 209 B 17\u201332)","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle on Space, Form, and Matter (\"Physics\" IV:2, 209 B 17\u201332)"},"abstract":"In Physics IV.2, Aristotle argues for private Space of a body as its form (209 b 1-6) and as its matter (209 b 6-11) to conclude that Plato maintains that \u03c7\u03ce\u03c1\u03b1, matter, and space are the same (209 b 11-17). Subsequently, he r\u00e9fut\u00e9s both possibilities of conceiving Space (209 b 17-28). In a paper on 209 b 6-17,1 have tried to show that his view of Plato is right.1 In this paper, I would like to show that in his r\u00e9futation of both possibilities Aristotle argues dialectically in the proper sense; that is, he does not use any assumption that is peculiar to his own theory and not shared by his Opponent. For this purpose I pr\u00e9sent (I.) Aristotle's diff\u00e9rent usages of (\u03bf\u03cd) \u03c7\u03c9\u03c1\u03af\u03b6\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9\/\u03c7\u03c9\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03cc\u03c2 (\u00bb[not] separated\/separable\u00ab) and (II.) the three diff\u00e9rent interpr\u00e9tations of 209 b 22-28 in Philoponus, Simplicius, and Sorabji, and I rule out Sorabji's interpr\u00e9tation. Thereafter, I will give three reasons for Simplicius's interpr\u00e9tation. The first relates to (III.) the issue of prin ciples as the main topic of the Physics in g\u00e9n\u00e9ral. Secondly, (IV.) Philoponus's interpr\u00e9tation of 209 b 22-28 contradicts Aristotle's own d\u00e9finition of Space. Thirdly, (V.) only in Simplicius's interpr\u00e9tation is the argument dialectically va lid. Thereafter, I will show (VI.) that the argument in Simplicius's interpr\u00e9tation is conclusive against Plato's reasoning in the Timaeus to finish with (VII.) some g\u00e9n\u00e9ral remarks on this paper and the paper on 209 b 1-17. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2006","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/We3uupXlF3bVzh0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":102,"full_name":"Fritsche, Johannes ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":592,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archiv f\u00fcr Begriffsgeschichte","volume":"48","issue":"","pages":"45-63"}},"sort":[2006]}

The history of astronomy, 2006
By: Zhmud, Leonid

Title	The history of astronomy
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2006
Published in	The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity
Pages	228-277
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zhmud, Leonid
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The History of Astronomy, Eudemus’ last treatise on the history of science, can be appropriately analyzed by comparing it with the astronomical division of Theophrastus’ Physikon doxai. Astronomy, the only exact science Theophrastus covers, held an important place in his compendium. In Aëtius, the whole of Book II and part of Book III are related to cosmology. It is natural that the names figuring in Eudemus and Theophrastus partly coincide (Thales, Anaximander, Anaxagoras, the Pythagoreans), and so do many discoveries attributed to them. Interesting for us, however, are not only these coincidences but also the differences found in Eudemus’ and Theophrastus’ material, as well as the criteria of selection. A comparative analysis of the History of Astronomy and the corresponding part of the Physikon doxai allows us to state more precisely the specificity of their genres, which largely reflects the distinction between astronomy and physics as conceived by the Peripatetics and astronomers of that time. Let us first attempt to bring together the little evidence on the History of Astronomy available to us and form a better idea of that treatise. The seven extant fragments of this work have come to us through five late authors: Theon of Smyrna (fr. 145), Clement of Alexandria (fr. 143), Diogenes Laertius (fr. 144), Proclus (fr. 147), and Simplicius, who cites it three times (fr. 146, 148-149). The title of Eudemus’ work is mentioned by four of these authors: Theon, Clement, Diogenes, and Simplicius, the latter again proving the most accurate. The number of books in the History of Astronomy (Ἀστρολογικῆς ἱστορίας α'-ς') as given in Theophrastus’ catalogue is most likely in error. According to Simplicius, Eudemus discusses Eudoxus’ theory in the second and probably final book of his work (fr. 148). The historian did, in fact, set forth the theory of Callippus and did mention Eudoxus’ disciples Polemarchus and probably Menaechmus, but this could hardly have needed an additional book: Simplicius (fr. 149) stresses the brevity of Eudemus’ rendering of Callippus’ theory. Hence, Simplicius’ evidence appears to be the fullest and most detailed: he cites the title of Eudemus’ work more correctly than the others, refers to a particular book of the treatise, and notes its clear and concise style. It is also important that Simplicius’ three quotations come from different books: Anaximander and the Pythagoreans were obviously treated in the first book (fr. 146), Eudoxus and his disciples in the second (fr. 148-149). Further, of all the excerptors of the History of Astronomy, Simplicius preserved the largest number of names: Anaximander, the Pythagoreans (fr. 146), Eudoxus (fr. 148), Meton, Euctemon, Callippus (fr. 149), and Polemarchus, while Theon reports about Thales, Anaximander, Anaximenes, and Oenopides (fr. 145), Clement and Diogenes about Thales (fr. 143-144), and Proclus about Anaxagoras (fr. 147). All this leads us to suppose that Simplicius had the text of the History of Astronomy at his disposal, while the other aforementioned authors cited it secondhand. With Diogenes and Clement, this is evident; Theon himself points to Dercyllides, a Platonist of the early first century AD, as his intermediate source. Proclus obviously cited from memory; there is no evidence that he read Eudemus’ work, though the possibility cannot be ruled out. As for Simplicius, one can hardly imagine that he praised the clear and laconic style of the History of Astronomy twice without being immediately familiar with it. The reference to the second book of the treatise could, of course, have been found in Simplicius’ predecessor, but Simplicius was unlikely to have repeated it if he had known that the History of Astronomy had long ago been lost, in which case a reference to a particular book would make little sense. Let us recall that Eudemus’ Physics is known to us almost exclusively from Simplicius, who never fails to indicate pedantically the particular book he is citing. It is also Simplicius to whom we owe the longest quotation from the History of Geometry (fr. 140, p. 57-66 Wehrli). Here he also refers to a particular book of this work (the second) and points out the brevity of Eudemus’ exposition. If the commentator had at least two of Eudemus’ works at his disposal, we cannot simply assume that the History of Astronomy was unavailable by that time. Generally, Simplicius explained the origin of his quotations, even if this was rather complicated. Thus, while commenting on Aristotle’s Physics, he notes that Alexander copied verbatim a quotation from Geminus’ summary of Posidonius’ Meteorologica, which takes its starting points from Aristotle, and then proceeds to cite this long passage (291.21-292.31) as if he were referring to Aristotle fourth-hand! In the case of Eudemus, the commentator’s invaluable pedantry also provides some important details. In his account of Callippus’ theory (fr. 149), he remarks that the latter’s work is not available (οὔτε δὲ Καλλίππου φέρεται σύγγραμμα), referring subsequently to the summary of his theory in Eudemus (Εὔδημος δὲ συντόμως ἱστόρησε). This assertion would not make sense unless the History of Astronomy, unlike Callippus’ book, was at Simplicius’ disposal. Further, while citing Sosigenes, who in turn excerpted from Eudemus, Simplicius makes clear that the evidence on Eudoxus comes from Eudemus, whereas that on Plato comes from Sosigenes (fr. 148). Though we cannot rule out that Sosigenes quoted Eudemus and then “amplified” him, prompting Simplicius to note the resulting discrepancy, a different explanation seems more likely: Simplicius found no mention of Plato in Eudemus. Another possibility would be that here Simplicius quotes an indirect source as if it were direct, unintentionally leaving us with no clue to figure out what this source was. But even so, his two other references to the History of Astronomy cannot come from Sosigenes. Fragment 146 on Anaximander and the Pythagoreans has nothing to do with the subject of Sosigenes’ work, and fragment 149 is related to the Eudemian exposition of Callippus’ system, which Sosigenes deliberately omitted. Hence, even if, in the case of fragment 148, Simplicius purposely beguiled the reader into believing that he knew the History of Astronomy firsthand, in two other cases we have the means to check his assertions. [introduction p. 228-230]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/csHTzFsKJd5J17a

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1426","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1426,"authors_free":[{"id":2237,"entry_id":1426,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":368,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Zhmud, Leonid","free_first_name":"Leonid","free_last_name":"Zhmud","norm_person":{"id":368,"first_name":"Leonid","last_name":"Zhmud","full_name":"Zhmud, Leonid","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1028558643","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The history of astronomy","main_title":{"title":"The history of astronomy"},"abstract":"The History of Astronomy, Eudemus\u2019 last treatise on the history of science, can be appropriately analyzed by comparing it with the astronomical division of Theophrastus\u2019 Physikon doxai. Astronomy, the only exact science Theophrastus covers, held an important place in his compendium. In A\u00ebtius, the whole of Book II and part of Book III are related to cosmology. It is natural that the names figuring in Eudemus and Theophrastus partly coincide (Thales, Anaximander, Anaxagoras, the Pythagoreans), and so do many discoveries attributed to them.\r\n\r\nInteresting for us, however, are not only these coincidences but also the differences found in Eudemus\u2019 and Theophrastus\u2019 material, as well as the criteria of selection. A comparative analysis of the History of Astronomy and the corresponding part of the Physikon doxai allows us to state more precisely the specificity of their genres, which largely reflects the distinction between astronomy and physics as conceived by the Peripatetics and astronomers of that time.\r\n\r\nLet us first attempt to bring together the little evidence on the History of Astronomy available to us and form a better idea of that treatise. The seven extant fragments of this work have come to us through five late authors: Theon of Smyrna (fr. 145), Clement of Alexandria (fr. 143), Diogenes Laertius (fr. 144), Proclus (fr. 147), and Simplicius, who cites it three times (fr. 146, 148-149). The title of Eudemus\u2019 work is mentioned by four of these authors: Theon, Clement, Diogenes, and Simplicius, the latter again proving the most accurate.\r\n\r\nThe number of books in the History of Astronomy (\u1f08\u03c3\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03b3\u03b9\u03ba\u1fc6\u03c2 \u1f31\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03b1'-\u03c2') as given in Theophrastus\u2019 catalogue is most likely in error. According to Simplicius, Eudemus discusses Eudoxus\u2019 theory in the second and probably final book of his work (fr. 148). The historian did, in fact, set forth the theory of Callippus and did mention Eudoxus\u2019 disciples Polemarchus and probably Menaechmus, but this could hardly have needed an additional book: Simplicius (fr. 149) stresses the brevity of Eudemus\u2019 rendering of Callippus\u2019 theory.\r\n\r\nHence, Simplicius\u2019 evidence appears to be the fullest and most detailed: he cites the title of Eudemus\u2019 work more correctly than the others, refers to a particular book of the treatise, and notes its clear and concise style. It is also important that Simplicius\u2019 three quotations come from different books: Anaximander and the Pythagoreans were obviously treated in the first book (fr. 146), Eudoxus and his disciples in the second (fr. 148-149). Further, of all the excerptors of the History of Astronomy, Simplicius preserved the largest number of names: Anaximander, the Pythagoreans (fr. 146), Eudoxus (fr. 148), Meton, Euctemon, Callippus (fr. 149), and Polemarchus, while Theon reports about Thales, Anaximander, Anaximenes, and Oenopides (fr. 145), Clement and Diogenes about Thales (fr. 143-144), and Proclus about Anaxagoras (fr. 147).\r\n\r\nAll this leads us to suppose that Simplicius had the text of the History of Astronomy at his disposal, while the other aforementioned authors cited it secondhand. With Diogenes and Clement, this is evident; Theon himself points to Dercyllides, a Platonist of the early first century AD, as his intermediate source. Proclus obviously cited from memory; there is no evidence that he read Eudemus\u2019 work, though the possibility cannot be ruled out.\r\n\r\nAs for Simplicius, one can hardly imagine that he praised the clear and laconic style of the History of Astronomy twice without being immediately familiar with it. The reference to the second book of the treatise could, of course, have been found in Simplicius\u2019 predecessor, but Simplicius was unlikely to have repeated it if he had known that the History of Astronomy had long ago been lost, in which case a reference to a particular book would make little sense. Let us recall that Eudemus\u2019 Physics is known to us almost exclusively from Simplicius, who never fails to indicate pedantically the particular book he is citing. It is also Simplicius to whom we owe the longest quotation from the History of Geometry (fr. 140, p. 57-66 Wehrli). Here he also refers to a particular book of this work (the second) and points out the brevity of Eudemus\u2019 exposition. If the commentator had at least two of Eudemus\u2019 works at his disposal, we cannot simply assume that the History of Astronomy was unavailable by that time.\r\n\r\nGenerally, Simplicius explained the origin of his quotations, even if this was rather complicated. Thus, while commenting on Aristotle\u2019s Physics, he notes that Alexander copied verbatim a quotation from Geminus\u2019 summary of Posidonius\u2019 Meteorologica, which takes its starting points from Aristotle, and then proceeds to cite this long passage (291.21-292.31) as if he were referring to Aristotle fourth-hand!\r\n\r\nIn the case of Eudemus, the commentator\u2019s invaluable pedantry also provides some important details. In his account of Callippus\u2019 theory (fr. 149), he remarks that the latter\u2019s work is not available (\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5 \u03b4\u1f72 \u039a\u03b1\u03bb\u03bb\u03af\u03c0\u03c0\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c6\u03ad\u03c1\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c3\u03cd\u03b3\u03b3\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03bc\u03b1), referring subsequently to the summary of his theory in Eudemus (\u0395\u1f54\u03b4\u03b7\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03c4\u03cc\u03bc\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f31\u03c3\u03c4\u03cc\u03c1\u03b7\u03c3\u03b5). This assertion would not make sense unless the History of Astronomy, unlike Callippus\u2019 book, was at Simplicius\u2019 disposal.\r\n\r\nFurther, while citing Sosigenes, who in turn excerpted from Eudemus, Simplicius makes clear that the evidence on Eudoxus comes from Eudemus, whereas that on Plato comes from Sosigenes (fr. 148). Though we cannot rule out that Sosigenes quoted Eudemus and then \u201camplified\u201d him, prompting Simplicius to note the resulting discrepancy, a different explanation seems more likely: Simplicius found no mention of Plato in Eudemus.\r\n\r\nAnother possibility would be that here Simplicius quotes an indirect source as if it were direct, unintentionally leaving us with no clue to figure out what this source was. But even so, his two other references to the History of Astronomy cannot come from Sosigenes. Fragment 146 on Anaximander and the Pythagoreans has nothing to do with the subject of Sosigenes\u2019 work, and fragment 149 is related to the Eudemian exposition of Callippus\u2019 system, which Sosigenes deliberately omitted.\r\n\r\nHence, even if, in the case of fragment 148, Simplicius purposely beguiled the reader into believing that he knew the History of Astronomy firsthand, in two other cases we have the means to check his assertions.\r\n[introduction p. 228-230]","btype":2,"date":"2006","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/csHTzFsKJd5J17a","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":368,"full_name":"Zhmud, Leonid","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1426,"section_of":1214,"pages":"228-277","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1214,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"en","title":"The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Zhmud2006","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2006","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2006","abstract":"Dies ist die erste umfassende Untersuchung von Inhalt, Form und Zielen der Peripatetischen Historiographie der Naturwissenschaften. Zhmud konzentriert sich auf den Aristoteles-Sch\u00fcler Eudemus von Rhodos, dessen Werk die Grundlage der Peripatetischen Historiographie der Naturwissenschaften bildet. Pluspunkte international renommierter Autor stark \u00fcberarbeitete \u00dcbersetzung aus dem Russischen (zuerst Moskau 2002) innovativer Ansatz \u00fcber die Wurzeln der Wissenschaftsgeschichte in Europa. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/4CRyOOElYdy3pJr","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1214,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2006]}

The history of geometry, 2006
By: Zhmud, Leonid

Title	The history of geometry
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2006
Published in	The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity
Pages	166-214
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zhmud, Leonid
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

We know little about the founder of the historiography of science, Eudemus of Rhodes. Ancient sources depict him as a devoted student of Aristotle, who considered Eudemus (along with Theophrastus) a possible scholarch of the Lyceum. We know neither exactly when he was born nor when he joined Aristotle’s Lyceum. Eudemus was certainly younger than Theophrastus (born ca. 370), and after Aristotle’s death, he returned to Rhodes, where he continued to study and teach (fr. 88). Eudemus did not lose contact with Theophrastus and corresponded with him on the subject of their teacher’s writings (fr. 6). While Eudemus’ Physics belongs to his Rhodian period, his works on logic and the history of science were written while Aristotle was still alive. In practically all of the logical fragments, Eudemus figures together with Theophrastus, which implies a kind of co-authorship. The list of Theophrastus’ works contains three writings on the history of science with the same titles as Eudemus’ works. Since there are no other traces of such writings in Theophrastus, the editors of his fragments subscribed to Usener’s suggestion that these were Eudemus’ works, which were later mistakenly added to Theophrastus’ list. In the same list, we find another work, Τῶν περὶ τὸ θεῖον ἱστορίας α'-ς', which, contrary to Wehrli’s opinion, should be identified with Eudemus’ History of Theology, known from Damascius. This misunderstanding indirectly confirms that Eudemus’ historical works were written before he left Athens; otherwise, they would hardly have been included in Theophrastus’ catalogue. Assuming that these works, along with Theophrastus’ physical doxography and Meno’s medical doxography, were part of Aristotle’s historiographical project, they can be dated between 335/4 (foundation of the Lyceum) and 322/1 (Aristotle’s death). The majority of those who have studied Eudemus’ theoretical treatises (Physics, Analytics, etc.) agree that in this domain he was not particularly independent. As a rule, he followed Aristotle, clarifying the latter’s ideas and arranging them more systematically. But though Eudemus, like his colleagues at the Lyceum, did not greatly develop Aristotle’s system or create his own philosophical system, this does not mean that he lacked all originality. Several early Peripatetics became prominent not so much in philosophy as in specific sciences. There is no doubt that ancient Greek botany, geography, and harmonics would appear incomparably inferior without Theophrastus, Dicaearchus, and Aristoxenus. Such an appraisal seems all the more appropriate to the historiography of science since Eudemus’ History of Geometry, History of Arithmetic, and History of Astronomy happened to be not only the first but also the last specimens of that genre in antiquity. Although Eudemus’ works were not forgotten (they were still quoted in the sixth century AD) and a special biography was devoted to him, in this particular genre, he appeared to have no followers. This could hardly be explained by Eudemus’ failure to found his own school. Even if he had only a few students, Theophrastus had two thousand listeners (D. L. V, 37), and nonetheless, his botanical research was not further developed. Meanwhile, in contrast, the Hellenistic writers immediately picked up the biographical genre founded by Aristoxenus and Dicaearchus (about whose students we know nothing), since it corresponded to the interests and the very spirit of their epoch. In spite of the general decline of interest in the exact sciences in the philosophical schools of the Hellenistic age, one should not think that Eudemus was virtually unknown in this time, especially considering that we possess only meager remains of Hellenistic literature. Eratosthenes and probably Archimedes drew upon his History of Geometry; Diogenes Laertius and Clement of Alexandria, known for their extensive use of Hellenistic sources, cite his History of Astronomy. Later, Eudemus’ theoretical treatises remained of interest only to Aristotle’s commentators, whereas his works on the history of the exact sciences were frequently quoted by those who engaged with these sciences in one way or another: Theon of Smyrna, Porphyry, Pappus, Proclus, Simplicius, and Eutocius. Thus, Eudemus, the expert in the exact sciences and their first and perhaps only historian, was no less important for the classical tradition than Eudemus the true Peripatetic. [introduction p. 166-167]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KWyxYRnHtT2JfTL

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1427","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1427,"authors_free":[{"id":2238,"entry_id":1427,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":368,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Zhmud, Leonid","free_first_name":"Leonid","free_last_name":"Zhmud","norm_person":{"id":368,"first_name":"Leonid","last_name":"Zhmud","full_name":"Zhmud, Leonid","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1028558643","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The history of geometry","main_title":{"title":"The history of geometry"},"abstract":"We know little about the founder of the historiography of science, Eudemus of Rhodes. Ancient sources depict him as a devoted student of Aristotle, who considered Eudemus (along with Theophrastus) a possible scholarch of the Lyceum. We know neither exactly when he was born nor when he joined Aristotle\u2019s Lyceum. Eudemus was certainly younger than Theophrastus (born ca. 370), and after Aristotle\u2019s death, he returned to Rhodes, where he continued to study and teach (fr. 88). Eudemus did not lose contact with Theophrastus and corresponded with him on the subject of their teacher\u2019s writings (fr. 6).\r\n\r\nWhile Eudemus\u2019 Physics belongs to his Rhodian period, his works on logic and the history of science were written while Aristotle was still alive. In practically all of the logical fragments, Eudemus figures together with Theophrastus, which implies a kind of co-authorship. The list of Theophrastus\u2019 works contains three writings on the history of science with the same titles as Eudemus\u2019 works. Since there are no other traces of such writings in Theophrastus, the editors of his fragments subscribed to Usener\u2019s suggestion that these were Eudemus\u2019 works, which were later mistakenly added to Theophrastus\u2019 list.\r\n\r\nIn the same list, we find another work, \u03a4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03b8\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd \u1f31\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03b1'-\u03c2', which, contrary to Wehrli\u2019s opinion, should be identified with Eudemus\u2019 History of Theology, known from Damascius. This misunderstanding indirectly confirms that Eudemus\u2019 historical works were written before he left Athens; otherwise, they would hardly have been included in Theophrastus\u2019 catalogue. Assuming that these works, along with Theophrastus\u2019 physical doxography and Meno\u2019s medical doxography, were part of Aristotle\u2019s historiographical project, they can be dated between 335\/4 (foundation of the Lyceum) and 322\/1 (Aristotle\u2019s death).\r\n\r\nThe majority of those who have studied Eudemus\u2019 theoretical treatises (Physics, Analytics, etc.) agree that in this domain he was not particularly independent. As a rule, he followed Aristotle, clarifying the latter\u2019s ideas and arranging them more systematically. But though Eudemus, like his colleagues at the Lyceum, did not greatly develop Aristotle\u2019s system or create his own philosophical system, this does not mean that he lacked all originality. Several early Peripatetics became prominent not so much in philosophy as in specific sciences.\r\n\r\nThere is no doubt that ancient Greek botany, geography, and harmonics would appear incomparably inferior without Theophrastus, Dicaearchus, and Aristoxenus. Such an appraisal seems all the more appropriate to the historiography of science since Eudemus\u2019 History of Geometry, History of Arithmetic, and History of Astronomy happened to be not only the first but also the last specimens of that genre in antiquity.\r\n\r\nAlthough Eudemus\u2019 works were not forgotten (they were still quoted in the sixth century AD) and a special biography was devoted to him, in this particular genre, he appeared to have no followers. This could hardly be explained by Eudemus\u2019 failure to found his own school. Even if he had only a few students, Theophrastus had two thousand listeners (D. L. V, 37), and nonetheless, his botanical research was not further developed.\r\n\r\nMeanwhile, in contrast, the Hellenistic writers immediately picked up the biographical genre founded by Aristoxenus and Dicaearchus (about whose students we know nothing), since it corresponded to the interests and the very spirit of their epoch. In spite of the general decline of interest in the exact sciences in the philosophical schools of the Hellenistic age, one should not think that Eudemus was virtually unknown in this time, especially considering that we possess only meager remains of Hellenistic literature.\r\n\r\nEratosthenes and probably Archimedes drew upon his History of Geometry; Diogenes Laertius and Clement of Alexandria, known for their extensive use of Hellenistic sources, cite his History of Astronomy. Later, Eudemus\u2019 theoretical treatises remained of interest only to Aristotle\u2019s commentators, whereas his works on the history of the exact sciences were frequently quoted by those who engaged with these sciences in one way or another: Theon of Smyrna, Porphyry, Pappus, Proclus, Simplicius, and Eutocius.\r\n\r\nThus, Eudemus, the expert in the exact sciences and their first and perhaps only historian, was no less important for the classical tradition than Eudemus the true Peripatetic. [introduction p. 166-167]","btype":2,"date":"2006","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KWyxYRnHtT2JfTL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":368,"full_name":"Zhmud, Leonid","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1427,"section_of":1214,"pages":"166-214","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1214,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"en","title":"The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Zhmud2006","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2006","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2006","abstract":"Dies ist die erste umfassende Untersuchung von Inhalt, Form und Zielen der Peripatetischen Historiographie der Naturwissenschaften. Zhmud konzentriert sich auf den Aristoteles-Sch\u00fcler Eudemus von Rhodos, dessen Werk die Grundlage der Peripatetischen Historiographie der Naturwissenschaften bildet. Pluspunkte international renommierter Autor stark \u00fcberarbeitete \u00dcbersetzung aus dem Russischen (zuerst Moskau 2002) innovativer Ansatz \u00fcber die Wurzeln der Wissenschaftsgeschichte in Europa. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/4CRyOOElYdy3pJr","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1214,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2006]}

The Presocratics in the doxographical tradition. Sources, controversies, and current research, 2005
By: Baltussen, Han

Title	The Presocratics in the doxographical tradition. Sources, controversies, and current research
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Studia Humaniora Tartuensia
Volume	6
Issue	6
Pages	1-26
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper I present a synthetic overview of recent and ongoing research in the field of doxography, that is, the study of the nature, transmission and interrelations of sources for ancient Greek philosophy. The latest revisions of the theory of Hermann Diels (Doxographi Graeci 1879) regarding the historiography ought to be known more widely, as they still influence our understanding of the Presocratics and their reception. The scholarly study on the compilations of Greek philosophical views from Hellenistic and later periods has received a major boost by the first of a projected three-volume study by Mansfeld and Runia (1997). Taking their work as a firm basis I also describe my own work in this area and how it can be related to, and fitted into, this trend by outlining how two important sources for the historiography of Greek philosophy, Theo-phrastus (4th–3rd c. BCE) and Simplicius (early 6th c. AD) stand in a special relation to each other and form an important strand in the doxographical tradition. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OYlxoMJYDjcTIPa

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1201","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1201,"authors_free":[{"id":1774,"entry_id":1201,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":39,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Baltussen, Han","free_first_name":"Han","free_last_name":"Baltussen","norm_person":{"id":39,"first_name":"Han","last_name":"Baltussen","full_name":"Baltussen, Han","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136236456","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Presocratics in the doxographical tradition. Sources, controversies, and current research","main_title":{"title":"The Presocratics in the doxographical tradition. Sources, controversies, and current research"},"abstract":"In this paper I present a synthetic overview of recent and ongoing research in the field of doxography, that is, the study of the nature, transmission and interrelations of sources for ancient Greek philosophy. The latest revisions of the theory of Hermann Diels (Doxographi Graeci 1879) regarding the historiography ought to be known more widely, as they still influence our understanding of the Presocratics and their reception. The scholarly study on the compilations of Greek philosophical views from Hellenistic and later periods has received a major boost by the first of a projected three-volume study by Mansfeld and Runia (1997). Taking their work as a firm basis I also describe my own work in this area and how it can be related to, and fitted into, this trend by outlining how two important sources for the historiography of Greek philosophy, Theo-phrastus (4th\u20133rd c. BCE) and Simplicius (early 6th c. AD) stand in a special relation to each other and form an important strand in the doxographical tradition. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/OYlxoMJYDjcTIPa","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":39,"full_name":"Baltussen, Han","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1201,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Studia Humaniora Tartuensia","volume":"6","issue":"6","pages":"1-26"}},"sort":[2005]}

Copernicus's Doctrine of Gravity and the Natural Circular Motion of the Elements, 2005
By: Knox, Dilwyn

Title	Copernicus's Doctrine of Gravity and the Natural Circular Motion of the Elements
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
Volume	68
Pages	157-211
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Knox, Dilwyn
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

What do these ideas tell us about Copernicus the philosopher? He drew on Stoic and, perhaps unknowingly at times, Platonic doctrines of the elements, but he avoided their metaphysical implications. There would have been little point, even if he had been so inclined, in compromising his heliocentric hypothesis, contentious as he knew it was, with suspect doctrines of, say, spiritus and cosmic animation. For three centuries, scholastic theologians and philosophers, despite Aristotle's statements to the contrary, had done their best to de-animate the heavens. Nor, for the same reason, should we think that Neoplatonic sun symbolism was important to him. His brief references to sun symbolism and Hermes Trismegistus take up no more than five or so lines and derive mostly from standard classical sources, including Pliny in a passage immediately following the latter's discussion of gravity. The main problem facing Copernicus was to make the earth move, not to explain why the sun stood at the center. He also consulted doxographical works explaining the many and divergent views of ancient thinkers, for instance, pseudo-Plutarch's Placita philosophorum, Bessarion's In calumniatorem Platonis, and Giorgio Valla's De expetendis. He consulted classical Latin authors like Pliny and Cicero, who, through the endeavors of Renaissance humanists and the agency of the printing press, had become better known during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. His extensive use of Pliny's Natural History, Book II, exemplifies the way in which the latter became a popular source for alternatives to Aristotelian or scholastic natural philosophy during the sixteenth century. The greatest debt, in other words, that Copernicus the cosmologist owed was not to Renaissance Platonism or a revamped Aristotelianism. It was rather to the variety of ancient learning promoted by Renaissance humanists during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. To them he owed not just the wherewithal and encouragement to consult a much wider library of classical authors than his scholastic predecessors were wont to do but also the intellectual flexibility to regard his sources as no more than that—sources for ideas rather than authorities. In this, Copernicus was typical of many sixteenth- and seventeenth-century "scientific" thinkers, Galileo included. But Renaissance humanism left its mark in another important respect. Copernicus set himself the task of learning Greek, and this provided him, if the evidence above is to be trusted, with one of his most important cosmological doctrines. [conclusion p. 210-211]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/x8JGitPSYOT3L0a

{"_index":"sire","_id":"736","_score":null,"_source":{"id":736,"authors_free":[{"id":1099,"entry_id":736,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":217,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Knox, Dilwyn","free_first_name":"Dilwyn","free_last_name":"Knox","norm_person":{"id":217,"first_name":"Dilwyn","last_name":"Knox","full_name":"Knox, Dilwyn","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1048420108","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Copernicus's Doctrine of Gravity and the Natural Circular Motion of the Elements","main_title":{"title":"Copernicus's Doctrine of Gravity and the Natural Circular Motion of the Elements"},"abstract":"What do these ideas tell us about Copernicus the philosopher? He drew on Stoic and, perhaps unknowingly at times, Platonic doctrines of the elements, but he avoided their metaphysical implications. There would have been little point, even if he had been so inclined, in compromising his heliocentric hypothesis, contentious as he knew it was, with suspect doctrines of, say, spiritus and cosmic animation. For three centuries, scholastic theologians and philosophers, despite Aristotle's statements to the contrary, had done their best to de-animate the heavens.\r\n\r\nNor, for the same reason, should we think that Neoplatonic sun symbolism was important to him. His brief references to sun symbolism and Hermes Trismegistus take up no more than five or so lines and derive mostly from standard classical sources, including Pliny in a passage immediately following the latter's discussion of gravity. The main problem facing Copernicus was to make the earth move, not to explain why the sun stood at the center.\r\n\r\nHe also consulted doxographical works explaining the many and divergent views of ancient thinkers, for instance, pseudo-Plutarch's Placita philosophorum, Bessarion's In calumniatorem Platonis, and Giorgio Valla's De expetendis. He consulted classical Latin authors like Pliny and Cicero, who, through the endeavors of Renaissance humanists and the agency of the printing press, had become better known during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. His extensive use of Pliny's Natural History, Book II, exemplifies the way in which the latter became a popular source for alternatives to Aristotelian or scholastic natural philosophy during the sixteenth century.\r\n\r\nThe greatest debt, in other words, that Copernicus the cosmologist owed was not to Renaissance Platonism or a revamped Aristotelianism. It was rather to the variety of ancient learning promoted by Renaissance humanists during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. To them he owed not just the wherewithal and encouragement to consult a much wider library of classical authors than his scholastic predecessors were wont to do but also the intellectual flexibility to regard his sources as no more than that\u2014sources for ideas rather than authorities.\r\n\r\nIn this, Copernicus was typical of many sixteenth- and seventeenth-century \"scientific\" thinkers, Galileo included. But Renaissance humanism left its mark in another important respect. Copernicus set himself the task of learning Greek, and this provided him, if the evidence above is to be trusted, with one of his most important cosmological doctrines. [conclusion p. 210-211]","btype":3,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/x8JGitPSYOT3L0a","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":217,"full_name":"Knox, Dilwyn","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":736,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes","volume":"68","issue":"","pages":"157-211"}},"sort":[2005]}

Time, Perpetuity and Eternity in Late Antique Platonism, 2005
By: Siniossoglou, Nikētas

Title	Time, Perpetuity and Eternity in Late Antique Platonism
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	KronoScope
Volume	5
Issue	2
Pages	213-235
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Siniossoglou, Nikētas
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper focuses on the late antique conception of time, eternity and perpetual duration and examines the relation between these concepts and Plato’s cosmology. By exploring the controversy between pagan philosophers (Proclus, Ammonius, Simplicius, Olympiodorus) and Christian writers (Aeneas of Gaza, Zacharias of Mytilene, Philoponus) in respect to the interpretation of Plato’s Timaeus, I argue that the Neoplatonic doctrine of the perpetuity (ἀïδιότης) of the world derives from a) the intellectual paradigm presupposed by the conceptual framework of late antiquity and b) the commentators’ principal concern for a coherent conception of Platonic cosmology essentially free from internal contradictions. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/a8bG1lq3yiz1Bl1

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1017","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1017,"authors_free":[{"id":1533,"entry_id":1017,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":319,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Siniossoglou, Nik\u0113tas","free_first_name":"Nik\u0113tas","free_last_name":"Siniossoglou","norm_person":{"id":319,"first_name":"Nik\u0113tas","last_name":"Siniossoglou","full_name":"Siniossoglou, Nik\u0113tas","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1116027585","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Time, Perpetuity and Eternity in Late Antique Platonism","main_title":{"title":"Time, Perpetuity and Eternity in Late Antique Platonism"},"abstract":"This paper focuses on the late antique conception of time, eternity and perpetual duration and examines the relation between these concepts and Plato\u2019s cosmology. By exploring the controversy between pagan philosophers (Proclus, Ammonius, Simplicius, Olympiodorus) and Christian writers (Aeneas of Gaza, Zacharias of Mytilene, Philoponus) in respect to the interpretation of Plato\u2019s Timaeus, I argue that the Neoplatonic doctrine of the perpetuity (\u1f00\u00ef\u03b4\u03b9\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2) of the world derives from a) the intellectual paradigm presupposed by the conceptual framework of late antiquity and b) the commentators\u2019 principal concern for a coherent conception of Platonic cosmology essentially free from internal contradictions. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/a8bG1lq3yiz1Bl1","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":319,"full_name":"Siniossoglou, Nik\u0113tas","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1017,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"KronoScope","volume":"5","issue":"2","pages":"213-235"}},"sort":[2005]}

Unbeachtete Zitate und doxographische Nachrichten in der Schrift De Aeternitate Mundi des Johannes Philoponos, 2005
By: Scholten, Clemens

Title	Unbeachtete Zitate und doxographische Nachrichten in der Schrift De Aeternitate Mundi des Johannes Philoponos
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2005
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	148
Issue	2
Pages	202-219
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Scholten, Clemens
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In der Schrift De Aeternitate Mundi (aetm.) des Johannes Philoponos aus der Zeit bald nach 529 n. Chr. gibt es, über eine Reihe von bereits näher beleuchteten Quellen und doxographischen Nachrichten hinaus, eine größere Anzahl von bisher unbeachteten doxographischen Materialien, Paraphrasen und/oder Zitaten aus verlorenen Schriften antiker Autoren. Unter quellenkritischen und doxographischen Gesichtspunkten im engeren Sinn ist aetm. noch nicht eigens untersucht worden. Das wird sicherlich damit zu tun haben, dass die Erforschung der doxographischen Überlieferung vor gut hundert Jahren ihren Schwerpunkt auf die vorplatonische Tradition setzte und unter diesem Gesichtspunkt aetm. offenbar zu vernachlässigen glaubte, zumal H. Rabe als Herausgeber von aetm. in seinen Fußnoten die Textnachweise aus den großen Dichtern und Philosophen wie Homer, Platon, Aristoteles, Plotin usw., soweit möglich, zuverlässig geführt hat. Möglicherweise ist daran auch die Einschätzung des letzten Rezensenten der Rabeschen Edition aus dem Jahre 1901 nicht unbeteiligt, der aetm. für unergiebig im Hinblick auf verlorene Quellen hielt und meinte, aetm. habe lediglich bekanntes Material zu bieten. Aber es gab damals schon andere Stimmen. Bemerkenswerterweise hatte ein Jahr zuvor Wendland in seiner Rezension anders geurteilt. Ebenso forderte Gudeman in seinem RE-Artikel „Johannes Philoponos“ aus dem Jahre 1915 die Aufarbeitung der Quellenfrage. Bei diesem Desiderat ist es allerdings bis heute geblieben. In größerem Umfang sind lediglich die Teile des Quellenmaterials aus aetm. behandelt worden, die für die Timaios-Kommentierung in der Zeit vor Proklos von Belang sind. Es handelt sich besonders um Texte aus den Timaios-Kommentaren des Calvisios Tauros und Porphyrios, die im Rahmen der Sichtung der erhaltenen Stücke aus dem Timaios-Kommentar des Porphyrios zusammengestellt wurden oder bei der Untersuchung der Weltentstehungslehren, wie sie im Rahmen der Exegese des Timaios entwickelt wurden, behandelt worden sind. Auf Proklos-Texte hat Beutler in seinem RE-Artikel hingewiesen, allerdings einiges übersehen. Bereits verifiziert sind ein Zitat aus dem fünften Buch des Timaios-Kommentars des Proklos in aetm. 9,11 (364,5–365,3), die von Johannes Philoponos häufig erwähnte, paraphrasierte oder zitierte Schrift des Proklos Untersuchung der Einwände des Aristoteles gegen den platonischen Timaios (Ἐπἱσκέψις τῶν πρὸς τὸν Πλάτωνος Τίμαιον ὑπὸ Ἀριστοτέλους ἀντιρρηθέντων oder Ὁ ὑπὲρ τοῦ Τιμαίου πρὸς Ἀριστοτέλην λόγος), die Proklos in seinem Timaios-Kommentar selbst erwähnt und die daher älter als der Kommentar sein dürfte, sowie die Proklos-Schrift Zehn Aporien hinsichtlich der Vorsehung, die Beutler als erster kurz vorgestellt hat und die Boese, Dornseiff und Feldbusch zu größeren Teilen in Texten späterer Autoren wiedergefunden haben. Ein längeres Zitat aus Galens Schrift Über den Beweis ist schon zwei Jahre, bevor Rabe aetm. ediert hat, notiert worden. Eine vollständige Sichtung und Zusammenstellung aller in aetm. benutzten Quellen und doxographischen Nachrichten gibt es bis jetzt nicht. Die unbeachteten Quellenstücke und doxographischen Nachrichten, die bei der Arbeit an der Übersetzung von aetm. auffielen, sollen im Folgenden vorgestellt werden. [introduction p. 202-204]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9laXIov8GbXAA3T

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1034","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1034,"authors_free":[{"id":1565,"entry_id":1034,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":286,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Scholten, Clemens","free_first_name":"Clemens","free_last_name":"Scholten","norm_person":{"id":286,"first_name":"Clemens","last_name":"Scholten","full_name":"Scholten, Clemens","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115572538","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Unbeachtete Zitate und doxographische Nachrichten in der Schrift De Aeternitate Mundi des Johannes Philoponos","main_title":{"title":"Unbeachtete Zitate und doxographische Nachrichten in der Schrift De Aeternitate Mundi des Johannes Philoponos"},"abstract":"In der Schrift De Aeternitate Mundi (aetm.) des Johannes Philoponos aus der Zeit bald nach 529 n. Chr. gibt es, \u00fcber eine Reihe von bereits n\u00e4her beleuchteten Quellen und doxographischen Nachrichten hinaus, eine gr\u00f6\u00dfere Anzahl von bisher unbeachteten doxographischen Materialien, Paraphrasen und\/oder Zitaten aus verlorenen Schriften antiker Autoren. Unter quellenkritischen und doxographischen Gesichtspunkten im engeren Sinn ist aetm. noch nicht eigens untersucht worden. Das wird sicherlich damit zu tun haben, dass die Erforschung der doxographischen \u00dcberlieferung vor gut hundert Jahren ihren Schwerpunkt auf die vorplatonische Tradition setzte und unter diesem Gesichtspunkt aetm. offenbar zu vernachl\u00e4ssigen glaubte, zumal H. Rabe als Herausgeber von aetm. in seinen Fu\u00dfnoten die Textnachweise aus den gro\u00dfen Dichtern und Philosophen wie Homer, Platon, Aristoteles, Plotin usw., soweit m\u00f6glich, zuverl\u00e4ssig gef\u00fchrt hat.\r\n\r\nM\u00f6glicherweise ist daran auch die Einsch\u00e4tzung des letzten Rezensenten der Rabeschen Edition aus dem Jahre 1901 nicht unbeteiligt, der aetm. f\u00fcr unergiebig im Hinblick auf verlorene Quellen hielt und meinte, aetm. habe lediglich bekanntes Material zu bieten.\r\n\r\nAber es gab damals schon andere Stimmen. Bemerkenswerterweise hatte ein Jahr zuvor Wendland in seiner Rezension anders geurteilt. Ebenso forderte Gudeman in seinem RE-Artikel \u201eJohannes Philoponos\u201c aus dem Jahre 1915 die Aufarbeitung der Quellenfrage. Bei diesem Desiderat ist es allerdings bis heute geblieben.\r\n\r\nIn gr\u00f6\u00dferem Umfang sind lediglich die Teile des Quellenmaterials aus aetm. behandelt worden, die f\u00fcr die Timaios-Kommentierung in der Zeit vor Proklos von Belang sind. Es handelt sich besonders um Texte aus den Timaios-Kommentaren des Calvisios Tauros und Porphyrios, die im Rahmen der Sichtung der erhaltenen St\u00fccke aus dem Timaios-Kommentar des Porphyrios zusammengestellt wurden oder bei der Untersuchung der Weltentstehungslehren, wie sie im Rahmen der Exegese des Timaios entwickelt wurden, behandelt worden sind.\r\n\r\nAuf Proklos-Texte hat Beutler in seinem RE-Artikel hingewiesen, allerdings einiges \u00fcbersehen. Bereits verifiziert sind ein Zitat aus dem f\u00fcnften Buch des Timaios-Kommentars des Proklos in aetm. 9,11 (364,5\u2013365,3), die von Johannes Philoponos h\u00e4ufig erw\u00e4hnte, paraphrasierte oder zitierte Schrift des Proklos Untersuchung der Einw\u00e4nde des Aristoteles gegen den platonischen Timaios (\u1f18\u03c0\u1f31\u03c3\u03ba\u03ad\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03a0\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03a4\u03af\u03bc\u03b1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u1f51\u03c0\u1f78 \u1f08\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9\u03c1\u03c1\u03b7\u03b8\u03ad\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd oder \u1f49 \u1f51\u03c0\u1f72\u03c1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03a4\u03b9\u03bc\u03b1\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f08\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03b7\u03bd \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2), die Proklos in seinem Timaios-Kommentar selbst erw\u00e4hnt und die daher \u00e4lter als der Kommentar sein d\u00fcrfte, sowie die Proklos-Schrift Zehn Aporien hinsichtlich der Vorsehung, die Beutler als erster kurz vorgestellt hat und die Boese, Dornseiff und Feldbusch zu gr\u00f6\u00dferen Teilen in Texten sp\u00e4terer Autoren wiedergefunden haben.\r\n\r\nEin l\u00e4ngeres Zitat aus Galens Schrift \u00dcber den Beweis ist schon zwei Jahre, bevor Rabe aetm. ediert hat, notiert worden. Eine vollst\u00e4ndige Sichtung und Zusammenstellung aller in aetm. benutzten Quellen und doxographischen Nachrichten gibt es bis jetzt nicht.\r\n\r\nDie unbeachteten Quellenst\u00fccke und doxographischen Nachrichten, die bei der Arbeit an der \u00dcbersetzung von aetm. auffielen, sollen im Folgenden vorgestellt werden. [introduction p. 202-204]","btype":3,"date":"2005","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9laXIov8GbXAA3T","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":286,"full_name":"Scholten, Clemens","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1034,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rheinisches Museum f\u00fcr Philologie","volume":"148","issue":"2","pages":"202-219"}},"sort":[2005]}

Priscian of Lydia, Commentator on the "de Anima" in the Tradition of Iamblichus, 2005
By: Perkams, Matthias

Title	Priscian of Lydia, Commentator on the "de Anima" in the Tradition of Iamblichus
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	58
Issue	4
Pages	510-530
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It has been argued that Priscian of Lydia (around 530), to whom the manuscripts ascribe only two short treatises, is the author of an extended com- mentary on the De anima, which is transmitted under the name of Simplicius. Our analysis confirms this: Priscian's Metaphrase of Theophrastus' Physics is the text which the commentator mentions as his own work. Consequently, its author, Priscian, also wrote the De anima commentary. The parallels between both texts show that the commentator sometimes does not quote Iamblichus directly, but borrowed Iamblichean formulations from the Metaphrase. As for the dating of his works, a comparison with Damascius' writings makes it probable that his On principks is a terminus post quem for the De anima commentary and a terminus ante quern for the Metaphrase. It is likely that both works were composed before 529. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/BTWKXjso1hvwiLb

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1086","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1086,"authors_free":[{"id":1642,"entry_id":1086,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":283,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Perkams, Matthias","free_first_name":"Matthias","free_last_name":"Perkams","norm_person":{"id":283,"first_name":"Matthias","last_name":"Perkams","full_name":"Perkams, Matthias","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123439760","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Priscian of Lydia, Commentator on the \"de Anima\" in the Tradition of Iamblichus","main_title":{"title":"Priscian of Lydia, Commentator on the \"de Anima\" in the Tradition of Iamblichus"},"abstract":"It has been argued that Priscian of Lydia (around 530), to whom the manuscripts ascribe only two short treatises, is the author of an extended com- \r\nmentary on the De anima, which is transmitted under the name of Simplicius. Our analysis confirms this: Priscian's Metaphrase of Theophrastus' Physics is the text which the commentator mentions as his own work. Consequently, its author, Priscian, also wrote the De anima commentary. The parallels between both texts show that the commentator sometimes does not quote Iamblichus directly, but borrowed Iamblichean formulations from the Metaphrase. As for the dating of his works, a comparison with Damascius' writings makes it probable that his On principks is a terminus post quem for the De anima commentary and a terminus ante quern for the Metaphrase. It is likely that both works were composed before 529. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/BTWKXjso1hvwiLb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":283,"full_name":"Perkams, Matthias","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1086,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Mnemosyne, Fourth Series","volume":"58","issue":"4","pages":"510-530"}},"sort":[2005]}

L'écriture et les Présocratiques: Analyse de l'interprétation de Eric Havelock, 2005
By: Palù, Chiara

Title	L'écriture et les Présocratiques: Analyse de l'interprétation de Eric Havelock
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2005
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	23
Issue	2
Pages	75-92
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Palù, Chiara
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

L'interprétation de Havelock situe les penseurs présocratiques, ou plutôt pré-platoniciens, dans un milieu qu'il définit comme étant antérieur à la diffusion de l'écriture (pre-literacy). Cette interprétation provient de sa thèse générale, qui concerne la question du passage entre l'oralité et l'écriture en Grèce ancienne. Si l'introduction de l'alphabet phénicien, à l'époque archaïque, entraîne l'abandon des systèmes de communication orale, fondés sur l'écoute et la mémorisation, au profit de nouveaux systèmes fondés sur la circulation et la lecture individuelle de textes écrits, ce passage ne s'effectue cependant pas d'un seul coup. En dépit de l'introduction de l'écriture, continuent de subsister, pendant presque toute l'époque archaïque, des mécanismes de performance orale, tandis que l'écriture, à son début, n'avait qu'une seule fonction, celle de fixer la parole. Havelock, pour soutenir sa thèse, s'appuie initialement sur le Phèdre de Platon. La réflexion de Platon, qui, du reste, n'est pas isolée, est perçue comme une sorte de prise de conscience de problématiques préexistantes, au terme d'un processus de mutation culturelle dans lequel l'écriture joue un rôle déterminant. La critique de l'écriture, en effet, peut être définie comme une dernière défense de la parole orale à une époque où l'écrit prédomine désormais. C'est en un second temps que Havelock s'est tourné vers les textes des présocratiques eux-mêmes. Il est vrai que dans la tradition pré-platonicienne, il n'existe pas de texte comme le Phèdre, qui thématise la question de l'écriture, mais, d'après Havelock, on peut repérer, dans les textes des présocratiques, les traces des structures orales qui avaient caractérisé la phase précédant la réintroduction de l'écriture. Havelock souligne surtout l'adoption de la métrique et du rythme dans les poèmes d'Empédocle, Xénophane et Parménide, et le recours à une prose poétique dans le discours d'Héraclite, en tant qu'éléments qui devaient faciliter la mémorisation pour un public d'auditeurs. Mais l'approche de Havelock n'est pas seulement stylistique. La diffusion progressive, à l'époque archaïque, de la literacy aux dépens de l'oralité requiert l'adoption d'un nouveau langage, qui prend ses distances par rapport au langage mythique et détermine ainsi l'émergence de la philosophie elle-même. Selon Havelock, c'est justement cette relation que Platon n'a pas vue, et c'est de là que provient le caractère contradictoire de sa critique à l'égard de l'écriture. La thèse de Havelock n'a pas manqué de susciter des réactions parmi les interprètes, en produisant, ces dernières années, une quantité remarquable d'études consacrées à ce sujet. En général, les interprètes ont analysé surtout la relation supposée entre le langage des présocratiques et l'écriture, d'une part, et celle entre l'écriture et l'émergence de la philosophie, d'autre part. La réflexion sur le langage devrait, en effet, renforcer la thèse de Havelock à l'égard de la permanence de structures orales dans les textes des présocratiques, et cette permanence devrait, à son tour, renforcer le rapport reconstitué par Havelock entre écriture et émergence de la philosophie. Mais l'analyse stylistique, à elle seule, ne permet pas de conclure à la permanence de structures orales, et ces dernières sont tout aussi peu concluantes en tant qu'arguments à l'appui du rapport supposé entre écriture et émergence de la philosophie. [introduction p. 75-77]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qlp5mJ4QSDQl1a0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1091","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1091,"authors_free":[{"id":1649,"entry_id":1091,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":281,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Pal\u00f9, Chiara","free_first_name":"Chiara","free_last_name":"Pal\u00f9","norm_person":{"id":281,"first_name":"Chiara","last_name":"Pal\u00f9","full_name":"Pal\u00f9, Chiara","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"L'\u00e9criture et les Pr\u00e9socratiques: Analyse de l'interpr\u00e9tation de Eric Havelock","main_title":{"title":"L'\u00e9criture et les Pr\u00e9socratiques: Analyse de l'interpr\u00e9tation de Eric Havelock"},"abstract":"L'interpr\u00e9tation de Havelock situe les penseurs pr\u00e9socratiques, ou plut\u00f4t pr\u00e9-platoniciens, dans un milieu qu'il d\u00e9finit comme \u00e9tant ant\u00e9rieur \u00e0 la diffusion de l'\u00e9criture (pre-literacy). Cette interpr\u00e9tation provient de sa th\u00e8se g\u00e9n\u00e9rale, qui concerne la question du passage entre l'oralit\u00e9 et l'\u00e9criture en Gr\u00e8ce ancienne.\r\n\r\nSi l'introduction de l'alphabet ph\u00e9nicien, \u00e0 l'\u00e9poque archa\u00efque, entra\u00eene l'abandon des syst\u00e8mes de communication orale, fond\u00e9s sur l'\u00e9coute et la m\u00e9morisation, au profit de nouveaux syst\u00e8mes fond\u00e9s sur la circulation et la lecture individuelle de textes \u00e9crits, ce passage ne s'effectue cependant pas d'un seul coup. En d\u00e9pit de l'introduction de l'\u00e9criture, continuent de subsister, pendant presque toute l'\u00e9poque archa\u00efque, des m\u00e9canismes de performance orale, tandis que l'\u00e9criture, \u00e0 son d\u00e9but, n'avait qu'une seule fonction, celle de fixer la parole.\r\n\r\nHavelock, pour soutenir sa th\u00e8se, s'appuie initialement sur le Ph\u00e8dre de Platon. La r\u00e9flexion de Platon, qui, du reste, n'est pas isol\u00e9e, est per\u00e7ue comme une sorte de prise de conscience de probl\u00e9matiques pr\u00e9existantes, au terme d'un processus de mutation culturelle dans lequel l'\u00e9criture joue un r\u00f4le d\u00e9terminant. La critique de l'\u00e9criture, en effet, peut \u00eatre d\u00e9finie comme une derni\u00e8re d\u00e9fense de la parole orale \u00e0 une \u00e9poque o\u00f9 l'\u00e9crit pr\u00e9domine d\u00e9sormais.\r\n\r\nC'est en un second temps que Havelock s'est tourn\u00e9 vers les textes des pr\u00e9socratiques eux-m\u00eames. Il est vrai que dans la tradition pr\u00e9-platonicienne, il n'existe pas de texte comme le Ph\u00e8dre, qui th\u00e9matise la question de l'\u00e9criture, mais, d'apr\u00e8s Havelock, on peut rep\u00e9rer, dans les textes des pr\u00e9socratiques, les traces des structures orales qui avaient caract\u00e9ris\u00e9 la phase pr\u00e9c\u00e9dant la r\u00e9introduction de l'\u00e9criture.\r\n\r\nHavelock souligne surtout l'adoption de la m\u00e9trique et du rythme dans les po\u00e8mes d'Emp\u00e9docle, X\u00e9nophane et Parm\u00e9nide, et le recours \u00e0 une prose po\u00e9tique dans le discours d'H\u00e9raclite, en tant qu'\u00e9l\u00e9ments qui devaient faciliter la m\u00e9morisation pour un public d'auditeurs. Mais l'approche de Havelock n'est pas seulement stylistique.\r\n\r\nLa diffusion progressive, \u00e0 l'\u00e9poque archa\u00efque, de la literacy aux d\u00e9pens de l'oralit\u00e9 requiert l'adoption d'un nouveau langage, qui prend ses distances par rapport au langage mythique et d\u00e9termine ainsi l'\u00e9mergence de la philosophie elle-m\u00eame. Selon Havelock, c'est justement cette relation que Platon n'a pas vue, et c'est de l\u00e0 que provient le caract\u00e8re contradictoire de sa critique \u00e0 l'\u00e9gard de l'\u00e9criture.\r\n\r\nLa th\u00e8se de Havelock n'a pas manqu\u00e9 de susciter des r\u00e9actions parmi les interpr\u00e8tes, en produisant, ces derni\u00e8res ann\u00e9es, une quantit\u00e9 remarquable d'\u00e9tudes consacr\u00e9es \u00e0 ce sujet.\r\n\r\nEn g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, les interpr\u00e8tes ont analys\u00e9 surtout la relation suppos\u00e9e entre le langage des pr\u00e9socratiques et l'\u00e9criture, d'une part, et celle entre l'\u00e9criture et l'\u00e9mergence de la philosophie, d'autre part. La r\u00e9flexion sur le langage devrait, en effet, renforcer la th\u00e8se de Havelock \u00e0 l'\u00e9gard de la permanence de structures orales dans les textes des pr\u00e9socratiques, et cette permanence devrait, \u00e0 son tour, renforcer le rapport reconstitu\u00e9 par Havelock entre \u00e9criture et \u00e9mergence de la philosophie.\r\n\r\nMais l'analyse stylistique, \u00e0 elle seule, ne permet pas de conclure \u00e0 la permanence de structures orales, et ces derni\u00e8res sont tout aussi peu concluantes en tant qu'arguments \u00e0 l'appui du rapport suppos\u00e9 entre \u00e9criture et \u00e9mergence de la philosophie. [introduction p. 75-77]","btype":3,"date":"2005","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qlp5mJ4QSDQl1a0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":281,"full_name":"Pal\u00f9, Chiara","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1091,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue de Philosophie Ancienne","volume":"23","issue":"2","pages":"75-92"}},"sort":[2005]}

Échelle de la nature et division des mouvements chez Aristote et les stoïciens, 2005
By: Bénatoui͏̈l, Thomas

Title	Échelle de la nature et division des mouvements chez Aristote et les stoïciens
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2005
Journal	Revue de Métaphysique et de Morale
Volume	4
Pages	537-556
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bénatoui͏̈l, Thomas
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The stoic scala naturae was based, among other things, on a division of natural movements, which this paper studies in order to understand the way in which stoicism approached Nature and its empirical diversity. First, I argue against David Hahm's interpretation that movement «through» (dia) oneself is not on a par with the other natural movements: far from being specific to stones or elements, it designates the movement which is specifically produced by the nature of a thing or being. The aristotelian and stoic analysis of self-movement are then shown to share their basic principles but to lead to diverging approaches of Nature: whereas Aristotle looks for the origin and causes of natural movements, the Stoics offer a taxonomy of visible movements. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FNx2a2OooxZH2YG

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Movers and Shakers, 2005
By: Lane Fox, Robin, Smith, Andrew (Ed.)

Title	Movers and Shakers
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The philosopher and society in late antiquity. Essays in honour of Peter Brown
Pages	19-50
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lane Fox, Robin
Editor(s)	Smith, Andrew
Translator(s)

In late antiquity, as in all other periods, philosophy had the power to change a person’s choice of life and scale of values. The ‘shakers’ of my title are people who passed on this sort of impact to others. Philosophy, including Platonist philosophy, also addressed the intellectual’s relation to contemporary society. If that society was incurably misguided, then the philosopher might have no option except to leave it. In late antiquity, some took this option, and they are my ‘movers’. Both the ‘shakers’ and the ‘movers’ need to be understood in terms of the philosophy they professed, but a sufficient understanding of their actions does not require a deep analysis of their deepest thoughts. They are within a historian’s grasp, and so I will discuss individuals, their texts and contexts without a close reading of particular arguments. [Introduction, p. 19]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8VcnG6x2IAjup1i

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Harran, the Sabians and the Late Platonist 'Movers', 2005
By: Lane Fox, Robin, Smith, Andrew (Ed.)

Title	Harran, the Sabians and the Late Platonist 'Movers'
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The philosopher and society in late antiquity. Essays in honour of Peter Brown
Pages	231-244
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lane Fox, Robin
Editor(s)	Smith, Andrew
Translator(s)

Since 1986, in a series of wide-ranging studies, M. Tardieu has argued that the ‘Seven philosophers who went East when the Athens Academy closed settled down at Harran (Carrhae) in northern Syria. The town was a famous bastion of pagan cult (we can usefully contrast its neighbour, perhaps its rival, the stridently Christian Edessa: Green 1992, 44-94; Segal 1970). Furthermore, he believes, a (neo)Platonic seat of philosophical teaching persisted in Harran into the ninth/tenth centuries ad, being sustained in the wake of the émigrés’ presence. Its participants presented themselves as the ‘Sabians’, the enigmatic group who had been favourably mentioned in the Koran. They then led the renewed prominence of Platonist philosophy in the Abbasid era which is visible to us in the ninth-tenth centuries. This theory of a long Platonist ‘survival’ has not exactly endeared itself to experts in early Islamic philosophy (e.g. Gutas 1994, 4943; Endress 1991, 133-7; Lameer 1997), but it has been enthusiastically received by one or two writers on late antiquity: P. Chuvin (1990), I. Hadot (1996, who was first attracted by support for her studies of Simplicius, his text and Manichaeism) and P. Athanassiadi (1993, 29) who made it the final flourish of a long article on late pagan philosophy: ‘it was thanks to the stepping-stone of Harran and to Damascius’ inspired decisiveness [in settling in Harran] that Neoplatonic theology reached Baghdad by a clearly definable - if not direct — route from Athens’. I wish to restate why it did nothing of the sort. [introduction, p. 231]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EVFox3CG77HUjPw

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The philosopher and society in late antiquity. Essays in honour of Peter Brown, 2005
By: Smith, Andrew (Ed.)

Title	The philosopher and society in late antiquity. Essays in honour of Peter Brown
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	Oakville
Publisher	The Classical Press of Wales
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Smith, Andrew
Translator(s)

The philosophers of Late Antiquity have sometimes appeared to be estranged from society. 'We must flee everything physical' is one of the most prominent ideas taken by Augustine from Platonic literature. This collection of new studies by leading writers on Late Antiquity treats both the principles of metaphysics and the practical engagement of philosophers. It points to a more substantive and complex involvement in worldly affairs than conventional handbooks admit. [editors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/16pqZRp8m6vNvzb

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The Empedoclean Kosmos. Structure, Process and the Question of Cyclicity. structure, process and the question of cyclicity ; proceedings of the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense, July 6th - July 13th, 2003. Papers, 2005
By: Pierrēs, Apostolos L. (Ed.)

Title	The Empedoclean Kosmos. Structure, Process and the Question of Cyclicity. structure, process and the question of cyclicity ; proceedings of the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense, July 6th - July 13th, 2003. Papers
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	Patras
Publisher	Institut for Philosophical Research
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Pierrēs, Apostolos L.
Translator(s)

Review by Jenny Bryan, Homerton College, Cambridge: This is a collection of fifteen papers presented at the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense held on Mykonos in July 2003. If this volume is any indication, the meeting must have been a lively affair. It includes work by many of the most influential modern scholars of Empedocles and covers a wide range of topics from the reception of Empedocles to his methodology of argumentation to the details of his cosmology. In addition, Apostolos Pierris provides, in an appendix, a reconstruction of Empedocles’ poem. Several themes emerge from the various papers, most notably the notion of scientific versus religious thinking, the unity of his poem(s?), the importance of the Strasbourg Papyrus, and Aristotle’s role in shaping our understanding of Empedocles’ cycle. As a whole, the book’s most obvious and perhaps most exciting theme is that of ‘Strife’. This ‘Strife’ is not, however, Empedocles’ cosmic force (although he does, of course, loom large). Rather it is the kind of discord that seems to arise whenever there is more than one (or maybe even just one) interpreter of Empedocles in the room. This, of course, is no bad thing. This volume represents Pre-Socratic scholarship at its most dynamic. In general, editing seems to have been rather ‘hands off’. Some papers offer primary texts only in Greek, others include translations. One piece in particular is sprinkled with typos and misspellings that do a disservice to its argumentative force.1 That being said, thought has clearly been given to the grouping of the papers. I particularly benefited from the juxtaposition of those papers explicitly about Empedocles’ cosmic cycles, if only because it illustrates the strength of disagreement which this topic continues to inspire. Thus, for example, whilst Primavesi employs the Byzantine scholia as the linchpin of his reconstruction of the cycle, Osborne dismisses the same as ‘probably worthless as evidence for how Empedocles himself intended his system to work’ (299). Whatever position you hold, or indeed if you hold no position at all, this collection will present you with something to get your teeth into. Anthony Kenny’s ‘Life after Etna: the legend of Empedocles in literary tradition’ offers a whistle-stop tour through accounts of Empedocles’ reputed death on Etna, and then arrives at a more extensive discussion of Matthew Arnold’s ‘Empedocles on Etna’. Kenny points out that, at times, Arnold’s Empedocles resembles Lucretius, of whom Arnold was an admirer from childhood. Kenny concludes with the suggestion that, although ‘Empedocles on Etna’ may be more about Arnold than Empedocles, there is an affinity between the two men: ‘Empedocles, part magus and part scientist, was, like Arnold, poised between two worlds, one dead, one struggling to be born’ (30). Glenn Most offers a rather fascinating discussion of Nietzsche’s Empedocles in his ‘The stillbirth of tragedy: Nietzsche and Empedocles’. Most reveals the extent to which Empedocles ‘played quite a significant role in Nietzsche’s intellectual world’ (33). Although Nietzsche made some abortive attempts at a philosophical discussion of Empedocles, he was ‘far less interested in Empedocles as a thinker than as a human being’ (35). Such was his admiration for Empedocles, whom he viewed as ‘der reine tragische Mensch’, that, perhaps under the influence of Hölderlin, Nietzsche formed the (unfulfilled) intention of writing an opera or tragedy about him. Most suggests, in passing, that the tendency for reception of Empedocles to take dramatic form could be due to the influence of Heraclides Pontus (whose dialogue about Empedocles may have formed a source of Diogenes Laertius’ account). In ‘Empedocles: two theologies, two projects’, Jean Bollack rails against attempts made, on the basis of the Strasbourg Papyrus, to narrow the gap between Empedocles’ physical and ethical theories. He interprets ‘The Origins’ and ‘The Purifications’ as offering two distinct theologies, tailored to suit the purpose, strategy, and audience of each poem. His view is that ‘[t]he two poems were very probably intended to shed light on one another precisely in their difference’ (47). Bollack also offers, in an appendix, a rereading of fragment B31 ‘extended by the Strasbourg Papyrus’ (62). Rene Nünlist’s ‘Poetological imagery in Empedocles’ considers the apparent echo of Parmenides B8’s κόμος ἐπέων in Empedocles B17’s λόγου στόλος. Nünlist argues that Empedocles’ ‘poetological imagery’ is more dynamic and potentially more aggressive than that of his predecessor. Empedocles uses path metaphors to ‘convey the idea of philosophical poetry being a process or a method’ (79). Nünlist also provides a brief appendix on line 10 of ensemble d of the Strasbourg Papyrus. Richard Janko returns to the vexed question of whether Empedocles wrote one poem or two in his ‘Empedocles’ Physica Book 1: a new reconstruction’. Janko presents a masterful summary of the evidence for and against trying to unite Empedocles’ physical and religious verses, admitting his preference for accepting Katharmoi and Physika as two titles for the same work (which discussed both physical theory and ritual purification). On this topic, I benefitted particularly from his discussion of the fragments of Lobon of Argos (another possible source for Diogenes Laertius). This discussion serves as the introduction to Janko’s reconstruction and translation of 131 lines of Book 1 of Empedocles’ Physics, in which he attempts to incorporate some of the ensembles of the Strasbourg Papyrus, which he suggests ‘at last gives us a clear impression of Empedocles as a poet’ (113). In ‘On the question of religion and natural philosophy in Empedocles’, Patricia Curd neatly sidesteps the ‘one poem or two?’ question, formulating instead a distinction between Empedocles’ ‘esoteric’ and ‘exoteric’ teachings. She then attempts to establish an essential relation between the two. Curd argues that the exoteric verses, addressed to a plural ‘you’, offer exhortation and instruction as to how to live a certain kind of life without any ‘serious teaching’ (145). On the other hand, the esoteric verses addressed to Pausanias offer explanation but lack any direct instruction. Curd’s suggestion is that Empedocles holds that ‘one must be in the proper state of soul in order to learn and so acquire and hold the most important knowledge’ (153). Further, she argues for reading Empedocles as holding the possession of such natural knowledge as the source of super-natural powers. Curd’s Baconian Empedocles ‘sees knowledge of the world as bestowing power to control the world’ (153). Richard McKirahan’s ‘Assertion and argument in Empedocles’ cosmology or what did Empedocles learn from Parmenides?’ offers a subtle and stimulating survey of ‘the devices [Empedocles] uses to gain belief’ (165). McKirahan attempts a rehabilitation of Empedocles against Barnes’s assertion that those reading his cosmology ‘look in vain for argument, either inductive or deductive.’2 Offering persuasive evidence from the fragments, he argues that Empedocles employs both assertion and justification (via both argument and analogy) in his cosmology and that the choice between the two is fairly systematic. McKirahan frames his suggestions within a reconsideration of Empedocles’ debt to Parmenides, arguing that, in places, ‘Empedocles seems to be adding new Eleatic-style arguments for Eleatic-style theses’ (183). Apostolos Pierris argues for a ‘tripartite correspondence’ (189) between Empedoclean religion, philosophy and physics in his ‘ Ὅμοιον ὁμοίῳ and Δίνη : Nature and Function of Love and Strife in the Empedoclean system.’ Pierris traces the connection between these three aspects of Empedocles’ thinking via an investigation of the relation between the activity of Love and Strife and the role of the cosmic vortex, reconsidering Aristotle’s critique along the way. He concludes that ‘in understanding Empedocles’ system of Cosmos both [i.e., metaphysical and physical levels of discourse] are equally needed, for one sheds light on the other’ (213). Further, the physical and metaphysical accounts of the Sphairos and the effects of Love and Strife aid our awareness of our ethical status. In ‘The topology and dynamics of Empedocles’ cycle’, Daniel Graham attempts a sidelong offensive on the puzzles of Empedocles’ cosmic cycle, armed with a plausible belief that a treatment of the cosmic forces of Love and Strife will shed light on the cycle that they dominate. He offers a neat summary of traditional readings of the location and direction of the action of Love and Strife before presenting a defence of the position developed by O’Brien.3 Graham argues that this so-called ‘Oscillation Theory’ makes the most sense of Empedocles’ use of military imagery in B35. He also presents a rather illuminating political analogy whereby Empedocles’ Love serves to avoid a kind of cosmic stasis. Oliver Primavesi’s ‘The structure of Empedocles’ cosmic cycle: Aristotle and the Byzantine Anonymous’ also has in its sights O’Brien’s reconstruction of the Empedoclean cycle. Primavesi argues against this reconstruction on the grounds that ‘O’Brien’s hypothesis of symmetrical major alternation of rest and movement is […] exclusively based on a controversial interpretation of Aristotle, Physics 8, 1′ (257). As an alternative, Primavesi adduces a set of Byzantine scholia which seem to conflict with O’Brien’s alternations and which were ‘composed in a time when access to a complete work of Empedocles was still open’ (257).4 Primavesi concludes by hypothesising a timetable for the cycle compatible with the scholia. André Laks considers the relationship between Empedocles’ cosmology and demonology in his ‘Some thoughts about Empedoclean cosmic and demonic cycles’. He champions a ‘correspondence model’ of interpretation, arguing that, although the two accounts are distinct, they are also clearly related. Laks suggests that one clear point of relation is the shared cyclicity of the cosmic and demonic stories. Laks focuses his discussion on how each of the cycles starts and argues that ‘we are entitled to speak of necessity in the case of the cosmic cycle (as Aristotle does) as well as in that of the demonic circle’ and, further, that ‘although we are entitled to speak of necessity in both cases, we should carefully distinguish between the two cases, and indeed between two kinds of necessity’ (267). Cosmic ‘necessity’ is absolute, whilst demonic ‘Necessity’ is hypothetical. In ‘Sin and moral responsibility in Empedocles’ cosmic cycle’, Catherine Osborne also gets stuck into the thorny issue of Empedoclean necessity. She rejects the kind of ‘mechanical and deterministic’ reading of Empedocles’ cycle which, by imposing ‘fixed periods between regular recurring events […] leave[s] little room for moral agency to have any significance’ (283). Osborne worries that notions of sin and responsibility will be meaningless in a cosmos where acts of pollution and periods of punishment are predetermined. Using the illuminating parallel of Sophocles’ Oedipus, Osborne argues that a distinction between necessity and prediction should be applied to Empedocles. Empedocles’ daimones are moral agents who act voluntarily in a manner that has been predicted (but which they have promised to avoid) and thus, being responsible for their own predicament, they are punished according to the moral code upon which they have previously agreed. She canvasses a variety of possible readings for B115’s ‘oracle of necessity’ and concludes that none of them diminishes the responsibility of the daimones or interferes with their free will. Her ultimate conclusion is that Empedocles intended to ‘set the cosmic events within a moral structure, one in which the fall from unity was the effect of violence in heaven’ (297). Osborne also offers an appendix on the Byzantine sScholia. Angelo Tonelli’s ‘Cosmogony is psychogony is ethics: some thoughts about Empedocles’ fragments 17; 110; 115; 134 DK, and P. Strasb. Gr. Inv. 1665-1666D, VV. 1-9′ is an intriguing attempt to draw parallels between Empedocles’ ‘initiation poems’ and the ‘oriental spiritual tradition’. As the title suggests, Tonelli argues for the unity of physics and ethics in what he identifies as Empedocles’ mysticism. He reaches the provocative conclusion that Empedocles’ wise man longs for the triumph of Love even at the expense of his own dissolution qua individual into total unity. ‘But this’, Tonelli asserts, ‘is not nihilism: this is psychocosmic mysticism’ (330). David Sedley urges a radical rethinking of Empedocles’ double zoogony in his ‘Empedocles’ life cycles’. He argues against the reading that places Love’s zoogony in a phase of increasing Love leading up to the Sphairos. Sedley points out that it would be odd for Empedocles to expend more energy ‘accounting for the origin of life forms which he could do no more than conjecture to have existed in a remote part of cosmic history […] (since the sphairos has intervened to render them extinct), than he did on accounting for life as we know it’ (332). He proposes an alternative reading whereby both parts of the double zoogony are offered as an explanation of life as we know it, i.e. ‘Love’s zoogony was itself located in our world’ (341) and is not separated from us by the Sphairos. Sedley also makes a seductive suggestion regarding the double anthropogony: Love’s anthropogony produces daimones (whom Sedley understands to be creatures of flesh and blood), whilst Strife’s ‘discordant anthropogony’ (355) results in ‘wretched race of men and women […] committed to the divisive sexual politics that Strife imposes upon them’ (347). In ‘Empedocles’ zoogony and embryology’, Laura Gemelli Marciano too turns her thoughts to the double zoogony, reinstating the Sphairos between the twin acts of creation. She argues that Strife’s zoogony is, in a sense, a continuation of the creative act of Love. For the creatures who owe their origin to Love are, in time, ‘suffocated’ by the total unity of the Sphairos (but still present within it) but are then, in a sense, reborn via the divisive power of Strife. Strife’s zoogony is dependant on that of Love for ‘he only frees little by little those beings that Aphrodite had first created and then suffocated’ (381). Gemelli Marciano presents a particularly appealing case for reading Empedocles’ double zoogony as ‘repeated at a microcosmic level in the mechanism of the conception and development of the embryo’ (383). Both zoogony and embryology describe conception followed by articulation. She closes with some thoughts of how this connection should inform our understanding of Empedocles’ theory of the transmigration of souls. I can’t help but feel well-disposed towards a book that includes the declaration ‘The colour of the cover in this volume corresponds to that of blood, Empedoclean substance of thought’ (407). Had the book’s design been influenced by more prosaic concerns, its sheer wealth of stimulation, provocation and authority ensures that I would nevertheless recommend it to anyone who feels the slightest curiosity about Empedocles, perhaps the most curious of all the Pre-Socratics.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TxAm4obxbTupTry

{"_index":"sire","_id":"317","_score":null,"_source":{"id":317,"authors_free":[{"id":400,"entry_id":317,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":204,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Pierr\u0113s, Apostolos L.","free_first_name":"Apostolos L.","free_last_name":"Pierr\u0113s","norm_person":{"id":204,"first_name":"Apostolos L.","last_name":"Pierr\u0113s","full_name":"Pierr\u0113s, Apostolos L.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1034968068","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Empedoclean Kosmos. Structure, Process and the Question of Cyclicity. structure, process and the question of cyclicity ; proceedings of the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense, July 6th - July 13th, 2003. Papers","main_title":{"title":"The Empedoclean Kosmos. Structure, Process and the Question of Cyclicity. structure, process and the question of cyclicity ; proceedings of the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense, July 6th - July 13th, 2003. Papers"},"abstract":"Review by\r\nJenny Bryan, Homerton College, Cambridge: This is a collection of fifteen papers presented at the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense held on Mykonos in July 2003. If this volume is any indication, the meeting must have been a lively affair. It includes work by many of the most influential modern scholars of Empedocles and covers a wide range of topics from the reception of Empedocles to his methodology of argumentation to the details of his cosmology. In addition, Apostolos Pierris provides, in an appendix, a reconstruction of Empedocles\u2019 poem. Several themes emerge from the various papers, most notably the notion of scientific versus religious thinking, the unity of his poem(s?), the importance of the Strasbourg Papyrus, and Aristotle\u2019s role in shaping our understanding of Empedocles\u2019 cycle. As a whole, the book\u2019s most obvious and perhaps most exciting theme is that of \u2018Strife\u2019. This \u2018Strife\u2019 is not, however, Empedocles\u2019 cosmic force (although he does, of course, loom large). Rather it is the kind of discord that seems to arise whenever there is more than one (or maybe even just one) interpreter of Empedocles in the room. This, of course, is no bad thing. This volume represents Pre-Socratic scholarship at its most dynamic.\r\n\r\nIn general, editing seems to have been rather \u2018hands off\u2019. Some papers offer primary texts only in Greek, others include translations. One piece in particular is sprinkled with typos and misspellings that do a disservice to its argumentative force.1 That being said, thought has clearly been given to the grouping of the papers. I particularly benefited from the juxtaposition of those papers explicitly about Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycles, if only because it illustrates the strength of disagreement which this topic continues to inspire. Thus, for example, whilst Primavesi employs the Byzantine scholia as the linchpin of his reconstruction of the cycle, Osborne dismisses the same as \u2018probably worthless as evidence for how Empedocles himself intended his system to work\u2019 (299). Whatever position you hold, or indeed if you hold no position at all, this collection will present you with something to get your teeth into.\r\n\r\nAnthony Kenny\u2019s \u2018Life after Etna: the legend of Empedocles in literary tradition\u2019 offers a whistle-stop tour through accounts of Empedocles\u2019 reputed death on Etna, and then arrives at a more extensive discussion of Matthew Arnold\u2019s \u2018Empedocles on Etna\u2019. Kenny points out that, at times, Arnold\u2019s Empedocles resembles Lucretius, of whom Arnold was an admirer from childhood. Kenny concludes with the suggestion that, although \u2018Empedocles on Etna\u2019 may be more about Arnold than Empedocles, there is an affinity between the two men: \u2018Empedocles, part magus and part scientist, was, like Arnold, poised between two worlds, one dead, one struggling to be born\u2019 (30).\r\n\r\nGlenn Most offers a rather fascinating discussion of Nietzsche\u2019s Empedocles in his \u2018The stillbirth of tragedy: Nietzsche and Empedocles\u2019. Most reveals the extent to which Empedocles \u2018played quite a significant role in Nietzsche\u2019s intellectual world\u2019 (33). Although Nietzsche made some abortive attempts at a philosophical discussion of Empedocles, he was \u2018far less interested in Empedocles as a thinker than as a human being\u2019 (35). Such was his admiration for Empedocles, whom he viewed as \u2018der reine tragische Mensch\u2019, that, perhaps under the influence of H\u00f6lderlin, Nietzsche formed the (unfulfilled) intention of writing an opera or tragedy about him. Most suggests, in passing, that the tendency for reception of Empedocles to take dramatic form could be due to the influence of Heraclides Pontus (whose dialogue about Empedocles may have formed a source of Diogenes Laertius\u2019 account).\r\n\r\nIn \u2018Empedocles: two theologies, two projects\u2019, Jean Bollack rails against attempts made, on the basis of the Strasbourg Papyrus, to narrow the gap between Empedocles\u2019 physical and ethical theories. He interprets \u2018The Origins\u2019 and \u2018The Purifications\u2019 as offering two distinct theologies, tailored to suit the purpose, strategy, and audience of each poem. His view is that \u2018[t]he two poems were very probably intended to shed light on one another precisely in their difference\u2019 (47). Bollack also offers, in an appendix, a rereading of fragment B31 \u2018extended by the Strasbourg Papyrus\u2019 (62).\r\n\r\nRene N\u00fcnlist\u2019s \u2018Poetological imagery in Empedocles\u2019 considers the apparent echo of Parmenides B8\u2019s \u03ba\u1f79\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f73\u03c9\u03bd in Empedocles B17\u2019s \u03bb\u1f79\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c3\u03c4\u1f79\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2. N\u00fcnlist argues that Empedocles\u2019 \u2018poetological imagery\u2019 is more dynamic and potentially more aggressive than that of his predecessor. Empedocles uses path metaphors to \u2018convey the idea of philosophical poetry being a process or a method\u2019 (79). N\u00fcnlist also provides a brief appendix on line 10 of ensemble d of the Strasbourg Papyrus.\r\n\r\nRichard Janko returns to the vexed question of whether Empedocles wrote one poem or two in his \u2018Empedocles\u2019 Physica Book 1: a new reconstruction\u2019. Janko presents a masterful summary of the evidence for and against trying to unite Empedocles\u2019 physical and religious verses, admitting his preference for accepting Katharmoi and Physika as two titles for the same work (which discussed both physical theory and ritual purification). On this topic, I benefitted particularly from his discussion of the fragments of Lobon of Argos (another possible source for Diogenes Laertius). This discussion serves as the introduction to Janko\u2019s reconstruction and translation of 131 lines of Book 1 of Empedocles\u2019 Physics, in which he attempts to incorporate some of the ensembles of the Strasbourg Papyrus, which he suggests \u2018at last gives us a clear impression of Empedocles as a poet\u2019 (113).\r\n\r\nIn \u2018On the question of religion and natural philosophy in Empedocles\u2019, Patricia Curd neatly sidesteps the \u2018one poem or two?\u2019 question, formulating instead a distinction between Empedocles\u2019 \u2018esoteric\u2019 and \u2018exoteric\u2019 teachings. She then attempts to establish an essential relation between the two. Curd argues that the exoteric verses, addressed to a plural \u2018you\u2019, offer exhortation and instruction as to how to live a certain kind of life without any \u2018serious teaching\u2019 (145). On the other hand, the esoteric verses addressed to Pausanias offer explanation but lack any direct instruction. Curd\u2019s suggestion is that Empedocles holds that \u2018one must be in the proper state of soul in order to learn and so acquire and hold the most important knowledge\u2019 (153). Further, she argues for reading Empedocles as holding the possession of such natural knowledge as the source of super-natural powers. Curd\u2019s Baconian Empedocles \u2018sees knowledge of the world as bestowing power to control the world\u2019 (153).\r\n\r\nRichard McKirahan\u2019s \u2018Assertion and argument in Empedocles\u2019 cosmology or what did Empedocles learn from Parmenides?\u2019 offers a subtle and stimulating survey of \u2018the devices [Empedocles] uses to gain belief\u2019 (165). McKirahan attempts a rehabilitation of Empedocles against Barnes\u2019s assertion that those reading his cosmology \u2018look in vain for argument, either inductive or deductive.\u20192 Offering persuasive evidence from the fragments, he argues that Empedocles employs both assertion and justification (via both argument and analogy) in his cosmology and that the choice between the two is fairly systematic. McKirahan frames his suggestions within a reconsideration of Empedocles\u2019 debt to Parmenides, arguing that, in places, \u2018Empedocles seems to be adding new Eleatic-style arguments for Eleatic-style theses\u2019 (183).\r\n\r\nApostolos Pierris argues for a \u2018tripartite correspondence\u2019 (189) between Empedoclean religion, philosophy and physics in his \u2018 \u1f4d\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1f77\u1ff3 and \u0394\u1f77\u03bd\u03b7 : Nature and Function of Love and Strife in the Empedoclean system.\u2019 Pierris traces the connection between these three aspects of Empedocles\u2019 thinking via an investigation of the relation between the activity of Love and Strife and the role of the cosmic vortex, reconsidering Aristotle\u2019s critique along the way. He concludes that \u2018in understanding Empedocles\u2019 system of Cosmos both [i.e., metaphysical and physical levels of discourse] are equally needed, for one sheds light on the other\u2019 (213). Further, the physical and metaphysical accounts of the Sphairos and the effects of Love and Strife aid our awareness of our ethical status.\r\n\r\nIn \u2018The topology and dynamics of Empedocles\u2019 cycle\u2019, Daniel Graham attempts a sidelong offensive on the puzzles of Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycle, armed with a plausible belief that a treatment of the cosmic forces of Love and Strife will shed light on the cycle that they dominate. He offers a neat summary of traditional readings of the location and direction of the action of Love and Strife before presenting a defence of the position developed by O\u2019Brien.3 Graham argues that this so-called \u2018Oscillation Theory\u2019 makes the most sense of Empedocles\u2019 use of military imagery in B35. He also presents a rather illuminating political analogy whereby Empedocles\u2019 Love serves to avoid a kind of cosmic stasis.\r\n\r\nOliver Primavesi\u2019s \u2018The structure of Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycle: Aristotle and the Byzantine Anonymous\u2019 also has in its sights O\u2019Brien\u2019s reconstruction of the Empedoclean cycle. Primavesi argues against this reconstruction on the grounds that \u2018O\u2019Brien\u2019s hypothesis of symmetrical major alternation of rest and movement is [\u2026] exclusively based on a controversial interpretation of Aristotle, Physics 8, 1\u2032 (257). As an alternative, Primavesi adduces a set of Byzantine scholia which seem to conflict with O\u2019Brien\u2019s alternations and which were \u2018composed in a time when access to a complete work of Empedocles was still open\u2019 (257).4 Primavesi concludes by hypothesising a timetable for the cycle compatible with the scholia.\r\n\r\nAndr\u00e9 Laks considers the relationship between Empedocles\u2019 cosmology and demonology in his \u2018Some thoughts about Empedoclean cosmic and demonic cycles\u2019. He champions a \u2018correspondence model\u2019 of interpretation, arguing that, although the two accounts are distinct, they are also clearly related. Laks suggests that one clear point of relation is the shared cyclicity of the cosmic and demonic stories. Laks focuses his discussion on how each of the cycles starts and argues that \u2018we are entitled to speak of necessity in the case of the cosmic cycle (as Aristotle does) as well as in that of the demonic circle\u2019 and, further, that \u2018although we are entitled to speak of necessity in both cases, we should carefully distinguish between the two cases, and indeed between two kinds of necessity\u2019 (267). Cosmic \u2018necessity\u2019 is absolute, whilst demonic \u2018Necessity\u2019 is hypothetical.\r\n\r\nIn \u2018Sin and moral responsibility in Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycle\u2019, Catherine Osborne also gets stuck into the thorny issue of Empedoclean necessity. She rejects the kind of \u2018mechanical and deterministic\u2019 reading of Empedocles\u2019 cycle which, by imposing \u2018fixed periods between regular recurring events [\u2026] leave[s] little room for moral agency to have any significance\u2019 (283). Osborne worries that notions of sin and responsibility will be meaningless in a cosmos where acts of pollution and periods of punishment are predetermined. Using the illuminating parallel of Sophocles\u2019 Oedipus, Osborne argues that a distinction between necessity and prediction should be applied to Empedocles. Empedocles\u2019 daimones are moral agents who act voluntarily in a manner that has been predicted (but which they have promised to avoid) and thus, being responsible for their own predicament, they are punished according to the moral code upon which they have previously agreed. She canvasses a variety of possible readings for B115\u2019s \u2018oracle of necessity\u2019 and concludes that none of them diminishes the responsibility of the daimones or interferes with their free will. Her ultimate conclusion is that Empedocles intended to \u2018set the cosmic events within a moral structure, one in which the fall from unity was the effect of violence in heaven\u2019 (297). Osborne also offers an appendix on the Byzantine sScholia.\r\n\r\nAngelo Tonelli\u2019s \u2018Cosmogony is psychogony is ethics: some thoughts about Empedocles\u2019 fragments 17; 110; 115; 134 DK, and P. Strasb. Gr. Inv. 1665-1666D, VV. 1-9\u2032 is an intriguing attempt to draw parallels between Empedocles\u2019 \u2018initiation poems\u2019 and the \u2018oriental spiritual tradition\u2019. As the title suggests, Tonelli argues for the unity of physics and ethics in what he identifies as Empedocles\u2019 mysticism. He reaches the provocative conclusion that Empedocles\u2019 wise man longs for the triumph of Love even at the expense of his own dissolution qua individual into total unity. \u2018But this\u2019, Tonelli asserts, \u2018is not nihilism: this is psychocosmic mysticism\u2019 (330).\r\n\r\nDavid Sedley urges a radical rethinking of Empedocles\u2019 double zoogony in his \u2018Empedocles\u2019 life cycles\u2019. He argues against the reading that places Love\u2019s zoogony in a phase of increasing Love leading up to the Sphairos. Sedley points out that it would be odd for Empedocles to expend more energy \u2018accounting for the origin of life forms which he could do no more than conjecture to have existed in a remote part of cosmic history [\u2026] (since the sphairos has intervened to render them extinct), than he did on accounting for life as we know it\u2019 (332). He proposes an alternative reading whereby both parts of the double zoogony are offered as an explanation of life as we know it, i.e. \u2018Love\u2019s zoogony was itself located in our world\u2019 (341) and is not separated from us by the Sphairos. Sedley also makes a seductive suggestion regarding the double anthropogony: Love\u2019s anthropogony produces daimones (whom Sedley understands to be creatures of flesh and blood), whilst Strife\u2019s \u2018discordant anthropogony\u2019 (355) results in \u2018wretched race of men and women [\u2026] committed to the divisive sexual politics that Strife imposes upon them\u2019 (347).\r\n\r\nIn \u2018Empedocles\u2019 zoogony and embryology\u2019, Laura Gemelli Marciano too turns her thoughts to the double zoogony, reinstating the Sphairos between the twin acts of creation. She argues that Strife\u2019s zoogony is, in a sense, a continuation of the creative act of Love. For the creatures who owe their origin to Love are, in time, \u2018suffocated\u2019 by the total unity of the Sphairos (but still present within it) but are then, in a sense, reborn via the divisive power of Strife. Strife\u2019s zoogony is dependant on that of Love for \u2018he only frees little by little those beings that Aphrodite had first created and then suffocated\u2019 (381). Gemelli Marciano presents a particularly appealing case for reading Empedocles\u2019 double zoogony as \u2018repeated at a microcosmic level in the mechanism of the conception and development of the embryo\u2019 (383). Both zoogony and embryology describe conception followed by articulation. She closes with some thoughts of how this connection should inform our understanding of Empedocles\u2019 theory of the transmigration of souls.\r\n\r\nI can\u2019t help but feel well-disposed towards a book that includes the declaration \u2018The colour of the cover in this volume corresponds to that of blood, Empedoclean substance of thought\u2019 (407). Had the book\u2019s design been influenced by more prosaic concerns, its sheer wealth of stimulation, provocation and authority ensures that I would nevertheless recommend it to anyone who feels the slightest curiosity about Empedocles, perhaps the most curious of all the Pre-Socratics. ","btype":4,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TxAm4obxbTupTry","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":204,"full_name":"Pierr\u0113s, Apostolos L.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":317,"pubplace":"Patras","publisher":"Institut for Philosophical Research","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2005]}

Platons Timaios als Grundtext der Kosmologie in Spätantike, Mittelalter und Renaissance - Plato's Timaeus and the Foundations of Cosmology in Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Renaissance, 2005
By: Leinkauf, Thomas (Ed.), Steel, Carlos (Ed.)

Title	Platons Timaios als Grundtext der Kosmologie in Spätantike, Mittelalter und Renaissance - Plato's Timaeus and the Foundations of Cosmology in Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Renaissance
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2005
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Leuven University Press
Series	Ancient and Medieval Philosophy de Wulf-Mansion Centre, Series 1
Volume	29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Leinkauf, Thomas , Steel, Carlos
Translator(s)

The particular focus of this volume is a study of the influence of Timaeus on the development of Western cosmology in three axial periods of European culture: Late Antiquity, Middle Ages and Renaissance. In each period, the Timaeus was read in a different context and from different perspectives. During the Middle Ages, scholars were mostly interested in reconciling the rational cosmology of the Timaeus with the Christian understanding of creation. In Late Antiquity, the concordance of Plato with Aristotle was considered the most important issue, whereas in early modern times, the confrontation with the new mathematical physics offered possibilities for a fresh assessment of Plato's explanation of the cosmos. The present volume has three sections corresponding to these three periods of interpreting the Timaeus, each sectionis introduced by a synthesis of the main issues at discussion. This 'epochal' approach gives this volume its particular character. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KnuUmtY75XXXeEK

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Philosophy in the Age of Justinian, 2005
By: Wildberg, Christian, Maas, Michael (Ed.)

Title	Philosophy in the Age of Justinian
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian
Pages	316-340
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)	Maas, Michael
Translator(s)

In order to bring some clarity to the sometimes confusing list of names of nowadays little-known philosophers active during the period in ques tion, it is necessary to begin with a short prosopography. A history of philosophy in the Age ofjustinian must include an account of two tow ering but very different figures, Damascius (c. 460-540) and Ammonius, (c. 440-517 or 526). The philosophical activities of both these men oc cur well before the accession ofjustinian, but through their pupils they shaped the views and methods of their philosophical successors in the period that concerns us. [p. 318] To illustrate the point that commentaries were not written to elucidate otherwise obscure texts but were the preferred genre of discourse to establish, negotiate, and criticize substantive philosophical claims, we now turn to some of the controversies that were discussed in a more or less open fashion. In an influential article, Karl Praechter once argued that one can distinguish clearly between different schools and directions within the broader Neoplatonic movement in late antiquity.23 In partic ular, Praechter argued that the salient difference between the two major schools, the Athenian and the Alexandrian branch, lay in their differ ent exegetical methods. Whereas the Athenian school (represented by Syrianus, Proclus, Damascius, and Simplicius) was heavily influenced, broadly speaking, by Iamblichuss tendency to bring out in any text, as far as possible, the understanding it offers of the intelligible world, the Alexandrian School (represented by Hierocles in the fifth century, and by Ammonius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus, Elias, and David in the sixth) tended toward a more sober and less metaphysical technique of interpretation. Praechter connected these observations with two socio cultural differences separating the schools: Alexandria had traditionally been a center of learning in the exact sciences (hence the preference for Aristotle) and possessed a large Christian intellectual community attending the Alexandrian philosophers’ lectures and classes (which would temper the propagation of Platonism as an antigospel). Thus, as compared to the Athenians, the Alexandrian Neoplatonists were less of a sect (hairesis) and more of a collegium of higher education. [p. 323-324]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5eGVb60bqhLTv0z

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A history of \r\nphilosophy in the Age ofjustinian must include an account of two tow\u00ad\r\nering but very different figures, Damascius (c. 460-540) and Ammonius, \r\n(c. 440-517 or 526). The philosophical activities of both these men oc\u00ad\r\ncur well before the accession ofjustinian, but through their pupils they \r\nshaped the views and methods of their philosophical successors in the \r\nperiod that concerns us. [p. 318] \r\nTo illustrate the point that commentaries were not written to elucidate \r\notherwise obscure texts but were the preferred genre of discourse to \r\nestablish, negotiate, and criticize substantive philosophical claims, we \r\nnow turn to some of the controversies that were discussed in a more or \r\nless open fashion. In an influential article, Karl Praechter once argued \r\nthat one can distinguish clearly between different schools and directions \r\nwithin the broader Neoplatonic movement in late antiquity.23 In partic\u00ad\r\nular, Praechter argued that the salient difference between the two major \r\nschools, the Athenian and the Alexandrian branch, lay in their differ\u00ad\r\nent exegetical methods. Whereas the Athenian school (represented by \r\nSyrianus, Proclus, Damascius, and Simplicius) was heavily influenced, \r\nbroadly speaking, by Iamblichuss tendency to bring out in any text, \r\nas far as possible, the understanding it offers of the intelligible world, \r\nthe Alexandrian School (represented by Hierocles in the fifth century, \r\nand by Ammonius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus, Elias, and David in the \r\nsixth) tended toward a more sober and less metaphysical technique of \r\ninterpretation. Praechter connected these observations with two socio\u00ad\r\ncultural differences separating the schools: Alexandria had traditionally \r\nbeen a center of learning in the exact sciences (hence the preference for Aristotle) and possessed a large Christian intellectual community \r\nattending the Alexandrian philosophers\u2019 lectures and classes (which \r\nwould temper the propagation of Platonism as an antigospel). Thus, \r\nas compared to the Athenians, the Alexandrian Neoplatonists were less \r\nof a sect (hairesis) and more of a collegium of higher education. [p. 323-324]","btype":2,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5eGVb60bqhLTv0z","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":471,"full_name":"Maas, Michael","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":428,"section_of":17,"pages":"316-340","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":17,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Maas2005","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2005","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2005","abstract":"This book introduces the Age of Justinian, the last Roman century and the first flowering of Byzantine culture. Dominated by the policies and personality of emperor Justinian I (527\u2013565), this period of grand achievements and far-reaching failures witnessed the transformation of the Mediterranean world. In this volume, twenty specialists explore the most important aspects of the age including the mechanics and theory of empire, warfare, urbanism, and economy. It also discusses the impact of the great plague, the codification of Roman law, and the many religious upheavals taking place at the time. Consideration is given to imperial relations with the papacy, northern barbarians, the Persians, and other eastern peoples, shedding new light on a dramatic and highly significant historical period. [a.a]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VO13SyosuR7rCEZ","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":17,"pubplace":"Cambridge \u2013 New York","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2005]}

Aristotle, Plotinus, and Simplicius on the Relation of the Changer to the Changed, 2005
By: Wilberding, James

Title	Aristotle, Plotinus, and Simplicius on the Relation of the Changer to the Changed
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	55 (New Series)
Issue	2
Pages	447–454
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wilberding, James
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

As we have seen above, Plotinus' hesitation with respect to (1) probably derived from his theory of double activity, and so Simplicius' willingness to agree to (1) suggests that he did not adopt this theory. Indeed, I suspect this was the case. It is true that the structure of Neoplatonic metaphysics that one encounters in Simplicius bears many similarities to that of Plotinus, including much of the language of procession. Both, for example, speak of lower substances "proceeding (προιέναι)" from and "enjoying" (ἀπολαμβάνειν) "radiation" (ἀπαύγασις or περιλάμπσις) from their priors. But nowhere, I claim, does Simplicius explain procession by means of Plotinus' theory of double activity. There is, of course, no great proof stone for such negative claims. Nevertheless, this claim can be partially verified by checking to see what Simplicius has to say about Plotinus' favourite examples of double activity—light, heat, and the images in mirrors—as well as by searching the Simplician corpus to see if he uses the designations for internal and external activity that Plotinus uses. Investigation shows that Simplicius does not make use of Plotinus' designations. The closest we get is a passage in his commentary on the Physics where he provides a long quotation of Damascius in which the theory seems to appear. Otherwise, we find only some discussion of the Aristotelian distinction between first and second actuality. But Simplicius does not distinguish the activity τῆς οὐσίας from that ἐκ (or ἀπὸ) τῆς οὐσίας, nor that πρὸς τὸ ἄνω from that πρὸς τὸ κάτω, nor that ἐν αὐτῇ (or αὐτῇ) from that ἐξ (or παρ’) αὐτῆς. Moreover, we can see that none of Plotinus' three examples is employed by Simplicius to explain double activity. Regarding the nature of light, Simplicius is even rather non-committal at times. As for heat, even when Simplicius discusses the distinction between the heat that is proper to fire (that is, the internal activity) and the heat that fire produces in another thing (that is, the external activity), he does so without using the language of the double activity theory. And Simplicius simply does not make much use of mirrors. All of this, I believe, points to the conclusion that Simplicius does not employ Plotinus' distinction between internal and external activity. If this is right, it perhaps does not imply that Simplicius' views on the metaphysics of procession are all that different from Plotinus', but at the very least, it would show that there is sometimes a considerable difference in the way he goes about describing those views. [conclusion p. 453-454]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2vgk7grGxbqIV3p

{"_index":"sire","_id":"431","_score":null,"_source":{"id":431,"authors_free":[{"id":582,"entry_id":431,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":257,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wilberding, James","free_first_name":"James","free_last_name":"Wilberding","norm_person":{"id":257,"first_name":"James","last_name":"Wilberding","full_name":"Wilberding, James","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/143517465","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle, Plotinus, and Simplicius on the Relation of the Changer to the Changed","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle, Plotinus, and Simplicius on the Relation of the Changer to the Changed"},"abstract":"As we have seen above, Plotinus' hesitation with respect to (1) probably derived from his theory of double activity, and so Simplicius' willingness to agree to (1) suggests that he did not adopt this theory. Indeed, I suspect this was the case. It is true that the structure of Neoplatonic metaphysics that one encounters in Simplicius bears many similarities to that of Plotinus, including much of the language of procession. Both, for example, speak of lower substances \"proceeding (\u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u03ad\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9)\" from and \"enjoying\" (\u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03b1\u03bc\u03b2\u03ac\u03bd\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd) \"radiation\" (\u1f00\u03c0\u03b1\u03cd\u03b3\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 or \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03bb\u03ac\u03bc\u03c0\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) from their priors. But nowhere, I claim, does Simplicius explain procession by means of Plotinus' theory of double activity.\r\n\r\nThere is, of course, no great proof stone for such negative claims. Nevertheless, this claim can be partially verified by checking to see what Simplicius has to say about Plotinus' favourite examples of double activity\u2014light, heat, and the images in mirrors\u2014as well as by searching the Simplician corpus to see if he uses the designations for internal and external activity that Plotinus uses. Investigation shows that Simplicius does not make use of Plotinus' designations. The closest we get is a passage in his commentary on the Physics where he provides a long quotation of Damascius in which the theory seems to appear. Otherwise, we find only some discussion of the Aristotelian distinction between first and second actuality. But Simplicius does not distinguish the activity \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 from that \u1f10\u03ba (or \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78) \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2, nor that \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f04\u03bd\u03c9 from that \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03ba\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9, nor that \u1f10\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1fc7 (or \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1fc7) from that \u1f10\u03be (or \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u2019) \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2.\r\n\r\nMoreover, we can see that none of Plotinus' three examples is employed by Simplicius to explain double activity. Regarding the nature of light, Simplicius is even rather non-committal at times. As for heat, even when Simplicius discusses the distinction between the heat that is proper to fire (that is, the internal activity) and the heat that fire produces in another thing (that is, the external activity), he does so without using the language of the double activity theory. And Simplicius simply does not make much use of mirrors. All of this, I believe, points to the conclusion that Simplicius does not employ Plotinus' distinction between internal and external activity.\r\n\r\nIf this is right, it perhaps does not imply that Simplicius' views on the metaphysics of procession are all that different from Plotinus', but at the very least, it would show that there is sometimes a considerable difference in the way he goes about describing those views. [conclusion p. 453-454]","btype":3,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2vgk7grGxbqIV3p","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":257,"full_name":"Wilberding, James","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":431,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"55 (New Series)","issue":"2","pages":"447\u2013454"}},"sort":[2005]}

Where to Live the Philosophical Life in the Sixth Century? Damascius, Simplicius, and the Return from Persia, 2005
By: Watts, Edward Jay

Title	Where to Live the Philosophical Life in the Sixth Century? Damascius, Simplicius, and the Return from Persia
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies
Volume	45
Issue	3
Pages	285-315
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Watts, Edward Jay
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The closing of the Neoplatonic school in Athens by Justinian in 532 was not the end of classical philosophy, for when they returned to the Empire from Persia two years later the philosophers did not need to reconstitute the school at Harran or at any particular city in order to continue their philosophical activities. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EoZ3BSOdBPuEnet

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The Philosophy of the Commentators 200–600 AD: A Sourcebook; I: Psychology (with Ethics and Religion); II: Physics; III: Logic and Metaphysics, 2005
By: Sorabji, Richard

Title	The Philosophy of the Commentators 200–600 AD: A Sourcebook; I: Psychology (with Ethics and Religion); II: Physics; III: Logic and Metaphysics
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This is the first work to draw on the four hundred years of transition from ancient Greek philosophy to the medieval philosophy of Islam and the West. During this period, philosophy was often written in the form of commentaries on the works of Plato and Aristotle. Many ideas wrongly credited to the Middle Ages derive from these centuries, such as that of impetus in dynamics and intentional objects in philosophy of mind. The later Neoplatonist commentators fought a losing battle with Christianity, but inadvertently made Aristotle acceptable to Christians by ascribing to him belief in a Creator God and human immortality. The commentators provide a panorama of up to a thousand years of Greek philosophy, much of which would otherwise be lost. They also serve as the missing link essential for understanding the subsequent history of Western philosophy. Volume 1 deals with psychology, which for the Neoplatonist commentators was the gateway to metaphysics and theology. It was the subject on which Plato and Aristotle disagreed most, and on which the commentators went furthest beyond them in their search for synthesis. Ethics and religious practice fall naturally under psychology and are included in this volume. All sources appear in English translation and are carefully linked and cross-referenced by editorial comment and explanation. Bibliographies are provided throughout.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/A2jZ42ng1GKqaG1

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Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 2.10–14’, 2005
By: Mueller, Ian (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 2.10–14’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

Aristotle believed that the outermost stars are carried round us on a transparent sphere. There are directions in the universe and a preferred direction of rotation. The sun, moon and planets are carried on different revolving spheres. The spheres and celestial bodies are composed of an everlasting fifth element, which has none of the ordinary contrary properties like heat and cold which could destroy it, but only the facility for uniform rotation. But this creates problems as to how the heavenly bodies create light, and, in the case of the sun, heat. The topics covered in this part of Simplicius' commentary are: the speeds and distances of the stars; that the stars are spherical; why the sun and moon have fewer motions than the other five planets; why the sphere of the fixed stars contains so many stars whereas the other heavenly spheres contain no more than one (Simplicius has a long excursus on planetary theory in his commentary on this chapter); discussion of people's views on the position, motion or rest, shape, and size of the earth; that the earth is a relatively small sphere at rest in the centre of the cosmos. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1psbLZBEMCHX0LV

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The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian, 2005
By: Maas, Michael (Ed.)

Title	The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	Cambridge – New York
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Maas, Michael
Translator(s)

This book introduces the Age of Justinian, the last Roman century and the first flowering of Byzantine culture. Dominated by the policies and personality of emperor Justinian I (527–565), this period of grand achievements and far-reaching failures witnessed the transformation of the Mediterranean world. In this volume, twenty specialists explore the most important aspects of the age including the mechanics and theory of empire, warfare, urbanism, and economy. It also discusses the impact of the great plague, the codification of Roman law, and the many religious upheavals taking place at the time. Consideration is given to imperial relations with the papacy, northern barbarians, the Persians, and other eastern peoples, shedding new light on a dramatic and highly significant historical period. [a.a]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VO13SyosuR7rCEZ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"17","_score":null,"_source":{"id":17,"authors_free":[{"id":2411,"entry_id":17,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":471,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Maas, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Maas","norm_person":{"id":471,"first_name":"Michael","last_name":"Maas","full_name":"Maas, Michael","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/12626094X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian","main_title":{"title":"The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian"},"abstract":"This book introduces the Age of Justinian, the last Roman century and the first flowering of Byzantine culture. Dominated by the policies and personality of emperor Justinian I (527\u2013565), this period of grand achievements and far-reaching failures witnessed the transformation of the Mediterranean world. In this volume, twenty specialists explore the most important aspects of the age including the mechanics and theory of empire, warfare, urbanism, and economy. It also discusses the impact of the great plague, the codification of Roman law, and the many religious upheavals taking place at the time. Consideration is given to imperial relations with the papacy, northern barbarians, the Persians, and other eastern peoples, shedding new light on a dramatic and highly significant historical period. [a.a]","btype":4,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VO13SyosuR7rCEZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":471,"full_name":"Maas, Michael","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":17,"pubplace":"Cambridge \u2013 New York","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2005]}

Greek into Arabic: Neoplatonism in Translation, 2005
By: D'Ancona Costa, Cristina, Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Taylor, Richard C. (Ed.)

Title	Greek into Arabic: Neoplatonism in Translation
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy
Pages	10-32
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Taylor, Richard C.
Translator(s)

In this article, the author discusses the impact of Plotinus, a philosopher of the late ancient period, on the development of philosophical thought, including the creation of falsafa and its influence on philosophy in the Middle Ages. D'Ancona Costa explores Plotinus' Platonism and his incorporation of the doctrines of other philosophers, especially Aristotle, into his teachings. She examines Plotinus' key doctrines, including his understanding of soul, intelligible reality, and the Forms, and how they influenced the development of falsafa. The article also discusses the Neoplatonic model of philosophy as a systematic discipline, covering topics from logic to theology, and how it impacted the study of philosophy in the Middle Ages. Ultimately, the article argues that an understanding of the roots of falsafa in the philosophical thought of Late Antiquity is essential for a proper understanding of the development of philosophy. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0rcOOPNBmsQmGsu

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1285","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1285,"authors_free":[{"id":1874,"entry_id":1285,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":60,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","free_first_name":"Cristina","free_last_name":"D'Ancona Costa","norm_person":{"id":60,"first_name":"Cristina","last_name":"D'Ancona Costa","full_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138912297","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2341,"entry_id":1285,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":98,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Adamson, Peter","free_first_name":"Peter","free_last_name":"Adamson","norm_person":{"id":98,"first_name":"Peter","last_name":"Adamson","full_name":"Adamson, Peter","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139896104","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2342,"entry_id":1285,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":446,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Taylor, Richard C.","free_first_name":"Taylor","free_last_name":"Richard C.","norm_person":{"id":446,"first_name":"Richard C.","last_name":"Taylor","full_name":"Taylor, Richard C.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139866353","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Greek into Arabic: Neoplatonism in Translation","main_title":{"title":"Greek into Arabic: Neoplatonism in Translation"},"abstract":"In this article, the author discusses the impact of Plotinus, a philosopher of the late ancient period, on the development of philosophical thought, including the creation of falsafa and its influence on philosophy in the Middle Ages. D'Ancona Costa explores Plotinus' Platonism and his incorporation of the doctrines of other philosophers, especially Aristotle, into his teachings. She examines Plotinus' key doctrines, including his understanding of soul, intelligible reality, and the Forms, and how they influenced the development of falsafa. The article also discusses the Neoplatonic model of philosophy as a systematic discipline, covering topics from logic to theology, and how it impacted the study of philosophy in the Middle Ages. Ultimately, the article argues that an understanding of the roots of falsafa in the philosophical thought of Late Antiquity is essential for a proper understanding of the development of philosophy. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":2,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/0rcOOPNBmsQmGsu","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":60,"full_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":98,"full_name":"Adamson, Peter","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":446,"full_name":"Taylor, Richard C.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1285,"section_of":1309,"pages":"10-32","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1309,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Adamson_Taylor2004","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2004","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Philosophy written in Arabic and in the Islamic world represents one of the great traditions of Western philosophy. Inspired by Greek philosophical works and the indigenous ideas of Islamic theology, Arabic philosophers from the ninth century onwards put forward ideas of great philosophical and historical importance. This collection of essays, by some of the leading scholars in Arabic philosophy, provides an introduction to the field by way of chapters devoted to individual thinkers (such as al-Farabi, Avicenna and Averroes) or groups, especially during the 'classical' period from the ninth to the twelfth centuries. It also includes chapters on areas of philosophical inquiry across the tradition, such as ethics and metaphysics. Finally, it includes chapters on later Islamic thought, and on the connections between Arabic philosophy and Greek, Jewish, and Latin philosophy. The volume also includes a useful bibliography and a chronology of the most important Arabic thinkers. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/jcHNB2bxIDAfZNw","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1309,"pubplace":"Cambridge","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2005]}

Review of Rescigno, A. 2004: Alessandro di Afrodisia: Commentario al De Caelo di Aristotele, Frammenti del Primo Libro, 2005
By: Todd, Robert B.

Title	Review of Rescigno, A. 2004: Alessandro di Afrodisia: Commentario al De Caelo di Aristotele, Frammenti del Primo Libro
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Bryn Mawr Classical Review
Volume	10
Issue	38
Pages	750
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Todd, Robert B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It is a sure sign that a field in classical studies is maturing when the fragments of its authors come in for close scrutiny. Where the Greek Aristotelian commentators are concerned, the way was pointed, in this as in so many other areas, by the late Paul Moraux, who in his early and epochal study of Alexander of Aphrodisias's psychological works included an appendix of selected fragments of this commentator's lost exegesis of Aristotle's De animaJ Later he reconstructed thefragments of the same philosopher's treatment of the Posterior Analytics.2 More recently, Arabists in particular have worked on fragments of Alexander's commentaries on the Physics and De generatione et corruptione, while Moraux in the posthumously published third volume of his Aristotelismus surveyed the fragments of several of the lost commentaries.3 One of these was the commentary on the De caelo, the first part of which Andrea Rescigno, in the first of two projected volumes, has now treated exhaustively in his edition of the fragments of the commentary on Book 1. [introduction p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4vzysjSHY0mmOvC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"462","_score":null,"_source":{"id":462,"authors_free":[{"id":619,"entry_id":462,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":340,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Todd, Robert B.","free_first_name":"Robert B.","free_last_name":"Todd","norm_person":{"id":340,"first_name":"Robert B.","last_name":"Todd","full_name":"Todd, Robert B.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129460788","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of Rescigno, A. 2004: Alessandro di Afrodisia: Commentario al De Caelo di Aristotele, Frammenti del Primo Libro","main_title":{"title":"Review of Rescigno, A. 2004: Alessandro di Afrodisia: Commentario al De Caelo di Aristotele, Frammenti del Primo Libro"},"abstract":"It is a sure sign that a field in classical studies is maturing when the fragments of its \r\nauthors come in for close scrutiny. Where the Greek Aristotelian commentators are \r\nconcerned, the way was pointed, in this as in so many other areas, by the late Paul \r\nMoraux, who in his early and epochal study of Alexander of Aphrodisias's \r\npsychological works included an appendix of selected fragments of this \r\ncommentator's lost exegesis of Aristotle's De animaJ Later he reconstructed thefragments of the same philosopher's treatment of the Posterior Analytics.2 More \r\nrecently, Arabists in particular have worked on fragments of Alexander's \r\ncommentaries on the Physics and De generatione et corruptione, while Moraux in \r\nthe posthumously published third volume of his Aristotelismus surveyed the \r\nfragments of several of the lost commentaries.3 One of these was the commentary \r\non the De caelo, the first part of which Andrea Rescigno, in the first of two \r\nprojected volumes, has now treated exhaustively in his edition of the fragments of \r\nthe commentary on Book 1. [introduction p. 1]","btype":3,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/4vzysjSHY0mmOvC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":340,"full_name":"Todd, Robert B.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":462,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Bryn Mawr Classical Review","volume":"10","issue":"38","pages":"750"}},"sort":[2005]}

Proclus' Defence of the Timaeus against Aristotle's Objections. A reconstruction of a lost polemical treatise, 2005
By: Steel, Carlos, Leinkauf, Thomas (Ed.), Steel, Carlos (Ed.)

Title	Proclus' Defence of the Timaeus against Aristotle's Objections. A reconstruction of a lost polemical treatise
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	Platons Timaios als Grundtext der Kosmologie in Spätantike, Mittelalter und Renaissance - Plato's Timaeus and the Foundations of Cosmology in Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Renaissance
Pages	163-193
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)	Leinkauf, Thomas , Steel, Carlos
Translator(s)

In this paper, we have made a reconstruction of an early treatise of Proclus in which he attempted to refute the objections Aristotle had put forward against Plato’s doctrine in the Timaeus. Simplicius, Philoponus, and Proclus himself have been our sources. Proclus recycles the arguments of his earlier treatise in his great commentary on the Timaeus. Philoponus fully exploits Proclus’ treatise against Proclus himself to refute his views on the eternity of the world. In this question and in many others, Philoponus believes Plato and Aristotle are radically opposed. Proclus does not dissimulate their disagreement, but, to Philoponus' anger, he does not take distance from Aristotle's interpretation of the Timaeus in the discussion about the eternity of the world. Instead of sincerely accepting with Plato that the world is generated and temporal, he defects to the Aristotelian view and thus comes in contradiction with his earlier work, as Philoponus demonstrates. Simplicius also read the early treatise of Proclus, and he quotes large extracts from it in his commentary on the De Caelo. Simplicius, who is a great advocate of the harmony of Plato and Aristotle, is often embarrassed with Proclus’ polemics. Whenever Proclus quotes a text from Aristotle to convince the philosopher that he too is “forced” to admit the truth of the Platonic principles, Simplicius makes of it an argument to demonstrate that Aristotle is fundamentally in agreement with Plato. How different their ultimate goals may have been in this polemic, both ideological opponents, Philoponus and Simplicius, offer us valuable information on a lost work of Proclus, in which he attacked Aristotle with youthful zeal in defense of the Timaeus. The treatise witnesses both his admiration for the Timaeus and his irritation at Aristotle’s unfair treatment. [conclusion p. 193]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kMYAmCjyTBGx2oh

{"_index":"sire","_id":"483","_score":null,"_source":{"id":483,"authors_free":[{"id":656,"entry_id":483,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":657,"entry_id":483,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":152,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Leinkauf, Thomas","free_first_name":"Thomas","free_last_name":"Leinkauf","norm_person":{"id":152,"first_name":"Thomas","last_name":"Leinkauf","full_name":"Leinkauf, Thomas","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122040309","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":658,"entry_id":483,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Proclus' Defence of the Timaeus against Aristotle's Objections. A reconstruction of a lost polemical treatise","main_title":{"title":"Proclus' Defence of the Timaeus against Aristotle's Objections. A reconstruction of a lost polemical treatise"},"abstract":"In this paper, we have made a reconstruction of an early treatise of Proclus in which he attempted to refute the objections Aristotle had put forward against Plato\u2019s doctrine in the Timaeus. Simplicius, Philoponus, and Proclus himself have been our sources. Proclus recycles the arguments of his earlier treatise in his great commentary on the Timaeus. Philoponus fully exploits Proclus\u2019 treatise against Proclus himself to refute his views on the eternity of the world.\r\n\r\nIn this question and in many others, Philoponus believes Plato and Aristotle are radically opposed. Proclus does not dissimulate their disagreement, but, to Philoponus' anger, he does not take distance from Aristotle's interpretation of the Timaeus in the discussion about the eternity of the world. Instead of sincerely accepting with Plato that the world is generated and temporal, he defects to the Aristotelian view and thus comes in contradiction with his earlier work, as Philoponus demonstrates.\r\n\r\nSimplicius also read the early treatise of Proclus, and he quotes large extracts from it in his commentary on the De Caelo. Simplicius, who is a great advocate of the harmony of Plato and Aristotle, is often embarrassed with Proclus\u2019 polemics. Whenever Proclus quotes a text from Aristotle to convince the philosopher that he too is \u201cforced\u201d to admit the truth of the Platonic principles, Simplicius makes of it an argument to demonstrate that Aristotle is fundamentally in agreement with Plato.\r\n\r\nHow different their ultimate goals may have been in this polemic, both ideological opponents, Philoponus and Simplicius, offer us valuable information on a lost work of Proclus, in which he attacked Aristotle with youthful zeal in defense of the Timaeus. The treatise witnesses both his admiration for the Timaeus and his irritation at Aristotle\u2019s unfair treatment. [conclusion p. 193]","btype":2,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kMYAmCjyTBGx2oh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":152,"full_name":"Leinkauf, Thomas","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":483,"section_of":321,"pages":"163-193","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":321,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Platons Timaios als Grundtext der Kosmologie in Sp\u00e4tantike, Mittelalter und Renaissance - Plato's Timaeus and the Foundations of Cosmology in Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Renaissance","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Leinkauf\/Steel2005","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2005","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2005","abstract":"The particular focus of this volume is a study of the influence of Timaeus on the development of Western cosmology in three axial periods of European culture: Late Antiquity, Middle Ages and Renaissance. In each period, the Timaeus was read in a different context and from different perspectives. During the Middle Ages, scholars were mostly interested in reconciling the rational cosmology of the Timaeus with the Christian understanding of creation. In Late Antiquity, the concordance of Plato with Aristotle was considered the most important issue, whereas in early modern times, the confrontation with the new mathematical physics offered possibilities for a fresh assessment of Plato's explanation of the cosmos. The present volume has three sections corresponding to these three periods of interpreting the Timaeus, each sectionis introduced by a synthesis of the main issues at discussion. This 'epochal' approach gives this volume its particular character. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KnuUmtY75XXXeEK","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":321,"pubplace":"Leuven","publisher":"Leuven University Press","series":"Ancient and Medieval Philosophy de Wulf-Mansion Centre, Series 1","volume":"29","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2005]}

Empedocles' Life Cycles, 2005
By: Sedley, David N., Pierrēs, Apostolos L. (Ed.)

Title	Empedocles' Life Cycles
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The Empedoclean Kosmos. Structure, Process and the Question of Cyclicity. structure, process and the question of cyclicity ; proceedings of the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense, July 6th - July 13th, 2003. Papers
Pages	331-371
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sedley, David N.
Editor(s)	Pierrēs, Apostolos L.
Translator(s)

In his poem On Nature, Empedocles described two cycles, a cosmic one and a daimonic one. The cosmic cycle is one of alternating world phases, governed in turn by two divine powers called Love and Strife, each phase explicitly said (B17.1-5, B26.4-6) to contain its own creation of life forms. The daimonic cycle is also governed by Love and Strife. A superior race of daimons, after living in blissful peace during the days of Love’s dominance, committed under the pernicious influence of Strife the cardinal sins of animal slaughter, meat eating, and oath-breaking. For these sins, they have been banished from bliss for ten thousand years, condemned to be reborn as all manner of living things, until their eventual return to bliss—a return which Empedocles, at the beginning of his poem The Purifications, announced he had himself finally achieved. It was once the policy of scholars to keep these two cycles firmly segregated, certainly in different poems and, if possible, in separate and irreconcilable areas of Empedocles' thought: one scientific, the other religious. That old separatist policy was already all but extinct when, in 1998, a newly discovered papyrus containing portions of Empedocles’ On Nature was published by Alain Martin and Oliver Primavesi, putting the final nail in its coffin. For there, the daimonic cycle was to be found in the immediate context of Empedocles’ physics. If we are to make adequate sense of Empedocles’ zoogony—his theory of the origins of life—it must include the creation of these daimons. Contrary to a common scholarly assumption, the daimons are themselves flesh-and-blood organisms, not mere transmigrating souls or spirits. Indeed, their sin of meat-eating would have been quite hard to perform if they had not been. The following view, and variants of it, are widely held about Empedocles’ aetiology of life forms. He posits two zoogonies: one governed by Love, the other by Strife. The zoogony of Love occurs in a phase of increasing Love, which eventually leads to the world’s conversion into the perfectly homogeneous sphairos. The zoogony of Strife occurs in a phase of increasing Strife, which eventually leads to the total separation of the four elementary bodies or ‘roots.’ And it is this latter world that Empedocles considered himself to inhabit. A major obstacle to this widespread (though by no means unanimous) picture lies in Empedocles’ concentration on Love’s zoogony, to the almost total exclusion of Strife’s. When it comes to the emergence of species, it is again and again what our evidence informs us to be the zoogony of increasing Love that is described, as we shall see amply confirmed in due course. As to Strife’s zoogony, we have nothing but an isolated description in B62 of the first stage of the process by which, under growing Strife, men and women were created. The fragment is further summarized and expanded by Aetius (below, pp. 337-38) and now helpfully supported by a cross-reference in the Strasbourg fragments (d10-14). But despite this additional material, and the probability that trees too were included, there is not so much as a word about the generation, under Strife, of any other animal species known to us. Thus, if the pattern of survival is to any extent representative of what was in the original poem, the widely favored interpretation that I have sketched faces the anomaly that Empedocles apparently spent far more time accounting for the origin of life forms which he could do no more than conjecture to have existed in a remote part of cosmic history (and which can have left no descendants in the world we ourselves inhabit, since the sphairos has intervened to render them extinct), than he did on accounting for life as we know it. Although it is by no means obvious why Empedocles should have assumed the reverse cosmic process, in the supposed counterworld, to have thrown up the very same life forms that we find in our own world, it is widely held that he did, for whatever reasons, commit himself to this view. But the evidence is, on inspection, vanishingly weak. It consists mainly in Aristotle's assertion (GC II6, 334a5-7; A42) that Empedocles "also says that the world is in the same state now, under Strife, as previously under Love." I am not the first to point out that "under Love" and "under Strife" need not necessarily mean under increasing Love or increasing Strife, which would in fact be irrelevant to Aristotle's point in the context. Aristotle is trying to uncover contradictions between Empedocles’ various assertions about the respective motive powers of Love and Strife, and his question here is how, if Love and Strife differ from each other in their motive powers, Empedocles can hold that the world has the same basic arrangement and motions of the four simple bodies in an age dominated by Strife as it previously had in one dominated by Love—i.e., in ages in which, regardless of the actual direction of change, it is Love and Strife, respectively, that govern cosmic processes. (It may be that his wording does also carry implications about the current direction of change, but his main point in no way depends on any such implication.) [introduction p. 331-333]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/q7rH00eYu70k9Td

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The cosmic cycle is one of alternating world phases, governed in turn by two divine powers called Love and Strife, each phase explicitly said (B17.1-5, B26.4-6) to contain its own creation of life forms. The daimonic cycle is also governed by Love and Strife. A superior race of daimons, after living in blissful peace during the days of Love\u2019s dominance, committed under the pernicious influence of Strife the cardinal sins of animal slaughter, meat eating, and oath-breaking. For these sins, they have been banished from bliss for ten thousand years, condemned to be reborn as all manner of living things, until their eventual return to bliss\u2014a return which Empedocles, at the beginning of his poem The Purifications, announced he had himself finally achieved.\r\n\r\nIt was once the policy of scholars to keep these two cycles firmly segregated, certainly in different poems and, if possible, in separate and irreconcilable areas of Empedocles' thought: one scientific, the other religious. That old separatist policy was already all but extinct when, in 1998, a newly discovered papyrus containing portions of Empedocles\u2019 On Nature was published by Alain Martin and Oliver Primavesi, putting the final nail in its coffin. For there, the daimonic cycle was to be found in the immediate context of Empedocles\u2019 physics.\r\n\r\nIf we are to make adequate sense of Empedocles\u2019 zoogony\u2014his theory of the origins of life\u2014it must include the creation of these daimons. Contrary to a common scholarly assumption, the daimons are themselves flesh-and-blood organisms, not mere transmigrating souls or spirits. Indeed, their sin of meat-eating would have been quite hard to perform if they had not been.\r\n\r\nThe following view, and variants of it, are widely held about Empedocles\u2019 aetiology of life forms. He posits two zoogonies: one governed by Love, the other by Strife. The zoogony of Love occurs in a phase of increasing Love, which eventually leads to the world\u2019s conversion into the perfectly homogeneous sphairos. The zoogony of Strife occurs in a phase of increasing Strife, which eventually leads to the total separation of the four elementary bodies or \u2018roots.\u2019 And it is this latter world that Empedocles considered himself to inhabit.\r\n\r\nA major obstacle to this widespread (though by no means unanimous) picture lies in Empedocles\u2019 concentration on Love\u2019s zoogony, to the almost total exclusion of Strife\u2019s. When it comes to the emergence of species, it is again and again what our evidence informs us to be the zoogony of increasing Love that is described, as we shall see amply confirmed in due course. As to Strife\u2019s zoogony, we have nothing but an isolated description in B62 of the first stage of the process by which, under growing Strife, men and women were created. The fragment is further summarized and expanded by Aetius (below, pp. 337-38) and now helpfully supported by a cross-reference in the Strasbourg fragments (d10-14). But despite this additional material, and the probability that trees too were included, there is not so much as a word about the generation, under Strife, of any other animal species known to us.\r\n\r\nThus, if the pattern of survival is to any extent representative of what was in the original poem, the widely favored interpretation that I have sketched faces the anomaly that Empedocles apparently spent far more time accounting for the origin of life forms which he could do no more than conjecture to have existed in a remote part of cosmic history (and which can have left no descendants in the world we ourselves inhabit, since the sphairos has intervened to render them extinct), than he did on accounting for life as we know it.\r\n\r\nAlthough it is by no means obvious why Empedocles should have assumed the reverse cosmic process, in the supposed counterworld, to have thrown up the very same life forms that we find in our own world, it is widely held that he did, for whatever reasons, commit himself to this view. But the evidence is, on inspection, vanishingly weak.\r\n\r\nIt consists mainly in Aristotle's assertion (GC II6, 334a5-7; A42) that Empedocles \"also says that the world is in the same state now, under Strife, as previously under Love.\" I am not the first to point out that \"under Love\" and \"under Strife\" need not necessarily mean under increasing Love or increasing Strife, which would in fact be irrelevant to Aristotle's point in the context.\r\n\r\nAristotle is trying to uncover contradictions between Empedocles\u2019 various assertions about the respective motive powers of Love and Strife, and his question here is how, if Love and Strife differ from each other in their motive powers, Empedocles can hold that the world has the same basic arrangement and motions of the four simple bodies in an age dominated by Strife as it previously had in one dominated by Love\u2014i.e., in ages in which, regardless of the actual direction of change, it is Love and Strife, respectively, that govern cosmic processes.\r\n\r\n(It may be that his wording does also carry implications about the current direction of change, but his main point in no way depends on any such implication.) [introduction p. 331-333]","btype":2,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/q7rH00eYu70k9Td","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":298,"full_name":"Sedley, David N.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":204,"full_name":"Pierr\u0113s, Apostolos L.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":491,"section_of":317,"pages":"331-371","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":317,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Empedoclean Kosmos. Structure, Process and the Question of Cyclicity. structure, process and the question of cyclicity ; proceedings of the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense, July 6th - July 13th, 2003. Papers","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Pierres2005","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2005","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2005","abstract":"Review by\r\nJenny Bryan, Homerton College, Cambridge: This is a collection of fifteen papers presented at the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense held on Mykonos in July 2003. If this volume is any indication, the meeting must have been a lively affair. It includes work by many of the most influential modern scholars of Empedocles and covers a wide range of topics from the reception of Empedocles to his methodology of argumentation to the details of his cosmology. In addition, Apostolos Pierris provides, in an appendix, a reconstruction of Empedocles\u2019 poem. Several themes emerge from the various papers, most notably the notion of scientific versus religious thinking, the unity of his poem(s?), the importance of the Strasbourg Papyrus, and Aristotle\u2019s role in shaping our understanding of Empedocles\u2019 cycle. As a whole, the book\u2019s most obvious and perhaps most exciting theme is that of \u2018Strife\u2019. This \u2018Strife\u2019 is not, however, Empedocles\u2019 cosmic force (although he does, of course, loom large). Rather it is the kind of discord that seems to arise whenever there is more than one (or maybe even just one) interpreter of Empedocles in the room. This, of course, is no bad thing. This volume represents Pre-Socratic scholarship at its most dynamic.\r\n\r\nIn general, editing seems to have been rather \u2018hands off\u2019. Some papers offer primary texts only in Greek, others include translations. One piece in particular is sprinkled with typos and misspellings that do a disservice to its argumentative force.1 That being said, thought has clearly been given to the grouping of the papers. I particularly benefited from the juxtaposition of those papers explicitly about Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycles, if only because it illustrates the strength of disagreement which this topic continues to inspire. Thus, for example, whilst Primavesi employs the Byzantine scholia as the linchpin of his reconstruction of the cycle, Osborne dismisses the same as \u2018probably worthless as evidence for how Empedocles himself intended his system to work\u2019 (299). Whatever position you hold, or indeed if you hold no position at all, this collection will present you with something to get your teeth into.\r\n\r\nAnthony Kenny\u2019s \u2018Life after Etna: the legend of Empedocles in literary tradition\u2019 offers a whistle-stop tour through accounts of Empedocles\u2019 reputed death on Etna, and then arrives at a more extensive discussion of Matthew Arnold\u2019s \u2018Empedocles on Etna\u2019. Kenny points out that, at times, Arnold\u2019s Empedocles resembles Lucretius, of whom Arnold was an admirer from childhood. Kenny concludes with the suggestion that, although \u2018Empedocles on Etna\u2019 may be more about Arnold than Empedocles, there is an affinity between the two men: \u2018Empedocles, part magus and part scientist, was, like Arnold, poised between two worlds, one dead, one struggling to be born\u2019 (30).\r\n\r\nGlenn Most offers a rather fascinating discussion of Nietzsche\u2019s Empedocles in his \u2018The stillbirth of tragedy: Nietzsche and Empedocles\u2019. Most reveals the extent to which Empedocles \u2018played quite a significant role in Nietzsche\u2019s intellectual world\u2019 (33). Although Nietzsche made some abortive attempts at a philosophical discussion of Empedocles, he was \u2018far less interested in Empedocles as a thinker than as a human being\u2019 (35). Such was his admiration for Empedocles, whom he viewed as \u2018der reine tragische Mensch\u2019, that, perhaps under the influence of H\u00f6lderlin, Nietzsche formed the (unfulfilled) intention of writing an opera or tragedy about him. Most suggests, in passing, that the tendency for reception of Empedocles to take dramatic form could be due to the influence of Heraclides Pontus (whose dialogue about Empedocles may have formed a source of Diogenes Laertius\u2019 account).\r\n\r\nIn \u2018Empedocles: two theologies, two projects\u2019, Jean Bollack rails against attempts made, on the basis of the Strasbourg Papyrus, to narrow the gap between Empedocles\u2019 physical and ethical theories. He interprets \u2018The Origins\u2019 and \u2018The Purifications\u2019 as offering two distinct theologies, tailored to suit the purpose, strategy, and audience of each poem. His view is that \u2018[t]he two poems were very probably intended to shed light on one another precisely in their difference\u2019 (47). Bollack also offers, in an appendix, a rereading of fragment B31 \u2018extended by the Strasbourg Papyrus\u2019 (62).\r\n\r\nRene N\u00fcnlist\u2019s \u2018Poetological imagery in Empedocles\u2019 considers the apparent echo of Parmenides B8\u2019s \u03ba\u1f79\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f73\u03c9\u03bd in Empedocles B17\u2019s \u03bb\u1f79\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c3\u03c4\u1f79\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2. N\u00fcnlist argues that Empedocles\u2019 \u2018poetological imagery\u2019 is more dynamic and potentially more aggressive than that of his predecessor. Empedocles uses path metaphors to \u2018convey the idea of philosophical poetry being a process or a method\u2019 (79). N\u00fcnlist also provides a brief appendix on line 10 of ensemble d of the Strasbourg Papyrus.\r\n\r\nRichard Janko returns to the vexed question of whether Empedocles wrote one poem or two in his \u2018Empedocles\u2019 Physica Book 1: a new reconstruction\u2019. Janko presents a masterful summary of the evidence for and against trying to unite Empedocles\u2019 physical and religious verses, admitting his preference for accepting Katharmoi and Physika as two titles for the same work (which discussed both physical theory and ritual purification). On this topic, I benefitted particularly from his discussion of the fragments of Lobon of Argos (another possible source for Diogenes Laertius). This discussion serves as the introduction to Janko\u2019s reconstruction and translation of 131 lines of Book 1 of Empedocles\u2019 Physics, in which he attempts to incorporate some of the ensembles of the Strasbourg Papyrus, which he suggests \u2018at last gives us a clear impression of Empedocles as a poet\u2019 (113).\r\n\r\nIn \u2018On the question of religion and natural philosophy in Empedocles\u2019, Patricia Curd neatly sidesteps the \u2018one poem or two?\u2019 question, formulating instead a distinction between Empedocles\u2019 \u2018esoteric\u2019 and \u2018exoteric\u2019 teachings. She then attempts to establish an essential relation between the two. Curd argues that the exoteric verses, addressed to a plural \u2018you\u2019, offer exhortation and instruction as to how to live a certain kind of life without any \u2018serious teaching\u2019 (145). On the other hand, the esoteric verses addressed to Pausanias offer explanation but lack any direct instruction. Curd\u2019s suggestion is that Empedocles holds that \u2018one must be in the proper state of soul in order to learn and so acquire and hold the most important knowledge\u2019 (153). Further, she argues for reading Empedocles as holding the possession of such natural knowledge as the source of super-natural powers. Curd\u2019s Baconian Empedocles \u2018sees knowledge of the world as bestowing power to control the world\u2019 (153).\r\n\r\nRichard McKirahan\u2019s \u2018Assertion and argument in Empedocles\u2019 cosmology or what did Empedocles learn from Parmenides?\u2019 offers a subtle and stimulating survey of \u2018the devices [Empedocles] uses to gain belief\u2019 (165). McKirahan attempts a rehabilitation of Empedocles against Barnes\u2019s assertion that those reading his cosmology \u2018look in vain for argument, either inductive or deductive.\u20192 Offering persuasive evidence from the fragments, he argues that Empedocles employs both assertion and justification (via both argument and analogy) in his cosmology and that the choice between the two is fairly systematic. McKirahan frames his suggestions within a reconsideration of Empedocles\u2019 debt to Parmenides, arguing that, in places, \u2018Empedocles seems to be adding new Eleatic-style arguments for Eleatic-style theses\u2019 (183).\r\n\r\nApostolos Pierris argues for a \u2018tripartite correspondence\u2019 (189) between Empedoclean religion, philosophy and physics in his \u2018 \u1f4d\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1f77\u1ff3 and \u0394\u1f77\u03bd\u03b7 : Nature and Function of Love and Strife in the Empedoclean system.\u2019 Pierris traces the connection between these three aspects of Empedocles\u2019 thinking via an investigation of the relation between the activity of Love and Strife and the role of the cosmic vortex, reconsidering Aristotle\u2019s critique along the way. He concludes that \u2018in understanding Empedocles\u2019 system of Cosmos both [i.e., metaphysical and physical levels of discourse] are equally needed, for one sheds light on the other\u2019 (213). Further, the physical and metaphysical accounts of the Sphairos and the effects of Love and Strife aid our awareness of our ethical status.\r\n\r\nIn \u2018The topology and dynamics of Empedocles\u2019 cycle\u2019, Daniel Graham attempts a sidelong offensive on the puzzles of Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycle, armed with a plausible belief that a treatment of the cosmic forces of Love and Strife will shed light on the cycle that they dominate. He offers a neat summary of traditional readings of the location and direction of the action of Love and Strife before presenting a defence of the position developed by O\u2019Brien.3 Graham argues that this so-called \u2018Oscillation Theory\u2019 makes the most sense of Empedocles\u2019 use of military imagery in B35. He also presents a rather illuminating political analogy whereby Empedocles\u2019 Love serves to avoid a kind of cosmic stasis.\r\n\r\nOliver Primavesi\u2019s \u2018The structure of Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycle: Aristotle and the Byzantine Anonymous\u2019 also has in its sights O\u2019Brien\u2019s reconstruction of the Empedoclean cycle. Primavesi argues against this reconstruction on the grounds that \u2018O\u2019Brien\u2019s hypothesis of symmetrical major alternation of rest and movement is [\u2026] exclusively based on a controversial interpretation of Aristotle, Physics 8, 1\u2032 (257). As an alternative, Primavesi adduces a set of Byzantine scholia which seem to conflict with O\u2019Brien\u2019s alternations and which were \u2018composed in a time when access to a complete work of Empedocles was still open\u2019 (257).4 Primavesi concludes by hypothesising a timetable for the cycle compatible with the scholia.\r\n\r\nAndr\u00e9 Laks considers the relationship between Empedocles\u2019 cosmology and demonology in his \u2018Some thoughts about Empedoclean cosmic and demonic cycles\u2019. He champions a \u2018correspondence model\u2019 of interpretation, arguing that, although the two accounts are distinct, they are also clearly related. Laks suggests that one clear point of relation is the shared cyclicity of the cosmic and demonic stories. Laks focuses his discussion on how each of the cycles starts and argues that \u2018we are entitled to speak of necessity in the case of the cosmic cycle (as Aristotle does) as well as in that of the demonic circle\u2019 and, further, that \u2018although we are entitled to speak of necessity in both cases, we should carefully distinguish between the two cases, and indeed between two kinds of necessity\u2019 (267). Cosmic \u2018necessity\u2019 is absolute, whilst demonic \u2018Necessity\u2019 is hypothetical.\r\n\r\nIn \u2018Sin and moral responsibility in Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycle\u2019, Catherine Osborne also gets stuck into the thorny issue of Empedoclean necessity. She rejects the kind of \u2018mechanical and deterministic\u2019 reading of Empedocles\u2019 cycle which, by imposing \u2018fixed periods between regular recurring events [\u2026] leave[s] little room for moral agency to have any significance\u2019 (283). Osborne worries that notions of sin and responsibility will be meaningless in a cosmos where acts of pollution and periods of punishment are predetermined. Using the illuminating parallel of Sophocles\u2019 Oedipus, Osborne argues that a distinction between necessity and prediction should be applied to Empedocles. Empedocles\u2019 daimones are moral agents who act voluntarily in a manner that has been predicted (but which they have promised to avoid) and thus, being responsible for their own predicament, they are punished according to the moral code upon which they have previously agreed. She canvasses a variety of possible readings for B115\u2019s \u2018oracle of necessity\u2019 and concludes that none of them diminishes the responsibility of the daimones or interferes with their free will. Her ultimate conclusion is that Empedocles intended to \u2018set the cosmic events within a moral structure, one in which the fall from unity was the effect of violence in heaven\u2019 (297). Osborne also offers an appendix on the Byzantine sScholia.\r\n\r\nAngelo Tonelli\u2019s \u2018Cosmogony is psychogony is ethics: some thoughts about Empedocles\u2019 fragments 17; 110; 115; 134 DK, and P. Strasb. Gr. Inv. 1665-1666D, VV. 1-9\u2032 is an intriguing attempt to draw parallels between Empedocles\u2019 \u2018initiation poems\u2019 and the \u2018oriental spiritual tradition\u2019. As the title suggests, Tonelli argues for the unity of physics and ethics in what he identifies as Empedocles\u2019 mysticism. He reaches the provocative conclusion that Empedocles\u2019 wise man longs for the triumph of Love even at the expense of his own dissolution qua individual into total unity. \u2018But this\u2019, Tonelli asserts, \u2018is not nihilism: this is psychocosmic mysticism\u2019 (330).\r\n\r\nDavid Sedley urges a radical rethinking of Empedocles\u2019 double zoogony in his \u2018Empedocles\u2019 life cycles\u2019. He argues against the reading that places Love\u2019s zoogony in a phase of increasing Love leading up to the Sphairos. Sedley points out that it would be odd for Empedocles to expend more energy \u2018accounting for the origin of life forms which he could do no more than conjecture to have existed in a remote part of cosmic history [\u2026] (since the sphairos has intervened to render them extinct), than he did on accounting for life as we know it\u2019 (332). He proposes an alternative reading whereby both parts of the double zoogony are offered as an explanation of life as we know it, i.e. \u2018Love\u2019s zoogony was itself located in our world\u2019 (341) and is not separated from us by the Sphairos. Sedley also makes a seductive suggestion regarding the double anthropogony: Love\u2019s anthropogony produces daimones (whom Sedley understands to be creatures of flesh and blood), whilst Strife\u2019s \u2018discordant anthropogony\u2019 (355) results in \u2018wretched race of men and women [\u2026] committed to the divisive sexual politics that Strife imposes upon them\u2019 (347).\r\n\r\nIn \u2018Empedocles\u2019 zoogony and embryology\u2019, Laura Gemelli Marciano too turns her thoughts to the double zoogony, reinstating the Sphairos between the twin acts of creation. She argues that Strife\u2019s zoogony is, in a sense, a continuation of the creative act of Love. For the creatures who owe their origin to Love are, in time, \u2018suffocated\u2019 by the total unity of the Sphairos (but still present within it) but are then, in a sense, reborn via the divisive power of Strife. Strife\u2019s zoogony is dependant on that of Love for \u2018he only frees little by little those beings that Aphrodite had first created and then suffocated\u2019 (381). Gemelli Marciano presents a particularly appealing case for reading Empedocles\u2019 double zoogony as \u2018repeated at a microcosmic level in the mechanism of the conception and development of the embryo\u2019 (383). Both zoogony and embryology describe conception followed by articulation. She closes with some thoughts of how this connection should inform our understanding of Empedocles\u2019 theory of the transmigration of souls.\r\n\r\nI can\u2019t help but feel well-disposed towards a book that includes the declaration \u2018The colour of the cover in this volume corresponds to that of blood, Empedoclean substance of thought\u2019 (407). Had the book\u2019s design been influenced by more prosaic concerns, its sheer wealth of stimulation, provocation and authority ensures that I would nevertheless recommend it to anyone who feels the slightest curiosity about Empedocles, perhaps the most curious of all the Pre-Socratics. ","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TxAm4obxbTupTry","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":317,"pubplace":"Patras","publisher":"Institut for Philosophical Research","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2005]}

Embryological Models in Ancient Philosophy, 2005
By: Henry, Devin

Title	Embryological Models in Ancient Philosophy
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	50
Issue	1
Pages	1-42
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Henry, Devin
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Historically embryogenesis has been among the most philosophically intriguing phenomena. In this paper I focus on one aspect of biological development that was particularly perplexing to the ancients: self-organisation. For many ancients, the fact that an organism determines the important features of its own development required a special model for understanding how this was possible. This was especially true for Aristotle, Alexander, and Simplicius, who all looked to contemporary technology to supply that model. However, they did not all agree on what kind of device should be used. In this paper I explore the way these ancients made use of technology as a model for the developing embryo. I argue that their different choices of device reveal fundamental differences in the way each thinker understood the nature of biological development itself. In the final section of the paper I challenge the traditional view (dating back to Alexander’s interpretation of Aristotle) that the use of automata in GA can simply be read off from their use in the de motu. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1E80hY0xXEIYf7e

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Plato's Timaeus in Simplicius' In De Caelo. A confrontation with Alexander, 2005
By: Guldentops, Guy, Steel, Carlos (Ed.), Leinkauf, Thomas (Ed.)

Title	Plato's Timaeus in Simplicius' In De Caelo. A confrontation with Alexander
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	Platons Timaios als Grundtext der Kosmologie in Spätantike, Mittelalter und Renaissance - Plato's Timaeus and the Foundations of Cosmology in Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Renaissance
Pages	195-212
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Guldentops, Guy
Editor(s)	Steel, Carlos , Leinkauf, Thomas
Translator(s)

In this paper, I shall try to shed some light on Simplicius’ use of the Ti maeus in his commentary on De Caelo, and particularly on the difference between his own interpretation and that of Alexander of Aphrodisias. [...] In what follows, I’ll try to detail some differences between Alexander’s and Simplicius' uses and interpretations o f the Timaeus-, in particular, I’ll focus on their arguments concerning the generation of the world, the world soul, and the immobility of the earth. Before looking at some selected pas sages, however, it is necessary to outline Simplicius’ general attitude toward Alexander of Aphrodisias and to sketch their overall interpretations of the theme of De Caelo. [Introduction, pp. 196 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/650gVOAyvHZdk8u

{"_index":"sire","_id":"526","_score":null,"_source":{"id":526,"authors_free":[{"id":736,"entry_id":526,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":151,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Guldentops, Guy","free_first_name":"Guy","free_last_name":"Guldentops","norm_person":{"id":151,"first_name":"Guy","last_name":"Guldentops","full_name":"Guldentops, Guy","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031934898","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":737,"entry_id":526,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":738,"entry_id":526,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":152,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Leinkauf, Thomas","free_first_name":"Thomas","free_last_name":"Leinkauf","norm_person":{"id":152,"first_name":"Thomas","last_name":"Leinkauf","full_name":"Leinkauf, Thomas","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122040309","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Plato's Timaeus in Simplicius' In De Caelo. A confrontation with Alexander","main_title":{"title":"Plato's Timaeus in Simplicius' In De Caelo. A confrontation with Alexander"},"abstract":"In this paper, I shall try to shed some light on Simplicius\u2019 use of the Ti\u00ad\r\nmaeus in his commentary on De Caelo, and particularly on the difference \r\nbetween his own interpretation and that of Alexander of Aphrodisias. [...] In what follows, I\u2019ll try to detail some differences between Alexander\u2019s \r\nand Simplicius' uses and interpretations o f the Timaeus-, in particular, I\u2019ll \r\nfocus on their arguments concerning the generation of the world, the world \r\nsoul, and the immobility of the earth. Before looking at some selected pas\u00ad\r\nsages, however, it is necessary to outline Simplicius\u2019 general attitude toward \r\nAlexander of Aphrodisias and to sketch their overall interpretations of the \r\ntheme of De Caelo. [Introduction, pp. 196 f.]","btype":2,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/650gVOAyvHZdk8u","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":151,"full_name":"Guldentops, Guy","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":152,"full_name":"Leinkauf, Thomas","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":526,"section_of":321,"pages":"195-212","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":321,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Platons Timaios als Grundtext der Kosmologie in Sp\u00e4tantike, Mittelalter und Renaissance - Plato's Timaeus and the Foundations of Cosmology in Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Renaissance","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Leinkauf\/Steel2005","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2005","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2005","abstract":"The particular focus of this volume is a study of the influence of Timaeus on the development of Western cosmology in three axial periods of European culture: Late Antiquity, Middle Ages and Renaissance. In each period, the Timaeus was read in a different context and from different perspectives. During the Middle Ages, scholars were mostly interested in reconciling the rational cosmology of the Timaeus with the Christian understanding of creation. In Late Antiquity, the concordance of Plato with Aristotle was considered the most important issue, whereas in early modern times, the confrontation with the new mathematical physics offered possibilities for a fresh assessment of Plato's explanation of the cosmos. The present volume has three sections corresponding to these three periods of interpreting the Timaeus, each sectionis introduced by a synthesis of the main issues at discussion. This 'epochal' approach gives this volume its particular character. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KnuUmtY75XXXeEK","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":321,"pubplace":"Leuven","publisher":"Leuven University Press","series":"Ancient and Medieval Philosophy de Wulf-Mansion Centre, Series 1","volume":"29","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2005]}

Commentators on Aristotle, 2005
By: Falcon, Andrea, Zalta, Edward N. (Ed.)

Title	Commentators on Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Falcon, Andrea
Editor(s)	Zalta, Edward N.
Translator(s)

There is no philosophy of the commentators in the sense of a definite set of doctrines that all the ancient commentators on Aristotle shared. What they shared was the practice of reading and commenting on the texts of Aristotle on the crucial assumption that Aristotle was a philosophical authority and his works deserved to be studied with great care. Due to the almost complete loss of the relevant literature, we know very little about the first generation of interpreters of Aristotle. No picture of unity emerges from the little that has reached us. The notion that all these interpreters wrote commentaries is not supported by the information in our possession. The commentary eventually became the standard form of exegesis. But even within the commentary tradition, there was room for a plurality of exegetical positions. Different commentators developed different lines of interpretation in the light of the different concerns that motivated their exegesis. The exegetical tradition that finds its culmination in Alexander of Aphrodisias was primarily (but not exclusively) motivated by an attempt to defend the philosophy of Aristotle in the context of the ancient debate between philosophical schools. Alexander of Aphrodisias viewed Aristotle as his master and devoted his exegetical works to explicating and extracting Aristotle’s distinctive philosophical position. While the Platonists of Late Antiquity put themselves in continuity with this tradition, their exegesis was largely an attempt to develop a philosophy that insisted on the continuity between Plato and Aristotle. They wrote their commentaries on the assumption that Aristotle and Plato were in substantial agreement. [conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GtNhh0ejpXZdIhQ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1306","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1306,"authors_free":[{"id":1930,"entry_id":1306,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":95,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Falcon, Andrea","free_first_name":"Andrea","free_last_name":"Falcon","norm_person":{"id":95,"first_name":"Andrea","last_name":"Falcon","full_name":"Falcon, Andrea","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1138844241","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2097,"entry_id":1306,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":185,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Zalta, Edward N.","free_first_name":"Edward N.","free_last_name":"Zalta","norm_person":{"id":185,"first_name":"Edward N.","last_name":"Zalta","full_name":"Zalta, Edward N.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132645920","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Commentators on Aristotle","main_title":{"title":"Commentators on Aristotle"},"abstract":"There is no philosophy of the commentators in the sense of a definite set of doctrines that all the ancient commentators on Aristotle shared. What they shared was the practice of reading and commenting on the texts of Aristotle on the crucial assumption that Aristotle was a philosophical authority and his works deserved to be studied with great care.\r\n\r\nDue to the almost complete loss of the relevant literature, we know very little about the first generation of interpreters of Aristotle. No picture of unity emerges from the little that has reached us. The notion that all these interpreters wrote commentaries is not supported by the information in our possession. The commentary eventually became the standard form of exegesis. But even within the commentary tradition, there was room for a plurality of exegetical positions. Different commentators developed different lines of interpretation in the light of the different concerns that motivated their exegesis.\r\n\r\nThe exegetical tradition that finds its culmination in Alexander of Aphrodisias was primarily (but not exclusively) motivated by an attempt to defend the philosophy of Aristotle in the context of the ancient debate between philosophical schools. Alexander of Aphrodisias viewed Aristotle as his master and devoted his exegetical works to explicating and extracting Aristotle\u2019s distinctive philosophical position. While the Platonists of Late Antiquity put themselves in continuity with this tradition, their exegesis was largely an attempt to develop a philosophy that insisted on the continuity between Plato and Aristotle. They wrote their commentaries on the assumption that Aristotle and Plato were in substantial agreement.\r\n[conclusion]","btype":2,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GtNhh0ejpXZdIhQ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":95,"full_name":"Falcon, Andrea","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":185,"full_name":"Zalta, Edward N.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1306,"section_of":1350,"pages":"","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1350,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":6,"language":"en","title":"The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Welcome to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (SEP), which as of March 2018, has nearly 1600 entries online. From its inception, the SEP was designed so that each entry is maintained and kept up-to-date by an expert or group of experts in the field. All entries and substantive updates are refereed by the members of a distinguished Editorial Board before they are made public. Consequently, our dynamic reference work maintains academic standards while evolving and adapting in response to new research. You can cite fixed editions that are created on a quarterly basis and stored in our Archives (every entry contains a link to its complete archival history, identifying the fixed edition the reader should cite). The Table of Contents lists entries that are published or assigned. The Projected Table of Contents also lists entries which are currently unassigned but nevertheless projected. [author's description]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/plato.stanford.edu\/index.html","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":null}},"article":{"id":1306,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy ","volume":"","issue":"","pages":""}},"sort":[2005]}

What is Platonism?, 2005
By: Gerson, Lloyd P.

Title	What is Platonism?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Journal of the History of Philosophy
Volume	43
Issue	3
Pages	253-276
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

My main conclusion is that we should understand Platonism historically as consisting in fidelity to the principles of “top-downism.” So understanding it, we havea relatively sharp critical tool for deciding who was and who was not a Platonist despite their silence or protestations to the contrary. Unquestionably, the most important figure in this regard is Aristotle. I would not like to end this historical inquiry, however, without suggesting a philosophical moral. The moral is that there are at least some reasons for claiming that a truly anti-Platonic Aristotelianism is not philosophically in the cards, so to speak. Thus, if one rigorously and honestly seeks to remove the principles of Platonism from a putatively Aristotelian position, what would remain would be incoherent and probably indefensible. Thus, an Aristotelian ontology of the sensible world that excluded the ontological priority of the supersensible is probably unsustainable. And an Aristotelian psychology that did not recognize the priority and irreducibility of intellect to soul would be similarly beyond repair.89 What contemporary exponents of versions of Platonism or Aristotelianism should perhaps conclude from a study of the history is that, rather than standing in opposition to each other, merger, or at least synergy, ought to be the order of the day.[conclusion, p. 276]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Y1wq12FmpF2tnaH

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1317","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1317,"authors_free":[{"id":1951,"entry_id":1317,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":46,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","free_first_name":"Lloyd P.","free_last_name":"Gerson","norm_person":{"id":46,"first_name":"Lloyd P.","last_name":"Gerson","full_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131525573","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"What is Platonism?","main_title":{"title":"What is Platonism?"},"abstract":"My main conclusion is that we should understand Platonism historically as consisting in fidelity to the principles of \u201ctop-downism.\u201d So understanding it, we havea relatively sharp critical tool for deciding who was and who was not a Platonist despite their silence or protestations to the contrary. Unquestionably, the most important figure in this regard is Aristotle. I would not like to end this historical inquiry, however, without suggesting a philosophical moral. The moral is that there\r\nare at least some reasons for claiming that a truly anti-Platonic Aristotelianism is not philosophically in the cards, so to speak. Thus, if one rigorously and honestly seeks to remove the principles of Platonism from a putatively Aristotelian position, what would remain would be incoherent and probably indefensible. Thus, an Aristotelian ontology of the sensible world that excluded the ontological priority of the supersensible is probably unsustainable. And an Aristotelian psychology that did not recognize the priority and irreducibility of intellect to soul would be\r\nsimilarly beyond repair.89 What contemporary exponents of versions of Platonism or Aristotelianism should perhaps conclude from a study of the history is that, rather than standing in opposition to each other, merger, or at least synergy, ought to be the order of the day.[conclusion, p. 276]","btype":3,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Y1wq12FmpF2tnaH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":46,"full_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1317,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of the History of Philosophy","volume":"43","issue":"3","pages":"253-276"}},"sort":[2005]}

The Perils of Self-Perception: Explanations of Apperception in the Greek Commentaries on Aristotle, 2005
By: Hubler, J. Noel

Title	The Perils of Self-Perception: Explanations of Apperception in the Greek Commentaries on Aristotle
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	The Review of Metaphysics
Volume	59
Issue	2
Pages	287-311
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hubler, J. Noel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The ancient Greek commentators on Aristotle's brief consideration of self-perception engaged in an extensive discussion of the problem, offering various interpretations of apperception from the second to sixth century. The commentators modeled their explanation of self-awareness in perception on their understanding of the nature of knowledge in general and their notion of what the core meaning of truth was. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XGXaGpEPq3YahVv

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1354","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1354,"authors_free":[{"id":2028,"entry_id":1354,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":199,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hubler, J. Noel","free_first_name":"J. Noel","free_last_name":"Hubler","norm_person":{"id":199,"first_name":"J. Noel","last_name":"Hubler","full_name":"Hubler, J. Noel","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/188463461","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Perils of Self-Perception: Explanations of Apperception in the Greek Commentaries on Aristotle","main_title":{"title":"The Perils of Self-Perception: Explanations of Apperception in the Greek Commentaries on Aristotle"},"abstract":"The ancient Greek commentators on Aristotle's brief consideration of self-perception engaged in an extensive discussion of the problem, offering various interpretations of apperception from the second to sixth century. The commentators modeled their explanation of self-awareness in perception on their understanding of the nature of knowledge in general and their notion of what the core meaning of truth was. [introduction]","btype":3,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/XGXaGpEPq3YahVv","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":199,"full_name":"Hubler, J. Noel","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1354,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Review of Metaphysics","volume":"59","issue":"2","pages":"287-311"}},"sort":[2005]}

Empedocles' Physica Book I: A New Reconstruction, 2005
By: Janko, Richard, Pierrēs, Apostolos L. (Ed.)

Title	Empedocles' Physica Book I: A New Reconstruction
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The Empedoclean Kosmos. Structure, Process and the Question of Cyclicity. structure, process and the question of cyclicity ; proceedings of the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense, July 6th - July 13th, 2003. Papers
Pages	93-137
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Janko, Richard
Editor(s)	Pierrēs, Apostolos L.
Translator(s)

In 1992 Alain Martin recognized that papyrus fragments from Panopolis in Upper Egypt, and now in Strasbourg, derive from Empedocles’ Physics. This was a discovery of extraordinary significance. It is universally regarded as the first time that a text of a known Presocratic philosopher has been found in a papyrus, with the exception of parts of the On Truth of Antiphon the sophist. The proof that complete texts of a Presocratic thinker were still in circulation late in the first century C.E. came as a surprise to many, although not to me. In fact, Antiphon and Empedocles are not the only cases in which the text of a fifth-century philosopher survives on a papyrus. I have argued elsewhere that the Derveni Papyrus is also the work of a Presocratic, the physikos Diagoras of Melos, and in my view, that papyrus is even more important than this one. But the identification of the Strasbourg fragments of Empedocles might have been expected to be profoundly important for early Greek philosophy. The first editors of the fragments, Alain Martin and Oliver Primavesi, have presented us with an edition of extraordinarily high quality. However, the papyrus has raised more puzzles than it has solved and thus far has been considered something of a disappointment, because much of it overlaps with the longest extant fragment of Physics Book I, while the rest has seemed very peculiar indeed. In the last part of this paper, I shall offer a new solution to these problems, one which reveals the full significance of the papyrus, renders the philosophical system of Empedocles slightly (but only slightly) less bizarre than it has seemed, and makes the argument of his poetry much more coherent than the papyrus made it appear. In the process, we shall, I believe, be able to reconstruct a passage from his Physics 131 verses long and form a clear impression of how his great philosophical poetry would have sounded. But before I do so, I must remind you of the situation before the discovery of the papyrus and explore the question of whether Empedocles composed one poem or two, and on what topics. [introduction p. 93-94]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mT5sBgIVt1JZCw2

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1358","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1358,"authors_free":[{"id":2034,"entry_id":1358,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":203,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Janko, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Janko","norm_person":{"id":203,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Janko","full_name":"Janko, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1013357299","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2391,"entry_id":1358,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":204,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Pierr\u0113s, Apostolos L.","free_first_name":"Apostolos L.","free_last_name":"Pierr\u0113s","norm_person":{"id":204,"first_name":"Apostolos L.","last_name":"Pierr\u0113s","full_name":"Pierr\u0113s, Apostolos L.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1034968068","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Empedocles' Physica Book I: A New Reconstruction","main_title":{"title":"Empedocles' Physica Book I: A New Reconstruction"},"abstract":"In 1992 Alain Martin recognized that papyrus fragments from Panopolis in Upper Egypt, and now in Strasbourg, derive from Empedocles\u2019 Physics. This was a discovery of extraordinary significance. It is universally regarded as the first time that a text of a known Presocratic philosopher has been found in a papyrus, with the exception of parts of the On Truth of Antiphon the sophist. The proof that complete texts of a Presocratic thinker were still in circulation late in the first century C.E. came as a surprise to many, although not to me. In fact, Antiphon and Empedocles are not the only cases in which the text of a fifth-century philosopher survives on a papyrus. I have argued elsewhere that the Derveni Papyrus is also the work of a Presocratic, the physikos Diagoras of Melos, and in my view, that papyrus is even more important than this one. But the identification of the Strasbourg fragments of Empedocles might have been expected to be profoundly important for early Greek philosophy.\r\n\r\nThe first editors of the fragments, Alain Martin and Oliver Primavesi, have presented us with an edition of extraordinarily high quality. However, the papyrus has raised more puzzles than it has solved and thus far has been considered something of a disappointment, because much of it overlaps with the longest extant fragment of Physics Book I, while the rest has seemed very peculiar indeed.\r\n\r\nIn the last part of this paper, I shall offer a new solution to these problems, one which reveals the full significance of the papyrus, renders the philosophical system of Empedocles slightly (but only slightly) less bizarre than it has seemed, and makes the argument of his poetry much more coherent than the papyrus made it appear. In the process, we shall, I believe, be able to reconstruct a passage from his Physics 131 verses long and form a clear impression of how his great philosophical poetry would have sounded. But before I do so, I must remind you of the situation before the discovery of the papyrus and explore the question of whether Empedocles composed one poem or two, and on what topics. [introduction p. 93-94]","btype":2,"date":"2005","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mT5sBgIVt1JZCw2","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":203,"full_name":"Janko, Richard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":204,"full_name":"Pierr\u0113s, Apostolos L.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1358,"section_of":317,"pages":"93-137","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":317,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Empedoclean Kosmos. Structure, Process and the Question of Cyclicity. structure, process and the question of cyclicity ; proceedings of the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense, July 6th - July 13th, 2003. Papers","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Pierres2005","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2005","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2005","abstract":"Review by\r\nJenny Bryan, Homerton College, Cambridge: This is a collection of fifteen papers presented at the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense held on Mykonos in July 2003. If this volume is any indication, the meeting must have been a lively affair. It includes work by many of the most influential modern scholars of Empedocles and covers a wide range of topics from the reception of Empedocles to his methodology of argumentation to the details of his cosmology. In addition, Apostolos Pierris provides, in an appendix, a reconstruction of Empedocles\u2019 poem. Several themes emerge from the various papers, most notably the notion of scientific versus religious thinking, the unity of his poem(s?), the importance of the Strasbourg Papyrus, and Aristotle\u2019s role in shaping our understanding of Empedocles\u2019 cycle. As a whole, the book\u2019s most obvious and perhaps most exciting theme is that of \u2018Strife\u2019. This \u2018Strife\u2019 is not, however, Empedocles\u2019 cosmic force (although he does, of course, loom large). Rather it is the kind of discord that seems to arise whenever there is more than one (or maybe even just one) interpreter of Empedocles in the room. This, of course, is no bad thing. This volume represents Pre-Socratic scholarship at its most dynamic.\r\n\r\nIn general, editing seems to have been rather \u2018hands off\u2019. Some papers offer primary texts only in Greek, others include translations. One piece in particular is sprinkled with typos and misspellings that do a disservice to its argumentative force.1 That being said, thought has clearly been given to the grouping of the papers. I particularly benefited from the juxtaposition of those papers explicitly about Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycles, if only because it illustrates the strength of disagreement which this topic continues to inspire. Thus, for example, whilst Primavesi employs the Byzantine scholia as the linchpin of his reconstruction of the cycle, Osborne dismisses the same as \u2018probably worthless as evidence for how Empedocles himself intended his system to work\u2019 (299). Whatever position you hold, or indeed if you hold no position at all, this collection will present you with something to get your teeth into.\r\n\r\nAnthony Kenny\u2019s \u2018Life after Etna: the legend of Empedocles in literary tradition\u2019 offers a whistle-stop tour through accounts of Empedocles\u2019 reputed death on Etna, and then arrives at a more extensive discussion of Matthew Arnold\u2019s \u2018Empedocles on Etna\u2019. Kenny points out that, at times, Arnold\u2019s Empedocles resembles Lucretius, of whom Arnold was an admirer from childhood. Kenny concludes with the suggestion that, although \u2018Empedocles on Etna\u2019 may be more about Arnold than Empedocles, there is an affinity between the two men: \u2018Empedocles, part magus and part scientist, was, like Arnold, poised between two worlds, one dead, one struggling to be born\u2019 (30).\r\n\r\nGlenn Most offers a rather fascinating discussion of Nietzsche\u2019s Empedocles in his \u2018The stillbirth of tragedy: Nietzsche and Empedocles\u2019. Most reveals the extent to which Empedocles \u2018played quite a significant role in Nietzsche\u2019s intellectual world\u2019 (33). Although Nietzsche made some abortive attempts at a philosophical discussion of Empedocles, he was \u2018far less interested in Empedocles as a thinker than as a human being\u2019 (35). Such was his admiration for Empedocles, whom he viewed as \u2018der reine tragische Mensch\u2019, that, perhaps under the influence of H\u00f6lderlin, Nietzsche formed the (unfulfilled) intention of writing an opera or tragedy about him. Most suggests, in passing, that the tendency for reception of Empedocles to take dramatic form could be due to the influence of Heraclides Pontus (whose dialogue about Empedocles may have formed a source of Diogenes Laertius\u2019 account).\r\n\r\nIn \u2018Empedocles: two theologies, two projects\u2019, Jean Bollack rails against attempts made, on the basis of the Strasbourg Papyrus, to narrow the gap between Empedocles\u2019 physical and ethical theories. He interprets \u2018The Origins\u2019 and \u2018The Purifications\u2019 as offering two distinct theologies, tailored to suit the purpose, strategy, and audience of each poem. His view is that \u2018[t]he two poems were very probably intended to shed light on one another precisely in their difference\u2019 (47). Bollack also offers, in an appendix, a rereading of fragment B31 \u2018extended by the Strasbourg Papyrus\u2019 (62).\r\n\r\nRene N\u00fcnlist\u2019s \u2018Poetological imagery in Empedocles\u2019 considers the apparent echo of Parmenides B8\u2019s \u03ba\u1f79\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f73\u03c9\u03bd in Empedocles B17\u2019s \u03bb\u1f79\u03b3\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c3\u03c4\u1f79\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2. N\u00fcnlist argues that Empedocles\u2019 \u2018poetological imagery\u2019 is more dynamic and potentially more aggressive than that of his predecessor. Empedocles uses path metaphors to \u2018convey the idea of philosophical poetry being a process or a method\u2019 (79). N\u00fcnlist also provides a brief appendix on line 10 of ensemble d of the Strasbourg Papyrus.\r\n\r\nRichard Janko returns to the vexed question of whether Empedocles wrote one poem or two in his \u2018Empedocles\u2019 Physica Book 1: a new reconstruction\u2019. Janko presents a masterful summary of the evidence for and against trying to unite Empedocles\u2019 physical and religious verses, admitting his preference for accepting Katharmoi and Physika as two titles for the same work (which discussed both physical theory and ritual purification). On this topic, I benefitted particularly from his discussion of the fragments of Lobon of Argos (another possible source for Diogenes Laertius). This discussion serves as the introduction to Janko\u2019s reconstruction and translation of 131 lines of Book 1 of Empedocles\u2019 Physics, in which he attempts to incorporate some of the ensembles of the Strasbourg Papyrus, which he suggests \u2018at last gives us a clear impression of Empedocles as a poet\u2019 (113).\r\n\r\nIn \u2018On the question of religion and natural philosophy in Empedocles\u2019, Patricia Curd neatly sidesteps the \u2018one poem or two?\u2019 question, formulating instead a distinction between Empedocles\u2019 \u2018esoteric\u2019 and \u2018exoteric\u2019 teachings. She then attempts to establish an essential relation between the two. Curd argues that the exoteric verses, addressed to a plural \u2018you\u2019, offer exhortation and instruction as to how to live a certain kind of life without any \u2018serious teaching\u2019 (145). On the other hand, the esoteric verses addressed to Pausanias offer explanation but lack any direct instruction. Curd\u2019s suggestion is that Empedocles holds that \u2018one must be in the proper state of soul in order to learn and so acquire and hold the most important knowledge\u2019 (153). Further, she argues for reading Empedocles as holding the possession of such natural knowledge as the source of super-natural powers. Curd\u2019s Baconian Empedocles \u2018sees knowledge of the world as bestowing power to control the world\u2019 (153).\r\n\r\nRichard McKirahan\u2019s \u2018Assertion and argument in Empedocles\u2019 cosmology or what did Empedocles learn from Parmenides?\u2019 offers a subtle and stimulating survey of \u2018the devices [Empedocles] uses to gain belief\u2019 (165). McKirahan attempts a rehabilitation of Empedocles against Barnes\u2019s assertion that those reading his cosmology \u2018look in vain for argument, either inductive or deductive.\u20192 Offering persuasive evidence from the fragments, he argues that Empedocles employs both assertion and justification (via both argument and analogy) in his cosmology and that the choice between the two is fairly systematic. McKirahan frames his suggestions within a reconsideration of Empedocles\u2019 debt to Parmenides, arguing that, in places, \u2018Empedocles seems to be adding new Eleatic-style arguments for Eleatic-style theses\u2019 (183).\r\n\r\nApostolos Pierris argues for a \u2018tripartite correspondence\u2019 (189) between Empedoclean religion, philosophy and physics in his \u2018 \u1f4d\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1f77\u1ff3 and \u0394\u1f77\u03bd\u03b7 : Nature and Function of Love and Strife in the Empedoclean system.\u2019 Pierris traces the connection between these three aspects of Empedocles\u2019 thinking via an investigation of the relation between the activity of Love and Strife and the role of the cosmic vortex, reconsidering Aristotle\u2019s critique along the way. He concludes that \u2018in understanding Empedocles\u2019 system of Cosmos both [i.e., metaphysical and physical levels of discourse] are equally needed, for one sheds light on the other\u2019 (213). Further, the physical and metaphysical accounts of the Sphairos and the effects of Love and Strife aid our awareness of our ethical status.\r\n\r\nIn \u2018The topology and dynamics of Empedocles\u2019 cycle\u2019, Daniel Graham attempts a sidelong offensive on the puzzles of Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycle, armed with a plausible belief that a treatment of the cosmic forces of Love and Strife will shed light on the cycle that they dominate. He offers a neat summary of traditional readings of the location and direction of the action of Love and Strife before presenting a defence of the position developed by O\u2019Brien.3 Graham argues that this so-called \u2018Oscillation Theory\u2019 makes the most sense of Empedocles\u2019 use of military imagery in B35. He also presents a rather illuminating political analogy whereby Empedocles\u2019 Love serves to avoid a kind of cosmic stasis.\r\n\r\nOliver Primavesi\u2019s \u2018The structure of Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycle: Aristotle and the Byzantine Anonymous\u2019 also has in its sights O\u2019Brien\u2019s reconstruction of the Empedoclean cycle. Primavesi argues against this reconstruction on the grounds that \u2018O\u2019Brien\u2019s hypothesis of symmetrical major alternation of rest and movement is [\u2026] exclusively based on a controversial interpretation of Aristotle, Physics 8, 1\u2032 (257). As an alternative, Primavesi adduces a set of Byzantine scholia which seem to conflict with O\u2019Brien\u2019s alternations and which were \u2018composed in a time when access to a complete work of Empedocles was still open\u2019 (257).4 Primavesi concludes by hypothesising a timetable for the cycle compatible with the scholia.\r\n\r\nAndr\u00e9 Laks considers the relationship between Empedocles\u2019 cosmology and demonology in his \u2018Some thoughts about Empedoclean cosmic and demonic cycles\u2019. He champions a \u2018correspondence model\u2019 of interpretation, arguing that, although the two accounts are distinct, they are also clearly related. Laks suggests that one clear point of relation is the shared cyclicity of the cosmic and demonic stories. Laks focuses his discussion on how each of the cycles starts and argues that \u2018we are entitled to speak of necessity in the case of the cosmic cycle (as Aristotle does) as well as in that of the demonic circle\u2019 and, further, that \u2018although we are entitled to speak of necessity in both cases, we should carefully distinguish between the two cases, and indeed between two kinds of necessity\u2019 (267). Cosmic \u2018necessity\u2019 is absolute, whilst demonic \u2018Necessity\u2019 is hypothetical.\r\n\r\nIn \u2018Sin and moral responsibility in Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycle\u2019, Catherine Osborne also gets stuck into the thorny issue of Empedoclean necessity. She rejects the kind of \u2018mechanical and deterministic\u2019 reading of Empedocles\u2019 cycle which, by imposing \u2018fixed periods between regular recurring events [\u2026] leave[s] little room for moral agency to have any significance\u2019 (283). Osborne worries that notions of sin and responsibility will be meaningless in a cosmos where acts of pollution and periods of punishment are predetermined. Using the illuminating parallel of Sophocles\u2019 Oedipus, Osborne argues that a distinction between necessity and prediction should be applied to Empedocles. Empedocles\u2019 daimones are moral agents who act voluntarily in a manner that has been predicted (but which they have promised to avoid) and thus, being responsible for their own predicament, they are punished according to the moral code upon which they have previously agreed. She canvasses a variety of possible readings for B115\u2019s \u2018oracle of necessity\u2019 and concludes that none of them diminishes the responsibility of the daimones or interferes with their free will. Her ultimate conclusion is that Empedocles intended to \u2018set the cosmic events within a moral structure, one in which the fall from unity was the effect of violence in heaven\u2019 (297). Osborne also offers an appendix on the Byzantine sScholia.\r\n\r\nAngelo Tonelli\u2019s \u2018Cosmogony is psychogony is ethics: some thoughts about Empedocles\u2019 fragments 17; 110; 115; 134 DK, and P. Strasb. Gr. Inv. 1665-1666D, VV. 1-9\u2032 is an intriguing attempt to draw parallels between Empedocles\u2019 \u2018initiation poems\u2019 and the \u2018oriental spiritual tradition\u2019. As the title suggests, Tonelli argues for the unity of physics and ethics in what he identifies as Empedocles\u2019 mysticism. He reaches the provocative conclusion that Empedocles\u2019 wise man longs for the triumph of Love even at the expense of his own dissolution qua individual into total unity. \u2018But this\u2019, Tonelli asserts, \u2018is not nihilism: this is psychocosmic mysticism\u2019 (330).\r\n\r\nDavid Sedley urges a radical rethinking of Empedocles\u2019 double zoogony in his \u2018Empedocles\u2019 life cycles\u2019. He argues against the reading that places Love\u2019s zoogony in a phase of increasing Love leading up to the Sphairos. Sedley points out that it would be odd for Empedocles to expend more energy \u2018accounting for the origin of life forms which he could do no more than conjecture to have existed in a remote part of cosmic history [\u2026] (since the sphairos has intervened to render them extinct), than he did on accounting for life as we know it\u2019 (332). He proposes an alternative reading whereby both parts of the double zoogony are offered as an explanation of life as we know it, i.e. \u2018Love\u2019s zoogony was itself located in our world\u2019 (341) and is not separated from us by the Sphairos. Sedley also makes a seductive suggestion regarding the double anthropogony: Love\u2019s anthropogony produces daimones (whom Sedley understands to be creatures of flesh and blood), whilst Strife\u2019s \u2018discordant anthropogony\u2019 (355) results in \u2018wretched race of men and women [\u2026] committed to the divisive sexual politics that Strife imposes upon them\u2019 (347).\r\n\r\nIn \u2018Empedocles\u2019 zoogony and embryology\u2019, Laura Gemelli Marciano too turns her thoughts to the double zoogony, reinstating the Sphairos between the twin acts of creation. She argues that Strife\u2019s zoogony is, in a sense, a continuation of the creative act of Love. For the creatures who owe their origin to Love are, in time, \u2018suffocated\u2019 by the total unity of the Sphairos (but still present within it) but are then, in a sense, reborn via the divisive power of Strife. Strife\u2019s zoogony is dependant on that of Love for \u2018he only frees little by little those beings that Aphrodite had first created and then suffocated\u2019 (381). Gemelli Marciano presents a particularly appealing case for reading Empedocles\u2019 double zoogony as \u2018repeated at a microcosmic level in the mechanism of the conception and development of the embryo\u2019 (383). Both zoogony and embryology describe conception followed by articulation. She closes with some thoughts of how this connection should inform our understanding of Empedocles\u2019 theory of the transmigration of souls.\r\n\r\nI can\u2019t help but feel well-disposed towards a book that includes the declaration \u2018The colour of the cover in this volume corresponds to that of blood, Empedoclean substance of thought\u2019 (407). Had the book\u2019s design been influenced by more prosaic concerns, its sheer wealth of stimulation, provocation and authority ensures that I would nevertheless recommend it to anyone who feels the slightest curiosity about Empedocles, perhaps the most curious of all the Pre-Socratics. ","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TxAm4obxbTupTry","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":317,"pubplace":"Patras","publisher":"Institut for Philosophical Research","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2005]}

Aristotle and Other Platonists, 2005
By: Gerson, Lloyd P.

Title	Aristotle and Other Platonists
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	Ithaca, NY
Publisher	Cornell University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In a wide-ranging book likely to cause controversy, Lloyd P. Gerson sets out the case for the "harmony" of Platonism and Aristotelianism, the standard view in late antiquity. [autor's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rxVkkaQrVPjZeXg

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Platonopolis. Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity, 2005
By: O'Meara, Dominic J.

Title	Platonopolis. Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Meara, Dominic J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Conventional wisdom suggests that the Platonist philosophers of Late Antiquity — from Plotinus in the 3rd century to the 6th-century schools in Athens and Alexandria — neglected the political dimension of their Platonic heritage in their concentration on an otherworldly life. This book presents a reappraisal of these thinkers, arguing that their otherworldliness involved, rather than excluded, political ideas. A reconstruction of the political philosophy of these thinkers is proposed for the first time, including discussion of these Platonists’ conceptions of the function, structure, and contents of political science (including questions concerning political reform, law, justice, penology, religion, and political action), its relation to political virtue and to the divinization of soul and state. This book also traces the influence of these ideas on selected Christian and Islamic writers: Eusebius, Augustine, Pseudo-Dionysius, and al-Farabi. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/T78u11ZeLDWAoqn

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The κοινη αισθεσις in Proclus and Ps.-Simplicius, 2004
By: Lautner, Peter, Stone, Martin W. F. (Ed.), Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Adamson, Peter (Ed.)

Title	The κοινη αισθεσις in Proclus and Ps.-Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2004
Published in	Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1
Pages	163-174
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lautner, Peter
Editor(s)	Stone, Martin W. F. , Baltussen, Han , Adamson, Peter
Translator(s)

I think we can draw the conclusion that, for the commentator, it is the more formal character of the koinê aisthêsis that makes it capable of performing all the tasks that were assigned to it by Aristotle. Pseudo-Simplicius justified this claim by appealing to distinctly Neoplatonic doctrines, such as the formal structure of perceptual judgment: the koinê aisthêsis operates by being present to each particular sense in respect of what they have in common with each other. Again, this is not to posit a sixth sense; the koinê aisthêsis and the particular senses are not different entities. In other words, they are not different faculties, only different activities of the same perceptual system. We can still speak of superiority here, but only superiority in terms of functional priority. That we are not dealing with distinct capacities is well demonstrated by the commentator at 196.4 ff. He claims that the koinê aisthêsis can also perceive color, but only by virtue of sight, just as it can perceive flavor only by virtue of taste. If the koinê aisthêsis and sight were wholly distinct, then we would fall back into the aporia that both Aristotle and Pseudo-Simplicius wished to avoid. The perceptual system as such, or the more formal structure of the whole perceptual system, can grasp the common sensibles, apprehend its own working, and discriminate different sense-objects by an instantaneous act of comprehension. It seems that the koinê aisthêsis emerges as a new activity on the basis of the particular senses. The commentator’s remarks at 196.29-30 corroborate this assumption. On explaining Aristotle’s thesis (De anima 426b10) that the koinê aisthêsis judges the differences in the underlying sense-objects, Pseudo-Simplicius notes that the koinê aisthêsis apprehends all sensory contraries such as white and black, rough and smooth, and does so by transcending them. This does not mean that koinê aisthêsis is transcendent, only that it is further away from the sensible objects. It is prior to the multitude of the particular senses and works together with all of them. This priority is not necessarily temporal; indeed, it is more likely causal, where causality does not imply a relation between two different entities—he may have in mind the relation of the whole to its parts. In any case, we have already seen that the koinê aisthêsis cannot be a cause that exists independently of the particular senses. Our comparison of the views of Proclus and Pseudo-Simplicius on the koinê aisthêsis has yielded two important points. First, the two disagree about the status of the koinê aisthêsis. While Proclus seems to assume that it differs from the particular senses, Pseudo-Simplicius clearly denies that and, under the influence of Alexander of Aphrodisias, claims that there is no sixth sense to perform those functions that were traditionally attributed to the koinê aisthêsis. Proclus’ arguments for his position are not clear from the extant corpus, but those put forward by Pseudo-Simplicius are overwhelmingly Neoplatonic, not Peripatetic. Second, they also disagree about which capacity is responsible for perceptual awareness. Their disagreement is deeply rooted in their respective notions of the human soul. While Pseudo-Simplicius places perceptual awareness firmly within the scope of the perceptual system, Proclus felt the need to postulate a distinct capacity in the rational soul whose role is to be aware of every psychic activity. The difference left its mark on their discussion of the various functions of our perceptual capacities. But the divergence in their vision of the human soul is all the more interesting insofar as they are said to have held much the same views on metaphysics. [conclusion p. 172-173]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4LJXmhF8cXPYjb4

Simplicius, in Cat., p. 1,3-3,17 Kalbfleisch: An Important Contribution to the History of the Ancient, 2004
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Simplicius, in Cat., p. 1,3-3,17 Kalbfleisch: An Important Contribution to the History of the Ancient
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2004
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	147
Issue	3/4
Pages	408-420
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In the first place, the survey of the commentaries on the Categories with which Simplicius provides us, as well as the examination undertaken by J. M. Dillon of the fragments of Iamblichus’ commentaries on Plato’s dialogues, show as clearly as possible that the form of the continuous commentary was utilized by the Neoplatonists right from the start, and that it therefore was not introduced by Syrianus. Secondly, an attentive comparison between those Neoplatonic commentaries on the Categories that have come down to us proves that a genuine doctrinal continuity existed from Porphyry to Simplicius. In addition, I consider it likely that an analogous continuity with regard to the tendency to harmonize the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle also existed in the Neoplatonic commentaries on the Metaphysics, of which only that of Syrianus (partial), and that of Asclepius-Ammonius (partial) have come down to us, whereas those of Porphyry and Iamblichus are lost, but attested, and that Syrianus’ attitude, which he manifests in the introduction to his commentary on book My the Metaphysics, is therefore no more original than his use of the form of the continuous commentary. In conclusion, Syrianus was certainly a great philosopher, but, as far as the precise points dealt with in this article are concerned, he was not the innovator he has been made out to be. [conclusion, p. 419-420]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iOqb6gj8D2LqZxB

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Simplicius on the Place of the Philosopher in the City (In Epictetum chap. 32), 2004
By: O’Meara, Dominic J., Gannagé, Emma (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius on the Place of the Philosopher in the City (In Epictetum chap. 32)
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2004
Published in	The Greek strand in Islamic political thought. Proceedings of the conference held at the Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton, 16 - 27 June 2003
Pages	89-98
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O’Meara, Dominic J.
Editor(s)	Gannagé, Emma
Translator(s)

The purpose of this paper is to propose some discussion of a passage in which a pagan Neoplatonist philosopher of the first half of the sixth century A. D. speaks of the function of the philosopher in political and social life. The Neoplatonist is Simplicius and the passage is found in chapter 32 of his commentary on the Manual of Epictetus. The date of this commentary is uncertain, but it has been argued that Simplicius refers in it to the anti-pagan measures taken by the Emperor Justinian in 529 which put an end to the activities of the Neoplatonist school at Athens and led to the exile in Persia of the school’s head, Damascius, accompanied by his pupil Simplicius and by other philosophers. My translation, given below (II), of the passage in Simplicius’ commentary is preceded (I) by some indications concerning the context in which the passage occurs and will be followed (III) by comments on themes present in the passage. [introduction, p. 89]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/q9F64Dfl9UaGBE7

{"_index":"sire","_id":"663","_score":null,"_source":{"id":663,"authors_free":[{"id":966,"entry_id":663,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":279,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"O\u2019Meara, Dominic J.","free_first_name":"Dominic J.","free_last_name":"O\u2019Meara","norm_person":{"id":279,"first_name":"Dominic J.","last_name":"O'Meara","full_name":"O'Meara, Dominic J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/11180664X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":967,"entry_id":663,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":467,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gannag\u00e9, Emma","free_first_name":"Emma","free_last_name":"Gannag\u00e9","norm_person":{"id":467,"first_name":" Emma","last_name":"Gannag\u00e9","full_name":"Gannag\u00e9, Emma","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1102294063","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius on the Place of the Philosopher in the City (In Epictetum chap. 32)","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius on the Place of the Philosopher in the City (In Epictetum chap. 32)"},"abstract":"The purpose of this paper is to propose some discussion of a passage in which a pagan Neoplatonist philosopher of the first half of the sixth century A. D. speaks of the function of the philosopher in political and social life. The Neoplatonist is Simplicius and the passage is found in chapter 32 of his commentary on the Manual \r\nof Epictetus. The date of this commentary is uncertain, but it has been argued that Simplicius refers in it to the anti-pagan measures taken by the Emperor Justinian in 529 which put an end to the activities of the Neoplatonist school at Athens and led to the exile in Persia of the school\u2019s head, Damascius, accompanied by his pupil Simplicius and by other philosophers. My translation, given below (II), of the pas\u00adsage in Simplicius\u2019 commentary is preceded (I) by some indications concerning the context in which the passage occurs and will be followed (III) by comments on themes present in the passage. [introduction, p. 89]","btype":2,"date":"2004","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/q9F64Dfl9UaGBE7","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":279,"full_name":"O'Meara, Dominic J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":467,"full_name":"Gannag\u00e9, Emma","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":663,"section_of":303,"pages":"89-98","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":303,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Greek strand in Islamic political thought. Proceedings of the conference held at the Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton, 16 - 27 June 2003","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Gannag\u00e92004","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2004","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2004","abstract":"Review: Durant deux semaines s\u2019est r\u00e9uni ce symposium de sp\u00e9cialistes concern\u00e9s, de loin ou de pr\u00e8s, par le th\u00e8me d\u00e9battu. Les uns y auront particip\u00e9 tout au long, les autres pour une p\u00e9riode plus courte. Le temps se trouvait r\u00e9parti entre expos\u00e9s, discussions et lectures de textes, les actes maintenant publi\u00e9s ne refl\u00e9tant en cons\u00e9quence et, malgr\u00e9 les dimensions de l\u2019ouvrage, qu\u2019une partie des contributions qui ont scand\u00e9 ces journ\u00e9es d\u2019\u00e9tude.\r\n\r\nNous tirons ces d\u00e9tails de l\u2019Introduction (p. 9-12) que signe P. Crone (Princeton), la responsable de la r\u00e9union et qu\u2019on peut consid\u00e9rer comme la premi\u00e8re \u00e9ditrice scientifique du volume collectif, \u00e0 en juger, entre autres, par les r\u00e9f\u00e9rences qui lui sont faites dans les remerciements de plusieurs des coauteurs. On conna\u00eet, du reste, son ouvrage de fond, Gods Rule Government in Islam: Six Centuries of Medieval Islamic Political Thought (Columbia UP, New York, 2004), qui a fourni l\u2019occasion de r\u00e9unir les coll\u00e8gues int\u00e9ress\u00e9s autour de l\u2019une des composantes de cette pens\u00e9e, pens\u00e9e dont l\u2019analyse s\u2019av\u00e8re tellement actuelle en fonction de la conjoncture internationale. \u00c0 ce propos, on ne manquera pas de saluer l\u2019id\u00e9e de publier les fruits de cette r\u00e9flexion, men\u00e9e dans une institution occidentale lointaine, au c\u0153ur m\u00eame de la r\u00e9gion o\u00f9 l\u2019orientation politique de la religion est \u00ab v\u00e9cue \u00bb intens\u00e9ment, m\u00eame si le p\u00e9riodique en cause appartient \u00e0 une institution acad\u00e9mique mi-\u00e9trang\u00e8re.\r\n\r\nL\u2019ouvrage s\u2019ouvre par une grosse \u00e9tude sur le r\u00e9alisme de la pens\u00e9e politique grecque, dont l\u2019auteur figure parmi les cinq co\u00e9diteurs de l\u2019ouvrage : \u2013 Eckart Sch\u00fctrumpf (Univ. of Colorado at Boulder), Imperfect Regimes for Imperfect Human Beings: Variations of Infractions of Justice, p. 9-36.\r\n\r\nPr\u00e9c\u00e9dant les textes traitant directement du sujet, une s\u00e9rie de cinq contributions \u00e9tudie la r\u00e9ception des id\u00e9es politiques de la Gr\u00e8ce antique durant la Basse Antiquit\u00e9 et nous offre un tableau g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de la pens\u00e9e politique du Moyen-Orient \u00e0 la veille de l\u2019apparition de l\u2019islam : \u2013 Sarah Pearce (Univ. of Southampton), King Moses: Notes on Philo\u2019s Portrait of Moses as an Ideal Leader in the Life of Moses, p. 37-74 (avec de longues citations de texte) ; \u2013 Harold A. Drake (Univ. of California Santa Barbara), The Eusabian Template, p. 75-88 ; \u2013 Dominic J. O\u2019Meara (Univ. de Fribourg), Simplicius on the Place of the Philosopher in the City (In Epictetum, chap. 32), p. 89-98 (rappelons qu\u2019il s\u2019agit d\u2019un disciple de Damascius, exil\u00e9 avec son ma\u00eetre en Perse, lors de la suppression de l\u2019\u00c9cole d\u2019Ath\u00e8nes par Justinien) ; \u2013 Henri Hugonnard-Roche (EPHE, Sorbonne-Paris), \u00c9thique et politique au premier \u00e2ge de la tradition syriaque, p. 99-119 (s\u2019int\u00e9resse plus \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9thique personnelle, certes avec ses implications sociales, qu\u2019\u00e0 la politique de la cit\u00e9) ; \u2013 John W. Watt (Cardiff Univ., Wales), Syriac and Syrians as Mediators of Greek Political Thought to Islam, p. 121-149.\r\n\r\nLes deux expos\u00e9s suivants mettent en relief un aspect jusqu\u2019ici peu relev\u00e9, \u00e0 savoir : l\u2019importance de la tradition perse sassanide dans la tradition moyen-orientale aux d\u00e9buts de l\u2019islam : \u2013 Kevin van Bladel (Univ. of Southern California Los Angeles), The Iranian Chracteristics and Forged Greek Attributions in the Arabic Sirr al-asr\u0101r (Secret of Secrets), p. 151-172 ; \u2013 Mohsen Zakeri (J.W. Goethe-Univ., Frankfurt), The Persian Content of an Arabic Collection of Aphorisms, p. 173-190 (1).\r\n\r\nUne double conclusion ressort de ces deux \u00e9tudes, renforc\u00e9e par la lecture de plusieurs des pr\u00e9c\u00e9dentes : d\u2019un c\u00f4t\u00e9, la diffusion certaine de la pens\u00e9e grecque en territoire iranien et, de l\u2019autre, l\u2019impact ind\u00e9niable de la tradition persane dans l\u2019ensemble du Moyen-Orient. En cons\u00e9quence, l\u2019islam naissant a rencontr\u00e9 une r\u00e9alit\u00e9 culturelle fruit du croisement de ce double courant, m\u00eame si le prestige de l\u2019hell\u00e9nisme \u00e9tait plus grand au moment de l\u2019\u00e9laboration de la culture musulmane classique.\r\n\r\nP. Crone est consciente de cette r\u00e9alit\u00e9, allant m\u00eame jusqu\u2019\u00e0 affirmer qu\u2019au-del\u00e0 du mouvement de traductions avec la cha\u00eene de production litt\u00e9raire qui s\u2019en est suivie, somme toute accessible \u00e0 des milieux restreints, le background hell\u00e9no-iranien en question a constitu\u00e9 les v\u00e9ritables bases de la culture islamique globalement parlant (p. 9). \u00c0 ce propos, elle situe les d\u00e9buts du mouvement de traductions au milieu du viie si\u00e8cle avec l\u2019\u00e9mergence de la dynastie abbasside. Or, pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment dans le domaine de la philosophie politique, herm\u00e9tisme et cycle d\u2019Alexandre le Grand compris, des recherches r\u00e9centes (Grignaschi, entre autres) prouvent que des textes importants avaient \u00e9t\u00e9 connus d\u00e8s la seconde p\u00e9riode omeyyade, \u00e0 savoir d\u00e8s les d\u00e9buts de ce m\u00eame si\u00e8cle. \r\nLa plupart des interventions traitant du th\u00e8me central sont consacr\u00e9es au \u00ab Faylas\u016bf al-isl\u0101m \u00bb. La derni\u00e8re, celle sur les textes n\u00e9oplatoniciens, fait partie de ce groupe, dans la mesure o\u00f9 al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b est le plus grand repr\u00e9sentant de ce courant en islam : \u2013 P. Crone, Al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b\u2019s Imperfect Constitutions, p. 191-228 ; \u2013 Emma Gannag\u00e9 (USJ), Y a-t-il une pens\u00e9e politique dans le Kit\u0101b al-\u1e24ur\u016bf d\u2019al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b ?, p. 229-257 ; \u2013 Dimitri Gutas (Yale Univ. ; l\u2019un des co\u00e9diteurs), The Meaning of madan\u012b in F.\u2019s \u201c Political \u201d Philosophy, p. 259-282 ; \u2013 Nelly Lahoud (Goucher College, Baltimore), F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b: on Religion and Philosophy, p. 283-302 (position qui annonce celle \u00ab sensationnelle \u00bb d\u2019Ibn Ru\u0161d, que nous trouverons plus loin). \u2013 Georges Tamer (Friedrich-Alexander-Univ., Erlangen-N\u00fcrnberg), Politisches Denkens in pseudoplatonischen arabischen Schriften, p. 303-335 (les diff\u00e9rents textes connus sous le nom de Naw\u0101m\u012bs [Afl\u0101\u1e6d\u016bn], avec de longs extraits de l\u2019un d\u2019eux).\r\n\r\nDeux autres articles abordent des textes de l\u2019isma\u00eflisme fatimide, o\u00f9 les influences grecques apparaissent, somme toute, n\u00e9gligeables : \u2013 Carmela Baffioni (Univ. degli Studi di Napoli \u201c L\u2019Orientale \u201d), Temporal and Religious Connotations of the \u201c Regal Policy \u201d in the Ikhw\u0101n al-\u1e62af\u0101, p. 337-365 ; \u2013 Paul E. Walker (Univ. of Chicago), \u201c In Praise of al-\u1e24\u0101kim \u201d. Greek Elements in Ismaili Writings on the Imamate, p. 367-392 (longues citations de textes de la 2e g\u00e9n\u00e9ration de du\u02bf\u0101\u2019 ; noter la mise au point en appendice sur les v\u00e9ritables relations de l\u2019isma\u00eflisme avec la falsafa, p. 389 et s.).\r\n\r\nD\u00e9laissant curieusement le grand Avicenne, sur lequel il y eut quand m\u00eame deux \u00ab texts papers \u00bb qui ne figurent pas dans notre volume, celui-ci passe \u00e0 al-\u0120azz\u0101l\u012b : \u2013 Jules Janssens (Katholieke Univ. Leuven), Al-Ghazz\u0101l\u012b\u2019s Political Thought: Elements of Greek Philosophical Influence, p. 393-410.\r\n\r\nLa difficult\u00e9 d\u2019un expos\u00e9 sur la mati\u00e8re tient du fait de l\u2019existence de spuria dans la transmission textuelle d\u2019une \u0153uvre qui scelle, d\u2019une certaine mani\u00e8re, la p\u00e9riode classique. \u00c0 notre avis, l\u2019auteur aurait d\u00fb donner plus d\u2019attention dans son analyse \u00e0 deux facteurs suppl\u00e9mentaires : le public auquel s\u2019adressait le th\u00e9ologien-soufi (philosophes et \u00e9rudits ou bien l\u2019umma en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral) et la chronologie de ses \u00e9crits, vu que la prise du pouvoir par les Sel\u010d\u016bks a \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9terminante dans le changement de ses positions politiques. Cela a \u00e9t\u00e9 r\u00e9cemment mis en \u00e9vidence, du moins au niveau de l\u2019imamat et du sultanat, dans le chapitre correspondant de l\u2019ouvrage d\u2019O. Safi (2).\r\n\r\nDans cette \u00e9tude originale, on trouvera, de plus, une analyse circonstanci\u00e9e de la pens\u00e9e de l\u2019\u00ab artisan \u00bb de cette nouvelle soci\u00e9t\u00e9 et de sa culture, Ni\u1e93\u0101m al-Mulk. Ainsi donc, la lacune qu\u2019exprimait P. Crone dans son Introduction (p. 11-12), pour des raisons qui ne peuvent lui \u00eatre imput\u00e9es (emp\u00eachement des sp\u00e9cialistes contact\u00e9s\u2026), pourra \u00eatre partiellement combl\u00e9e. Mais ce serait surtout l\u2019ouvrage de M. Allam qui r\u00e9pondrait le mieux \u00e0 la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 ressentie de suivre les d\u00e9veloppements post\u00e9rieurs de la philosophie politique en islam iranien et oriental (3). On notera que l\u2019auteur y analyse, en particulier, la post\u00e9rit\u00e9 du A\u1e2bl\u0101q-i N\u0101\u1e63ir\u012b du polygraphe ism\u0101\u02bf\u012blien N\u0101\u1e63ir al-D\u012bn al-T\u016bs\u012b (1201-1274), qui se situe bien dans la ligne de la pens\u00e9e gr\u00e9co-musulmane.\r\n\r\nMais \u00e0 d\u00e9faut de cet Orient, l\u2019ouvrage poursuit avec les penseurs d\u2019Occident. \u00c0 c\u00f4t\u00e9 de deux expos\u00e9s qui n\u2019y ont pas \u00e9t\u00e9 inclus, trois portent sur les deux plus grands repr\u00e9sentants de cette tradition : \u2013 Maroun Awad (CNRS, Paris ; l\u2019un des co\u00e9diteurs), Does Averroes Have a Philosophy of History?, p. 411-441 ; \u2013 Charles E. Butterworth (Univ. of Maryland, College Park), The Essential Accidents of Human Social Organization in the Muqaddima of Ibn Khald\u016bn, p. 443-467 ; \u2013 Abdesselam Cheddadi (Univ. Mohammed V, Rabat), La tradition philosophique et scientifique gr\u00e9co-arabe dans la Muqaddima d\u2019Ibn Khald\u016bn, p. 469-497.\r\n\r\nLes deux derniers articles offrent une perspective comparative quant \u00e0 la r\u00e9ception de la pens\u00e9e antique dans le monoth\u00e9isme \u00ab rival \u00bb (si l\u2019on peut s\u2019exprimer ainsi), qu\u2019il soit de couleur orientale ou occidentale : \u2013 Dimiter G. Angelov (Western Michigan Univ., Kalamazoo), Plato, Aristotle and \u201c Byzantine Political Philosophy \u201d, p. 499-523 ; \u2013 Cary J. Nederman (Texas A & M Univ.), Imperfect Regimes in the Christian Political Thought of Medieval Europe: from the Fathers to the Fourteenth Century, p. 525-551 (le mot \u00ab Fathers \u00bb est utilis\u00e9 abusivement, dans la mesure o\u00f9 l\u2019unique \u00ab P\u00e8re de l\u2019\u00c9glise \u00bb abord\u00e9 ici est Isidore de S\u00e9ville, le dernier de langue latine !).\r\nLe volume se termine sur une bibliographie d\u00e9taill\u00e9e des sources et des \u00e9tudes cit\u00e9es (p. 553-594) et un index des noms propres, anciens et modernes (p. 595-608). Si l\u2019on consid\u00e8re de plus l\u2019ampleur du sujet et la qualit\u00e9, en m\u00eame temps que les dimensions, des diff\u00e9rentes \u00e9tudes, l\u2019ouvrage se pr\u00e9sente en fait comme un manuel de r\u00e9f\u00e9rence et une bonne introduction \u00e0 la philosophie politique de tradition gr\u00e9co-islamique. Il vient ainsi enrichir et compl\u00e9ter la biblioth\u00e8que qui s\u2019est progressivement accumul\u00e9e, ces derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies autour de la question.\r\nAdel Sidarus\r\nUniversit\u00e9 d\u2019Evora","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vUA05cpGz8q7urg","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":303,"pubplace":"Beyrouth","publisher":"Biblioth\u00e8que Orientale - Dar El-Machreq","series":"M\u00e9langes de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 Saint-Joseph","volume":"57","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2004]}

Exegesis in the Derveni Papyrus, 2004
By: Betegh, Gábor, Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Stone, Martin W. F. (Ed.)

Title	Exegesis in the Derveni Papyrus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2004
Published in	Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1
Pages	37-50
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Betegh, Gábor
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Baltussen, Han , Stone, Martin W. F.
Translator(s)

The text of the Derveni papyrus has often been labeled ‘a commentary’, or a hypomnema and its unidentified author has habitually been called ‘the Derveni commentator.’ The roll, which was found among the remains of the funeral pyre of a Macedonian tomb, has been dated to the last third of the fourth century BC on the basis of the archeological evidence. Moreover, there is an overriding consensus among scholars that the text was composed sometime around the end of the Presocratic period.1 Given this early dating of the text, it appears to be most significant for our knowledge of the early, pre-Hellenistic phase of the commentary tradition. Indeed, if both the dating and the above characterization is correct, the Derveni text is probably the earliest surviving specimen of this genre, and certainly the earliest document providing first-hand evidence of sufficient length for direct textual analysis.Alas, things with the Derveni papyrus are never so clear-cut. Most importantly, it is not entirely evident whether it is legitimate to call the whole text a ‘commentary’ at all, and, if so, with what qualifications. This is the basic question that I shall try to examine in this paper. I shall tackle the issue by breaking it down into two, more or less independent, sets of problems. The first of the two is largely formal and relatively simple. It amounts to asking whether or not the Derveni text, or more precisely what has survived of it, conforms with certain formal and structural features that we normally expect from a commentary. The second set of problems is considerably more complex. To put it bluntly, I shall ask why the Derveni author set out in the first place to interpret the object of his exegesis. This question thus pertains to both the author’s cognitive and pragmatic attitude towards the object of his interpretative enterprise, and, closely related to these, to the specific cultural and sociological context in which the author pursues his exegesis. It is also in this second part that I shall try to present a sympathetic rendering of the so-called ‘allegorical’ method of the Derveni author. [Introduction, p. 37]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pNaYfVx1t4ULvdc

The Aristotelian Commentators: A Bibliographical Guide, 2004
By: Sellars, J. T., Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Stone, Martin W. F. (Ed.)

Title	The Aristotelian Commentators: A Bibliographical Guide
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2004
Published in	Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1
Pages	239-268
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sellars, J. T.
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Baltussen, Han , Stone, Martin W. F.
Translator(s)

In what follows I offer a bibliographical guide to the ancient commentators on Aristotle, outlining where one may find texts, translations, studies, and more detailed bibliographies containing further references.* It is designed to supplement the existing bibliography in: [l] R. Sorabji, ed., Aristotle Transformed: The Ancient Commentators and Their Influence (London: Duckworth, 1990), 485-524. The focus here is on the ancient commentators, but reference will also be made to Byzantine commentators. For a list of around 300 commentators on Aristotle - ancient, Byzantine, Islamic, medieval, and renaissance - see the final pages of [ 2 ] Operum Aristotelis Stagiritae Philosophorum Omnium, ed. I Casaubon (Lugduni, apud Guillelmum Laemarium, 1590). This list is followed by a detailed inventory of individual commentaries arranged by the Aristotelian text upon which they comment. This very useful second list is reprinted in: [3] Aristotelis Opera Omnia quae extant Uno Volumine Comprehensa, ed. C. H. Weise (Leipzig: Tauchnitz, 1843), 1013-18. Note also the more recent list of ancient commentaries by R. Goulet in D P h A 1,437-41 (1993), now supplemented by M. Chase in DPhA Suppl., 113-21 (2003). [Introduction, p. 239]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RVqUywkJKyTkd5z

Le commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d'Épictète, 2004
By: Hadot, Pierre, Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Hadot, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Le commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d'Épictète
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2004
Published in	Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien
Pages	47-87
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Pierre , Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

Dans mon livre Le problème du néoplatonisme alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius, j’ai expliqué d’une manière détaillée la place que tenait le commentaire sur le Manuel d’Épictète dans l’enseignement néoplatonicien. Il s’agissait de répondre à la question suivante : Comment le néoplatonicien Simplicius pouvait-il se sentir la vocation de commenter le Manuel du stoïcien Épictète, et, qui plus est, dans la perspective de la metriopathie aristotélicienne ? Je ne peux reprendre l’argumentation développée que j’ai donnée dans mon livre et je me borne à en résumer ici les principaux résultats. Les néoplatoniciens étaient persuadés qu’il fallait, pour pouvoir commencer avec profit les études de philosophie proprement dites, avoir acquis auparavant certaines dispositions morales et avoir de cette manière purifié son âme, au moins dans une certaine mesure. C’est ce que nous expliquent Simplicius, Ammonius, Philopon, Olympiodore et David (Élias) dans les introductions à leurs commentaires sur les Catégories d’Aristote, dans un chapitre traitant des qualités requises du bon auditeur (ou étudiant). Mais pour cette formation morale pré-philosophique, il fallait, comme Simplicius et les autres commentateurs des Catégories l’expliquent dans un autre chapitre introductif, une instruction qui soit une catéchèse purement parénétique, sans démonstrations logiques. Comme le disent Simplicius et Ammonius, une telle instruction ne se trouve pas dans l’œuvre d’Aristote, par laquelle commençaient les études philosophiques des néoplatoniciens. Les traités d’Aristote sont remplis de divisions et de démonstrations, dont la compréhension présuppose la maîtrise de la méthode apodictique, que le débutant en philosophie ne possède pas. Ce ne sont donc pas les Éthiques d’Aristote qui peuvent fournir une instruction éthique préparatoire, continue Simplicius, mais des exhortations non techniques sous forme écrite ou non écrite, comme on en trouve beaucoup chez les pythagoriciens. La dernière allusion de Simplicius vise certainement les sentences pythagoriciennes et le célèbre Carmen aureum, qui a effectivement été commenté par les néoplatoniciens Hiéroclès, Jamblique et Proclus. David (Élias) pour sa part nomme les parénèses d’Isocrate, visant de toute évidence les discours À Démonicos et À Nicoclès. Or, au début de son commentaire sur le Manuel d’Épictète, Simplicius précise que le genre littéraire de cet ouvrage est celui des « courtes sentences » et des « maximes morales », et il ajoute que ce genre littéraire est analogue à celui que les pythagoriciens appellent préceptes (προτρεπτικοί). Nous pouvons donc être assurés de tenir là le motif du choix que Simplicius avait fait du Manuel d’Épictète. Aux yeux de Simplicius, le Manuel constituait le genre d’exhortations non techniques aptes à fournir l’instruction éthique préparatoire dont le débutant en philosophie devait déjà être imprégné. Dès lors, il fallait qu’il interprète le Manuel en se fondant, non pas sur l’éthique stoïcienne culminant dans l’apatheia du sage stoïcien, comme cela aurait été normal selon notre point de vue moderne, mais sur la metriopathie péripatéticienne. En procédant de la sorte, Simplicius suit le système éthique néoplatonicien, dans lequel se fondent, d’une manière tout à fait étonnante et sans jointure apparente, l’éthique du stoïcisme, évidemment sans ses bases matérialistes, l’éthique de l’Ancienne Académie et l’éthique péripatéticienne. Le néoplatonisme avait admis en effet, à partir de Porphyre, l’existence de quatre degrés de vertus, dont le premier, celui des vertus « politiques » ou « civiles » ou « pratiques », impliquait, non pas la suppression des passions, mais leur domination par la raison, c’est-à-dire la metriopathie péripatéticienne. En revanche, les degrés de vertu supérieurs se fondaient sur l’apatheia stoïcienne. Comme Simplicius voyait dans le Manuel des exhortations morales non techniques, qui s’adressaient à des débutants, cette œuvre ne pouvait, selon lui, viser que la préparation au premier degré des vertus, donc aux vertus « civiles » ou « politiques » régies par la metriopathie. Les vertus civiles ne sont pas des vertus qui caractérisent le philosophe authentique, mais elles sont appropriées, comme leur nom l’indique, au citoyen vertueux, c’est-à-dire à quelqu’un qui prend activement part à la vie publique et qui a pour cela, d’après les péripatéticiens, besoin de son corps et dans une certaine mesure de ses passions. Les vertus propres au philosophe néoplatonicien sont les vertus cathartiques ou même les vertus théorétiques. L’homme qui vit selon les vertus cathartiques fuit, comme Simplicius l’explique, le corps et les passions irrationnelles autant que possible et il se concentre sur lui-même, c’est-à-dire sur son âme raisonnable. Le fait de vouloir se tourner exclusivement vers soi-même, donc vers son âme raisonnable, de vouloir réaliser cette « conversion », est reconnu plus loin par Simplicius comme la marque de quelqu’un qui est désormais désireux de pratiquer la philosophie, et c’est à ce genre d’hommes que s’adresse, selon Simplicius, la deuxième partie du Manuel (à partir du chapitre 22). Il ne s’agit pas de ceux qui seraient déjà en possession des vertus cathartiques ni même des vertus civiles, mais de ceux qui, forts de leur progrès vers l’acquisition des vertus civiles, envisagent leur retraite de la vie publique, accompagnée de l’étude et de la pratique de la philosophie, et qui remplissent par la même la première condition pour pouvoir plus tard, après s’être longuement familiarisés avec les études philosophiques, acquérir les vertus cathartiques. Le Manuel d’Épictète s’adresse donc, selon Simplicius, dans une première partie, à ceux qui n’ont encore aucune formation philosophique, mais qui souhaitent commencer à purifier leurs mœurs et leur âme, autrement dit, à soumettre leurs passions irrationnelles à la raison. La deuxième partie concernerait ceux qui ont déjà fait des progrès sur le chemin qui mène à la domination des passions et commencent à s’intéresser à la philosophie elle-même. Dans les deux cas, il s’agit de débutants : de ceux qui commencent une formation morale et de ceux qui veulent s’initier à la philosophie. [introduction p. 51-54]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JJVi9durYJt0iuG

Religion et philosophie chez Simplicius, 2004
By: Hadot, Pierre, Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Hadot, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Religion et philosophie chez Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2004
Published in	Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien
Pages	183-211
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Pierre , Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

Nous avons vu, à l’aide de plusieurs exemples, la manière dont le néoplatonicien Simplicius avait commenté un texte stoïcien. Nous avons constaté que Simplicius ne peut s’empêcher de réintroduire dans son commentaire, dans la mesure où ses auditeurs ou lecteurs débutants peuvent les comprendre, des doctrines néoplatoniciennes très complexes, qui n’ont rien à voir avec le texte du Manuel. Les conclusions que l’on peut tirer de ces exemples au sujet de la méthode exégétique de Simplicius ne sont pas valables seulement pour son commentaire sur Épictète, mais également pour ses commentaires sur Aristote. Certains historiens modernes de la philosophie, notamment Carlos Steel, affirment que ce qui caractérise la méthode exégétique de Simplicius commentant les traités d’Aristote, c’est la simplicité et l’objectivité. Il en conclut que, puisque l’auteur du commentaire du De anima d’Aristote attribué à Simplicius donne libre cours à son interprétation néoplatonicienne, Simplicius ne peut être l’auteur de ce commentaire. Il est vrai que, dans les commentaires sur les œuvres de logique, le néoplatonicien Simplicius trouve peu d’occasions d’introduire sa philosophie propre. Il en va déjà autrement en ce qui concerne les commentaires sur la Physique et le De caelo. Mais lorsqu'il s’agit du De anima, traité qui se plaçait, dans le cursus néoplatonicien, immédiatement avant la Métaphysique d’Aristote, et qui abordait des problèmes métaphysiques, la situation était toute différente. Sur de tels sujets, les doctrines néoplatoniciennes différaient largement de celles d’Aristote, en sorte que le fait de devoir prouver à chaque pas l’harmonie des philosophies de Platon et d’Aristote revenait à un exercice de haute voltige. Cette apparente différence de méthode provient donc de la divergence entre les doctrines au sujet de l’âme que professaient Aristote et les néoplatoniciens. Plus généralement, quand on compare la position d’un stoïcien comme Épictète concernant le rapport entre philosophie et religion avec celle d’un néoplatonicien, en l’occurrence Simplicius, on constate une perte d’autonomie à l’égard du divin chez le philosophe néoplatonicien. Le stoïcien, en s’appuyant exclusivement sur la cohérence de son système et sur la force de sa raison, qu’il croit apte à diriger une vie vertueuse s’il est décidé à la suivre, se considère maître autonome de sa relation à Dieu. La question du salut de son âme après sa mort ne se pose pas pour lui. Il en va autrement du philosophe néoplatonicien (exception faite de Plotin), qui, pour sauver son âme, a besoin, en plus de sa philosophie hautement systématisée et abstraite et d’une vie vertueuse, de l’aide des dieux, en partie obtenue grâce à des rites qu’il croit transmis par des « révélations ». Cette attitude, tout en se fondant sur les traditions religieuses païennes, ressemble finalement à celle du christianisme recourant à des rites et des sacrements. À vrai dire, lorsqu'il s’agit du philosophe néoplatonicien accompli, nous ne savons presque rien du contenu et des formes que prend la théurgie correspondant à son niveau ; elle semble, en tout cas, devoir aboutir alors, comme la philosophie de Plotin, à une union mystique avec l’Un ou l’Ineffable. Mais tandis que Plotin arrivait à cette union par des moyens autonomes, les néoplatoniciens à partir de Jamblique ne se croyaient plus capables d’y arriver tout à fait par eux-mêmes ni de pouvoir garantir le retour de leurs âmes dans leur patrie sans l’aide d’un certain rituel. Il persiste néanmoins de grandes différences entre la « religion » néoplatonicienne et le christianisme ou d’autres religions qui ont la prétention de posséder seules la vérité. La plus importante de ces différences, à mes yeux, consiste en la tolérance et l’ouverture d’esprit vis-à-vis des religions étrangères. Nous avons vu comment les néoplatoniciens expliquaient les divergences entre les religions des différents peuples : pour eux, ces divergences étaient des manifestations d’une même divinité, appropriées à la diversité des régions de la terre et des peuples qui les habitent. Ce point de vue garantissait aux différentes religions localement implantées une sorte d’égalité de valeur et impliquait aussi que, lorsqu’on arrivait en qualité d’étranger dans un environnement cultuel et religieux différent, on devait respecter les cultes locaux et même s’y conformer au moins extérieurement. Cet esprit d’ouverture et de tolérance religieuse s’est largement perdu avec la fin de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine et nous fait tellement défaut actuellement. Simplicius, mais aussi Épictète, auraient certainement approuvé les mots du préfet païen Symmaque, qui protestait en 384 contre la décision de l’empereur chrétien de faire enlever de la salle du Sénat romain l’autel de la Victoire : « Nous contemplons les mêmes astres, le ciel nous est commun, le même monde nous enveloppe. Qu’importe la voie de la sagesse dans laquelle chacun cherche la vérité ? À un si grand mystère on ne parvient pas par un seul chemin. » [conclusion p. 208-211]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YIYhnMyXsA6s6Gi

L'interprétation par Simplicius de la parabole de l'escale, 2004
By: Hadot, Pierre, Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Hadot, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	L'interprétation par Simplicius de la parabole de l'escale
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2004
Published in	Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien
Pages	143-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Pierre , Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

Le commentaire de Simplicius sur ce chapitre du Manuel commence par une paraphrase de la parabole d’Épictète, qui compare la vie humaine à un voyage maritime. Cette paraphrase est suivie d’une interprétation allégorique de la parabole qui s’efforce de nous en faire découvrir le sens caché. En voici la traduction : "Or, il me semble qu’il a introduit un exemple imaginé d’une manière tout à fait appropriée. Car la mer, parce qu’elle est pesante, que ses vagues sont agitées, qu’elle change d’une manière si variée, qu’elle étouffe ceux qui y sombrent, en vertu de l’analogie qu’elle présente avec le devenir, les anciens auteurs de mythes, eux aussi, affirmaient qu’elle est un symbole du devenir. Le navire serait ce qui transporte les âmes vers le devenir, et il faut lui donner soit le nom de Sort (Moira), soit le nom d’Heimarmenê ou tel autre nom. Le pilote du navire pourrait être le dieu, lui qui, par ses prévoyantes pensées, dirige et gouverne, comme il le faut et d’une manière adaptée au mérite (kat’ axian) de chacun, l’univers et la descente des âmes dans le devenir. L’entrée du navire au port, c’est la mise en place des âmes dans le lieu, le peuple, la famille qui leur convient : c’est selon cette mise en place que les unes sont engendrées en tel lieu, tel peuple, telle famille et par tels parents, les autres ailleurs. La sortie du navire pour la provision d’eau, c’est le soin des choses nécessaires à la vie, sans lesquelles il est impossible de subsister. Qu’y a-t-il en effet, pour ceux qui sont dans le devenir, de plus nécessaire que l’eau, en vue de la nourriture et de la boisson ? Quant au fait de ramasser, comme une chose accessoire que l’on trouve au bord du chemin, un coquillage ou un petit oignon, il en donne lui-même l’exégèse d’une manière appropriée : cela veut dire femme, enfants, propriété, et autres choses de ce genre qui nous sont données par le Tout ; il faut les recevoir sans doute, mais non pas comme objets principaux de notre choix, ni comme biens qui nous soient propres. Le principal, en effet, c’est d’être tendu et tourné perpétuellement vers le pilote. Et il ne faut même pas s’intéresser à ces choses, comme si elles étaient nécessaires de la même manière que la provision d’eau, mais il faut les recevoir comme une chose véritablement accessoire et qui est simplement utile à la vie." [introduction p. 143-144]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UWgctr8ErscwqR3

Les paraboles de l'escale et du banquet, 2004
By: Hadot, Pierre, Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Hadot, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Les paraboles de l'escale et du banquet
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2004
Published in	Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien
Pages	127-141
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Pierre , Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

Ce chapitre 7 est, dans le plan général du Manuel, le premier chapitre qui se rapporte à la discipline du désir. Il invite, sous une forme imagée, à ne pas s’attacher aux personnes qui nous sont chères, parce que ce ne sont que des dons provisoires. Dans ce chapitre 7, nous sommes donc en présence d’une comparaison, parabole ou allégorie. Une allégorie est, pourrait-on dire, une métaphore prolongée. Les parties d’un ensemble structuré et cohérent de réalités ou d’événements (A), ici l’escale d’un navire dans un port, correspondent terme à terme aux parties d’un autre ensemble structuré de réalités ou d’événements (B), ici la vie humaine. L’auteur veut faire comprendre, et surtout faire admettre à son lecteur, que la conduite que l’on est obligé d’avoir dans l’ensemble B doit être analogue à celle qui nous semble nécessaire dans l’ensemble A. [introduction p. 127-128]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/aAE3KxzcRfbBvpH

Le commentaire de Simplicius au premier chapitre du Manuel : interprétation néoplatonicienne de « ce qui dépend de nous », 2004
By: Hadot, Pierre, Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Hadot, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Le commentaire de Simplicius au premier chapitre du Manuel : interprétation néoplatonicienne de « ce qui dépend de nous »
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2004
Published in	Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien
Pages	103-125
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Pierre , Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

This text discusses Simplicius' commentary on the first chapter of Epictetus' Manual, focusing selectively on a specific part of its development. The commentary examines the initial two sentences of the chapter, addressing the distinction between things within human control and those beyond it. This division leads to a classification of rational souls into first souls, which remain consistently oriented towards the Good, and human rational souls. The latter are characterized by their capacity for choice (deliberate choice or προαίρεσις), which is absent in immobile entities and irrational beings. Simplicius emphasizes that the nature of human rational souls allows them to either align with higher ontological realities or be drawn towards lower ones. The freedom of choice extends even to choosing evil, albeit often misguided by the appearance of apparent good. The concept of "what depends on us" is explicated as referring specifically to this deliberate choice. Simplicius' Neoplatonic interpretation culminates in a discussion defending human free will against objections that attribute actions to chance or necessity. While the commentary is not complete, this abstract concludes with the clarification that Simplicius' ontological exposition pertains solely to human rational souls. Further elaboration on objections and responses is anticipated in subsequent sections of the commentary. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JFuHmZlhN11cPr4

The Greek strand in Islamic political thought. Proceedings of the conference held at the Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton, 16 - 27 June 2003, 2004
By: Gannagé, Emma (Ed.)

Title	The Greek strand in Islamic political thought. Proceedings of the conference held at the Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton, 16 - 27 June 2003
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2004
Publication Place	Beyrouth
Publisher	Bibliothèque Orientale - Dar El-Machreq
Series	Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph
Volume	57
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Gannagé, Emma
Translator(s)

Review: Durant deux semaines s’est réuni ce symposium de spécialistes concernés, de loin ou de près, par le thème débattu. Les uns y auront participé tout au long, les autres pour une période plus courte. Le temps se trouvait réparti entre exposés, discussions et lectures de textes, les actes maintenant publiés ne reflétant en conséquence et, malgré les dimensions de l’ouvrage, qu’une partie des contributions qui ont scandé ces journées d’étude. Nous tirons ces détails de l’Introduction (p. 9-12) que signe P. Crone (Princeton), la responsable de la réunion et qu’on peut considérer comme la première éditrice scientifique du volume collectif, à en juger, entre autres, par les références qui lui sont faites dans les remerciements de plusieurs des coauteurs. On connaît, du reste, son ouvrage de fond, Gods Rule Government in Islam: Six Centuries of Medieval Islamic Political Thought (Columbia UP, New York, 2004), qui a fourni l’occasion de réunir les collègues intéressés autour de l’une des composantes de cette pensée, pensée dont l’analyse s’avère tellement actuelle en fonction de la conjoncture internationale. À ce propos, on ne manquera pas de saluer l’idée de publier les fruits de cette réflexion, menée dans une institution occidentale lointaine, au cœur même de la région où l’orientation politique de la religion est « vécue » intensément, même si le périodique en cause appartient à une institution académique mi-étrangère. L’ouvrage s’ouvre par une grosse étude sur le réalisme de la pensée politique grecque, dont l’auteur figure parmi les cinq coéditeurs de l’ouvrage : – Eckart Schütrumpf (Univ. of Colorado at Boulder), Imperfect Regimes for Imperfect Human Beings: Variations of Infractions of Justice, p. 9-36. Précédant les textes traitant directement du sujet, une série de cinq contributions étudie la réception des idées politiques de la Grèce antique durant la Basse Antiquité et nous offre un tableau général de la pensée politique du Moyen-Orient à la veille de l’apparition de l’islam : – Sarah Pearce (Univ. of Southampton), King Moses: Notes on Philo’s Portrait of Moses as an Ideal Leader in the Life of Moses, p. 37-74 (avec de longues citations de texte) ; – Harold A. Drake (Univ. of California Santa Barbara), The Eusabian Template, p. 75-88 ; – Dominic J. O’Meara (Univ. de Fribourg), Simplicius on the Place of the Philosopher in the City (In Epictetum, chap. 32), p. 89-98 (rappelons qu’il s’agit d’un disciple de Damascius, exilé avec son maître en Perse, lors de la suppression de l’École d’Athènes par Justinien) ; – Henri Hugonnard-Roche (EPHE, Sorbonne-Paris), Éthique et politique au premier âge de la tradition syriaque, p. 99-119 (s’intéresse plus à l’éthique personnelle, certes avec ses implications sociales, qu’à la politique de la cité) ; – John W. Watt (Cardiff Univ., Wales), Syriac and Syrians as Mediators of Greek Political Thought to Islam, p. 121-149. Les deux exposés suivants mettent en relief un aspect jusqu’ici peu relevé, à savoir : l’importance de la tradition perse sassanide dans la tradition moyen-orientale aux débuts de l’islam : – Kevin van Bladel (Univ. of Southern California Los Angeles), The Iranian Chracteristics and Forged Greek Attributions in the Arabic Sirr al-asrār (Secret of Secrets), p. 151-172 ; – Mohsen Zakeri (J.W. Goethe-Univ., Frankfurt), The Persian Content of an Arabic Collection of Aphorisms, p. 173-190 (1). Une double conclusion ressort de ces deux études, renforcée par la lecture de plusieurs des précédentes : d’un côté, la diffusion certaine de la pensée grecque en territoire iranien et, de l’autre, l’impact indéniable de la tradition persane dans l’ensemble du Moyen-Orient. En conséquence, l’islam naissant a rencontré une réalité culturelle fruit du croisement de ce double courant, même si le prestige de l’hellénisme était plus grand au moment de l’élaboration de la culture musulmane classique. P. Crone est consciente de cette réalité, allant même jusqu’à affirmer qu’au-delà du mouvement de traductions avec la chaîne de production littéraire qui s’en est suivie, somme toute accessible à des milieux restreints, le background helléno-iranien en question a constitué les véritables bases de la culture islamique globalement parlant (p. 9). À ce propos, elle situe les débuts du mouvement de traductions au milieu du viie siècle avec l’émergence de la dynastie abbasside. Or, précisément dans le domaine de la philosophie politique, hermétisme et cycle d’Alexandre le Grand compris, des recherches récentes (Grignaschi, entre autres) prouvent que des textes importants avaient été connus dès la seconde période omeyyade, à savoir dès les débuts de ce même siècle. La plupart des interventions traitant du thème central sont consacrées au « Faylasūf al-islām ». La dernière, celle sur les textes néoplatoniciens, fait partie de ce groupe, dans la mesure où al-Fārābī est le plus grand représentant de ce courant en islam : – P. Crone, Al-Fārābī’s Imperfect Constitutions, p. 191-228 ; – Emma Gannagé (USJ), Y a-t-il une pensée politique dans le Kitāb al-Ḥurūf d’al-Fārābī ?, p. 229-257 ; – Dimitri Gutas (Yale Univ. ; l’un des coéditeurs), The Meaning of madanī in F.’s “ Political ” Philosophy, p. 259-282 ; – Nelly Lahoud (Goucher College, Baltimore), Fārābī: on Religion and Philosophy, p. 283-302 (position qui annonce celle « sensationnelle » d’Ibn Rušd, que nous trouverons plus loin). – Georges Tamer (Friedrich-Alexander-Univ., Erlangen-Nürnberg), Politisches Denkens in pseudoplatonischen arabischen Schriften, p. 303-335 (les différents textes connus sous le nom de Nawāmīs [Aflāṭūn], avec de longs extraits de l’un d’eux). Deux autres articles abordent des textes de l’ismaïlisme fatimide, où les influences grecques apparaissent, somme toute, négligeables : – Carmela Baffioni (Univ. degli Studi di Napoli “ L’Orientale ”), Temporal and Religious Connotations of the “ Regal Policy ” in the Ikhwān al-Ṣafā, p. 337-365 ; – Paul E. Walker (Univ. of Chicago), “ In Praise of al-Ḥākim ”. Greek Elements in Ismaili Writings on the Imamate, p. 367-392 (longues citations de textes de la 2e génération de duʿā’ ; noter la mise au point en appendice sur les véritables relations de l’ismaïlisme avec la falsafa, p. 389 et s.). Délaissant curieusement le grand Avicenne, sur lequel il y eut quand même deux « texts papers » qui ne figurent pas dans notre volume, celui-ci passe à al-Ġazzālī : – Jules Janssens (Katholieke Univ. Leuven), Al-Ghazzālī’s Political Thought: Elements of Greek Philosophical Influence, p. 393-410. La difficulté d’un exposé sur la matière tient du fait de l’existence de spuria dans la transmission textuelle d’une œuvre qui scelle, d’une certaine manière, la période classique. À notre avis, l’auteur aurait dû donner plus d’attention dans son analyse à deux facteurs supplémentaires : le public auquel s’adressait le théologien-soufi (philosophes et érudits ou bien l’umma en général) et la chronologie de ses écrits, vu que la prise du pouvoir par les Selčūks a été déterminante dans le changement de ses positions politiques. Cela a été récemment mis en évidence, du moins au niveau de l’imamat et du sultanat, dans le chapitre correspondant de l’ouvrage d’O. Safi (2). Dans cette étude originale, on trouvera, de plus, une analyse circonstanciée de la pensée de l’« artisan » de cette nouvelle société et de sa culture, Niẓām al-Mulk. Ainsi donc, la lacune qu’exprimait P. Crone dans son Introduction (p. 11-12), pour des raisons qui ne peuvent lui être imputées (empêchement des spécialistes contactés…), pourra être partiellement comblée. Mais ce serait surtout l’ouvrage de M. Allam qui répondrait le mieux à la nécessité ressentie de suivre les développements postérieurs de la philosophie politique en islam iranien et oriental (3). On notera que l’auteur y analyse, en particulier, la postérité du Aḫlāq-i Nāṣirī du polygraphe ismāʿīlien Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Tūsī (1201-1274), qui se situe bien dans la ligne de la pensée gréco-musulmane. Mais à défaut de cet Orient, l’ouvrage poursuit avec les penseurs d’Occident. À côté de deux exposés qui n’y ont pas été inclus, trois portent sur les deux plus grands représentants de cette tradition : – Maroun Awad (CNRS, Paris ; l’un des coéditeurs), Does Averroes Have a Philosophy of History?, p. 411-441 ; – Charles E. Butterworth (Univ. of Maryland, College Park), The Essential Accidents of Human Social Organization in the Muqaddima of Ibn Khaldūn, p. 443-467 ; – Abdesselam Cheddadi (Univ. Mohammed V, Rabat), La tradition philosophique et scientifique gréco-arabe dans la Muqaddima d’Ibn Khaldūn, p. 469-497. Les deux derniers articles offrent une perspective comparative quant à la réception de la pensée antique dans le monothéisme « rival » (si l’on peut s’exprimer ainsi), qu’il soit de couleur orientale ou occidentale : – Dimiter G. Angelov (Western Michigan Univ., Kalamazoo), Plato, Aristotle and “ Byzantine Political Philosophy ”, p. 499-523 ; – Cary J. Nederman (Texas A & M Univ.), Imperfect Regimes in the Christian Political Thought of Medieval Europe: from the Fathers to the Fourteenth Century, p. 525-551 (le mot « Fathers » est utilisé abusivement, dans la mesure où l’unique « Père de l’Église » abordé ici est Isidore de Séville, le dernier de langue latine !). Le volume se termine sur une bibliographie détaillée des sources et des études citées (p. 553-594) et un index des noms propres, anciens et modernes (p. 595-608). Si l’on considère de plus l’ampleur du sujet et la qualité, en même temps que les dimensions, des différentes études, l’ouvrage se présente en fait comme un manuel de référence et une bonne introduction à la philosophie politique de tradition gréco-islamique. Il vient ainsi enrichir et compléter la bibliothèque qui s’est progressivement accumulée, ces dernières décennies autour de la question. Adel Sidarus Université d’Evora

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vUA05cpGz8q7urg

{"_index":"sire","_id":"303","_score":null,"_source":{"id":303,"authors_free":[{"id":2407,"entry_id":303,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":467,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gannag\u00e9, Emma","free_first_name":"Emma","free_last_name":"Gannag\u00e9","norm_person":{"id":467,"first_name":" Emma","last_name":"Gannag\u00e9","full_name":"Gannag\u00e9, Emma","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1102294063","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Greek strand in Islamic political thought. Proceedings of the conference held at the Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton, 16 - 27 June 2003","main_title":{"title":"The Greek strand in Islamic political thought. Proceedings of the conference held at the Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton, 16 - 27 June 2003"},"abstract":"Review: Durant deux semaines s\u2019est r\u00e9uni ce symposium de sp\u00e9cialistes concern\u00e9s, de loin ou de pr\u00e8s, par le th\u00e8me d\u00e9battu. Les uns y auront particip\u00e9 tout au long, les autres pour une p\u00e9riode plus courte. Le temps se trouvait r\u00e9parti entre expos\u00e9s, discussions et lectures de textes, les actes maintenant publi\u00e9s ne refl\u00e9tant en cons\u00e9quence et, malgr\u00e9 les dimensions de l\u2019ouvrage, qu\u2019une partie des contributions qui ont scand\u00e9 ces journ\u00e9es d\u2019\u00e9tude.\r\n\r\nNous tirons ces d\u00e9tails de l\u2019Introduction (p. 9-12) que signe P. Crone (Princeton), la responsable de la r\u00e9union et qu\u2019on peut consid\u00e9rer comme la premi\u00e8re \u00e9ditrice scientifique du volume collectif, \u00e0 en juger, entre autres, par les r\u00e9f\u00e9rences qui lui sont faites dans les remerciements de plusieurs des coauteurs. On conna\u00eet, du reste, son ouvrage de fond, Gods Rule Government in Islam: Six Centuries of Medieval Islamic Political Thought (Columbia UP, New York, 2004), qui a fourni l\u2019occasion de r\u00e9unir les coll\u00e8gues int\u00e9ress\u00e9s autour de l\u2019une des composantes de cette pens\u00e9e, pens\u00e9e dont l\u2019analyse s\u2019av\u00e8re tellement actuelle en fonction de la conjoncture internationale. \u00c0 ce propos, on ne manquera pas de saluer l\u2019id\u00e9e de publier les fruits de cette r\u00e9flexion, men\u00e9e dans une institution occidentale lointaine, au c\u0153ur m\u00eame de la r\u00e9gion o\u00f9 l\u2019orientation politique de la religion est \u00ab v\u00e9cue \u00bb intens\u00e9ment, m\u00eame si le p\u00e9riodique en cause appartient \u00e0 une institution acad\u00e9mique mi-\u00e9trang\u00e8re.\r\n\r\nL\u2019ouvrage s\u2019ouvre par une grosse \u00e9tude sur le r\u00e9alisme de la pens\u00e9e politique grecque, dont l\u2019auteur figure parmi les cinq co\u00e9diteurs de l\u2019ouvrage : \u2013 Eckart Sch\u00fctrumpf (Univ. of Colorado at Boulder), Imperfect Regimes for Imperfect Human Beings: Variations of Infractions of Justice, p. 9-36.\r\n\r\nPr\u00e9c\u00e9dant les textes traitant directement du sujet, une s\u00e9rie de cinq contributions \u00e9tudie la r\u00e9ception des id\u00e9es politiques de la Gr\u00e8ce antique durant la Basse Antiquit\u00e9 et nous offre un tableau g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de la pens\u00e9e politique du Moyen-Orient \u00e0 la veille de l\u2019apparition de l\u2019islam : \u2013 Sarah Pearce (Univ. of Southampton), King Moses: Notes on Philo\u2019s Portrait of Moses as an Ideal Leader in the Life of Moses, p. 37-74 (avec de longues citations de texte) ; \u2013 Harold A. Drake (Univ. of California Santa Barbara), The Eusabian Template, p. 75-88 ; \u2013 Dominic J. O\u2019Meara (Univ. de Fribourg), Simplicius on the Place of the Philosopher in the City (In Epictetum, chap. 32), p. 89-98 (rappelons qu\u2019il s\u2019agit d\u2019un disciple de Damascius, exil\u00e9 avec son ma\u00eetre en Perse, lors de la suppression de l\u2019\u00c9cole d\u2019Ath\u00e8nes par Justinien) ; \u2013 Henri Hugonnard-Roche (EPHE, Sorbonne-Paris), \u00c9thique et politique au premier \u00e2ge de la tradition syriaque, p. 99-119 (s\u2019int\u00e9resse plus \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9thique personnelle, certes avec ses implications sociales, qu\u2019\u00e0 la politique de la cit\u00e9) ; \u2013 John W. Watt (Cardiff Univ., Wales), Syriac and Syrians as Mediators of Greek Political Thought to Islam, p. 121-149.\r\n\r\nLes deux expos\u00e9s suivants mettent en relief un aspect jusqu\u2019ici peu relev\u00e9, \u00e0 savoir : l\u2019importance de la tradition perse sassanide dans la tradition moyen-orientale aux d\u00e9buts de l\u2019islam : \u2013 Kevin van Bladel (Univ. of Southern California Los Angeles), The Iranian Chracteristics and Forged Greek Attributions in the Arabic Sirr al-asr\u0101r (Secret of Secrets), p. 151-172 ; \u2013 Mohsen Zakeri (J.W. Goethe-Univ., Frankfurt), The Persian Content of an Arabic Collection of Aphorisms, p. 173-190 (1).\r\n\r\nUne double conclusion ressort de ces deux \u00e9tudes, renforc\u00e9e par la lecture de plusieurs des pr\u00e9c\u00e9dentes : d\u2019un c\u00f4t\u00e9, la diffusion certaine de la pens\u00e9e grecque en territoire iranien et, de l\u2019autre, l\u2019impact ind\u00e9niable de la tradition persane dans l\u2019ensemble du Moyen-Orient. En cons\u00e9quence, l\u2019islam naissant a rencontr\u00e9 une r\u00e9alit\u00e9 culturelle fruit du croisement de ce double courant, m\u00eame si le prestige de l\u2019hell\u00e9nisme \u00e9tait plus grand au moment de l\u2019\u00e9laboration de la culture musulmane classique.\r\n\r\nP. Crone est consciente de cette r\u00e9alit\u00e9, allant m\u00eame jusqu\u2019\u00e0 affirmer qu\u2019au-del\u00e0 du mouvement de traductions avec la cha\u00eene de production litt\u00e9raire qui s\u2019en est suivie, somme toute accessible \u00e0 des milieux restreints, le background hell\u00e9no-iranien en question a constitu\u00e9 les v\u00e9ritables bases de la culture islamique globalement parlant (p. 9). \u00c0 ce propos, elle situe les d\u00e9buts du mouvement de traductions au milieu du viie si\u00e8cle avec l\u2019\u00e9mergence de la dynastie abbasside. Or, pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment dans le domaine de la philosophie politique, herm\u00e9tisme et cycle d\u2019Alexandre le Grand compris, des recherches r\u00e9centes (Grignaschi, entre autres) prouvent que des textes importants avaient \u00e9t\u00e9 connus d\u00e8s la seconde p\u00e9riode omeyyade, \u00e0 savoir d\u00e8s les d\u00e9buts de ce m\u00eame si\u00e8cle. \r\nLa plupart des interventions traitant du th\u00e8me central sont consacr\u00e9es au \u00ab Faylas\u016bf al-isl\u0101m \u00bb. La derni\u00e8re, celle sur les textes n\u00e9oplatoniciens, fait partie de ce groupe, dans la mesure o\u00f9 al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b est le plus grand repr\u00e9sentant de ce courant en islam : \u2013 P. Crone, Al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b\u2019s Imperfect Constitutions, p. 191-228 ; \u2013 Emma Gannag\u00e9 (USJ), Y a-t-il une pens\u00e9e politique dans le Kit\u0101b al-\u1e24ur\u016bf d\u2019al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b ?, p. 229-257 ; \u2013 Dimitri Gutas (Yale Univ. ; l\u2019un des co\u00e9diteurs), The Meaning of madan\u012b in F.\u2019s \u201c Political \u201d Philosophy, p. 259-282 ; \u2013 Nelly Lahoud (Goucher College, Baltimore), F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b: on Religion and Philosophy, p. 283-302 (position qui annonce celle \u00ab sensationnelle \u00bb d\u2019Ibn Ru\u0161d, que nous trouverons plus loin). \u2013 Georges Tamer (Friedrich-Alexander-Univ., Erlangen-N\u00fcrnberg), Politisches Denkens in pseudoplatonischen arabischen Schriften, p. 303-335 (les diff\u00e9rents textes connus sous le nom de Naw\u0101m\u012bs [Afl\u0101\u1e6d\u016bn], avec de longs extraits de l\u2019un d\u2019eux).\r\n\r\nDeux autres articles abordent des textes de l\u2019isma\u00eflisme fatimide, o\u00f9 les influences grecques apparaissent, somme toute, n\u00e9gligeables : \u2013 Carmela Baffioni (Univ. degli Studi di Napoli \u201c L\u2019Orientale \u201d), Temporal and Religious Connotations of the \u201c Regal Policy \u201d in the Ikhw\u0101n al-\u1e62af\u0101, p. 337-365 ; \u2013 Paul E. Walker (Univ. of Chicago), \u201c In Praise of al-\u1e24\u0101kim \u201d. Greek Elements in Ismaili Writings on the Imamate, p. 367-392 (longues citations de textes de la 2e g\u00e9n\u00e9ration de du\u02bf\u0101\u2019 ; noter la mise au point en appendice sur les v\u00e9ritables relations de l\u2019isma\u00eflisme avec la falsafa, p. 389 et s.).\r\n\r\nD\u00e9laissant curieusement le grand Avicenne, sur lequel il y eut quand m\u00eame deux \u00ab texts papers \u00bb qui ne figurent pas dans notre volume, celui-ci passe \u00e0 al-\u0120azz\u0101l\u012b : \u2013 Jules Janssens (Katholieke Univ. Leuven), Al-Ghazz\u0101l\u012b\u2019s Political Thought: Elements of Greek Philosophical Influence, p. 393-410.\r\n\r\nLa difficult\u00e9 d\u2019un expos\u00e9 sur la mati\u00e8re tient du fait de l\u2019existence de spuria dans la transmission textuelle d\u2019une \u0153uvre qui scelle, d\u2019une certaine mani\u00e8re, la p\u00e9riode classique. \u00c0 notre avis, l\u2019auteur aurait d\u00fb donner plus d\u2019attention dans son analyse \u00e0 deux facteurs suppl\u00e9mentaires : le public auquel s\u2019adressait le th\u00e9ologien-soufi (philosophes et \u00e9rudits ou bien l\u2019umma en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral) et la chronologie de ses \u00e9crits, vu que la prise du pouvoir par les Sel\u010d\u016bks a \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9terminante dans le changement de ses positions politiques. Cela a \u00e9t\u00e9 r\u00e9cemment mis en \u00e9vidence, du moins au niveau de l\u2019imamat et du sultanat, dans le chapitre correspondant de l\u2019ouvrage d\u2019O. Safi (2).\r\n\r\nDans cette \u00e9tude originale, on trouvera, de plus, une analyse circonstanci\u00e9e de la pens\u00e9e de l\u2019\u00ab artisan \u00bb de cette nouvelle soci\u00e9t\u00e9 et de sa culture, Ni\u1e93\u0101m al-Mulk. Ainsi donc, la lacune qu\u2019exprimait P. Crone dans son Introduction (p. 11-12), pour des raisons qui ne peuvent lui \u00eatre imput\u00e9es (emp\u00eachement des sp\u00e9cialistes contact\u00e9s\u2026), pourra \u00eatre partiellement combl\u00e9e. Mais ce serait surtout l\u2019ouvrage de M. Allam qui r\u00e9pondrait le mieux \u00e0 la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 ressentie de suivre les d\u00e9veloppements post\u00e9rieurs de la philosophie politique en islam iranien et oriental (3). On notera que l\u2019auteur y analyse, en particulier, la post\u00e9rit\u00e9 du A\u1e2bl\u0101q-i N\u0101\u1e63ir\u012b du polygraphe ism\u0101\u02bf\u012blien N\u0101\u1e63ir al-D\u012bn al-T\u016bs\u012b (1201-1274), qui se situe bien dans la ligne de la pens\u00e9e gr\u00e9co-musulmane.\r\n\r\nMais \u00e0 d\u00e9faut de cet Orient, l\u2019ouvrage poursuit avec les penseurs d\u2019Occident. \u00c0 c\u00f4t\u00e9 de deux expos\u00e9s qui n\u2019y ont pas \u00e9t\u00e9 inclus, trois portent sur les deux plus grands repr\u00e9sentants de cette tradition : \u2013 Maroun Awad (CNRS, Paris ; l\u2019un des co\u00e9diteurs), Does Averroes Have a Philosophy of History?, p. 411-441 ; \u2013 Charles E. Butterworth (Univ. of Maryland, College Park), The Essential Accidents of Human Social Organization in the Muqaddima of Ibn Khald\u016bn, p. 443-467 ; \u2013 Abdesselam Cheddadi (Univ. Mohammed V, Rabat), La tradition philosophique et scientifique gr\u00e9co-arabe dans la Muqaddima d\u2019Ibn Khald\u016bn, p. 469-497.\r\n\r\nLes deux derniers articles offrent une perspective comparative quant \u00e0 la r\u00e9ception de la pens\u00e9e antique dans le monoth\u00e9isme \u00ab rival \u00bb (si l\u2019on peut s\u2019exprimer ainsi), qu\u2019il soit de couleur orientale ou occidentale : \u2013 Dimiter G. Angelov (Western Michigan Univ., Kalamazoo), Plato, Aristotle and \u201c Byzantine Political Philosophy \u201d, p. 499-523 ; \u2013 Cary J. Nederman (Texas A & M Univ.), Imperfect Regimes in the Christian Political Thought of Medieval Europe: from the Fathers to the Fourteenth Century, p. 525-551 (le mot \u00ab Fathers \u00bb est utilis\u00e9 abusivement, dans la mesure o\u00f9 l\u2019unique \u00ab P\u00e8re de l\u2019\u00c9glise \u00bb abord\u00e9 ici est Isidore de S\u00e9ville, le dernier de langue latine !).\r\nLe volume se termine sur une bibliographie d\u00e9taill\u00e9e des sources et des \u00e9tudes cit\u00e9es (p. 553-594) et un index des noms propres, anciens et modernes (p. 595-608). Si l\u2019on consid\u00e8re de plus l\u2019ampleur du sujet et la qualit\u00e9, en m\u00eame temps que les dimensions, des diff\u00e9rentes \u00e9tudes, l\u2019ouvrage se pr\u00e9sente en fait comme un manuel de r\u00e9f\u00e9rence et une bonne introduction \u00e0 la philosophie politique de tradition gr\u00e9co-islamique. Il vient ainsi enrichir et compl\u00e9ter la biblioth\u00e8que qui s\u2019est progressivement accumul\u00e9e, ces derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies autour de la question.\r\nAdel Sidarus\r\nUniversit\u00e9 d\u2019Evora","btype":4,"date":"2004","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vUA05cpGz8q7urg","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":467,"full_name":"Gannag\u00e9, Emma","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":303,"pubplace":"Beyrouth","publisher":"Biblioth\u00e8que Orientale - Dar El-Machreq","series":"M\u00e9langes de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 Saint-Joseph","volume":"57","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2004]}

Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien, 2004
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Pierre

Title	Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2004
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Librairie générale française
Series	Le livre de poche : références
Volume	603
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut , Hadot, Pierre
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

L'ouvrage de I. et P. Hadot constitue une introduction au Manuel d'Epictète, œuvre stoïcienne majeure du IIe siècle de notre ère, ainsi qu'au commentaire du Manuel rédigé trois siècles plus tard par le néoplatonicien Simplicius. Une approche d'ensemble de ces œuvres, de leurs caractéristiques formelles et doctrinales, ainsi que l'étude de quelques thèmes choisis (la distinction de " ce qui dépend de nous " et de " ce qui ne dépend pas de nous ", les paraboles de l'escale et du banquet, le rapport entre religion et philosophie) permettent de cerner des postures philosophiques fondamentales, touchant la question de la piété, celle du destin et du libre arbitre, ou encore de notre rapport aux maux et à la mort. Par là, ce livre à deux voix représente aussi et avant tout une méditation sur le sens fondamental de l'activité philosophique dans l'Antiquité ; comme l'écrivent les auteurs : " En utilisant la méthode exégétique, nous avons eu l'intention de répondre à une interrogation, à la fois historique et existentielle comment apprenait-on à philosopher dans l'Antiquité ? Car le Manuel et son commentaire par Simplicius peuvent nous apporter de précieux renseignements sur la nature exacte et la pratique de la philosophie antique.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gsp6KGfJmhS9A3Z

{"_index":"sire","_id":"218","_score":null,"_source":{"id":218,"authors_free":[{"id":279,"entry_id":218,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":280,"entry_id":218,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":158,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":158,"first_name":"Pierre","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Pierre","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115663517","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Apprendre \u00e0 philosopher dans l'Antiquit\u00e9 : l'enseignement du Manuel d'\u00c9pict\u00e8te et son commentaire n\u00e9oplatonicien","main_title":{"title":"Apprendre \u00e0 philosopher dans l'Antiquit\u00e9 : l'enseignement du Manuel d'\u00c9pict\u00e8te et son commentaire n\u00e9oplatonicien"},"abstract":"L'ouvrage de I. et P. Hadot constitue une introduction au Manuel d'Epict\u00e8te, \u0153uvre sto\u00efcienne majeure du IIe si\u00e8cle de notre \u00e8re, ainsi qu'au commentaire du Manuel r\u00e9dig\u00e9 trois si\u00e8cles plus tard par le n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius. Une approche d'ensemble de ces \u0153uvres, de leurs caract\u00e9ristiques formelles et doctrinales, ainsi que l'\u00e9tude de quelques th\u00e8mes choisis (la distinction de \" ce qui d\u00e9pend de nous \" et de \" ce qui ne d\u00e9pend pas de nous \", les paraboles de l'escale et du banquet, le rapport entre religion et philosophie) permettent de cerner des postures philosophiques fondamentales, touchant la question de la pi\u00e9t\u00e9, celle du destin et du libre arbitre, ou encore de notre rapport aux maux et \u00e0 la mort. Par l\u00e0, ce livre \u00e0 deux voix repr\u00e9sente aussi et avant tout une m\u00e9ditation sur le sens fondamental de l'activit\u00e9 philosophique dans l'Antiquit\u00e9 ; comme l'\u00e9crivent les auteurs : \" En utilisant la m\u00e9thode ex\u00e9g\u00e9tique, nous avons eu l'intention de r\u00e9pondre \u00e0 une interrogation, \u00e0 la fois historique et existentielle comment apprenait-on \u00e0 philosopher dans l'Antiquit\u00e9 ? Car le Manuel et son commentaire par Simplicius peuvent nous apporter de pr\u00e9cieux renseignements sur la nature exacte et la pratique de la philosophie antique.","btype":1,"date":"2004","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gsp6KGfJmhS9A3Z","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":158,"full_name":"Hadot, Pierre","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":218,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Librairie g\u00e9n\u00e9rale fran\u00e7aise","series":"Le livre de poche : r\u00e9f\u00e9rences","volume":"603","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2004]}

Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1, 2004
By: Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Stone, Martin W. F. (Ed.)

Title	Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2004
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Institute of Classical Studies
Series	Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies (BICS)
Volume	Supplement 83.1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Baltussen, Han , Stone, Martin W. F.
Translator(s)

This two volume Supplement to the Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies represents the proceedings of a conference held at the Institute on 27-29 June, 2002 in honour of Richard Sorabji. These volumes, which are intended to build on the massive achievement of Professor Sorabji’s Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series, focus on the commentary as a vehicle of philosophical and scientific thought. Volume One deals with the Greek tradition, including one paper on Byzantine philosophy and one on the Latin author Calcidius, who is very close to the late Greek tradition in outlook. The volume begins with an overview of the tradition of commenting on Aristotle and of the study of this tradition in the modern era. It concludes with an up-to-date bibliography of scholarship devoted to the commentators.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nqTHgI2QahbENt5

{"_index":"sire","_id":"233","_score":null,"_source":{"id":233,"authors_free":[{"id":297,"entry_id":233,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":98,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Adamson, Peter","free_first_name":"Peter","free_last_name":"Adamson","norm_person":{"id":98,"first_name":"Peter","last_name":"Adamson","full_name":"Adamson, Peter","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139896104","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":298,"entry_id":233,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":39,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Baltussen, Han","free_first_name":"Han","free_last_name":"Baltussen","norm_person":{"id":39,"first_name":"Han","last_name":"Baltussen","full_name":"Baltussen, Han","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136236456","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":299,"entry_id":233,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":111,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Stone, Martin W. F.","free_first_name":"Martin W. F.","free_last_name":"Stone","norm_person":{"id":111,"first_name":"Martin W. F.","last_name":"Stone","full_name":"Stone, Martin W. F.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132001543","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1","main_title":{"title":"Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1"},"abstract":"This two volume Supplement to the Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies represents the proceedings of a conference held at the Institute on 27-29 June, 2002 in honour of Richard Sorabji. These volumes, which are intended to build on the massive achievement of Professor Sorabji\u2019s Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series, focus on the commentary as a vehicle of philosophical and scientific thought. Volume One deals with the Greek tradition, including one paper on Byzantine philosophy and one on the Latin author Calcidius, who is very close to the late Greek tradition in outlook. The volume begins with an overview of the tradition of commenting on Aristotle and of the study of this tradition in the modern era. It concludes with an up-to-date bibliography of scholarship devoted to the commentators.","btype":4,"date":"2004","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nqTHgI2QahbENt5","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":98,"full_name":"Adamson, Peter","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":39,"full_name":"Baltussen, Han","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":111,"full_name":"Stone, Martin W. F.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":233,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Institute of Classical Studies","series":"Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies (BICS)","volume":"Supplement 83.1","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2004]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 2.1–9’, 2004
By: Mueller, Ian (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 2.1–9’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2004
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Durckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

Aristotle believed that the outermost stars are carried round us on a transparent sphere. There are directions in the universe and a preferred direction of rotation. The sun moon and planets are carried on different revolving spheres. The spheres and celestial bodies are composed of an everlasting fifth element, which has none of the ordinary contrary properties like heat and cold which could destroy it, but only the facility for uniform rotation. But this creates problems as to how the heavenly bodies create light, and, in the case of the sun, heat. The value of Simplicius' commentary on On the Heavens 2,1-9 lies both in its preservation of the lost comments of Alexander and in Simplicius' controversy with him. The two of them discuss not only the problem mentioned, but also whether soul and nature move the spheres as two distinct forces or as one. Alexander appears to have simplified Aristotle's system of 55 spheres down to seven, and some hints may be gleaned as to whether, simplifying further, he thinks there are seven ultimate movers, or only one. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RgaRgqo4soBSmOr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"101","_score":null,"_source":{"id":101,"authors_free":[{"id":118,"entry_id":101,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":270,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Mueller, Ian","free_first_name":"Ian","free_last_name":"Mueller","norm_person":{"id":270,"first_name":"Ian","last_name":"Mueller","full_name":"Mueller, Ian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2283,"entry_id":101,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":270,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Mueller, Ian","free_first_name":"Ian","free_last_name":"Mueller","norm_person":{"id":270,"first_name":"Ian","last_name":"Mueller","full_name":"Mueller, Ian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2284,"entry_id":101,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius ","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 2.1\u20139\u2019","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 2.1\u20139\u2019"},"abstract":"Aristotle believed that the outermost stars are carried round us on a transparent sphere. There are directions in the universe and a preferred direction of rotation. The sun moon and planets are carried on different revolving spheres. The spheres and celestial bodies are composed of an everlasting fifth element, which has none of the ordinary contrary properties like heat and cold which could destroy it, but only the facility for uniform rotation. But this creates problems as to how the heavenly bodies create light, and, in the case of the sun, heat. The value of Simplicius' commentary on On the Heavens 2,1-9 lies both in its preservation of the lost comments of Alexander and in Simplicius' controversy with him. The two of them discuss not only the problem mentioned, but also whether soul and nature move the spheres as two distinct forces or as one. Alexander appears to have simplified Aristotle's system of 55 spheres down to seven, and some hints may be gleaned as to whether, simplifying further, he thinks there are seven ultimate movers, or only one. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2004","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RgaRgqo4soBSmOr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":270,"full_name":"Mueller, Ian","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":270,"full_name":"Mueller, Ian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":101,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Durckworth","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2004]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.5-9’, 2004
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.5-9’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2004
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Hankinson, R. J.(Hankinson, Robert J.) ,

A discourse between Simplicius and Aristotle on whether there is more than one physical world and whether the universe exists beyond the outermost stars. Here, Simplicius tells of the different theories of acceleration in Greek philosophy. Aristotle argues in On the Heavens 1.5-7 that there can be no infinitely large body, and in 1.8-9 that there cannot be more than one physical world. As a corollary in 1.9, he infers that there is no place, vacuum or time beyond the outermost stars. As one argument in favour of a single world, he argues that his four elements: earth, air, fire and water, have only one natural destination apiece. Moreover they accelerate as they approach it and acceleration cannot be unlimited. However, the Neoplatonist Simplicius, who wrote the commentary in the sixth century AD (here translated into English), tells us that this whole world view was to be rejected by Strato, the third head of Aristotle's school. At the same time, he tells us the different theories of acceleration in Greek philosophy. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6Ua20q85giOX0BF

{"_index":"sire","_id":"108","_score":null,"_source":{"id":108,"authors_free":[{"id":128,"entry_id":108,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":168,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Hankinson, R. J.","free_first_name":"R. J.","free_last_name":"Hankinson","norm_person":{"id":168,"first_name":"Robert J.","last_name":"Hankinson","full_name":"Hankinson, Robert J.","short_ident":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129477370","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2247,"entry_id":108,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius, Cilicius","free_first_name":"Cilicius","free_last_name":"Simplicius","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 1.5-9\u2019","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018On the Heavens 1.5-9\u2019"},"abstract":"A discourse between Simplicius and Aristotle on whether there is more than one physical world and whether the universe exists beyond the outermost stars. Here, Simplicius tells of the different theories of acceleration in Greek philosophy.\r\nAristotle argues in On the Heavens 1.5-7 that there can be no infinitely large body, and in 1.8-9 that there cannot be more than one physical world. As a corollary in 1.9, he infers that there is no place, vacuum or time beyond the outermost stars. As one argument in favour of a single world, he argues that his four elements: earth, air, fire and water, have only one natural destination apiece. Moreover they accelerate as they approach it and acceleration cannot be unlimited. However, the Neoplatonist Simplicius, who wrote the commentary in the sixth century AD (here translated into English), tells us that this whole world view was to be rejected by Strato, the third head of Aristotle's school. At the same time, he tells us the different theories of acceleration in Greek philosophy. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2004","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6Ua20q85giOX0BF","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":168,"full_name":"Hankinson, Robert J.","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":108,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2004]}

Simplicius, Commentaire sur le Traité du ciel d'Aristote (In Aristotelis De caelo commentaria), Traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke, 2004
By: Simplicius, Bossier, Fernand (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, Commentaire sur le Traité du ciel d'Aristote (In Aristotelis De caelo commentaria), Traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2004
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Leuven University Press
Series	Corpus Latinum commentariorum in Aristotelem Graecorum
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Bossier, Fernand
Translator(s)	von Moerbeke, Wilhelm(von Moerbeke, Wilhelm) ,

Composé vers les années 540 sous l'empereur Justinien le commentaire de Simplicius sur le traité Du ciel d'Aristote est un document de première importance pour l'étude de la cosmologie et de l'astronomie grecques. Seul parmi les commentaires grecs sur ce traité il s'est conservé dans la langue originale. Simplicius nous documente amplement sur la manière dont Aristote discute les idées cosmologiques des Présocratiques et de Platon, il illustre l'interprétation et la sauvegarde ultérieures du fondement de la cosmologie aristotélicienne dans les commentaires d'Alexandre d'Aphrodisias et des penseurs néoplatoniciens, et, enfin, il s'indigne du rejet catégorique de la conception aristotélicienne du monde astral dans les âpres invectives du chrétien Jean Philopon. Ainsi son commentaire nous instruit sur un mouvement philosophique et scientifique qui s'est étendu sur dix siècles. Après avoir préparé la première traduction gréco-latine du traité Du ciel, Guillaume de Moerbeke nous a fourni encore une traduction intégrale du commentaire de Simplicius, achevée en 1271. Sa traduction du traité aristotélicien constitue le texte de base de l'Expositio in libros de Celo et Mundo de Thomas d'Aquin, qui dès le début de son exposé se réfère régulièrement à la traduction du commentaire de Simplicius. Dans les universités d'Occident cette traduction contribuera à l'interprétation de la pensée cosmologique d'Aristote jusqu'à son déclin dans les dernières décennies du XVIe siècle. Vers la fin du XIXe siècle cette même traduction latine, seul témoin tout à fait complet du texte original, a joué un rôle de premier plan dans le repérage et la restauration de l'original grec par le savant danois I.L. Heiberg. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/aIBKcwHm8NsOefI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"130","_score":null,"_source":{"id":130,"authors_free":[{"id":161,"entry_id":130,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":490,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"von Moerbeke, Wilhelm","free_first_name":"Wilhelm","free_last_name":"von Moerbeke","norm_person":{"id":490,"first_name":"Wilhelm","last_name":"von Moerbeke","full_name":"von Moerbeke, Wilhelm","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118633007","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2473,"entry_id":130,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2517,"entry_id":130,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":12,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Bossier, Fernand","free_first_name":"Fernand","free_last_name":"Bossier","norm_person":{"id":12,"first_name":"Fernand ","last_name":"Bossier","full_name":"Bossier, Fernand ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1017981663","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, Commentaire sur le Trait\u00e9 du ciel d'Aristote (In Aristotelis De caelo commentaria), Traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, Commentaire sur le Trait\u00e9 du ciel d'Aristote (In Aristotelis De caelo commentaria), Traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke"},"abstract":"Compos\u00e9 vers les ann\u00e9es 540 sous l'empereur Justinien le commentaire de Simplicius sur le trait\u00e9 Du ciel d'Aristote est un document de premi\u00e8re importance pour l'\u00e9tude de la cosmologie et de l'astronomie grecques. Seul parmi les commentaires grecs sur ce trait\u00e9 il s'est conserv\u00e9 dans la langue originale. Simplicius nous documente amplement sur la mani\u00e8re dont Aristote discute les id\u00e9es cosmologiques des Pr\u00e9socratiques et de Platon, il illustre l'interpr\u00e9tation et la sauvegarde ult\u00e9rieures du fondement de la cosmologie aristot\u00e9licienne dans les commentaires d'Alexandre d'Aphrodisias et des penseurs n\u00e9oplatoniciens, et, enfin, il s'indigne du rejet cat\u00e9gorique de la conception aristot\u00e9licienne du monde astral dans les \u00e2pres invectives du chr\u00e9tien Jean Philopon. Ainsi son commentaire nous instruit sur un mouvement philosophique et scientifique qui s'est \u00e9tendu sur dix si\u00e8cles. Apr\u00e8s avoir pr\u00e9par\u00e9 la premi\u00e8re traduction gr\u00e9co-latine du trait\u00e9 Du ciel, Guillaume de Moerbeke nous a fourni encore une traduction int\u00e9grale du commentaire de Simplicius, achev\u00e9e en 1271. Sa traduction du trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien constitue le texte de base de l'Expositio in libros de Celo et Mundo de Thomas d'Aquin, qui d\u00e8s le d\u00e9but de son expos\u00e9 se r\u00e9f\u00e8re r\u00e9guli\u00e8rement \u00e0 la traduction du commentaire de Simplicius. Dans les universit\u00e9s d'Occident cette traduction contribuera \u00e0 l'interpr\u00e9tation de la pens\u00e9e cosmologique d'Aristote jusqu'\u00e0 son d\u00e9clin dans les derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies du XVIe si\u00e8cle. Vers la fin du XIXe si\u00e8cle cette m\u00eame traduction latine, seul t\u00e9moin tout \u00e0 fait complet du texte original, a jou\u00e9 un r\u00f4le de premier plan dans le rep\u00e9rage et la restauration de l'original grec par le savant danois I.L. Heiberg. [official abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2004","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/aIBKcwHm8NsOefI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":490,"full_name":"von Moerbeke, Wilhelm","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":12,"full_name":"Bossier, Fernand ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":130,"pubplace":"Leuven","publisher":"Leuven University Press","series":"Corpus Latinum commentariorum in Aristotelem Graecorum","volume":"8","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2004]}

Aristoteles' Kategorienschrift in ihrer antiken Kommentierung, 2004
By: Thiel, Rainer

Title	Aristoteles' Kategorienschrift in ihrer antiken Kommentierung
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2004
Publication Place	Tübingen
Publisher	Mohr Siebeck
Series	Philosophische Untersuchungen
Volume	11
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Thiel, Rainer
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle's Categories are still widely seen as being incompatible with both Aristotle's later analysis of ousia (in Metaphysics Z) and Plato's ontology. Porphyry's attempt to make sense of this work within a Neoplatonic context is considered, in turn, both as failing to do justice to Aristotle and as directed against Plotinus' purported criticism of Aristotle's Categories . Rainer Thiel shows that the Neoplatonic commentaries on the Categories that go back to Prophyry's reading can be viewed as a valid interpretation of Aristotle which does not contradict Plotinus' view, but in fact can be traced back to him. Plotinus himself does not criticize Aristotle; he does however criticize certain middle-Platonic readings of the Categories. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XddENwtj5FJ59XC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"52","_score":null,"_source":{"id":52,"authors_free":[{"id":60,"entry_id":52,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":333,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Thiel, Rainer","free_first_name":"Rainer","free_last_name":"Thiel","norm_person":{"id":333,"first_name":"Rainer","last_name":"Thiel","full_name":"Thiel, Rainer","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/12885054X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristoteles' Kategorienschrift in ihrer antiken Kommentierung","main_title":{"title":"Aristoteles' Kategorienschrift in ihrer antiken Kommentierung"},"abstract":"Aristotle's Categories are still widely seen as being incompatible with both Aristotle's later analysis of ousia (in Metaphysics Z) and Plato's ontology. Porphyry's attempt to make sense of this work within a Neoplatonic context is considered, in turn, both as failing to do justice to Aristotle and as directed against Plotinus' purported criticism of Aristotle's Categories . Rainer Thiel shows that the Neoplatonic commentaries on the Categories that go back to Prophyry's reading can be viewed as a valid interpretation of Aristotle which does not contradict Plotinus' view, but in fact can be traced back to him. Plotinus himself does not criticize Aristotle; he does however criticize certain middle-Platonic readings of the Categories. [Author\u2019s abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2004","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/XddENwtj5FJ59XC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":333,"full_name":"Thiel, Rainer","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":52,"pubplace":"T\u00fcbingen","publisher":"Mohr Siebeck","series":"Philosophische Untersuchungen","volume":"11","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2004]}

Alessandro di Afrodisia, Commentario al De caelo di Aristotele. Frammenti del primo libro, 2004
By: Rescigno, Andrea (Ed.), Alexander Aphrodisiensis,

Title	Alessandro di Afrodisia, Commentario al De caelo di Aristotele. Frammenti del primo libro
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2004
Publication Place	Amsterdam
Publisher	Hakkert
Series	Supplementi di Lexis
Volume	26
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Alexander Aphrodisiensis
Editor(s)	Rescigno, Andrea
Translator(s)	Rescigno, Andrea(Rescigno, Andrea) .

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tu72sBCDmGrvNf3

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La pensée s'exprime «grâce» à l'être (Parménide, fr. 8.35), 2004
By: Cordero, Néstor-Luis

Title	La pensée s'exprime «grâce» à l'être (Parménide, fr. 8.35)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2004
Journal	Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume	194
Issue	1
Pages	5-13
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cordero, Néstor-Luis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Peu de temps après la mort de son père spirituel, Platon n'hésite pas à rendre un hommage appuyé au « vénérable et redoutable » Parménide ; mais, en même temps, il ne peut pas s'empêcher d'avouer : étant donné sa profondeur (bathos), « je crains tout à la fois que ses paroles, nous ne les comprenions pas, et que ce qu'il pensait en les prononçant nous dépasse beaucoup plus ». Mais ce que Platon ne dit pas, c'est que cette difficulté l'a poussé à essayer de déchiffrer le logos parménidien. Vingt-cinq siècles après, Marcel Conche en a fait autant, et c'est sur le chemin de Parménide que j'ai eu la chance et le grand honneur de faire sa connaissance. Et je peux témoigner que Platon avait raison : la pensée de Parménide nous a tellement dépassés qu'elle a pu être à l'origine d'interprétations très diverses et, même si l'Éléate était surpris d'apprendre qu'il était à la fois un et multiple, il faut admettre que le chemin de recherche qu'il a inauguré reste ouvert, car sa richesse est inépuisable. Le dialogue que je voudrais entamer avec Marcel Conche concerne l'un des passages les plus controversés du Poème, l'énigmatique vers 8.35. Nous nous sommes occupés de ce texte dans notre travail Les deux chemins de Parménide, et Marcel Conche a commenté avec perspicacité notre interprétation, mais il n'a pas été convaincu par le texte que nous proposons de suivre à la place du texte traditionnel. Je voudrais renforcer les arguments donnés il y a quelques années dans le travail cité ci-dessus, car les échos de la lecture (il ne s'agit pas d'une conjecture) que nous proposons n'ont été que très restreints, malgré les points obscurs que notre solution permet d'éclairer. Regardons donc le contexte de ce passage. [introduction p. 5-6]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GrJltxCHr2iNGon

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1279","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1279,"authors_free":[{"id":1868,"entry_id":1279,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":54,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_last_name":"Cordero","norm_person":{"id":54,"first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","last_name":"Cordero","full_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1055808973","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La pens\u00e9e s'exprime \u00abgr\u00e2ce\u00bb \u00e0 l'\u00eatre (Parm\u00e9nide, fr. 8.35)","main_title":{"title":"La pens\u00e9e s'exprime \u00abgr\u00e2ce\u00bb \u00e0 l'\u00eatre (Parm\u00e9nide, fr. 8.35)"},"abstract":"Peu de temps apr\u00e8s la mort de son p\u00e8re spirituel, Platon n'h\u00e9site pas \u00e0 rendre un hommage appuy\u00e9 au \u00ab v\u00e9n\u00e9rable et redoutable \u00bb Parm\u00e9nide ; mais, en m\u00eame temps, il ne peut pas s'emp\u00eacher d'avouer : \u00e9tant donn\u00e9 sa profondeur (bathos), \u00ab je crains tout \u00e0 la fois que ses paroles, nous ne les comprenions pas, et que ce qu'il pensait en les pronon\u00e7ant nous d\u00e9passe beaucoup plus \u00bb. Mais ce que Platon ne dit pas, c'est que cette difficult\u00e9 l'a pouss\u00e9 \u00e0 essayer de d\u00e9chiffrer le logos parm\u00e9nidien. Vingt-cinq si\u00e8cles apr\u00e8s, Marcel Conche en a fait autant, et c'est sur le chemin de Parm\u00e9nide que j'ai eu la chance et le grand honneur de faire sa connaissance. Et je peux t\u00e9moigner que Platon avait raison : la pens\u00e9e de Parm\u00e9nide nous a tellement d\u00e9pass\u00e9s qu'elle a pu \u00eatre \u00e0 l'origine d'interpr\u00e9tations tr\u00e8s diverses et, m\u00eame si l'\u00c9l\u00e9ate \u00e9tait surpris d'apprendre qu'il \u00e9tait \u00e0 la fois un et multiple, il faut admettre que le chemin de recherche qu'il a inaugur\u00e9 reste ouvert, car sa richesse est in\u00e9puisable.\r\n\r\nLe dialogue que je voudrais entamer avec Marcel Conche concerne l'un des passages les plus controvers\u00e9s du Po\u00e8me, l'\u00e9nigmatique vers 8.35. Nous nous sommes occup\u00e9s de ce texte dans notre travail Les deux chemins de Parm\u00e9nide, et Marcel Conche a comment\u00e9 avec perspicacit\u00e9 notre interpr\u00e9tation, mais il n'a pas \u00e9t\u00e9 convaincu par le texte que nous proposons de suivre \u00e0 la place du texte traditionnel. Je voudrais renforcer les arguments donn\u00e9s il y a quelques ann\u00e9es dans le travail cit\u00e9 ci-dessus, car les \u00e9chos de la lecture (il ne s'agit pas d'une conjecture) que nous proposons n'ont \u00e9t\u00e9 que tr\u00e8s restreints, malgr\u00e9 les points obscurs que notre solution permet d'\u00e9clairer. Regardons donc le contexte de ce passage. [introduction p. 5-6]","btype":3,"date":"2004","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GrJltxCHr2iNGon","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":54,"full_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1279,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'\u00c9tranger","volume":"194","issue":"1","pages":"5-13"}},"sort":[2004]}

Neue Forschungen zum Neuplatonismus (1995-2003). Teil II, 2004
By: Steel, Carlos, Helmig, Christoph

Title	Neue Forschungen zum Neuplatonismus (1995-2003). Teil II
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2004
Journal	Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Philosophie
Volume	29
Pages	225-247
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos , Helmig, Christoph
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Dieser Artikel berichtete über weniger als zehn Jahre Forschung im Bereich des Neuplatonismus. Und doch ist es erfreulich festzustellen, wie viel seit Mitte der 90er Jahre zustande gekommen ist, auch wenn es für die Zukunft noch viel zu tun gibt. Die Aufgabe stellt sich in doppelter Hinsicht: philologisch und philosophisch. In erster Linie ist es notwendig, das so rasant angewachsene Interesse für die neuplatonische Philosophie dahingehend zu nutzen, dass die Editionen und kommentierten Übersetzungen wichtiger Texte weitergeführt werden. Das ist eine intensive, mühevolle und oft undankbare Arbeit, weil so etwas im heutigen „Forschungsklima“ nicht immer in ausreichendem Maße gewürdigt wird. Und dennoch bleibt es eine der drängendsten Aufgaben, und das umso mehr, weil wir befürchten müssen, dass die Kenntnis der alten Sprachen immer weiter zurückgeht. Wie im Mittelalter die antike Philosophie nur überleben und neuen Einfluss gewinnen konnte durch massive Übersetzungsaktivitäten (ins Arabische und Lateinische), so werden in diesem Jahrhundert – ob man es nun bedauert oder nicht – viele neuplatonische Autoren nur noch in Reihen wie „The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle“ oder in anderen Übersetzungen gelesen werden. Darum ist es wichtig, dass die Übersetzungen zuverlässig sind und auf guten Editionen fußen. Es wäre daher wünschenswert, dass gerade auch in Deutschland vermehrt zentrale Texte aus dem späteren Neuplatonismus übersetzt und kommentiert würden. Aber neben dieser Editions- und Übersetzungsarbeit sollte das eigentliche Ziel der Forschung eine philosophische Annäherung sein an diese große Tradition der Geistesgeschichte mit ihren vielfachen kulturellen Verzweigungen im Mittelalter (von Syrien über den Irak und Andalusien bis nach Köln), in der Renaissance und in der Neuzeit. Dabei müssen wir uns aber davor hüten, den Neuplatonismus allzu leicht mit Schwärmerei oder einer Art von Esoterik in Verbindung zu bringen. Er ist und bleibt vor allem eine Philosophie, auch wenn er eine Philosophie ist, die rational die Grenzen der Rationalität einsieht. Gerade in der deutschsprachigen Forschung haben wir schöne Beispiele für ein fruchtbares Zusammengehen von philologischer akribeia und philosophischer Annäherung. Ein Paradigma einer solchen Forschung am Neuplatonismus bleiben für uns die zahlreichen philosophisch anregenden Arbeiten von Werner Beierwaltes. [p. 246-247]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/J1gdFPhAmlKlP6l

{"_index":"sire","_id":"481","_score":null,"_source":{"id":481,"authors_free":[{"id":651,"entry_id":481,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":652,"entry_id":481,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":146,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Helmig, Christoph","free_first_name":"Christoph","free_last_name":"Helmig","norm_person":{"id":146,"first_name":"Christoph","last_name":"Helmig","full_name":"Helmig, Christoph","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1107028760","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Neue Forschungen zum Neuplatonismus (1995-2003). Teil II","main_title":{"title":"Neue Forschungen zum Neuplatonismus (1995-2003). Teil II"},"abstract":"Dieser Artikel berichtete \u00fcber weniger als zehn Jahre Forschung im Bereich des Neuplatonismus. Und doch ist es erfreulich festzustellen, wie viel seit Mitte der 90er Jahre zustande gekommen ist, auch wenn es f\u00fcr die Zukunft noch viel zu tun gibt. Die Aufgabe stellt sich in doppelter Hinsicht: philologisch und philosophisch.\r\n\r\nIn erster Linie ist es notwendig, das so rasant angewachsene Interesse f\u00fcr die neuplatonische Philosophie dahingehend zu nutzen, dass die Editionen und kommentierten \u00dcbersetzungen wichtiger Texte weitergef\u00fchrt werden. Das ist eine intensive, m\u00fchevolle und oft undankbare Arbeit, weil so etwas im heutigen \u201eForschungsklima\u201c nicht immer in ausreichendem Ma\u00dfe gew\u00fcrdigt wird. Und dennoch bleibt es eine der dr\u00e4ngendsten Aufgaben, und das umso mehr, weil wir bef\u00fcrchten m\u00fcssen, dass die Kenntnis der alten Sprachen immer weiter zur\u00fcckgeht.\r\n\r\nWie im Mittelalter die antike Philosophie nur \u00fcberleben und neuen Einfluss gewinnen konnte durch massive \u00dcbersetzungsaktivit\u00e4ten (ins Arabische und Lateinische), so werden in diesem Jahrhundert \u2013 ob man es nun bedauert oder nicht \u2013 viele neuplatonische Autoren nur noch in Reihen wie \u201eThe Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\u201c oder in anderen \u00dcbersetzungen gelesen werden. Darum ist es wichtig, dass die \u00dcbersetzungen zuverl\u00e4ssig sind und auf guten Editionen fu\u00dfen.\r\n\r\nEs w\u00e4re daher w\u00fcnschenswert, dass gerade auch in Deutschland vermehrt zentrale Texte aus dem sp\u00e4teren Neuplatonismus \u00fcbersetzt und kommentiert w\u00fcrden. Aber neben dieser Editions- und \u00dcbersetzungsarbeit sollte das eigentliche Ziel der Forschung eine philosophische Ann\u00e4herung sein an diese gro\u00dfe Tradition der Geistesgeschichte mit ihren vielfachen kulturellen Verzweigungen im Mittelalter (von Syrien \u00fcber den Irak und Andalusien bis nach K\u00f6ln), in der Renaissance und in der Neuzeit.\r\n\r\nDabei m\u00fcssen wir uns aber davor h\u00fcten, den Neuplatonismus allzu leicht mit Schw\u00e4rmerei oder einer Art von Esoterik in Verbindung zu bringen. Er ist und bleibt vor allem eine Philosophie, auch wenn er eine Philosophie ist, die rational die Grenzen der Rationalit\u00e4t einsieht.\r\n\r\nGerade in der deutschsprachigen Forschung haben wir sch\u00f6ne Beispiele f\u00fcr ein fruchtbares Zusammengehen von philologischer akribeia und philosophischer Ann\u00e4herung. Ein Paradigma einer solchen Forschung am Neuplatonismus bleiben f\u00fcr uns die zahlreichen philosophisch anregenden Arbeiten von Werner Beierwaltes. [p. 246-247]","btype":3,"date":"2004","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/J1gdFPhAmlKlP6l","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":146,"full_name":"Helmig, Christoph","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":481,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Allgemeine Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Philosophie","volume":"29","issue":"","pages":"225-247"}},"sort":[2004]}

Aristotelianism as a commentary tradition, 2004
By: Fazzo, Silvia, Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Stone, Martin W. F. (Ed.)

Title	Aristotelianism as a commentary tradition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2004
Published in	Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1
Pages	1-19
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fazzo, Silvia
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Baltussen, Han , Stone, Martin W. F.
Translator(s)

[Conclusion, p. 14]: We have seen that it was only in the twentieth century, after the two World Wars, that the study of Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca began to come into its own as a field of research.44 Among the first to make profitable use of the CAG were those Orientalists, chiefly from Germany, who were interested in Greek-Arabic connections and translations. In the case of Alexander, the availability of critical editions of the texts made it possible to identify the Greek counterparts of many short pieces transmitted in Arabic under his name but with titles different from those familiar to us.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MKWHuyZ1jyOKcwR

The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy, 2004
By: Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Taylor, Richard C. (Ed.)

Title	The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2004
Publication Place	Cambridge
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Taylor, Richard C.
Translator(s)

Philosophy written in Arabic and in the Islamic world represents one of the great traditions of Western philosophy. Inspired by Greek philosophical works and the indigenous ideas of Islamic theology, Arabic philosophers from the ninth century onwards put forward ideas of great philosophical and historical importance. This collection of essays, by some of the leading scholars in Arabic philosophy, provides an introduction to the field by way of chapters devoted to individual thinkers (such as al-Farabi, Avicenna and Averroes) or groups, especially during the 'classical' period from the ninth to the twelfth centuries. It also includes chapters on areas of philosophical inquiry across the tradition, such as ethics and metaphysics. Finally, it includes chapters on later Islamic thought, and on the connections between Arabic philosophy and Greek, Jewish, and Latin philosophy. The volume also includes a useful bibliography and a chronology of the most important Arabic thinkers. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CWyIAoel4RYZzMZ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1309","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1309,"authors_free":[{"id":1935,"entry_id":1309,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":98,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Adamson, Peter","free_first_name":"Peter","free_last_name":"Adamson","norm_person":{"id":98,"first_name":"Peter","last_name":"Adamson","full_name":"Adamson, Peter","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139896104","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2343,"entry_id":1309,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":446,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Taylor, Richard C.","free_first_name":"Richard C.","free_last_name":"Taylor","norm_person":{"id":446,"first_name":"Richard C.","last_name":"Taylor","full_name":"Taylor, Richard C.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139866353","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy","main_title":{"title":"The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy"},"abstract":"Philosophy written in Arabic and in the Islamic world represents one of the great traditions of Western philosophy. Inspired by Greek philosophical works and the indigenous ideas of Islamic theology, Arabic philosophers from the ninth century onwards put forward ideas of great philosophical and historical importance. This collection of essays, by some of the leading scholars in Arabic philosophy, provides an introduction to the field by way of chapters devoted to individual thinkers (such as al-Farabi, Avicenna and Averroes) or groups, especially during the 'classical' period from the ninth to the twelfth centuries. It also includes chapters on areas of philosophical inquiry across the tradition, such as ethics and metaphysics. Finally, it includes chapters on later Islamic thought, and on the connections between Arabic philosophy and Greek, Jewish, and Latin philosophy. The volume also includes a useful bibliography and a chronology of the most important Arabic thinkers. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2004","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CWyIAoel4RYZzMZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":98,"full_name":"Adamson, Peter","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":446,"full_name":"Taylor, Richard C.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1309,"pubplace":"Cambridge","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2004]}

Porphyry: The first Platonist commentator on Aristotle, 2004
By: Karamanolis, George, Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Stone, Martin W. F. (Ed.)

Title	Porphyry: The first Platonist commentator on Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2004
Published in	Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1
Pages	97-120
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Karamanolis, George
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Baltussen, Han , Stone, Martin W. F.
Translator(s)

From the foregoing discussion, it emerges, I hope, that Porphyry was inspired by a certain ideology regarding Aristotle’s philosophy. This ideology, which I have tried to outline, is quite central to Porphyry’s overall philosophical profile. It stems from a set of interpretations of some of Aristotle’s central doctrines, which show Aristotle to be in agreement with Plato’s philosophy, despite some differences or even objections on Aristotle’s part. We can find these interpretations in his extant work, but probably they were fully spelled out in some of his lost works, such as in his On Plato and Aristotle belonging to the same school of thought (Suda s.v. Porphyry) or in his On the difference between Plato and Aristotle (Elias in Porphyrii Isag. 39.7-8). There is little reason to think that the titles of the two works represent two contradictory Porphyrian positions about the relation between Platonic and Aristotelian philosophy, as has often been argued, and still less that they may stand for one work. For, as has been seen, Porphyry did not deny the existence of differences between Plato and Aristotle; rather, he appears to have argued that these were not as dramatic as had been thought by Platonists and Peripatetics alike. In Porphyry’s interpretation, as has been reconstructed above, Aristotle’s philosophy was close to and complementary with Plato’s doctrine: Aristotle’s logic, though not Platonic, is considered to be compatible and complementary with Platonic philosophy, while Aristotle’s ontology is deemed similar to that of Plato’s. Such an interpretation of Aristotle commands commitment to at least some parts of his philosophy. This feature distinguishes Porphyry from the entire previous Platonist tradition. It is this that motivates him to recommend Aristotle’s philosophy to fellow Platonists as a philosophically valuable one through the writing of detailed commentaries in the manner of Peripatetics like Andronicus, Aspasius, and Alexander. In fact, as has been suggested above, Porphyry was much influenced by their interpretations of Aristotle’s thought. But he also distanced himself from them, because he wrote for a different readership with different expectations and philosophical views. Porphyry’s commentaries were specifically written for Platonists, who were urged to understand that, given a certain interpretation of Aristotle, not only can Aristotle be studied along with Plato, but that this study is in fact so philosophically important as to become indispensable for a Platonist. If Platonists after Porphyry kept writing commentaries on Aristotle, often drawing extensively on Porphyry’s own work, they did this because they largely accepted Porphyry’s position on Aristotle’s philosophy. This does not mean that they always agreed with him. But it is surely Porphyry who set the agenda for the discussion of Aristotle’s philosophy by the later Platonists. [conclusion p. 118-119]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PKJkoGjXKCovNlB

The Eternity of the World in the Sixth Century: Philoponus, Simplicius and Cosmas Indicopleustes (Honours thesis, University of Melbourne), 2004
By: Champion, M.

Title	The Eternity of the World in the Sixth Century: Philoponus, Simplicius and Cosmas Indicopleustes (Honours thesis, University of Melbourne)
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2004
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Champion, M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lC3PA3DaUFDyp4y

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Eudoxus, Callipus and the Astronomy of the Timaeus, 2003
By: Gregory, Andrew, Sharples, Robert W. (Ed.), Sheppard, Anne D. (Ed.)

Title	Eudoxus, Callipus and the Astronomy of the Timaeus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2003
Published in	Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus
Pages	5-28
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gregory, Andrew
Editor(s)	Sharples, Robert W. , Sheppard, Anne D.
Translator(s)

Whether the astronomy of the Timaeus had any significant influence on Eudoxus’ theory of homocentric spheres is a matter of contention. Some commentators deny any such influence. Here I argue for a view of the Timaeus’ astronomy, and of Eudoxus’ astronomy, whereby Eudoxus’ work was as much a natural development of the Timaeus as Callippus’ work was of Eudoxus. I also argue for an important interpretative principle. This is that Plato, Eudoxus and Callippus could not account for all the phenomena they were aware of, and were aware of that fact. If the Timaeus presents a prototype, Eudoxus can then be seen to develop this astronomy, making the model more sophisticated and complex while staying within the cosmological principles, and attempting to solve the key problems which were left unsolved by the Timaeus model. He does this in much the same way as Callippus made Eudoxus’ model more complex and sophisticated, and attempted to solve the leading problems in that model. I also consider some further objections to a significant interaction between Plato and Eudoxus, based on supposed philosophical differences, dating, and the evidence of later commentators. I conclude that these provide no significant obstacle to considering there to be a fruitful liaison between Plato and Eudoxus. [introduction, p. 5]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zuozQiu69DMzr3V

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Aristotle and some of his Commentators on the Timaeus’ Receptacle, 2003
By: Gregory, Andrew, Sharples, Robert W. (Ed.), Sheppard, Anne D. (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle and some of his Commentators on the Timaeus’ Receptacle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2003
Published in	Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus
Pages	29-47
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gregory, Andrew
Editor(s)	Sharples, Robert W. , Sheppard, Anne D.
Translator(s)

The nature of the receptacle, presented in Timaeus 48e-53b, is controversial. It is unclear whether the receptacle is supposed to be matter, space, or in some way both matter and space. Plato seems to intend some reform of the way in which we refer to phenomena, but the nature of that reform is far from clear. Can the evidence of Aristotle help us here? Aristotle and some of his commentators have interesting and significant things to say about the receptacle and its contents, more perhaps than is generally recognized. Some commentators believe that the receptacle passage (Timaeus 48e-53b) is self-contained and can be taken in isolation from the rest of the Timaeus. In my view, that is quite wrong. Geometrical atomism (GA) is introduced at 53c. By geometrical atomism, I mean the theory that the elements (earth, water, air, fire) can be analyzed into three-dimensional particles of definite shape (cubes, octahedra, icosahedra, tetrahedra, which I shall call "atoms" in the modern sense), and that these particles can be further subdivided into planes, and these planes into one of two types of triangle. GA does not sit entirely easily with the receptacle passage. It may develop or modify the receptacle theory, and certainly, it has a considerable bearing on the nature of the receptacle. At the very least, we need to think carefully about how the entities proposed by GA relate to the receptacle. What is undeniable is that the rest of the Timaeus (53c to the end) discusses phenomena in terms of GA and not the receptacle. We get an analysis of objects, human beings, human perception, and qualities resulting from the interaction of objects and human beings, entirely in terms of GA without any mention of the receptacle. In my view, we often underrate the importance of GA in relation to the receptacle. It may well be the case that Plato was primarily interested in philosophy rather than science, and that, to us, the receptacle is interesting "live" philosophy, while GA is merely redundant "dead" science. However, Plato in the Timaeus was interested in at least the broad outlines of a teleological account of the cosmos and humans, and GA is certainly an important and integral part of that. What we find philosophically interesting in the Timaeus is no sure guide to what Plato or the ancients following Plato found important, and hopefully, this is something that an examination of Aristotle and some of his commentators may illuminate. There is an important consideration about Aristotle’s evidence in relation to these issues. Undoubtedly, the best-known passage on the receptacle in Aristotle is Physics 4.2, on the supposed identification of space and matter in Plato. However, there are passages in De Caelo and De Generatione et Corruptione, as well as the commentaries on those works, which deal with the nature of the entities supposed by GA and their relation to the receptacle, and how Plato explains changing phenomena. We need to look at and evaluate this less well-known evidence as well. Firstly, I will give a brief overview of the receptacle passage and some of the main problems of interpretation relating to it. I will then look briefly at the relation between the receptacle passage and GA. We will then be in a position to examine the evidence of Aristotle and some of his commentators on these matters. [introduction p. 29-30]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yAlkhsJc93zuSvB

{"_index":"sire","_id":"702","_score":null,"_source":{"id":702,"authors_free":[{"id":1043,"entry_id":702,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":147,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gregory, Andrew","free_first_name":"Andrew","free_last_name":"Gregory","norm_person":{"id":147,"first_name":"Andrew","last_name":"Gregory","full_name":"Gregory, Andrew","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/99594623X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1044,"entry_id":702,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":42,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","free_first_name":"Robert W.","free_last_name":"Sharples","norm_person":{"id":42,"first_name":"Robert W.","last_name":"Sharples","full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/114269505","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1045,"entry_id":702,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":43,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","free_first_name":"Anne D.","free_last_name":"Sheppard","norm_person":{"id":43,"first_name":"Anne D.","last_name":"Sheppard","full_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1158024592","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle and some of his Commentators on the Timaeus\u2019 Receptacle","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle and some of his Commentators on the Timaeus\u2019 Receptacle"},"abstract":"The nature of the receptacle, presented in Timaeus 48e-53b, is controversial. It is unclear whether the receptacle is supposed to be matter, space, or in some way both matter and space. Plato seems to intend some reform of the way in which we refer to phenomena, but the nature of that reform is far from clear. Can the evidence of Aristotle help us here? Aristotle and some of his commentators have interesting and significant things to say about the receptacle and its contents, more perhaps than is generally recognized.\r\n\r\nSome commentators believe that the receptacle passage (Timaeus 48e-53b) is self-contained and can be taken in isolation from the rest of the Timaeus. In my view, that is quite wrong. Geometrical atomism (GA) is introduced at 53c. By geometrical atomism, I mean the theory that the elements (earth, water, air, fire) can be analyzed into three-dimensional particles of definite shape (cubes, octahedra, icosahedra, tetrahedra, which I shall call \"atoms\" in the modern sense), and that these particles can be further subdivided into planes, and these planes into one of two types of triangle. GA does not sit entirely easily with the receptacle passage. It may develop or modify the receptacle theory, and certainly, it has a considerable bearing on the nature of the receptacle. At the very least, we need to think carefully about how the entities proposed by GA relate to the receptacle.\r\n\r\nWhat is undeniable is that the rest of the Timaeus (53c to the end) discusses phenomena in terms of GA and not the receptacle. We get an analysis of objects, human beings, human perception, and qualities resulting from the interaction of objects and human beings, entirely in terms of GA without any mention of the receptacle. In my view, we often underrate the importance of GA in relation to the receptacle. It may well be the case that Plato was primarily interested in philosophy rather than science, and that, to us, the receptacle is interesting \"live\" philosophy, while GA is merely redundant \"dead\" science. However, Plato in the Timaeus was interested in at least the broad outlines of a teleological account of the cosmos and humans, and GA is certainly an important and integral part of that. What we find philosophically interesting in the Timaeus is no sure guide to what Plato or the ancients following Plato found important, and hopefully, this is something that an examination of Aristotle and some of his commentators may illuminate.\r\n\r\nThere is an important consideration about Aristotle\u2019s evidence in relation to these issues. Undoubtedly, the best-known passage on the receptacle in Aristotle is Physics 4.2, on the supposed identification of space and matter in Plato. However, there are passages in De Caelo and De Generatione et Corruptione, as well as the commentaries on those works, which deal with the nature of the entities supposed by GA and their relation to the receptacle, and how Plato explains changing phenomena. We need to look at and evaluate this less well-known evidence as well.\r\n\r\nFirstly, I will give a brief overview of the receptacle passage and some of the main problems of interpretation relating to it. I will then look briefly at the relation between the receptacle passage and GA. We will then be in a position to examine the evidence of Aristotle and some of his commentators on these matters. [introduction p. 29-30]","btype":2,"date":"2003","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yAlkhsJc93zuSvB","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":147,"full_name":"Gregory, Andrew","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":42,"full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":43,"full_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":702,"section_of":157,"pages":"29-47","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":157,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sharples\/Sheppard2003","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2003","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2003","abstract":"Twelve academic essays, given during the Institute of Classical Studies research seminar in 2000 and 2001, examine Plato's vision of the `real world' as he presented it in Timaeus while considering the text's influence on classical philosophers and scientists. Specific subjects include astronomy, the reactions of Aristotle and others to Timaeus , Hellenistic musicology, Proclus' Commentary , comparisons with Aristotle's Physics , mythology. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/UsvEmjeEeL17itA","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":157,"pubplace":"University of London","publisher":"Institute of Classical Studies","series":"Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies","volume":"46, Supplement 78","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2003]}

Quelques exemples de scholies dans la tradition arabe des "Éléments" d'Euclide, 2003
By: Djebbar, Ahmed

Title	Quelques exemples de scholies dans la tradition arabe des "Éléments" d'Euclide
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2003
Journal	Revue d'histoire des sciences
Volume	56
Issue	2
Pages	293-321
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Djebbar, Ahmed
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

After describing two important sources of scholia, the manuscripts Teherán Malik 3586 and Leiden Or. 399/1, this article analyzes the different kinds of scholia found in these texts as well as in other mathematical writings of the Arab tradition of Euclid's Elements. The second part of the article provides a modern edition and French translation of some of these previously unpublished scholia. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Gv7BthgX2p0VabW

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Why Does Plato's Element Theory Conflict With Mathematics (Arist. Cael. 299a2-6)?, 2003
By: Kouremenos, Theokritos

Title	Why Does Plato's Element Theory Conflict With Mathematics (Arist. Cael. 299a2-6)?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2003
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	146
Issue	3/4
Pages	328-345
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kouremenos, Theokritos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In Cael. 3.1 Aristotle argues against those who posit that all bodies are generated because they are made from, and dissolve into, planes, namely Plato and perhaps other members of the Academy who subscribed to the Timaeus physics (cf. Simplicius, In Cael. 561,8-11 [Heiberg]). In his Timaeus Plato assigns to each of the traditional Empedoclean elements a regular polyhedron: the tetrahedron or pyramid to fire, the cube to earth, the octahedron to air, and the icosahedron to water. Each regular polyhedron can be anachronistically called a molecule of the element in question, and, as is suggested by the analogy between the regular solids and molecules, Plato also posits that the regular polyhedra are made from 'atoms': the faces of the tetrahedron, octahedron, and icosahedron are made from scalene right-angled triangles, whose hypotenuses are double the length of the smaller sides, whereas the faces of the cube consist of isosceles right-angled triangles. Since fire, air, and water consist of polyhedral molecules whose elementary constituents are of the same type, they can freely change into one another. Any of these three elements turns into another when its molecules break down into their elementary constituents, and these building blocks recombine into molecules of another element. Aristotle has in mind the reshuffling of elementary triangles when he refers to all bodies being made from, and dissolving into, planes. His first objection to this fundamental assumption in Plato's element theory is set out in Cael. 299a2-6: as is easily seen, constructing bodies from planes runs counter to mathematics whose 'hypotheses' should be accepted, unless one comes up with something more convincing. Contrary to Aristotle's claim, it is not easy to see why Plato's element theory runs counter to mathematics because it constructs the polyhedral molecules from the triangular planes in the faces of these molecules. Aristotle presumably implies that this violates some mathematical 'hypotheses' which should be better left as they stand but does not explain what the 'hypotheses' in question are. Nor is it any clearer whether Plato commits himself to the rejection of these 'hypotheses' or some aspect of Plato's element theory entails their rejection by Aristotle's own lights. I will attempt to answer these questions after a critique of Simplicius who identifies the hypotheses in Cael. 299a2-6 with the Euclidean definitions of point, line, and plane but also thinks that Aristotle sets out further mathematical objections to Plato's element theory in Cael. 299a6-11: contrary to the commentator, there is only one such objection in Cael. 299a6-11, namely that Plato's element theory introduces indivisible lines, and, as is suggested by an allusion to Cael. 299a2-6 in the treatise On Indivisible Lines, the same objection is also implicit in Cael. 299a2-6. That in this passage Plato's element theory is said to conflict with mathematics because it entails the existence of indivisible lines is borne out not only by Cael. 299a6-11 but also by 299a13-17. After interpreting the 'hypotheses' in Cael. 299a2-6 consistently with this fact, I will show that, when Aristotle charges Plato with introducing various sorts of indivisibles in his element theory, he actually brings out the untenability of this theory by arguing that Plato ought to introduce such entities which are, though, ruled out by mathematics. Aristotle's implicit objection in Cael. 299a2-6 follows from a similar argument which I will attempt to reconstruct in the final sections of this paper. [introduction p. 328-329]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9EHiPSWuW9oh0c4

{"_index":"sire","_id":"984","_score":null,"_source":{"id":984,"authors_free":[{"id":1485,"entry_id":984,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":219,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kouremenos, Theokritos","free_first_name":"Theokritos","free_last_name":"Kouremenos","norm_person":{"id":219,"first_name":"Theokritos","last_name":"Kouremenos","full_name":"Kouremenos, Theokritos","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/113872224","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Why Does Plato's Element Theory Conflict With Mathematics (Arist. Cael. 299a2-6)?","main_title":{"title":"Why Does Plato's Element Theory Conflict With Mathematics (Arist. Cael. 299a2-6)?"},"abstract":"In Cael. 3.1 Aristotle argues against those who posit that all bodies are generated because they are made from, and dissolve into, planes, namely Plato and perhaps other members of the Academy who subscribed to the Timaeus physics (cf. Simplicius, In Cael. 561,8-11 [Heiberg]). In his Timaeus Plato assigns to each of the traditional Empedoclean elements a regular polyhedron: the tetrahedron or pyramid to fire, the cube to earth, the octahedron to air, and the icosahedron to water. Each regular polyhedron can be anachronistically called a molecule of the element in question, and, as is suggested by the analogy between the regular solids and molecules, Plato also posits that the regular polyhedra are made from 'atoms': the faces of the tetrahedron, octahedron, and icosahedron are made from scalene right-angled triangles, whose hypotenuses are double the length of the smaller sides, whereas the faces of the cube consist of isosceles right-angled triangles.\r\n\r\nSince fire, air, and water consist of polyhedral molecules whose elementary constituents are of the same type, they can freely change into one another. Any of these three elements turns into another when its molecules break down into their elementary constituents, and these building blocks recombine into molecules of another element. Aristotle has in mind the reshuffling of elementary triangles when he refers to all bodies being made from, and dissolving into, planes. His first objection to this fundamental assumption in Plato's element theory is set out in Cael. 299a2-6: as is easily seen, constructing bodies from planes runs counter to mathematics whose 'hypotheses' should be accepted, unless one comes up with something more convincing.\r\n\r\nContrary to Aristotle's claim, it is not easy to see why Plato's element theory runs counter to mathematics because it constructs the polyhedral molecules from the triangular planes in the faces of these molecules. Aristotle presumably implies that this violates some mathematical 'hypotheses' which should be better left as they stand but does not explain what the 'hypotheses' in question are. Nor is it any clearer whether Plato commits himself to the rejection of these 'hypotheses' or some aspect of Plato's element theory entails their rejection by Aristotle's own lights. I will attempt to answer these questions after a critique of Simplicius who identifies the hypotheses in Cael. 299a2-6 with the Euclidean definitions of point, line, and plane but also thinks that Aristotle sets out further mathematical objections to Plato's element theory in Cael. 299a6-11: contrary to the commentator, there is only one such objection in Cael. 299a6-11, namely that Plato's element theory introduces indivisible lines, and, as is suggested by an allusion to Cael. 299a2-6 in the treatise On Indivisible Lines, the same objection is also implicit in Cael. 299a2-6.\r\n\r\nThat in this passage Plato's element theory is said to conflict with mathematics because it entails the existence of indivisible lines is borne out not only by Cael. 299a6-11 but also by 299a13-17. After interpreting the 'hypotheses' in Cael. 299a2-6 consistently with this fact, I will show that, when Aristotle charges Plato with introducing various sorts of indivisibles in his element theory, he actually brings out the untenability of this theory by arguing that Plato ought to introduce such entities which are, though, ruled out by mathematics. Aristotle's implicit objection in Cael. 299a2-6 follows from a similar argument which I will attempt to reconstruct in the final sections of this paper. [introduction p. 328-329]","btype":3,"date":"2003","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9EHiPSWuW9oh0c4","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":219,"full_name":"Kouremenos, Theokritos","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":984,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rheinisches Museum f\u00fcr Philologie","volume":"146","issue":"3\/4","pages":"328-345"}},"sort":[2003]}

Doppelte Entelecheia: Das Menschenbild in “Simplikios”’ Kommentar zu Aristoteles’ De anima, 2003
By: Perkams, Matthias

Title	Doppelte Entelecheia: Das Menschenbild in “Simplikios”’ Kommentar zu Aristoteles’ De anima
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2003
Journal	Elenchos
Volume	24
Issue	1
Pages	57-91
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Der Durchgang durch „Simplikios’“ Text hat gezeigt, dass dieser Kommentator mit seiner Theorie der doppelten Formursächlichkeit der Seele bzw. ihres doppelten entelecheia-Seins die funktionale Beziehung der Seele zum Körper in ihren verschiedenen Stufen nach einem einheitlichen Schema erklärt. Immer ist es ein seelisch definiertes Organ, zu dem die Seele in Beziehung tritt. Das anthropologische Ergebnis ist kein Dreischritt Körper-Leib-Seele, sondern eine systematisch durchdachte Definition des Verhältnisses zwischen Körper und Seele: Auf der einen Seite steht nicht ein Stück Materie, sondern ein Lebewesen in der Art eines belebten Körpers, bei dessen Formung Körperliches und Seelisches bereits eine Einheit eingegangen sind, auf der anderen Seite eine Seele, die als die, die sie ist, wesentlich auf die Benutzung dieses Leibes ausgerichtet ist. Dabei ist der Leib von der bloßen Materie ebenso verschieden wie die bewegende Seele vom transzendenten nous, in dem sie ursprünglich wurzelt. Erst im Tod gewinnen nous und Materie wieder ihre Selbständigkeit zurück. Diese Darstellung zeigt, wie „Simplikios“ systematisch mit Aristoteles umgeht: Die Terminologie des Stagiriten integriert er nicht nur in seine eigene philosophische Konzeption, sondern er kann mithilfe dieser Terminologie eine logisch und sachlich konsistente und gut nachvollziehbare Fassung der neuplatonischen Seelenlehre entwickeln. Damit erweist sich die Auseinandersetzung mit Aristoteles für den neuplatonischen Autor als fruchtbar, ohne dass er sachlich die Grenzen des Neuplatonismus überschreitet. Im neuplatonischen Kontext ist es besonders interessant, dass „Simplikios“ in den beiden Formen von entelecheia durchgehende Charakteristika des Seelischen in der Art sieht, dass jede einzelne Seelenart den Leib in der genannten doppelten Weise verwirklicht. Denn mit der Annahme zweier Arten der Einwirkung der Seele auf den Körper entspricht er einer Struktur, die sich bereits bei Plotin entfaltet findet: Der Leib, mit dem sich die Seele vereinigt, ist bereits durch eine Spur oder ein Bild der Seele auf deren Aufnahme vorbereitet. Bei der Interpretation dieser Stellen wird meistens angenommen, dass dieses „Bild“ der vegetativen Seele entspricht, die von der höheren Seele verschieden ist. Diese Identifizierung wurde jüngst von Ch. Tornau unter Verweis auf Enn. IV 4, 20, 22–5; VI 4, 15, 15 in Zweifel gezogen. Bei „Simplikios“ zeigt sich nun klar, dass dieses Seelenbild ebenso wie die bewegende Formursache, die eigentliche Seele, in jeder einzelnen Seelenart vorhanden ist. Damit wird Tornaus Vermutung zumindest für einen neuplatonischen Autor bestätigt. An diesem Punkt, der für die Systematik des neuplatonischen Menschenbildes überhaupt von Bedeutung ist, ist weitere Forschung nötig, um zu mehr Klarheit über die im Neuplatonismus übliche Lehre und die Abweichungen davon zu gelangen. Das von „Simplikios“ entworfene Bild zeigt, dass die menschliche Seele im späten Neuplatonismus nicht als unsystematische Nebeneinanderstellung verschiedener, mehr oder weniger zwanghaft triadisch geordneter Schichten zu verstehen ist, sondern dass die Philosophen dieser Zeit im Rahmen der Voraussetzungen, die sie für selbstverständlich hielten, ein klares Bild der gegenseitigen Bezogenheit von Seele und Leib entwickeln konnten. Die Einheit zwischen Körper und Seele, wie „Simplikios“ sie schildert, ist keineswegs so locker, wie es manche Überblickswerke zum Neuplatonismus nahelegen: Die Seele, die in der materiellen Welt wirkt und erkennt, ist wesentlich mit dem Körper verbunden und kann ohne diese Verbindung nicht existieren. [conclusion p. 90-91]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/egqTFHmjZlWVg7v

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1087","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1087,"authors_free":[{"id":1643,"entry_id":1087,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":283,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Perkams, Matthias","free_first_name":"Matthias","free_last_name":"Perkams","norm_person":{"id":283,"first_name":"Matthias","last_name":"Perkams","full_name":"Perkams, Matthias","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123439760","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Doppelte Entelecheia: Das Menschen\u00adbild in \u201cSimplikios\u201d\u2019 Kommentar zu Aristoteles\u2019 De anima","main_title":{"title":"Doppelte Entelecheia: Das Menschen\u00adbild in \u201cSimplikios\u201d\u2019 Kommentar zu Aristoteles\u2019 De anima"},"abstract":"Der Durchgang durch \u201eSimplikios\u2019\u201c Text hat gezeigt, dass dieser Kommentator mit seiner Theorie der doppelten Formurs\u00e4chlichkeit der Seele bzw. ihres doppelten entelecheia-Seins die funktionale Beziehung der Seele zum K\u00f6rper in ihren verschiedenen Stufen nach einem einheitlichen Schema erkl\u00e4rt. Immer ist es ein seelisch definiertes Organ, zu dem die Seele in Beziehung tritt. Das anthropologische Ergebnis ist kein Dreischritt K\u00f6rper-Leib-Seele, sondern eine systematisch durchdachte Definition des Verh\u00e4ltnisses zwischen K\u00f6rper und Seele:\r\n\r\nAuf der einen Seite steht nicht ein St\u00fcck Materie, sondern ein Lebewesen in der Art eines belebten K\u00f6rpers, bei dessen Formung K\u00f6rperliches und Seelisches bereits eine Einheit eingegangen sind, auf der anderen Seite eine Seele, die als die, die sie ist, wesentlich auf die Benutzung dieses Leibes ausgerichtet ist. Dabei ist der Leib von der blo\u00dfen Materie ebenso verschieden wie die bewegende Seele vom transzendenten nous, in dem sie urspr\u00fcnglich wurzelt. Erst im Tod gewinnen nous und Materie wieder ihre Selbst\u00e4ndigkeit zur\u00fcck.\r\n\r\nDiese Darstellung zeigt, wie \u201eSimplikios\u201c systematisch mit Aristoteles umgeht: Die Terminologie des Stagiriten integriert er nicht nur in seine eigene philosophische Konzeption, sondern er kann mithilfe dieser Terminologie eine logisch und sachlich konsistente und gut nachvollziehbare Fassung der neuplatonischen Seelenlehre entwickeln. Damit erweist sich die Auseinandersetzung mit Aristoteles f\u00fcr den neuplatonischen Autor als fruchtbar, ohne dass er sachlich die Grenzen des Neuplatonismus \u00fcberschreitet.\r\n\r\nIm neuplatonischen Kontext ist es besonders interessant, dass \u201eSimplikios\u201c in den beiden Formen von entelecheia durchgehende Charakteristika des Seelischen in der Art sieht, dass jede einzelne Seelenart den Leib in der genannten doppelten Weise verwirklicht. Denn mit der Annahme zweier Arten der Einwirkung der Seele auf den K\u00f6rper entspricht er einer Struktur, die sich bereits bei Plotin entfaltet findet:\r\n\r\nDer Leib, mit dem sich die Seele vereinigt, ist bereits durch eine Spur oder ein Bild der Seele auf deren Aufnahme vorbereitet. Bei der Interpretation dieser Stellen wird meistens angenommen, dass dieses \u201eBild\u201c der vegetativen Seele entspricht, die von der h\u00f6heren Seele verschieden ist. Diese Identifizierung wurde j\u00fcngst von Ch. Tornau unter Verweis auf Enn. IV 4, 20, 22\u20135; VI 4, 15, 15 in Zweifel gezogen.\r\n\r\nBei \u201eSimplikios\u201c zeigt sich nun klar, dass dieses Seelenbild ebenso wie die bewegende Formursache, die eigentliche Seele, in jeder einzelnen Seelenart vorhanden ist. Damit wird Tornaus Vermutung zumindest f\u00fcr einen neuplatonischen Autor best\u00e4tigt. An diesem Punkt, der f\u00fcr die Systematik des neuplatonischen Menschenbildes \u00fcberhaupt von Bedeutung ist, ist weitere Forschung n\u00f6tig, um zu mehr Klarheit \u00fcber die im Neuplatonismus \u00fcbliche Lehre und die Abweichungen davon zu gelangen.\r\n\r\nDas von \u201eSimplikios\u201c entworfene Bild zeigt, dass die menschliche Seele im sp\u00e4ten Neuplatonismus nicht als unsystematische Nebeneinanderstellung verschiedener, mehr oder weniger zwanghaft triadisch geordneter Schichten zu verstehen ist, sondern dass die Philosophen dieser Zeit im Rahmen der Voraussetzungen, die sie f\u00fcr selbstverst\u00e4ndlich hielten, ein klares Bild der gegenseitigen Bezogenheit von Seele und Leib entwickeln konnten.\r\n\r\nDie Einheit zwischen K\u00f6rper und Seele, wie \u201eSimplikios\u201c sie schildert, ist keineswegs so locker, wie es manche \u00dcberblickswerke zum Neuplatonismus nahelegen: Die Seele, die in der materiellen Welt wirkt und erkennt, ist wesentlich mit dem K\u00f6rper verbunden und kann ohne diese Verbindung nicht existieren. [conclusion p. 90-91]","btype":3,"date":"2003","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/egqTFHmjZlWVg7v","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":283,"full_name":"Perkams, Matthias","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1087,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Elenchos","volume":"24","issue":"1","pages":"57-91"}},"sort":[2003]}

Early Reactions to Plato’s Timaeus: polemic and exegesis in Theophrastus and Epicurus, 2003
By: Baltussen, Han, Sharples, Robert W. (Ed.), Sheppard, Anne D. (Ed.)

Title	Early Reactions to Plato’s Timaeus: polemic and exegesis in Theophrastus and Epicurus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2003
Published in	Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus
Pages	49-71
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Sharples, Robert W. , Sheppard, Anne D.
Translator(s)

We are reasonably well informed about what might justly be thought of as the commentary tradition of the late Hellenistic and late antique period. In this series of papers on the theme Plato’s Timaeus and the Commentary Tradition, an obvious choice of topic has been to discuss the works of authors who explicitly declare themselves to be commenting upon or clarifying the text of an author. Most papers in this volume have therefore justly seen it as their task to clarify the interaction between one commentator and the Timaeus. My perspective is slightly different. Commentary, as we usually see it, must have had its precursors in some form or other. As it happens, we have some evidence related to the Timaeus which makes this a reasonable assumption. I therefore want to look at two thinkers whose interpretative efforts occur at the beginnings of the "commentary tradition." Here things are less clear and well-defined, in that at this end of the scale we are dealing with the emergence of exegesis. This means that certain fundamental assumptions—e.g., what a commentary or a commentator is—would no longer have an obvious value as starting points and that important questions about the interaction between authors and texts (such as "what is a commentary?", "what form did the interpretation of texts take?", or "when do commentaries emerge?") require a fresh look. The "prehistory" of exegesis has received renewed impetus from the study of the so-called Derveni Papyrus (DP), a remarkable document from the 4th century BCE, representing a running commentary with allegorical interpretation on an Orphic poem. In his review of the collection of essays on this 4th-century "commentary," Edward Hussey already points out that "DP’s interpretative procedures and terminology are already fairly formalized, in a way that shows parallels with the Protagoras, and suggests a self-conscious academic discipline in the making." The two protagonists in this analysis are Theophrastus and Epicurus, both close in time to Plato. Epicurus is in many ways linked to Theophrastus—as has been emerging only recently, especially through the work of David Sedley. My choice of overarching theme provides the analysis of these critical voices with context and perspective. The ancient and modern perception of Theophrastus is a variable one, but in general, it is slanted toward a rather negative assessment. Theophrastus’ work has suffered a bad press across the ages. The perception seems to be that Theophrastus is a second-rate thinker (as one scholar once commented, "reading Theophrastus is like reading Aristotle on a bad day"). This perhaps somewhat offhand remark may refer only to the stylistic (de)merits or to the quality of thought found in the sparsely preserved remains of what once was a considerable output. But it seems unfair in many ways. In ancient times, Theophrastus’ works were so closely associated with Aristotle’s that his works became mixed up with his master’s. In late antiquity, the general consensus of the commentators after Themistius seems to have been that Theophrastus was a major figure in the history of philosophy whose opinions could nevertheless be ignored on most matters. Some twelve fragments have been preserved which throw light on the unexpected place the second head of the Peripatos acquired in the later Platonist tradition. I think it will be instructive to have a look at these, because they say something not only about the role of Theophrastus but also about the perception of his comments in antiquity. I should confess that my ulterior motive is to look at these early reactions as a stage in the emergence of exegesis and (formal) commentary. My interest, then, is in the "pre-history" of the commentary tradition. The crucial question which will be constantly driving my analysis is: can the early polemical responses be viewed as the start of commentary or not? [introduction p. 49-50]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rECjmb8p0bsRQza

{"_index":"sire","_id":"971","_score":null,"_source":{"id":971,"authors_free":[{"id":1462,"entry_id":971,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":39,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Baltussen, Han","free_first_name":"Han","free_last_name":"Baltussen","norm_person":{"id":39,"first_name":"Han","last_name":"Baltussen","full_name":"Baltussen, Han","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136236456","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2351,"entry_id":971,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":42,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","free_first_name":"Robert W.","free_last_name":"Sharples","norm_person":{"id":42,"first_name":"Robert W.","last_name":"Sharples","full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/114269505","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2352,"entry_id":971,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":43,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","free_first_name":"Anne D.","free_last_name":"Sheppard","norm_person":{"id":43,"first_name":"Anne D.","last_name":"Sheppard","full_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1158024592","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Early Reactions to Plato\u2019s Timaeus: polemic and exegesis in Theophrastus and Epicurus","main_title":{"title":"Early Reactions to Plato\u2019s Timaeus: polemic and exegesis in Theophrastus and Epicurus"},"abstract":"We are reasonably well informed about what might justly be thought of as the commentary tradition of the late Hellenistic and late antique period. In this series of papers on the theme Plato\u2019s Timaeus and the Commentary Tradition, an obvious choice of topic has been to discuss the works of authors who explicitly declare themselves to be commenting upon or clarifying the text of an author. Most papers in this volume have therefore justly seen it as their task to clarify the interaction between one commentator and the Timaeus.\r\n\r\nMy perspective is slightly different. Commentary, as we usually see it, must have had its precursors in some form or other. As it happens, we have some evidence related to the Timaeus which makes this a reasonable assumption. I therefore want to look at two thinkers whose interpretative efforts occur at the beginnings of the \"commentary tradition.\" Here things are less clear and well-defined, in that at this end of the scale we are dealing with the emergence of exegesis. This means that certain fundamental assumptions\u2014e.g., what a commentary or a commentator is\u2014would no longer have an obvious value as starting points and that important questions about the interaction between authors and texts (such as \"what is a commentary?\", \"what form did the interpretation of texts take?\", or \"when do commentaries emerge?\") require a fresh look.\r\n\r\nThe \"prehistory\" of exegesis has received renewed impetus from the study of the so-called Derveni Papyrus (DP), a remarkable document from the 4th century BCE, representing a running commentary with allegorical interpretation on an Orphic poem. In his review of the collection of essays on this 4th-century \"commentary,\" Edward Hussey already points out that \"DP\u2019s interpretative procedures and terminology are already fairly formalized, in a way that shows parallels with the Protagoras, and suggests a self-conscious academic discipline in the making.\"\r\n\r\nThe two protagonists in this analysis are Theophrastus and Epicurus, both close in time to Plato. Epicurus is in many ways linked to Theophrastus\u2014as has been emerging only recently, especially through the work of David Sedley. My choice of overarching theme provides the analysis of these critical voices with context and perspective.\r\n\r\nThe ancient and modern perception of Theophrastus is a variable one, but in general, it is slanted toward a rather negative assessment. Theophrastus\u2019 work has suffered a bad press across the ages. The perception seems to be that Theophrastus is a second-rate thinker (as one scholar once commented, \"reading Theophrastus is like reading Aristotle on a bad day\"). This perhaps somewhat offhand remark may refer only to the stylistic (de)merits or to the quality of thought found in the sparsely preserved remains of what once was a considerable output. But it seems unfair in many ways. In ancient times, Theophrastus\u2019 works were so closely associated with Aristotle\u2019s that his works became mixed up with his master\u2019s.\r\n\r\nIn late antiquity, the general consensus of the commentators after Themistius seems to have been that Theophrastus was a major figure in the history of philosophy whose opinions could nevertheless be ignored on most matters.\r\n\r\nSome twelve fragments have been preserved which throw light on the unexpected place the second head of the Peripatos acquired in the later Platonist tradition. I think it will be instructive to have a look at these, because they say something not only about the role of Theophrastus but also about the perception of his comments in antiquity.\r\n\r\nI should confess that my ulterior motive is to look at these early reactions as a stage in the emergence of exegesis and (formal) commentary. My interest, then, is in the \"pre-history\" of the commentary tradition. The crucial question which will be constantly driving my analysis is: can the early polemical responses be viewed as the start of commentary or not? [introduction p. 49-50]","btype":2,"date":"2003","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rECjmb8p0bsRQza","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":39,"full_name":"Baltussen, Han","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":42,"full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":43,"full_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":971,"section_of":157,"pages":"49-71","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":157,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sharples\/Sheppard2003","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2003","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2003","abstract":"Twelve academic essays, given during the Institute of Classical Studies research seminar in 2000 and 2001, examine Plato's vision of the `real world' as he presented it in Timaeus while considering the text's influence on classical philosophers and scientists. Specific subjects include astronomy, the reactions of Aristotle and others to Timaeus , Hellenistic musicology, Proclus' Commentary , comparisons with Aristotle's Physics , mythology. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/UsvEmjeEeL17itA","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":157,"pubplace":"University of London","publisher":"Institute of Classical Studies","series":"Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies","volume":"46, Supplement 78","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2003]}

Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus, 2003
By: Sharples, Robert W. (Ed.), Sheppard, Anne D. (Ed.)

Title	Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2003
Publication Place	University of London
Publisher	Institute of Classical Studies
Series	Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
Volume	46, Supplement 78
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sharples, Robert W. , Sheppard, Anne D.
Translator(s)

Twelve academic essays, given during the Institute of Classical Studies research seminar in 2000 and 2001, examine Plato's vision of the `real world' as he presented it in Timaeus while considering the text's influence on classical philosophers and scientists. Specific subjects include astronomy, the reactions of Aristotle and others to Timaeus , Hellenistic musicology, Proclus' Commentary , comparisons with Aristotle's Physics , mythology. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UsvEmjeEeL17itA

{"_index":"sire","_id":"157","_score":null,"_source":{"id":157,"authors_free":[{"id":1851,"entry_id":157,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":42,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","free_first_name":"Robert W.","free_last_name":"Sharples","norm_person":{"id":42,"first_name":"Robert W.","last_name":"Sharples","full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/114269505","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1852,"entry_id":157,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":43,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","free_first_name":"Sheppard","free_last_name":"Anne D.","norm_person":{"id":43,"first_name":"Anne D.","last_name":"Sheppard","full_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1158024592","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus","main_title":{"title":"Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus"},"abstract":"Twelve academic essays, given during the Institute of Classical Studies research seminar in 2000 and 2001, examine Plato's vision of the `real world' as he presented it in Timaeus while considering the text's influence on classical philosophers and scientists. Specific subjects include astronomy, the reactions of Aristotle and others to Timaeus , Hellenistic musicology, Proclus' Commentary , comparisons with Aristotle's Physics , mythology. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2003","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/UsvEmjeEeL17itA","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":42,"full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":43,"full_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":157,"pubplace":"University of London","publisher":"Institute of Classical Studies","series":"Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies","volume":"46, Supplement 78","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2003]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Categories 1–4’, 2003
By: Chase, Michael (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Categories 1–4’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2003
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Chase, Michael
Translator(s)	Chase, Michael(Chase, Michael ) ,

Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Categories is the most comprehensive philosophical critique of the work ever written, representing 600 years of criticism. In his Categories, Aristotle divides what exists in the sensible world into ten categories of Substance, Quantity, Relative, Quality and so on. Simplicius starts with a survey of previous commentators, and an introductory set of questions about Aristotle's philosophy and about the Categories in particular. The commentator, he says, needs to present Plato and Aristotle as in harmony on most things. Why are precisely ten categories named, given that Plato did with fewer distinctions? We have a survey of views on this. And where in the scheme of categories would one fit a quality that defines a substance - under substance or under quality? In his own commentary, Porphyry suggested classifying a defining quality as something distinct, a substantial quality, but others objected that this would constitute an eleventh. The most persistent question dealt with here is whether the categories classify words, concepts, or things. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cfS7TDdDAkqTAAq

{"_index":"sire","_id":"118","_score":null,"_source":{"id":118,"authors_free":[{"id":140,"entry_id":118,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":25,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Chase, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Chase","norm_person":{"id":25,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Chase","full_name":"Chase, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031917152","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2271,"entry_id":118,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":25,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Chase, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Chase","norm_person":{"id":25,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Chase","full_name":"Chase, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031917152","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2322,"entry_id":118,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018Categories 1\u20134\u2019","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018Categories 1\u20134\u2019"},"abstract":"Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Categories is the most comprehensive philosophical critique of the work ever written, representing 600 years of criticism. In his Categories, Aristotle divides what exists in the sensible world into ten categories of Substance, Quantity, Relative, Quality and so on. Simplicius starts with a survey of previous commentators, and an introductory set of questions about Aristotle's philosophy and about the Categories in particular. The commentator, he says, needs to present Plato and Aristotle as in harmony on most things. Why are precisely ten categories named, given that Plato did with fewer distinctions? We have a survey of views on this. And where in the scheme of categories would one fit a quality that defines a substance - under substance or under quality? In his own commentary, Porphyry suggested classifying a defining quality as something distinct, a substantial quality, but others objected that this would constitute an eleventh. The most persistent question dealt with here is whether the categories classify words, concepts, or things. [offical abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2003","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/cfS7TDdDAkqTAAq","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":25,"full_name":"Chase, Michael ","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":25,"full_name":"Chase, Michael ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":118,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2003]}

Der philosophische Unterrichtsbetrieb in der römischen Kaiserzeit, 2003
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Der philosophische Unterrichtsbetrieb in der römischen Kaiserzeit
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2003
Journal	Rhein. Museum
Volume	146
Issue	1
Pages	49–71
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Der Text beschreibt den Zustand des philosophischen Unterrichts während der römischen Kaiserzeit. Obwohl die bekannten Philosophenschulen in Athen nicht mehr existierten, hatten die vier philosophischen Richtungen des Hellenismus dennoch Verbreitung gefunden und wurden in privaten Schulen unterrichtet. Diese Schulen waren jedoch meist kurzlebig und hingen vom Erfolg des Lehrers ab. Philosophie wurde an den griechischen Gymnasien nicht gelehrt, stattdessen konzentrierte man sich auf Grammatik und Rhetorik. Im lateinischen Bereich führten enge Beziehungen führender Römer zu stoischen Philosophen zur Verbreitung der Lehren. Der Philosophieunterricht begann meist erst nach der Pubertät, und das Alter spielte eine wichtige Rolle bei der Seelenleitung. Das Greisenalter wurde als optimal angesehen, da der körperliche Verfall der freien Betätigung des Geistes entgegenkomme. Das Bild des philosophischen Unterrichtsbetriebes in der Kaiserzeit war somit sehr komplex. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bCAQ9Hlrduneobp

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1334","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1334,"authors_free":[{"id":1967,"entry_id":1334,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Der philosophische Unterrichtsbetrieb in der r\u00f6mischen Kaiserzeit","main_title":{"title":"Der philosophische Unterrichtsbetrieb in der r\u00f6mischen Kaiserzeit"},"abstract":"Der Text beschreibt den Zustand des philosophischen Unterrichts w\u00e4hrend der r\u00f6mischen Kaiserzeit. Obwohl die bekannten Philosophenschulen in Athen nicht mehr existierten, hatten die vier philosophischen Richtungen des Hellenismus dennoch Verbreitung gefunden und wurden in privaten Schulen unterrichtet. Diese Schulen waren jedoch meist kurzlebig und hingen vom Erfolg des Lehrers ab. Philosophie wurde an den griechischen Gymnasien nicht gelehrt, stattdessen konzentrierte man sich auf Grammatik und Rhetorik. Im lateinischen Bereich f\u00fchrten enge Beziehungen f\u00fchrender R\u00f6mer zu stoischen Philosophen zur Verbreitung der Lehren. Der Philosophieunterricht begann meist erst nach der Pubert\u00e4t, und das Alter spielte eine wichtige Rolle bei der Seelenleitung. Das Greisenalter wurde als optimal angesehen, da der k\u00f6rperliche Verfall der freien Bet\u00e4tigung des Geistes entgegenkomme. Das Bild des philosophischen Unterrichtsbetriebes in der Kaiserzeit war somit sehr komplex. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":3,"date":"2003","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/bCAQ9Hlrduneobp","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1334,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rhein. Museum","volume":"146","issue":"1","pages":"49\u201371"}},"sort":[2003]}

Proclus: On the Existence of Evils, 2003
By: Opsomer, Jan, Steel, Carlos,

Title	Proclus: On the Existence of Evils
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2003
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury Academic
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Opsomer, Jan , Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Opsomer, Jan() , Steel, Carlos() .

Proclus’ On the Existence of Evils is not a commentary, but helps to compensate for the dearth of Neoplatonist ethical commentaries. The central question addressed in the work is: how can there be evil in a providential world? Neoplatonists agree that it cannot be caused by higher and worthier beings. Plotinus had said that evil is matter, which, unlike Aristotle, he collapsed into mere privation or lack, thus reducing its reality. He also protected higher causes from responsibility by saying that evil may result from a combination of goods. Proclus objects: evil is real, and not a privation. Rather, it is a parasite feeding off good. Parasites have no proper cause, and higher beings are thus vindicated as being the causes only of the good off which evil feeds. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/jf422McdNmgpCnP

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1442","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1442,"authors_free":[{"id":2303,"entry_id":1442,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":211,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Opsomer, Jan","free_first_name":"Jan","free_last_name":"Opsomer","norm_person":{"id":211,"first_name":"Jan","last_name":"Opsomer","full_name":"Opsomer, Jan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1120966310","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2304,"entry_id":1442,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2657,"entry_id":1442,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Opsomer, Jan","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":null},{"id":2658,"entry_id":1442,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Proclus: On the Existence of Evils","main_title":{"title":"Proclus: On the Existence of Evils"},"abstract":"Proclus\u2019 On the Existence of Evils is not a commentary, but helps to compensate for the dearth of Neoplatonist ethical commentaries. The central question addressed in the work is: how can there be evil in a providential world? Neoplatonists agree that it cannot be caused by higher and worthier beings. Plotinus had said that evil is matter, which, unlike Aristotle, he collapsed into mere privation or lack, thus reducing its reality. He also protected higher causes from responsibility by saying that evil may result from a combination of goods. Proclus objects: evil is real, and not a privation. Rather, it is a parasite feeding off good. Parasites have no proper cause, and higher beings are thus vindicated as being the causes only of the good off which evil feeds. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2003","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/jf422McdNmgpCnP","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":211,"full_name":"Opsomer, Jan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1442,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2003]}

Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle, De Caelo 2.10-12: An Annotated Translation, Part 1, 2003
By: Bowen, Alan C., Simplicius

Title	Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle, De Caelo 2.10-12: An Annotated Translation, Part 1
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2003
Journal	SCIAMVS: Sources and Commentaries in Exact Sciences
Volume	4
Pages	23-58
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bowen, Alan C. , Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

If there is a single text that has proven to be the bedrock for the modern understanding of early Greek astronomy, it is Simplicius’ commentary on Book 2, Chapter 12 of Aristotle’s treatise De caelo. Simplicius’ remarks, which are effectively an elaboration of what he supposes Aristotle to mean in Metaphysics Λ 8, are almost always accepted as gospel in their broad outlines. Take any recent history of early Greek astronomy you please, and you will find that its author immediately turns to Simplicius as the source clarifying what Aristotle writes in this chapter of his Metaphysics. Indeed, the main challenge scholars perceive in Simplicius’ commentary is to tease out and reconstruct the underlying mathematical theory that would make it all ‘true.’ Such naïveté is breathtaking. Few who read Simplicius and understand his historiographical project—a search for a truth that Aristotle’s text is supposed to embody rather than a study of the text itself on its own terms—would elevate him to a position of such unquestioned authority. And those who have reflected on the often intractable problems in assessing the truth of ancient reports or testimonia in the sciences will quite naturally decline to take Simplicius at his word in this matter. I recognize, of course, that it is customary to detect errors in Simplicius’ account and to attribute them either to Aristotle or to Simplicius; but this, I fear, typically amounts to little more than a demonstration that we moderns can be speciously clever while taking what Simplicius writes for granted. I have written at length elsewhere that Simplicius’ comments on De caelo 2.12 do not constitute an account of what Aristotle meant in Metaphysics Λ 8 that we should accept today as properly historical. There is, after all, no extant Greek or Latin text written before the late second century BCE that shows any knowledge of the planetary phenomena of station and retrogradation, which are so central to Simplicius’ commentary. There are also ample signs that Simplicius’ remarks about the history of early astronomy are not a report but a reconstruction occasioned by what Aristotle writes in Metaphysics Λ 8 and the need to explain why the homocentric planetary theory outlined there was later abandoned by Aristotelians. Moreover, Metaphysics Λ 8 is itself underdetermined so far as its presentation of this homocentric theory goes. Indeed, there are other interpretations of this presentation that fit far better than Simplicius’ with what we can find elsewhere in Aristotle’s writings and in documents by other writers of the fourth century. That scholars today persist in reading Metaphysics Λ 8 and other early texts as indicating knowledge of the planetary stations and retrogradations is a puzzle. One only wishes, when these scholars have elaborated their interpretations of Metaphysics Λ 8 and of the other related texts written before the late second century that concern planetary motions, that they would not stop here as if their work as historians were done. Obviously, it will not be enough if they simply adduce relevant testimonia by later ancient writers. Not only are these testimonia few in number and dated to a time after the characteristic planetary motions were duly understood, they typically prove on critical examination to be either ambiguous or anachronistic in the same way as Simplicius’ account is. Consequently, any appeal to such testimonia without critical argument in defense of their historical validity is pointless. Indeed, the burden must fall on these scholars to demonstrate that Metaphysics Λ 8 and the other early texts must be read in this way. For, absent such proof, all one has is the fallacy of imputing to a writer the perceived consequences of what he writes. Of course, making such a proof will be hard work. Even those sharing the general view that the Greeks of the fourth century were aware of planetary stations and retrogradations do not agree about how these phenomena were understood or explained. In addition, there are my own arguments not only that these texts may be read without supposing such knowledge but also that they should be read without such a supposition, given the contemporaneous evidence of astronomical theory. And finally, there is the largely unrecognized problem that, even if Simplicius’ history of astronomy in Aristotle’s time is anachronistic, it has a simpler interpretation than the one first propounded in the 19th century by Schiaparelli and elaborated to this day. Granted, these scholars may wish to excuse themselves from the charge of wrongly imputing to Simplicius what they perceive as the real meaning of his text, by claiming that Simplicius is preserving material from earlier sources that he does not understand. But should historians today assent to reading an ancient commentary in a way that makes the commentator irrelevant, and should they do this in the expectation that the interpretation offered reflects the thought of some putative source from whom nothing survives for confirmation? My own view is that compounding such a misreading of an ancient literary genre with such untestable faith—or, if you will, unassailable credulity—may have numerous outcomes, but historical knowledge will not be one of them. Few modern historians have examined what Simplicius actually writes—the great tendency is to rely on some learned summary such as that supplied by Heath, who makes accessible in English the pioneering work of Schiaparelli. Accordingly, I here present Simplicius’ account of Metaphysics Λ 8 so that readers may begin to get their own sense of what is at issue. To this end, I have translated Heiberg’s edition of Simplicius’ commentary on the three narrowly astronomical chapters of the De caelo and have supplied my translation with annotation intended primarily to clarify the technical, scientific meaning. Given the exigencies of publication, this annotated translation will come in two parts. The first, presented here, is devoted to Simplicius’ commentary on De caelo 2.10–11. These chapters in the De caelo raise stock issues in astronomy; and it is valuable, I think, for readers interested in Simplicius’ account of planetary theory in 2.12 to see and assess just how he deals with them. Indeed, not only does Simplicius’ commentary on 2.10–11 show him drawing on a tradition of technical writing for novices and philosophers that goes back to Geminus and Cleomedes, it also shows him going astray on fundamental points in elementary mathematics. And this is surely important for our interpretation of his commentary on 2.12. The annotation itself is, as I have said, intended to assist the reader with information that may be needed to make sense of the text. My main aim is to allow access to Simplicius that is as little encumbered by my interpretative intrusion as is feasible, since my hope in this publication is that the reader will confront Simplicius for himself, by himself, so far as this is possible in a translation. Thus, I do not engage in the details of the interpretations offered by those who assume that the early Greeks were aware of the planetary phenomena so central to Simplicius’ account of Metaphysics Λ 8. Still, there is a question about just how much annotation is needed by readers of this journal, and I hope that I have not erred too much in following my natural disposition to say less. Simplicius’ Greek is typical of scholastic commentary: elliptical, crabbed, and technical. I have tried to deal with this by supplying in square brackets what is missing whenever this seemed necessary or likely to make the meaning easier for the reader to grasp. At the same time, I have tried, so far as is reasonable and within my ability, to capture Simplicius’ technical vocabulary and to preserve the logical structure of his sentences. This translation has benefited greatly from the generous criticism of earlier versions offered by Bernard R. Goldstein and Robert B. Todd: they have saved me from numerous mistakes and infelicities, and I am most pleased to acknowledge this. Finally, I am very pleased to record my gratitude to Ken Saito, the Managing Editor of SCIAMVS, for his unflagging interest in this project and his encouragement as I pursued it. That my annotated translation appears in SCIAMVS is ample proof of his very kind support and his patience with a historian whose sense of time seems limited to the past. [introduction p. 23-26]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/skKbEWtOO6LigIs

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1479","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1479,"authors_free":[{"id":2560,"entry_id":1479,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":16,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bowen, Alan C.","free_first_name":"Alan C.","free_last_name":"Bowen","norm_person":{"id":16,"first_name":"Bowen C.","last_name":"Bowen","full_name":"Bowen, Alan C. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140052720","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2601,"entry_id":1479,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle, De Caelo 2.10-12: An Annotated Translation, Part 1","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle, De Caelo 2.10-12: An Annotated Translation, Part 1"},"abstract":"If there is a single text that has proven to be the bedrock for the modern understanding of early Greek astronomy, it is Simplicius\u2019 commentary on Book 2, Chapter 12 of Aristotle\u2019s treatise De caelo. Simplicius\u2019 remarks, which are effectively an elaboration of what he supposes Aristotle to mean in Metaphysics \u039b 8, are almost always accepted as gospel in their broad outlines. Take any recent history of early Greek astronomy you please, and you will find that its author immediately turns to Simplicius as the source clarifying what Aristotle writes in this chapter of his Metaphysics.\r\n\r\nIndeed, the main challenge scholars perceive in Simplicius\u2019 commentary is to tease out and reconstruct the underlying mathematical theory that would make it all \u2018true.\u2019 Such na\u00efvet\u00e9 is breathtaking. Few who read Simplicius and understand his historiographical project\u2014a search for a truth that Aristotle\u2019s text is supposed to embody rather than a study of the text itself on its own terms\u2014would elevate him to a position of such unquestioned authority. And those who have reflected on the often intractable problems in assessing the truth of ancient reports or testimonia in the sciences will quite naturally decline to take Simplicius at his word in this matter.\r\n\r\nI recognize, of course, that it is customary to detect errors in Simplicius\u2019 account and to attribute them either to Aristotle or to Simplicius; but this, I fear, typically amounts to little more than a demonstration that we moderns can be speciously clever while taking what Simplicius writes for granted.\r\n\r\nI have written at length elsewhere that Simplicius\u2019 comments on De caelo 2.12 do not constitute an account of what Aristotle meant in Metaphysics \u039b 8 that we should accept today as properly historical. There is, after all, no extant Greek or Latin text written before the late second century BCE that shows any knowledge of the planetary phenomena of station and retrogradation, which are so central to Simplicius\u2019 commentary. There are also ample signs that Simplicius\u2019 remarks about the history of early astronomy are not a report but a reconstruction occasioned by what Aristotle writes in Metaphysics \u039b 8 and the need to explain why the homocentric planetary theory outlined there was later abandoned by Aristotelians. Moreover, Metaphysics \u039b 8 is itself underdetermined so far as its presentation of this homocentric theory goes. Indeed, there are other interpretations of this presentation that fit far better than Simplicius\u2019 with what we can find elsewhere in Aristotle\u2019s writings and in documents by other writers of the fourth century.\r\n\r\nThat scholars today persist in reading Metaphysics \u039b 8 and other early texts as indicating knowledge of the planetary stations and retrogradations is a puzzle. One only wishes, when these scholars have elaborated their interpretations of Metaphysics \u039b 8 and of the other related texts written before the late second century that concern planetary motions, that they would not stop here as if their work as historians were done. Obviously, it will not be enough if they simply adduce relevant testimonia by later ancient writers. Not only are these testimonia few in number and dated to a time after the characteristic planetary motions were duly understood, they typically prove on critical examination to be either ambiguous or anachronistic in the same way as Simplicius\u2019 account is. Consequently, any appeal to such testimonia without critical argument in defense of their historical validity is pointless.\r\n\r\nIndeed, the burden must fall on these scholars to demonstrate that Metaphysics \u039b 8 and the other early texts must be read in this way. For, absent such proof, all one has is the fallacy of imputing to a writer the perceived consequences of what he writes. Of course, making such a proof will be hard work. Even those sharing the general view that the Greeks of the fourth century were aware of planetary stations and retrogradations do not agree about how these phenomena were understood or explained. In addition, there are my own arguments not only that these texts may be read without supposing such knowledge but also that they should be read without such a supposition, given the contemporaneous evidence of astronomical theory.\r\n\r\nAnd finally, there is the largely unrecognized problem that, even if Simplicius\u2019 history of astronomy in Aristotle\u2019s time is anachronistic, it has a simpler interpretation than the one first propounded in the 19th century by Schiaparelli and elaborated to this day. Granted, these scholars may wish to excuse themselves from the charge of wrongly imputing to Simplicius what they perceive as the real meaning of his text, by claiming that Simplicius is preserving material from earlier sources that he does not understand. But should historians today assent to reading an ancient commentary in a way that makes the commentator irrelevant, and should they do this in the expectation that the interpretation offered reflects the thought of some putative source from whom nothing survives for confirmation?\r\n\r\nMy own view is that compounding such a misreading of an ancient literary genre with such untestable faith\u2014or, if you will, unassailable credulity\u2014may have numerous outcomes, but historical knowledge will not be one of them.\r\n\r\nFew modern historians have examined what Simplicius actually writes\u2014the great tendency is to rely on some learned summary such as that supplied by Heath, who makes accessible in English the pioneering work of Schiaparelli. Accordingly, I here present Simplicius\u2019 account of Metaphysics \u039b 8 so that readers may begin to get their own sense of what is at issue.\r\n\r\nTo this end, I have translated Heiberg\u2019s edition of Simplicius\u2019 commentary on the three narrowly astronomical chapters of the De caelo and have supplied my translation with annotation intended primarily to clarify the technical, scientific meaning.\r\n\r\nGiven the exigencies of publication, this annotated translation will come in two parts. The first, presented here, is devoted to Simplicius\u2019 commentary on De caelo 2.10\u201311. These chapters in the De caelo raise stock issues in astronomy; and it is valuable, I think, for readers interested in Simplicius\u2019 account of planetary theory in 2.12 to see and assess just how he deals with them. Indeed, not only does Simplicius\u2019 commentary on 2.10\u201311 show him drawing on a tradition of technical writing for novices and philosophers that goes back to Geminus and Cleomedes, it also shows him going astray on fundamental points in elementary mathematics. And this is surely important for our interpretation of his commentary on 2.12.\r\n\r\nThe annotation itself is, as I have said, intended to assist the reader with information that may be needed to make sense of the text. My main aim is to allow access to Simplicius that is as little encumbered by my interpretative intrusion as is feasible, since my hope in this publication is that the reader will confront Simplicius for himself, by himself, so far as this is possible in a translation.\r\n\r\nThus, I do not engage in the details of the interpretations offered by those who assume that the early Greeks were aware of the planetary phenomena so central to Simplicius\u2019 account of Metaphysics \u039b 8. Still, there is a question about just how much annotation is needed by readers of this journal, and I hope that I have not erred too much in following my natural disposition to say less.\r\n\r\nSimplicius\u2019 Greek is typical of scholastic commentary: elliptical, crabbed, and technical. I have tried to deal with this by supplying in square brackets what is missing whenever this seemed necessary or likely to make the meaning easier for the reader to grasp. At the same time, I have tried, so far as is reasonable and within my ability, to capture Simplicius\u2019 technical vocabulary and to preserve the logical structure of his sentences.\r\n\r\nThis translation has benefited greatly from the generous criticism of earlier versions offered by Bernard R. Goldstein and Robert B. Todd: they have saved me from numerous mistakes and infelicities, and I am most pleased to acknowledge this.\r\n\r\nFinally, I am very pleased to record my gratitude to Ken Saito, the Managing Editor of SCIAMVS, for his unflagging interest in this project and his encouragement as I pursued it. That my annotated translation appears in SCIAMVS is ample proof of his very kind support and his patience with a historian whose sense of time seems limited to the past. [introduction p. 23-26]","btype":3,"date":"2003","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/skKbEWtOO6LigIs","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":16,"full_name":"Bowen, Alan C. ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1479,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"SCIAMVS: Sources and Commentaries in Exact Sciences","volume":"4","issue":"","pages":"23-58"}},"sort":[2003]}

The Ṣābians of Ḥarrān and the Classical Tradition, 2002
By: Pingree, David

Title	The Ṣābians of Ḥarrān and the Classical Tradition
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	International Journal of the Classical Tradition
Volume	9
Issue	1
Pages	8-35
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Pingree, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This article addresses questions concerning the characteristics of the paganism of Harran, its eclectic sources, and its development by examining the relationships - real, possible, and fictitious - of various personalities with the city of Harran from Assyrian times till the Mongol attack in 1271. It is suggested that the Sabians used Neoplatonism, which, if Tardieu's analysis is correct, they originally learned from Simplicius, to develop, explain, and justify their practice of astral magic, and that their interest in the Greek astronomy and astrology that astral magic required served to maintain the study and to preserve the texts of these sciences during the centuries in which they were ignored in Byzantium. It is further shown that the Greek philosophical and scientific material available to them was mingled with elements from ancient Mesopotamia, India, Iran, Judaism, and Egypt to form a syncretic system of belief that they could claim to be mankind's original and authentic religion. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Jdb3AO475p5h4e0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1212","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1212,"authors_free":[{"id":1794,"entry_id":1212,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":292,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Pingree, David","free_first_name":"David","free_last_name":"Pingree","norm_person":{"id":292,"first_name":"David","last_name":"Pingree","full_name":"Pingree, David","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The \u1e62\u0101bians of \u1e24arr\u0101n and the Classical Tradition","main_title":{"title":"The \u1e62\u0101bians of \u1e24arr\u0101n and the Classical Tradition"},"abstract":"This article addresses questions concerning the characteristics of the paganism of Harran, its eclectic sources, and its development by examining the relationships - real, possible, and fictitious - of various personalities with the city of Harran from Assyrian times till the Mongol attack in 1271. It is suggested that the Sabians used Neoplatonism, which, if Tardieu's analysis is correct, they originally learned from Simplicius, to develop, explain, and justify their practice of astral magic, and that their interest in the Greek astronomy and astrology that astral magic required served to maintain the study and to preserve the texts of these sciences during the centuries in which they were ignored in Byzantium. It is further shown that the Greek philosophical and scientific material available to them was mingled with elements from ancient Mesopotamia, India, Iran, Judaism, and Egypt to form a syncretic system of belief that they could claim to be mankind's original and authentic religion. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Jdb3AO475p5h4e0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":292,"full_name":"Pingree, David","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1212,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"International Journal of the Classical Tradition","volume":"9","issue":"1","pages":"8-35"}},"sort":[2002]}

Alternatives to Alternatives: Approaches to Aristotle's Arguments per impossibile, 2002
By: Kukkonen, Taneli

Title	Alternatives to Alternatives: Approaches to Aristotle's Arguments per impossibile
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Vivarium
Volume	40
Issue	2
Pages	137-173
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kukkonen, Taneli
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

When arguing from impossible premises, what was Aristotle's rationale? Is there a way to salvage all of these purported arguments "through the impossible"? In this article, I wish to examine some of the answers offered by commentators on Aristotle ranging from Alexander to Buridan. We shall see that within the discussion, a more systematic picture of Aristotle's intentions slowly emerged. Whether this picture accurately represents Aristotle is arguable. Because the cited examples arose in connection with some of Aristotle's universally held natural principles, the discussion was seen to tie in with cosmological issues of central importance. The various solutions put forward therefore serve to reveal what the discussants took to be the limits to the world's conceptualization. It is not quite a case of assessing "possible worlds"; this systematic notion only enters the discussion in the early 14th century. Rather, what is at stake is what the possible features of the one and only world are. [p. 141]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/j1e9HSV2wsOobQn

{"_index":"sire","_id":"734","_score":null,"_source":{"id":734,"authors_free":[{"id":1097,"entry_id":734,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":224,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kukkonen, Taneli","free_first_name":"Taneli","free_last_name":"Kukkonen","norm_person":{"id":224,"first_name":"Taneli","last_name":"Kukkonen","full_name":"Kukkonen, Taneli","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1064756859","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Alternatives to Alternatives: Approaches to Aristotle's Arguments per impossibile","main_title":{"title":"Alternatives to Alternatives: Approaches to Aristotle's Arguments per impossibile"},"abstract":"When arguing from impossible premises, what was Aristotle's rationale? Is there a way to salvage all of these purported arguments \"through the impossible\"? In this article, I wish to examine some of the answers offered by commentators on Aristotle ranging from Alexander to Buridan. We shall see that within the discussion, a more systematic picture of Aristotle's intentions slowly emerged. Whether this picture accurately represents Aristotle is arguable. Because the cited examples arose in connection with some of Aristotle's universally held natural principles, the discussion was seen to tie in with cosmological issues of central importance. The various solutions put forward therefore serve to reveal what the discussants took to be the limits to the world's conceptualization. It is not quite a case of assessing \"possible worlds\"; this systematic notion only enters the discussion in the early 14th century. Rather, what is at stake is what the possible features of the one and only world are. [p. 141]","btype":3,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/j1e9HSV2wsOobQn","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":224,"full_name":"Kukkonen, Taneli","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":734,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Vivarium","volume":"40","issue":"2","pages":"137-173"}},"sort":[2002]}

Review of Hadot, I.: Simplicius. Commentaire sur le Manuel d'Épictète, Tome I, 2002
By: Sheppard, Anne D.

Title	Review of Hadot, I.: Simplicius. Commentaire sur le Manuel d'Épictète, Tome I
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2002
Journal	The Classical Review, New Series
Volume	52
Issue	2
Pages	377-378
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sheppard, Anne D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In 1996, Ilsetraut Hadot published the first-ever full critical edition of the Greek text of Simplicius' commentary on Epictetus' Encheiridion (I. Hadot, Simplicius. Commentaire sur le Manuel d'Epictète [Leiden, New York, and Cologne, 1996]). The volume reviewed here is the first half of an editio minor of that text. It also contains a largely new introduction, written for a more general audience than the detailed scholarly introduction of the editio maior, and a translation equipped with notes. These notes follow the format of recent Budé editions of Neoplatonic texts, offering much helpful explanation with useful references to parallel passages in other Neoplatonic authors but inconveniently divided between the bottom of the page and the end of the volume. All Neoplatonic commentaries are discursive, and those of Simplicius are among the most discursive. It takes 130 pages of this volume for Simplicius to reach Chapter 20 of Epictetus' short work. However, as with many Neoplatonic commentaries, the interest of this one does not lie in what it tells us about Epictetus—whose philosophy Simplicius misunderstood in some important respects, as Hadot points out in her introduction (pp. ci–cxvii). Rather, it is worth reading for what it tells us about Simplicius' own philosophical views. It is unusual among Neoplatonic commentaries in dealing with an ethical text, and the discussions of τὰ Ἐφ' ἡμῖν (what is within our power) and the spiritual exercises recommended by Epictetus are of considerable interest. Hadot's introduction offers an updated version of her views on Simplicius' life, work, and philosophical system; a chapter on the Commentary's place in Neoplatonic teaching; an account of Simplicius' reception of Stoic doctrines; and a short history of the text. Finally, there is an appendix on Fate, Providence, and human freedom in Neoplatonism, which covers Porphyry, Iamblichus, Hierocles, and Proclus, as well as Simplicius. Of these, the account of Simplicius' reception of Stoic doctrines and the appendix are entirely new, while the chapter on the Commentary's place in Neoplatonic teaching is an updated and lightly revised version of a chapter from her book, Le problème du néoplatonisme alexandrin. Hiéroclès et Simplicius (Paris, 1978). The first two chapters of the introduction repeat, in a clear and accessible form, views she has already published elsewhere and is well known for. She reiterates her now largely accepted demonstration that Simplicius' philosophical system is essentially the same as that of Damascius—not, as Praechter thought, a simplified Alexandrian system—and, more controversially, continues to maintain, with Tardieu, that his commentaries were written in Harran after 532. The chapter on the history of the text abbreviates the longer account in the editio maior and explains the principles of the editio minor, acknowledging the help of Concetta Luna in simplifying the apparatus. A small number of readings that differ from those of the editio maior are indicated in a footnote on p. cxxvi. Hadot's translation is divided into sections with helpful headings and subheadings, and, together with her full notes, provides a great deal of assistance in understanding Simplicius' text. This volume deserves a warm welcome as a further installment in the enormous contribution Hadot has made to the understanding of Simplicius over many years. It is to be hoped that it will not be too long before the second volume appears to complement it. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lwxAqvhdfMDm8ss

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1020","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1020,"authors_free":[{"id":1536,"entry_id":1020,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":43,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","free_first_name":"Anne D.","free_last_name":"Sheppard","norm_person":{"id":43,"first_name":"Anne D.","last_name":"Sheppard","full_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1158024592","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of Hadot, I.: Simplicius. Commentaire sur le Manuel d'\u00c9pict\u00e8te, Tome I","main_title":{"title":"Review of Hadot, I.: Simplicius. Commentaire sur le Manuel d'\u00c9pict\u00e8te, Tome I"},"abstract":"In 1996, Ilsetraut Hadot published the first-ever full critical edition of the Greek text of Simplicius' commentary on Epictetus' Encheiridion (I. Hadot, Simplicius. Commentaire sur le Manuel d'Epict\u00e8te [Leiden, New York, and Cologne, 1996]). The volume reviewed here is the first half of an editio minor of that text. It also contains a largely new introduction, written for a more general audience than the detailed scholarly introduction of the editio maior, and a translation equipped with notes. These notes follow the format of recent Bud\u00e9 editions of Neoplatonic texts, offering much helpful explanation with useful references to parallel passages in other Neoplatonic authors but inconveniently divided between the bottom of the page and the end of the volume.\r\n\r\nAll Neoplatonic commentaries are discursive, and those of Simplicius are among the most discursive. It takes 130 pages of this volume for Simplicius to reach Chapter 20 of Epictetus' short work. However, as with many Neoplatonic commentaries, the interest of this one does not lie in what it tells us about Epictetus\u2014whose philosophy Simplicius misunderstood in some important respects, as Hadot points out in her introduction (pp. ci\u2013cxvii). Rather, it is worth reading for what it tells us about Simplicius' own philosophical views. It is unusual among Neoplatonic commentaries in dealing with an ethical text, and the discussions of \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f18\u03c6' \u1f21\u03bc\u1fd6\u03bd (what is within our power) and the spiritual exercises recommended by Epictetus are of considerable interest.\r\n\r\nHadot's introduction offers an updated version of her views on Simplicius' life, work, and philosophical system; a chapter on the Commentary's place in Neoplatonic teaching; an account of Simplicius' reception of Stoic doctrines; and a short history of the text. Finally, there is an appendix on Fate, Providence, and human freedom in Neoplatonism, which covers Porphyry, Iamblichus, Hierocles, and Proclus, as well as Simplicius. Of these, the account of Simplicius' reception of Stoic doctrines and the appendix are entirely new, while the chapter on the Commentary's place in Neoplatonic teaching is an updated and lightly revised version of a chapter from her book, Le probl\u00e8me du n\u00e9oplatonisme alexandrin. Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius (Paris, 1978).\r\n\r\nThe first two chapters of the introduction repeat, in a clear and accessible form, views she has already published elsewhere and is well known for. She reiterates her now largely accepted demonstration that Simplicius' philosophical system is essentially the same as that of Damascius\u2014not, as Praechter thought, a simplified Alexandrian system\u2014and, more controversially, continues to maintain, with Tardieu, that his commentaries were written in Harran after 532. The chapter on the history of the text abbreviates the longer account in the editio maior and explains the principles of the editio minor, acknowledging the help of Concetta Luna in simplifying the apparatus. A small number of readings that differ from those of the editio maior are indicated in a footnote on p. cxxvi.\r\n\r\nHadot's translation is divided into sections with helpful headings and subheadings, and, together with her full notes, provides a great deal of assistance in understanding Simplicius' text. This volume deserves a warm welcome as a further installment in the enormous contribution Hadot has made to the understanding of Simplicius over many years. It is to be hoped that it will not be too long before the second volume appears to complement it. [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"2002","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lwxAqvhdfMDm8ss","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":43,"full_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1020,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review, New Series","volume":"52","issue":"2","pages":"377-378"}},"sort":[2002]}

Eudemus' Physics: Change, Place and Time, 2002
By: Sharples, Robert W., Bodnár, István M. (Ed.), Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.)

Title	Eudemus' Physics: Change, Place and Time
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	Eudemus of Rhodes
Pages	107-126
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sharples, Robert W.
Editor(s)	Bodnár, István M. , Fortenbaugh, William W.
Translator(s)

The picture of Eudemus’ Physics that has emerged from consideration of this selection of passages is not radically different from the general scholarly consensus sketched at the outset. Eudemus follows Aristotle quite closely. Sometimes his exposition is more compressed than Aristotle’s discussion, sometimes he expands it; often he draws upon his knowledge of other parts of Aristotle’s Physics or other Aristotelian doctrines, and often he seems to strive for a more systematic exposition. What I hope this paper may have achieved is, through the consideration of particular passages and arguments, and by setting passages from Eudemus against their Aristotelian originals, to fill out that general picture and enable us to assess Eudemus’ methods and contributions—while remaining mindful always that the extent to which we can do this is necessarily limited by the extent of the available evidence, generous though it may be in comparison with that for many of the lost works of antiquity. [conclusion p. 124]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2B6FJ97qw2g6oAO

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1024","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1024,"authors_free":[{"id":1543,"entry_id":1024,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":42,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","free_first_name":"Robert W.","free_last_name":"Sharples","norm_person":{"id":42,"first_name":"Robert W.","last_name":"Sharples","full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/114269505","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1544,"entry_id":1024,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":6,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","free_first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","free_last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","norm_person":{"id":6,"first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031829717","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1545,"entry_id":1024,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":7,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W.","free_first_name":"William W.","free_last_name":"Fortenbaugh","norm_person":{"id":7,"first_name":"William W. ","last_name":"Fortenbaugh","full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/110233700","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Eudemus' Physics: Change, Place and Time","main_title":{"title":"Eudemus' Physics: Change, Place and Time"},"abstract":"The picture of Eudemus\u2019 Physics that has emerged from consideration of this selection of passages is not radically different from the general scholarly consensus sketched at the outset. Eudemus follows Aristotle quite closely. Sometimes his exposition is more compressed than Aristotle\u2019s discussion, sometimes he expands it; often he draws upon his knowledge of other parts of Aristotle\u2019s Physics or other Aristotelian doctrines, and often he seems to strive for a more systematic exposition.\r\n\r\nWhat I hope this paper may have achieved is, through the consideration of particular passages and arguments, and by setting passages from Eudemus against their Aristotelian originals, to fill out that general picture and enable us to assess Eudemus\u2019 methods and contributions\u2014while remaining mindful always that the extent to which we can do this is necessarily limited by the extent of the available evidence, generous though it may be in comparison with that for many of the lost works of antiquity. [conclusion p. 124]","btype":2,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2B6FJ97qw2g6oAO","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":42,"full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":6,"full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":7,"full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1024,"section_of":287,"pages":"107-126","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":287,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Eudemus of Rhodes","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Fortenbaugh2002","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2002","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2002","abstract":"Eudemus of Rhodes was a pupil of Aristotle in the second half of the fourth century BCE. When Aristotle died, having chosen Theophrastus as his successor, Eudemus returned to Rhodes where it appears he founded his own school. His contributions to logic were significant: he took issue with Aristotle concerning the status of the existential \"is,\" and together with Theophrastus he made important contributions to hypothetical syllogistic and modal logic. He wrote at length on physics, largely following Aristotle, and took an interest in animal behavior. His histories of geometry, arithmetic, and astronomy were of great importance and are responsible for much of what we know of these subjects in earlier times.Volume 11 in the series Rutgers Studies in Classical Humanities is different in that it is composed entirely of articles that discuss Eudemus from a variety of viewpoints. Sixteen scholars representing seven nations have contributed essays to the volume. A special essay by Dimitri Gutas brings together for the first time the Arabic material relating to Eudemus. Other contributors and essays are: Hans B. Gottschalk, \"Eudemus and the Peripatos\"; Tiziano Dorandi, \"Quale aspetto controverso della biografia di Eudemo di Rodi\"; William W. Fortenbaugh, \"Eudemus' Work On Expression\"; Pamela M. Huby, \"Did Aristotle Reply to Eudemus and Theophrastus on Some Logical Issues?\"; Robert Sharples, \"Eudemus Physics: Change, Place and Time\"; Han Baltussen, \"Wehrli's Edition of Eudemus of Rhodes: The Physical Fragments from Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics\"; Sylvia Berryman, \"Sumphues and Suneches: Continuity and Coherence in Early Peripatetic Texts\"; Istvbn Bodnbr, \"Eudemus' Unmoved Movers: Fragments 121-123b Wehrli\"; Deborah K. W. Modrak, \"Phantasia, Thought and Science in Eudemus\"; Stephen White, \"Eudemus the Naturalist\"; J orgen Mejer, \"Eudemus and the History of Science\"; Leonid Zhmud, \"Eudemus' History of Mathematics\"; Alan C. Bowen, \"Eudemus' History of Early Greek Astronomy: Two Hypotheses\"; Dmitri Panchenko, \"Eudemus Fr. 145 Wehrli and the Ancient Theories of Lunar Light\"; and Gbbor Betegh, \"On Eudemus Fr. 150 Wehrli.\"\"[Eudemus of Rhodes] marks a substantial progress in our knowledge of Eurdemus. For it enlarges the scope of the information available on this author, highlights the need of, and paves the way to, a new critical edition of the Greek fragments of his works, and provides a clearer view of his life, thought, sources and influence. In all these respects, it represents a necessary complement to Wehrli's edition of Eudemus' fragments.\" -Amos Bertolacci, The Classical BulletinIstvbn Bodnbr is a member of the philosophy department at the Eotvos University in Budapest, where he teaches and does research on ancient philosophy. He has been a junior fellow at the Center for Hellenic Studies and most recently has been an Alexander von Humboldt Stipendiat in Berlin at the Max Plank Institut for Wissenschaftsgeschichte and at the Freie Universitot.William W. Fortenbaugh is professor of classics at Rutgers University. In addition to editing several books in this series, he has written Aristotle on Emotion and Quellen zur Ethik Theophrastus. New is his edition of Theophrastus's treatise On Sweat.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Chi4rYr2xTDiSmY","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":287,"pubplace":"New Jersey","publisher":"Transaction Publisher","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"11","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Leucippus, Democritus and the οὐ μᾶλλον Principle: An Examination of Theophrastus Phys.Op. Fr. 8, 2002
By: Schofield, Malcom

Title	Leucippus, Democritus and the οὐ μᾶλλον Principle: An Examination of Theophrastus Phys.Op. Fr. 8
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	47
Issue	3
Pages	253–263
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schofield, Malcom
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper is a piece of detective work. Starting from an obvious excrescence inthe transmitted text of Simplicius's treatment of the foundations of Presocraticatomism near the beginning of his Physicscommentary, it excavates a Theophrasteancorrection to Aristotle's tendency to lump Leucippus and Democritus together: Theophrastus made application of the οὐ μᾶλλον principle in the sphere of ontol-ogy an innovation by Democritus. Along the way it shows Simplicius reorderinghis Theophrastean source in his efforts to nd material which will strengthen thecontrast between Leucippus's atomism and Eleatic metaphysics. And it arguesthat in doing so he all but obliterates TheophrastusÕs attempt to point up theDemocritean credentials of the οὐ μᾶλλον principle. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Zo6uxvsH3eJYKMj

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1035","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1035,"authors_free":[{"id":1566,"entry_id":1035,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":285,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Schofield, Malcom","free_first_name":"Malcom","free_last_name":"Schofield","norm_person":{"id":285,"first_name":"Malcolm","last_name":"Schofield","full_name":"Schofield, Malcolm","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132323737","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Leucippus, Democritus and the \u03bf\u1f50 \u03bc\u1fb6\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd Principle: An Examination of Theophrastus Phys.Op. Fr. 8","main_title":{"title":"Leucippus, Democritus and the \u03bf\u1f50 \u03bc\u1fb6\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd Principle: An Examination of Theophrastus Phys.Op. Fr. 8"},"abstract":"This paper is a piece of detective work. Starting from an obvious excrescence inthe transmitted text of Simplicius's treatment of the foundations of Presocraticatomism near the beginning of his Physicscommentary, it excavates a Theophrasteancorrection to Aristotle's tendency to lump Leucippus and Democritus together: Theophrastus made application of the \u03bf\u1f50 \u03bc\u1fb6\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd principle in the sphere of ontol-ogy an innovation by Democritus. Along the way it shows Simplicius reorderinghis Theophrastean source in his efforts to nd material which will strengthen thecontrast between Leucippus's atomism and Eleatic metaphysics. And it arguesthat in doing so he all but obliterates Theophrastus\u00d5s attempt to point up theDemocritean credentials of the \u03bf\u1f50 \u03bc\u1fb6\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd principle. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Zo6uxvsH3eJYKMj","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":285,"full_name":"Schofield, Malcolm","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1035,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"47","issue":"3","pages":"253\u2013263"}},"sort":[2002]}

Much Ado About 'Nothing': μηδέν and τὸ μὴ ἐόν in Parmenides, 2002
By: Sanders, Katie R.

Title	Much Ado About 'Nothing': μηδέν and τὸ μὴ ἐόν in Parmenides
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Apeiron
Volume	35
Issue	2
Pages	87–104
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sanders, Katie R.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It is, to my knowledge, a universally accepted assumption among contemporary commentators that μηδέν, 'nothing,' and το μη ἔον, 'what-is-not,' function as synonyms in Parmenides' poem. In this paper, I focus primarily on the central role this supposed semantic equivalence plays in arguments supporting an emendation in line 12 of fragment B8. Despite this scholarly unanimity regarding the synonymy of these two Greek terms and the popularity of the emendation, I contend that we can make the best sense of Parmenides' argument in this and the surrounding lines precisely by retaining the manuscript reading and recognizing the difference in meaning between 'nothing' and 'what-is-not.' This claim, of course, also has broader implications for the interpretation of Parmenides' poem generally. [introduction p. 87-88]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TyAsS6APM6xvpAp

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1050","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1050,"authors_free":[{"id":1595,"entry_id":1050,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":309,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sanders, Katie R.","free_first_name":"Katie R.","free_last_name":"Sanders","norm_person":{"id":309,"first_name":"Katie R.","last_name":"Sanders","full_name":"Sanders, Katie R.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Much Ado About 'Nothing': \u03bc\u03b7\u03b4\u03ad\u03bd and \u03c4\u1f78 \u03bc\u1f74 \u1f10\u03cc\u03bd in Parmenides","main_title":{"title":"Much Ado About 'Nothing': \u03bc\u03b7\u03b4\u03ad\u03bd and \u03c4\u1f78 \u03bc\u1f74 \u1f10\u03cc\u03bd in Parmenides"},"abstract":"It is, to my knowledge, a universally accepted assumption among contemporary commentators that \u03bc\u03b7\u03b4\u03ad\u03bd, 'nothing,' and \u03c4\u03bf \u03bc\u03b7 \u1f14\u03bf\u03bd, 'what-is-not,' function as synonyms in Parmenides' poem. In this paper, I focus primarily on the central role this supposed semantic equivalence plays in arguments supporting an emendation in line 12 of fragment B8. Despite this scholarly unanimity regarding the synonymy of these two Greek terms and the popularity of the emendation, I contend that we can make the best sense of Parmenides' argument in this and the surrounding lines precisely by retaining the manuscript reading and recognizing the difference in meaning between 'nothing' and 'what-is-not.' This claim, of course, also has broader implications for the interpretation of Parmenides' poem generally. [introduction p. 87-88]","btype":3,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TyAsS6APM6xvpAp","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":309,"full_name":"Sanders, Katie R.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1050,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Apeiron","volume":"35","issue":"2","pages":"87\u2013104"}},"sort":[2002]}

La fin du Néoplatonisme Hellénique. Mise au point sur la question, 2002
By: Saihi, Sofian

Title	La fin du Néoplatonisme Hellénique. Mise au point sur la question
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2002
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	20
Issue	2
Pages	83-110
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Saihi, Sofian
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

À ce stade de notre exposé, il est temps de dresser un bilan récapitulatif des travaux de M. Tardieu. Pour ce dernier, après avoir quitté Athènes, nos philosophes néoplatoniciens se sont rendus à Harrân. Cette cité nous est plus familière sous sa dénomination latine : Carrhae. Il s'agit d'une ville romaine de langue gréco-syriaque, toute proche de la frontière perse, à trente kilomètres au sud-est d'Édesse. Si nous avons dit qu'elle nous est familière, en voici la raison : en 53 avant notre ère, Crassus, membre du premier triumvirat avec Pompée et César, dirige une expédition en Perse. Richissime mais sans gloire militaire, il part à la recherche d'un exploit contre les Parthes. Or, ces derniers le mettent en déroute à Carrhae, où il se fait assassiner. C'est dans cette même ville que, quatre siècles plus tard, l'empereur Julien a effectué ses dernières dévotions avant de tomber sous les coups de Sâbuhr II. D'après M. Tardieu, donc, c'est également là que Simplicius, son maître Damascius, et les autres auraient définitivement élu domicile. Accueillis au sein, ou à l'origine eux-mêmes, d'une école néoplatonicienne, ils auraient continué à vivre, travailler et enseigner ensemble à Harrân. Ils auraient été, en somme, chez eux parmi des populations encore attachées au paganisme. Ils s'y seraient sentis bien et auraient décidé d'y rester. Au vu de ses propres déductions, Ilsetraut Hadot n'a pu rester indifférente aux résultats des travaux de Michel Tardieu. Elle le suit et le soutient ardemment. Et des chercheurs comme Pierre Chuvin, Lambros Couloubaritsis ou Alain de Libéra se sont rangés de leur côté. Par ailleurs, peu de critiques sont venues réfuter ses travaux. Certes, Luc Brisson, Paul Foulkes et, plus sérieusement, Simone Van Riet les ont mis en question. Mais Ilsetraut Hadot a su dissiper leurs doutes sans trop de difficulté. Par conséquent, bien que l'hypothèse de Michel Tardieu reste encore à asseoir plus solidement, si nous admettons avec lui que Damascius et ses compagnons ont emporté les pénates du néoplatonisme à Harrân, nous devrions retrouver les vestiges d'un tel foyer. Nous insinuons par là que si ces lieux ont bel et bien abrité une école néoplatonicienne, il doit nécessairement en subsister des traces tangibles. Une empreinte que nous pourrions peut-être relever dans la pensée philosophique musulmane et dont il faudrait établir les rapports avec la doctrine des Sâbiens. À cette fin, il semble primordial de se pencher sur la première philosophie en terre d'Islam. Par une telle élucidation, nous serions alors en mesure de dégager les structures profondes du néoplatonisme qui y subsistent et, pourquoi pas, déterminer par quelle voie oblique cette doctrine a bien pu cheminer entre l'Antiquité tardive et le Moyen Âge. [conclusion p. 108-110]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dUsC8Irj8dUfNHy

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1052","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1052,"authors_free":[{"id":1597,"entry_id":1052,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":307,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Saihi, Sofian","free_first_name":"Sofian","free_last_name":"Saihi","norm_person":{"id":307,"first_name":"Sofian","last_name":"Saihi","full_name":"Saihi, Sofian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La fin du N\u00e9oplatonisme Hell\u00e9nique. Mise au point sur la question","main_title":{"title":"La fin du N\u00e9oplatonisme Hell\u00e9nique. Mise au point sur la question"},"abstract":"\u00c0 ce stade de notre expos\u00e9, il est temps de dresser un bilan r\u00e9capitulatif des travaux de M. Tardieu. Pour ce dernier, apr\u00e8s avoir quitt\u00e9 Ath\u00e8nes, nos philosophes n\u00e9oplatoniciens se sont rendus \u00e0 Harr\u00e2n. Cette cit\u00e9 nous est plus famili\u00e8re sous sa d\u00e9nomination latine : Carrhae. Il s'agit d'une ville romaine de langue gr\u00e9co-syriaque, toute proche de la fronti\u00e8re perse, \u00e0 trente kilom\u00e8tres au sud-est d'\u00c9desse. Si nous avons dit qu'elle nous est famili\u00e8re, en voici la raison : en 53 avant notre \u00e8re, Crassus, membre du premier triumvirat avec Pomp\u00e9e et C\u00e9sar, dirige une exp\u00e9dition en Perse. Richissime mais sans gloire militaire, il part \u00e0 la recherche d'un exploit contre les Parthes. Or, ces derniers le mettent en d\u00e9route \u00e0 Carrhae, o\u00f9 il se fait assassiner. C'est dans cette m\u00eame ville que, quatre si\u00e8cles plus tard, l'empereur Julien a effectu\u00e9 ses derni\u00e8res d\u00e9votions avant de tomber sous les coups de S\u00e2buhr II.\r\n\r\nD'apr\u00e8s M. Tardieu, donc, c'est \u00e9galement l\u00e0 que Simplicius, son ma\u00eetre Damascius, et les autres auraient d\u00e9finitivement \u00e9lu domicile. Accueillis au sein, ou \u00e0 l'origine eux-m\u00eames, d'une \u00e9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne, ils auraient continu\u00e9 \u00e0 vivre, travailler et enseigner ensemble \u00e0 Harr\u00e2n. Ils auraient \u00e9t\u00e9, en somme, chez eux parmi des populations encore attach\u00e9es au paganisme. Ils s'y seraient sentis bien et auraient d\u00e9cid\u00e9 d'y rester.\r\n\r\nAu vu de ses propres d\u00e9ductions, Ilsetraut Hadot n'a pu rester indiff\u00e9rente aux r\u00e9sultats des travaux de Michel Tardieu. Elle le suit et le soutient ardemment. Et des chercheurs comme Pierre Chuvin, Lambros Couloubaritsis ou Alain de Lib\u00e9ra se sont rang\u00e9s de leur c\u00f4t\u00e9. Par ailleurs, peu de critiques sont venues r\u00e9futer ses travaux. Certes, Luc Brisson, Paul Foulkes et, plus s\u00e9rieusement, Simone Van Riet les ont mis en question. Mais Ilsetraut Hadot a su dissiper leurs doutes sans trop de difficult\u00e9.\r\n\r\nPar cons\u00e9quent, bien que l'hypoth\u00e8se de Michel Tardieu reste encore \u00e0 asseoir plus solidement, si nous admettons avec lui que Damascius et ses compagnons ont emport\u00e9 les p\u00e9nates du n\u00e9oplatonisme \u00e0 Harr\u00e2n, nous devrions retrouver les vestiges d'un tel foyer. Nous insinuons par l\u00e0 que si ces lieux ont bel et bien abrit\u00e9 une \u00e9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne, il doit n\u00e9cessairement en subsister des traces tangibles. Une empreinte que nous pourrions peut-\u00eatre relever dans la pens\u00e9e philosophique musulmane et dont il faudrait \u00e9tablir les rapports avec la doctrine des S\u00e2biens. \u00c0 cette fin, il semble primordial de se pencher sur la premi\u00e8re philosophie en terre d'Islam. Par une telle \u00e9lucidation, nous serions alors en mesure de d\u00e9gager les structures profondes du n\u00e9oplatonisme qui y subsistent et, pourquoi pas, d\u00e9terminer par quelle voie oblique cette doctrine a bien pu cheminer entre l'Antiquit\u00e9 tardive et le Moyen \u00c2ge. [conclusion p. 108-110]","btype":3,"date":"2002","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dUsC8Irj8dUfNHy","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":307,"full_name":"Saihi, Sofian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1052,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue de Philosophie Ancienne","volume":"20","issue":"2","pages":"83-110"}},"sort":[2002]}

Theophrastus’ De Igne: Orthodoxy, Reform and Readjustment in the Doctrine of Elements, 2002
By: Bodnár, István M., Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Wöhrle, Georg (Ed.)

Title	Theophrastus’ De Igne: Orthodoxy, Reform and Readjustment in the Doctrine of Elements
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	On the Opuscula of Theophrastus. Akten der 3. Tagungder Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 19.-23. Juli 1999 in Trier
Pages	75-90
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bodnár, István M.
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Wöhrle, Georg
Translator(s)

Any account of the short Theophrastean treatise On Fire needs to address sensitive issues about the heavenly sphere—whether Theophrastus upholds Aristotle’s convictions about aither, a special substance that performs celestial revolutions as its natural motion, analogous to the way sublunary elements perform their rectilinear descents and risings—and then about the status of fire itself in comparison to the other three sublunary elements. Needless to say, the two questions cannot be treated in isolation: proposals about the first query as a principle have direct bearing on the solution of the second difficulty. Accordingly, in the following sections, I shall first discuss what conclusions we can draw from the meager evidence of the introductory chapters of De igne regarding Theophrastus’ assumptions about the makeup of the celestial domain. In the closing sections of this paper, I shall then turn to some larger issues about the reforms or readjustments of a Peripatetic theory of elements that this treatise appears to adumbrate or at least presuppose. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lPX6TbzY8iv53Ki

{"_index":"sire","_id":"929","_score":null,"_source":{"id":929,"authors_free":[{"id":1373,"entry_id":929,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":6,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","free_first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","free_last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","norm_person":{"id":6,"first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031829717","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1374,"entry_id":929,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":7,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W.","free_first_name":"William W.","free_last_name":"Fortenbaugh","norm_person":{"id":7,"first_name":"William W. ","last_name":"Fortenbaugh","full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/110233700","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1832,"entry_id":929,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":8,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"W\u00f6hrle, Georg ","free_first_name":"Georg","free_last_name":"W\u00f6hrle","norm_person":{"id":8,"first_name":"Georg","last_name":"W\u00f6hrle","full_name":"W\u00f6hrle, Georg ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172458277","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Theophrastus\u2019 De Igne: Orthodoxy, Reform and Readjustment in the Doctrine of Elements","main_title":{"title":"Theophrastus\u2019 De Igne: Orthodoxy, Reform and Readjustment in the Doctrine of Elements"},"abstract":"Any account of the short Theophrastean treatise On Fire needs to address sensitive issues about the heavenly sphere\u2014whether Theophrastus upholds Aristotle\u2019s convictions about aither, a special substance that performs celestial revolutions as its natural motion, analogous to the way sublunary elements perform their rectilinear descents and risings\u2014and then about the status of fire itself in comparison to the other three sublunary elements. Needless to say, the two questions cannot be treated in isolation: proposals about the first query as a principle have direct bearing on the solution of the second difficulty.\r\n\r\nAccordingly, in the following sections, I shall first discuss what conclusions we can draw from the meager evidence of the introductory chapters of De igne regarding Theophrastus\u2019 assumptions about the makeup of the celestial domain. In the closing sections of this paper, I shall then turn to some larger issues about the reforms or readjustments of a Peripatetic theory of elements that this treatise appears to adumbrate or at least presuppose. [author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lPX6TbzY8iv53Ki","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":6,"full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":7,"full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":8,"full_name":"W\u00f6hrle, Georg ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":929,"section_of":31,"pages":"75-90","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":31,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"On the Opuscula of Theophrastus. Akten der 3. Tagungder Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 19.-23. Juli 1999 in Trier","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Fortenbaugh2002d","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2002","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2002","abstract":"The opuscula of Theophrastus are no fragments; rather they are short treatises which have survived in manuscript form. The subject matter covers metaphysics, psychology, and natural science. Several of the treatises have never been properly edited or translated into English. All are in need of the new and in-depth attention. [preface]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/MPYkoik1OlP0aN6","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":31,"pubplace":"Stuttgart","publisher":"Franz Steiner Verlag","series":"Die Philosophie der Antike","volume":"14","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Eudemus’ Unmoved Movers: Fragments 121-123b Wehrli, 2002
By: Bodnár, István M., Fortenbaugh, William. W. (Ed.), Bodnár, István M. (Ed.)

Title	Eudemus’ Unmoved Movers: Fragments 121-123b Wehrli
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	Eudemus of Rhodes
Pages	171-189
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bodnár, István M.
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William. W. , Bodnár, István M.
Translator(s)

After evaluating the testimony about Eudemus’ doctrine concerning the unmoved prime movers, it should be stated that all the testimonies affirm that Eudemus upheld Aristotle’s doctrine of prime movers. This gains significance given that recent interpreters of Theophrastus argue that Theophrastus rejected this Aristotelian doctrine, attributing the motion of the heavens to the result of the souls of the spheres, and possibly also to the element composing these spheres. If this were the case, one might be tempted to draw a contrast between the provincial conservatism of Eudemus, who returned to his native Rhodes after Aristotle’s death, and the cosmopolitan innovative spirit of Theophrastus, who remained in the intellectually vibrant climate of Athens until the end of his life. Here, I cannot elaborate in detail why I think such a contrast is untenable, but I can indicate one fundamental reason for Theophrastus’ retention of the Aristotelian unmoved movers. The most important consideration comes from Theophrastus’ Metaphysics. That short treatise examines, from beginning to end, the way in which the different domains of the universe are integrated and claims, in an Aristotelian vein, that there must be contact or connection (synaphe) between these domains; otherwise, the universe would resemble a series of unconnected, episodic realms. This claim, combined with the testimony that Theophrastus admitted supra-physical entities, requires that these entities be integrated with the operation of the cosmos. Unless some other task is explicitly assigned to them, the orthodox Aristotelian role of unmoved movers remains the most likely candidate for their function. The only alternative might be to claim that these supra-sensible entities are identical with the souls of the celestial spheres. However, this will not suffice, as the mode of operation of the unmoved mover is described in orthodox Aristotelian terms as the effect of the nature of the object of desire, while the role of the celestial souls is consistently described as the subject of desire and aspiration. Unless something can be the object of its own aspiration—which is inadmissible on Peripatetic grounds, since that would require the same entity to possess and be bereft of the same characteristic at the same time—the motion of the celestial spheres necessitates an external unmoved mover. Accordingly, if Theophrastus raised difficulties in the context of an Aristotelian account of celestial motion to elucidate and elaborate the original Aristotelian position, his project was not fundamentally different from the one pursued by Eudemus in his Physics. The fact that Simplicius, in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, refers to Eudemus’ Physics far more often than to Theophrastus’ writings likely reflects the nature of these writings rather than any significant difference in the philosophical outlook of these authors. [conclusion p. 187-189]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oHvrWIwr97HgFIY

{"_index":"sire","_id":"943","_score":null,"_source":{"id":943,"authors_free":[{"id":1404,"entry_id":943,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":6,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","free_first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","free_last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r,","norm_person":{"id":6,"first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031829717","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1405,"entry_id":943,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":7,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fortenbaugh, William. W.","free_first_name":"William W.","free_last_name":"Fortenbaugh","norm_person":{"id":7,"first_name":"William W. ","last_name":"Fortenbaugh","full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/110233700","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1406,"entry_id":943,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":6,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","free_first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","free_last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","norm_person":{"id":6,"first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031829717","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Eudemus\u2019 Unmoved Movers: Fragments 121-123b Wehrli","main_title":{"title":"Eudemus\u2019 Unmoved Movers: Fragments 121-123b Wehrli"},"abstract":"After evaluating the testimony about Eudemus\u2019 doctrine concerning the unmoved prime movers, it should be stated that all the testimonies affirm that Eudemus upheld Aristotle\u2019s doctrine of prime movers. This gains significance given that recent interpreters of Theophrastus argue that Theophrastus rejected this Aristotelian doctrine, attributing the motion of the heavens to the result of the souls of the spheres, and possibly also to the element composing these spheres. If this were the case, one might be tempted to draw a contrast between the provincial conservatism of Eudemus, who returned to his native Rhodes after Aristotle\u2019s death, and the cosmopolitan innovative spirit of Theophrastus, who remained in the intellectually vibrant climate of Athens until the end of his life.\r\n\r\nHere, I cannot elaborate in detail why I think such a contrast is untenable, but I can indicate one fundamental reason for Theophrastus\u2019 retention of the Aristotelian unmoved movers. The most important consideration comes from Theophrastus\u2019 Metaphysics. That short treatise examines, from beginning to end, the way in which the different domains of the universe are integrated and claims, in an Aristotelian vein, that there must be contact or connection (synaphe) between these domains; otherwise, the universe would resemble a series of unconnected, episodic realms. This claim, combined with the testimony that Theophrastus admitted supra-physical entities, requires that these entities be integrated with the operation of the cosmos. Unless some other task is explicitly assigned to them, the orthodox Aristotelian role of unmoved movers remains the most likely candidate for their function.\r\n\r\nThe only alternative might be to claim that these supra-sensible entities are identical with the souls of the celestial spheres. However, this will not suffice, as the mode of operation of the unmoved mover is described in orthodox Aristotelian terms as the effect of the nature of the object of desire, while the role of the celestial souls is consistently described as the subject of desire and aspiration. Unless something can be the object of its own aspiration\u2014which is inadmissible on Peripatetic grounds, since that would require the same entity to possess and be bereft of the same characteristic at the same time\u2014the motion of the celestial spheres necessitates an external unmoved mover.\r\n\r\nAccordingly, if Theophrastus raised difficulties in the context of an Aristotelian account of celestial motion to elucidate and elaborate the original Aristotelian position, his project was not fundamentally different from the one pursued by Eudemus in his Physics. The fact that Simplicius, in his commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics, refers to Eudemus\u2019 Physics far more often than to Theophrastus\u2019 writings likely reflects the nature of these writings rather than any significant difference in the philosophical outlook of these authors. [conclusion p. 187-189]","btype":2,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/oHvrWIwr97HgFIY","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":6,"full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":7,"full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":6,"full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":943,"section_of":287,"pages":"171-189","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":287,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Eudemus of Rhodes","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Fortenbaugh2002","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2002","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2002","abstract":"Eudemus of Rhodes was a pupil of Aristotle in the second half of the fourth century BCE. When Aristotle died, having chosen Theophrastus as his successor, Eudemus returned to Rhodes where it appears he founded his own school. His contributions to logic were significant: he took issue with Aristotle concerning the status of the existential \"is,\" and together with Theophrastus he made important contributions to hypothetical syllogistic and modal logic. He wrote at length on physics, largely following Aristotle, and took an interest in animal behavior. His histories of geometry, arithmetic, and astronomy were of great importance and are responsible for much of what we know of these subjects in earlier times.Volume 11 in the series Rutgers Studies in Classical Humanities is different in that it is composed entirely of articles that discuss Eudemus from a variety of viewpoints. Sixteen scholars representing seven nations have contributed essays to the volume. A special essay by Dimitri Gutas brings together for the first time the Arabic material relating to Eudemus. Other contributors and essays are: Hans B. Gottschalk, \"Eudemus and the Peripatos\"; Tiziano Dorandi, \"Quale aspetto controverso della biografia di Eudemo di Rodi\"; William W. Fortenbaugh, \"Eudemus' Work On Expression\"; Pamela M. Huby, \"Did Aristotle Reply to Eudemus and Theophrastus on Some Logical Issues?\"; Robert Sharples, \"Eudemus Physics: Change, Place and Time\"; Han Baltussen, \"Wehrli's Edition of Eudemus of Rhodes: The Physical Fragments from Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics\"; Sylvia Berryman, \"Sumphues and Suneches: Continuity and Coherence in Early Peripatetic Texts\"; Istvbn Bodnbr, \"Eudemus' Unmoved Movers: Fragments 121-123b Wehrli\"; Deborah K. W. Modrak, \"Phantasia, Thought and Science in Eudemus\"; Stephen White, \"Eudemus the Naturalist\"; J orgen Mejer, \"Eudemus and the History of Science\"; Leonid Zhmud, \"Eudemus' History of Mathematics\"; Alan C. Bowen, \"Eudemus' History of Early Greek Astronomy: Two Hypotheses\"; Dmitri Panchenko, \"Eudemus Fr. 145 Wehrli and the Ancient Theories of Lunar Light\"; and Gbbor Betegh, \"On Eudemus Fr. 150 Wehrli.\"\"[Eudemus of Rhodes] marks a substantial progress in our knowledge of Eurdemus. For it enlarges the scope of the information available on this author, highlights the need of, and paves the way to, a new critical edition of the Greek fragments of his works, and provides a clearer view of his life, thought, sources and influence. In all these respects, it represents a necessary complement to Wehrli's edition of Eudemus' fragments.\" -Amos Bertolacci, The Classical BulletinIstvbn Bodnbr is a member of the philosophy department at the Eotvos University in Budapest, where he teaches and does research on ancient philosophy. He has been a junior fellow at the Center for Hellenic Studies and most recently has been an Alexander von Humboldt Stipendiat in Berlin at the Max Plank Institut for Wissenschaftsgeschichte and at the Freie Universitot.William W. Fortenbaugh is professor of classics at Rutgers University. In addition to editing several books in this series, he has written Aristotle on Emotion and Quellen zur Ethik Theophrastus. New is his edition of Theophrastus's treatise On Sweat.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Chi4rYr2xTDiSmY","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":287,"pubplace":"New Jersey","publisher":"Transaction Publisher","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"11","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Note sulla chiusura della Scuola neoplatonica di Atene, 2002
By: Napoli, Valerio

Title	Note sulla chiusura della Scuola neoplatonica di Atene
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2002
Journal	Schede Medievali
Volume	42
Pages	53-95
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Napoli, Valerio
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Secondo la lettura di Alain De Libera, l’“esilio” dei filosofi in Persia non segna la chiusura del conflitto tra l’ellenismo e il cristianesimo né la fine della filosofia («la filosofia è tutt'altro che morta a quest’epoca»), ma, al contrario, rappresenta l’evento che dà avvio a un movimento di trasferimento o di transfert della scienza – una traslazione degli studi o dei centri di studio – che durerà fino alla fine del Medioevo. L’esilio in questione, con cui la filosofia emigra – o pensa di emigrare – dall’Impero bizantino all’Impero sassanide per poi ritornare nell’Impero bizantino (in una translatio da Atene in Persia e dalla Persia a Harràn), costituisce una delle varie translations studiorum che si verificano tra l’antichità e il Medioevo e segna il perdurare, nella città di Harràn, in territorio bizantino, della filosofia pagana. In ogni caso, è possibile notare che, con i filosofi menzionati da Agazia (e forse con altri della stessa epoca non coinvolti nell’avventura persiana), ci troviamo di fronte all’ultima generazione di spicco dei filosofi pagani. Qualunque sia stata l’attività filosofica svolta dai neoplatonici dopo il loro ritorno dalla Persia, a Harràn o in qualche altra località, si può comunque constatare che Damascio (il quale probabilmente scrisse le sue opere prima del 529) e, se si vuole, qualche altro pensatore contemporaneo costituiscono gli ultimi filosofi pagani di rilievo. «[...] De fait – dichiara con decisione Henri Dominique Saffrey – après l’époque de Justinien, il n’y a plus eu de philosophes païens. Simplicius et les quelques-uns de la génération qui le suit, furent les derniers». Il pensiero pagano continuerà a vivere – al di là della possibile attività della comunità neoplatonica harraniana – in Oriente e in Occidente, in una complessa e intricata trama di ricezioni, influssi, fruizioni, letture, trasformazioni e suggestioni, nell’ambito del pensiero successivo nelle sue articolazioni arabo-islamica, greco-bizantina, latino-occidentale e altre. [conclusion p. 94-95]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UFh3Gu1utmqf1sN

{"_index":"sire","_id":"949","_score":null,"_source":{"id":949,"authors_free":[{"id":1425,"entry_id":949,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":522,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Napoli, Valerio","free_first_name":"Valerio","free_last_name":"Napoli","norm_person":{"id":522,"first_name":"Valerio","last_name":"Napoli","full_name":"Napoli, Valerio","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Note sulla chiusura della Scuola neoplatonica di Atene","main_title":{"title":"Note sulla chiusura della Scuola neoplatonica di Atene"},"abstract":"Secondo la lettura di Alain De Libera, l\u2019\u201cesilio\u201d dei filosofi in Persia non segna la chiusura del conflitto tra l\u2019ellenismo e il cristianesimo n\u00e9 la fine della filosofia (\u00abla filosofia \u00e8 tutt'altro che morta a quest\u2019epoca\u00bb), ma, al contrario, rappresenta l\u2019evento che d\u00e0 avvio a un movimento di trasferimento o di transfert della scienza \u2013 una traslazione degli studi o dei centri di studio \u2013 che durer\u00e0 fino alla fine del Medioevo.\r\n\r\nL\u2019esilio in questione, con cui la filosofia emigra \u2013 o pensa di emigrare \u2013 dall\u2019Impero bizantino all\u2019Impero sassanide per poi ritornare nell\u2019Impero bizantino (in una translatio da Atene in Persia e dalla Persia a Harr\u00e0n), costituisce una delle varie translations studiorum che si verificano tra l\u2019antichit\u00e0 e il Medioevo e segna il perdurare, nella citt\u00e0 di Harr\u00e0n, in territorio bizantino, della filosofia pagana.\r\n\r\nIn ogni caso, \u00e8 possibile notare che, con i filosofi menzionati da Agazia (e forse con altri della stessa epoca non coinvolti nell\u2019avventura persiana), ci troviamo di fronte all\u2019ultima generazione di spicco dei filosofi pagani. Qualunque sia stata l\u2019attivit\u00e0 filosofica svolta dai neoplatonici dopo il loro ritorno dalla Persia, a Harr\u00e0n o in qualche altra localit\u00e0, si pu\u00f2 comunque constatare che Damascio (il quale probabilmente scrisse le sue opere prima del 529) e, se si vuole, qualche altro pensatore contemporaneo costituiscono gli ultimi filosofi pagani di rilievo.\r\n\r\n\u00ab[...] De fait \u2013 dichiara con decisione Henri Dominique Saffrey \u2013 apr\u00e8s l\u2019\u00e9poque de Justinien, il n\u2019y a plus eu de philosophes pa\u00efens. Simplicius et les quelques-uns de la g\u00e9n\u00e9ration qui le suit, furent les derniers\u00bb. Il pensiero pagano continuer\u00e0 a vivere \u2013 al di l\u00e0 della possibile attivit\u00e0 della comunit\u00e0 neoplatonica harraniana \u2013 in Oriente e in Occidente, in una complessa e intricata trama di ricezioni, influssi, fruizioni, letture, trasformazioni e suggestioni, nell\u2019ambito del pensiero successivo nelle sue articolazioni arabo-islamica, greco-bizantina, latino-occidentale e altre. [conclusion p. 94-95]","btype":3,"date":"2002","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/UFh3Gu1utmqf1sN","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":522,"full_name":"Napoli, Valerio","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":949,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Schede Medievali","volume":"42","issue":"","pages":"53-95"}},"sort":[2002]}

Wehrli’s Edition of Eudemus of Rhodes: The Physical Fragments from Simplicius’ Commentary On Aristotle’s Physics, 2002
By: Baltussen, Han, Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Bodnár, István M. (Ed.)

Title	Wehrli’s Edition of Eudemus of Rhodes: The Physical Fragments from Simplicius’ Commentary On Aristotle’s Physics
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	Eudemus of Rhodes
Pages	127-156
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Bodnár, István M.
Translator(s)

In this paper, I have provided significant reasons why more work is needed on the material found in Wehrli’s edition of Eudemus of Rhodes (§§1-2, with particular reference to his fragments on physics). I have briefly discussed preliminary questions for a new edition, such as what type of work Eudemus’ Physika was and in what form Simplicius may have consulted it (§3). In addition, I presented twelve additional passages or closing lines to existing testimonia from Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, bringing the total number of named references to Eudemus in Simplicius to around 130. On the basis of the material studied, we can conclude that the added texts do not produce new insights of major importance, as the material is limited and taken from the same source as most of the known texts. However, even if the shorter references (T1–6) should mainly be added to our collection for the sake of completeness, they may also serve as evidence that Simplicius was reading Eudemus’ notes alongside Aristotle’s text. The brevity of such references, it could be argued, shows Simplicius on the lookout for useful comments and adding them whenever they occur. Some of the closing statements, which go beyond the actual quotations, teach us more about Simplicius’ method of demarcating or "bracketing" his quotes and draw attention to certain features of Eudemus’ approach (T2-3, 5, 7). Moreover, we found a few details that further clarify aspects of Eudemus’ role and method in the exegetical tradition. For instance, in T1, Simplicius formulates objections against both Eudemus and Alexander, whereas he usually prefers the former to the latter. In T2 and T7, Eudemus’ importance in clarifying a problem is noted. Obviously, we are here adopting a broader approach toward the study of fragments than has been customary until fairly recently. The longer passages (T7–12) yielded five recurrent "quotations," or at least passages supposedly reporting Eudemus’ words (apart from paratitheatai, I noted verbs such as prographēin, legein). Since they confirm information in similar quotations (e.g., his discussion of Being [T8], of Parmenides [T9], of predication [T10], and on his method regarding Aristotle’s arguments [T12]), it was argued that they should at least be taken into account instead of suppressed or hidden away. The duplication of material can, in itself, be informative about the value of it for our assessment of the surviving material. Finally, I suggested that a probable reason for the transmission of Eudemian material was its value as an exegetical aid to ancient commentators. Simplicius almost treats Eudemus as a "colleague" who also aimed at clarifying Aristotle’s difficult prose (see quote from Wehrli, above, note 18). The higher ratio of references compared to Theophrastus seems to indicate that Eudemus’ clarifications of Aristotle’s thought in physics were regarded as more useful and therefore found their way into later exegetical writings. Blumenthal (p. 10) has expressed the paradox well: "The general consensus of the commentators after Themistius seems to have been that Theophrastus was a major figure in the history of philosophy whose opinions could nevertheless be ignored on most matters." Perhaps Simplicius found Eudemus useful as a cure for Aristotle’s unclarity; this would explain the emphasis he puts on Eudemus’ clarity (note the frequency of saphēs) as against Aristotle’s—supposedly intended—obscurity (asapheia, see esp. In Cat. 7.1–22). The unhelpful handling of a small number of references discussed above is only one of several reasons to re-evaluate the method and form of Wehrli’s edition today. We have become more aware than ever that editing fragments is not a cut-and-paste operation but a difficult and complex exercise that needs to take several contexts into account. In this particular case, editing passages as fragmentary bits of text lifted out of their context is perhaps impossible in the tradition in which Simplicius’ prose often does not allow us to lift a text out of its context without losing important information regarding the motives, intentions, and overall argument of the source author. As soon as the thoughts and words of a cited author become deeply embedded in the fabric of the immediate context, we need to be as well-informed as possible about the source author. There are many unpredictable contingencies in the transmission of earlier thought, and common-sense tactics such as leaving out "redundant" duplicate passages may backfire. Therefore, it makes sense for each case to be tested on its own merits. These considerations show Wehrli’s edition to be the product of an outdated method, and it is hoped that this essay, together with the obiter dicta culled from reviews (see appendices), will be of use to the next editor of the Eudemian fragments in physics. [conclusion p. 146-149]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nQEtetEDiyq3flk

{"_index":"sire","_id":"972","_score":null,"_source":{"id":972,"authors_free":[{"id":1465,"entry_id":972,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":39,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Baltussen, Han","free_first_name":"Han","free_last_name":"Baltussen","norm_person":{"id":39,"first_name":"Han","last_name":"Baltussen","full_name":"Baltussen, Han","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136236456","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1466,"entry_id":972,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":7,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W.","free_first_name":"William W.","free_last_name":"Fortenbaugh","norm_person":{"id":7,"first_name":"William W. ","last_name":"Fortenbaugh","full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/110233700","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1467,"entry_id":972,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":6,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","free_first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","free_last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","norm_person":{"id":6,"first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031829717","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Wehrli\u2019s Edition of Eudemus of Rhodes: The Physical Fragments from Simplicius\u2019 Commentary On Aristotle\u2019s Physics","main_title":{"title":"Wehrli\u2019s Edition of Eudemus of Rhodes: The Physical Fragments from Simplicius\u2019 Commentary On Aristotle\u2019s Physics"},"abstract":"In this paper, I have provided significant reasons why more work is needed on the material found in Wehrli\u2019s edition of Eudemus of Rhodes (\u00a7\u00a71-2, with particular reference to his fragments on physics). I have briefly discussed preliminary questions for a new edition, such as what type of work Eudemus\u2019 Physika was and in what form Simplicius may have consulted it (\u00a73). In addition, I presented twelve additional passages or closing lines to existing testimonia from Simplicius\u2019 commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics, bringing the total number of named references to Eudemus in Simplicius to around 130.\r\n\r\nOn the basis of the material studied, we can conclude that the added texts do not produce new insights of major importance, as the material is limited and taken from the same source as most of the known texts. However, even if the shorter references (T1\u20136) should mainly be added to our collection for the sake of completeness, they may also serve as evidence that Simplicius was reading Eudemus\u2019 notes alongside Aristotle\u2019s text. The brevity of such references, it could be argued, shows Simplicius on the lookout for useful comments and adding them whenever they occur. Some of the closing statements, which go beyond the actual quotations, teach us more about Simplicius\u2019 method of demarcating or \"bracketing\" his quotes and draw attention to certain features of Eudemus\u2019 approach (T2-3, 5, 7). Moreover, we found a few details that further clarify aspects of Eudemus\u2019 role and method in the exegetical tradition. For instance, in T1, Simplicius formulates objections against both Eudemus and Alexander, whereas he usually prefers the former to the latter. In T2 and T7, Eudemus\u2019 importance in clarifying a problem is noted.\r\n\r\nObviously, we are here adopting a broader approach toward the study of fragments than has been customary until fairly recently. The longer passages (T7\u201312) yielded five recurrent \"quotations,\" or at least passages supposedly reporting Eudemus\u2019 words (apart from paratitheatai, I noted verbs such as prograph\u0113in, legein). Since they confirm information in similar quotations (e.g., his discussion of Being [T8], of Parmenides [T9], of predication [T10], and on his method regarding Aristotle\u2019s arguments [T12]), it was argued that they should at least be taken into account instead of suppressed or hidden away. The duplication of material can, in itself, be informative about the value of it for our assessment of the surviving material.\r\n\r\nFinally, I suggested that a probable reason for the transmission of Eudemian material was its value as an exegetical aid to ancient commentators. Simplicius almost treats Eudemus as a \"colleague\" who also aimed at clarifying Aristotle\u2019s difficult prose (see quote from Wehrli, above, note 18). The higher ratio of references compared to Theophrastus seems to indicate that Eudemus\u2019 clarifications of Aristotle\u2019s thought in physics were regarded as more useful and therefore found their way into later exegetical writings. Blumenthal (p. 10) has expressed the paradox well: \"The general consensus of the commentators after Themistius seems to have been that Theophrastus was a major figure in the history of philosophy whose opinions could nevertheless be ignored on most matters.\" Perhaps Simplicius found Eudemus useful as a cure for Aristotle\u2019s unclarity; this would explain the emphasis he puts on Eudemus\u2019 clarity (note the frequency of saph\u0113s) as against Aristotle\u2019s\u2014supposedly intended\u2014obscurity (asapheia, see esp. In Cat. 7.1\u201322).\r\n\r\nThe unhelpful handling of a small number of references discussed above is only one of several reasons to re-evaluate the method and form of Wehrli\u2019s edition today. We have become more aware than ever that editing fragments is not a cut-and-paste operation but a difficult and complex exercise that needs to take several contexts into account. In this particular case, editing passages as fragmentary bits of text lifted out of their context is perhaps impossible in the tradition in which Simplicius\u2019 prose often does not allow us to lift a text out of its context without losing important information regarding the motives, intentions, and overall argument of the source author. As soon as the thoughts and words of a cited author become deeply embedded in the fabric of the immediate context, we need to be as well-informed as possible about the source author. There are many unpredictable contingencies in the transmission of earlier thought, and common-sense tactics such as leaving out \"redundant\" duplicate passages may backfire. Therefore, it makes sense for each case to be tested on its own merits.\r\n\r\nThese considerations show Wehrli\u2019s edition to be the product of an outdated method, and it is hoped that this essay, together with the obiter dicta culled from reviews (see appendices), will be of use to the next editor of the Eudemian fragments in physics. [conclusion p. 146-149]","btype":2,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nQEtetEDiyq3flk","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":39,"full_name":"Baltussen, Han","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":7,"full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":6,"full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":972,"section_of":287,"pages":"127-156","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":287,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Eudemus of Rhodes","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Fortenbaugh2002","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2002","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2002","abstract":"Eudemus of Rhodes was a pupil of Aristotle in the second half of the fourth century BCE. When Aristotle died, having chosen Theophrastus as his successor, Eudemus returned to Rhodes where it appears he founded his own school. His contributions to logic were significant: he took issue with Aristotle concerning the status of the existential \"is,\" and together with Theophrastus he made important contributions to hypothetical syllogistic and modal logic. He wrote at length on physics, largely following Aristotle, and took an interest in animal behavior. His histories of geometry, arithmetic, and astronomy were of great importance and are responsible for much of what we know of these subjects in earlier times.Volume 11 in the series Rutgers Studies in Classical Humanities is different in that it is composed entirely of articles that discuss Eudemus from a variety of viewpoints. Sixteen scholars representing seven nations have contributed essays to the volume. A special essay by Dimitri Gutas brings together for the first time the Arabic material relating to Eudemus. Other contributors and essays are: Hans B. Gottschalk, \"Eudemus and the Peripatos\"; Tiziano Dorandi, \"Quale aspetto controverso della biografia di Eudemo di Rodi\"; William W. Fortenbaugh, \"Eudemus' Work On Expression\"; Pamela M. Huby, \"Did Aristotle Reply to Eudemus and Theophrastus on Some Logical Issues?\"; Robert Sharples, \"Eudemus Physics: Change, Place and Time\"; Han Baltussen, \"Wehrli's Edition of Eudemus of Rhodes: The Physical Fragments from Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics\"; Sylvia Berryman, \"Sumphues and Suneches: Continuity and Coherence in Early Peripatetic Texts\"; Istvbn Bodnbr, \"Eudemus' Unmoved Movers: Fragments 121-123b Wehrli\"; Deborah K. W. Modrak, \"Phantasia, Thought and Science in Eudemus\"; Stephen White, \"Eudemus the Naturalist\"; J orgen Mejer, \"Eudemus and the History of Science\"; Leonid Zhmud, \"Eudemus' History of Mathematics\"; Alan C. Bowen, \"Eudemus' History of Early Greek Astronomy: Two Hypotheses\"; Dmitri Panchenko, \"Eudemus Fr. 145 Wehrli and the Ancient Theories of Lunar Light\"; and Gbbor Betegh, \"On Eudemus Fr. 150 Wehrli.\"\"[Eudemus of Rhodes] marks a substantial progress in our knowledge of Eurdemus. For it enlarges the scope of the information available on this author, highlights the need of, and paves the way to, a new critical edition of the Greek fragments of his works, and provides a clearer view of his life, thought, sources and influence. In all these respects, it represents a necessary complement to Wehrli's edition of Eudemus' fragments.\" -Amos Bertolacci, The Classical BulletinIstvbn Bodnbr is a member of the philosophy department at the Eotvos University in Budapest, where he teaches and does research on ancient philosophy. He has been a junior fellow at the Center for Hellenic Studies and most recently has been an Alexander von Humboldt Stipendiat in Berlin at the Max Plank Institut for Wissenschaftsgeschichte and at the Freie Universitot.William W. Fortenbaugh is professor of classics at Rutgers University. In addition to editing several books in this series, he has written Aristotle on Emotion and Quellen zur Ethik Theophrastus. New is his edition of Theophrastus's treatise On Sweat.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Chi4rYr2xTDiSmY","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":287,"pubplace":"New Jersey","publisher":"Transaction Publisher","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"11","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Metaphysik und Religion: Zur Signatur des spätantiken Denkens / Akten des Internationalen Kongresses vom 13.-17. März 2001 in Würzburg, 2002
By: Kobusch, Theo (Ed.), Erler, Michael (Ed.)

Title	Metaphysik und Religion: Zur Signatur des spätantiken Denkens / Akten des Internationalen Kongresses vom 13.-17. März 2001 in Würzburg
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2002
Publication Place	München - Leipzig
Publisher	Saur
Series	Beiträge zur Altertumskunde
Volume	160
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Kobusch, Theo , Erler, Michael
Translator(s)

Die Beiträge zur Altertumskunde enthalten Monographien, Sammelbände, Editionen, Übersetzungen und Kommentare zu Themen aus den Bereichen Klassische, Mittel- und Neulateinische Philologie, Alte Geschichte, Archäologie, Antike Philosophie sowie Nachwirken der Antike bis in die Neuzeit. Dadurch leistet die Reihe einen umfassenden Beitrag zur Erschließung klassischer Literatur und zur Forschung im gesamten Gebiet der Altertumswissenschaften. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lv1Opvh3eZrvkIS

{"_index":"sire","_id":"265","_score":null,"_source":{"id":265,"authors_free":[{"id":335,"entry_id":265,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":163,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Kobusch, Theo","free_first_name":"Theo","free_last_name":"Kobusch","norm_person":{"id":163,"first_name":"Theo","last_name":"Kobusch","full_name":"Kobusch, Theo","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115417486","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1998,"entry_id":265,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":164,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Erler, Michael ","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Erler","norm_person":{"id":164,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Erler","full_name":"Erler, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122153847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Metaphysik und Religion: Zur Signatur des sp\u00e4tantiken Denkens \/ Akten des Internationalen Kongresses vom 13.-17. M\u00e4rz 2001 in W\u00fcrzburg","main_title":{"title":"Metaphysik und Religion: Zur Signatur des sp\u00e4tantiken Denkens \/ Akten des Internationalen Kongresses vom 13.-17. M\u00e4rz 2001 in W\u00fcrzburg"},"abstract":"\r\nDie Beitr\u00e4ge zur Altertumskunde enthalten Monographien, Sammelb\u00e4nde, Editionen, \u00dcbersetzungen und Kommentare zu Themen aus den Bereichen Klassische, Mittel- und Neulateinische Philologie, Alte Geschichte, Arch\u00e4ologie, Antike Philosophie sowie Nachwirken der Antike bis in die Neuzeit. Dadurch leistet die Reihe einen umfassenden Beitrag zur Erschlie\u00dfung klassischer Literatur und zur Forschung im gesamten Gebiet der Altertumswissenschaften. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2002","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lv1Opvh3eZrvkIS","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":163,"full_name":"Kobusch, Theo","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":164,"full_name":"Erler, Michael ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":265,"pubplace":"M\u00fcnchen - Leipzig","publisher":"Saur","series":"Beitr\u00e4ge zur Altertumskunde","volume":"160","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Der Kommentar in Antike und Mittelalter. Beiträge zu seiner Erforschung, 2002
By: Geerlings, Wilhelm (Ed.), Schulze, Christian (Ed.)

Title	Der Kommentar in Antike und Mittelalter. Beiträge zu seiner Erforschung
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2002
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston – Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Clavis commentariorum antiquitatis et medii aevi
Volume	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Geerlings, Wilhelm , Schulze, Christian
Translator(s)

This collection of essays deals with the often neglected literary genre 'commentary' in ancient and medieval times. It is based on the work of the Bochum Graduiertenkolleg 237, where aspects such as definition, form and history of commentary texts, implicit commentation, pictures and paintings as commentaries were discussed. This volume presents a choice of 16 lectures which accompanied the colloquia from 1996. Introductions, but also special topics from the perspectives of theology, philosophy, classical philology, medical history, Arabic and Jewish Studies are given by the contributors. Great emphasis is laid on the interdisciplinary connection between these different points of view, for example by discussing the question on the impact pagan rhetoric had on Christian commentary texts. Further interest is focused on relevant literature - medicine, grammar, philosophy - and its commentaries.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1UBcu6mm8yedNBR

{"_index":"sire","_id":"267","_score":null,"_source":{"id":267,"authors_free":[{"id":337,"entry_id":267,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":159,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Geerlings, Wilhelm","free_first_name":"Wilhelm","free_last_name":"Geerlings","norm_person":{"id":159,"first_name":"Wilhelm","last_name":"Geerlings","full_name":"Geerlings, Wilhelm","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/108944352","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1995,"entry_id":267,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":160,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Schulze, Christian ","free_first_name":"Christian ","free_last_name":"Schulze","norm_person":{"id":160,"first_name":"Christian ","last_name":"Schulze","full_name":"Schulze, Christian ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124517706","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Der Kommentar in Antike und Mittelalter. Beitr\u00e4ge zu seiner Erforschung","main_title":{"title":"Der Kommentar in Antike und Mittelalter. Beitr\u00e4ge zu seiner Erforschung"},"abstract":"This collection of essays deals with the often neglected literary genre 'commentary' in ancient and medieval times. It is based on the work of the Bochum Graduiertenkolleg 237, where aspects such as definition, form and history of commentary texts, implicit commentation, pictures and paintings as commentaries were discussed. This volume presents a choice of 16 lectures which accompanied the colloquia from 1996.\r\nIntroductions, but also special topics from the perspectives of theology, philosophy, classical philology, medical history, Arabic and Jewish Studies are given by the contributors. Great emphasis is laid on the interdisciplinary connection between these different points of view, for example by discussing the question on the impact pagan rhetoric had on Christian commentary texts. Further interest is focused on relevant literature - medicine, grammar, philosophy - and its commentaries. ","btype":4,"date":"2002","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1UBcu6mm8yedNBR","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":159,"full_name":"Geerlings, Wilhelm","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":160,"full_name":"Schulze, Christian ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":267,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston \u2013 K\u00f6ln","publisher":"Brill","series":"Clavis commentariorum antiquitatis et medii aevi","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Mélanges Gilbert Dagron, 2002
By: Déroche, Vincent (Ed.)

Title	Mélanges Gilbert Dagron
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2002
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Association des Amis du Centre d'Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance
Series	Travaux et mémoires / Collège de France, Centre de Recherche d'Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance
Volume	14
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Déroche, Vincent
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/srVCI6CLDNJR4nL

{"_index":"sire","_id":"280","_score":null,"_source":{"id":280,"authors_free":[{"id":350,"entry_id":280,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":504,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"D\u00e9roche, Vincent","free_first_name":"Vincent","free_last_name":"D\u00e9roche","norm_person":{"id":504,"first_name":"Vincent","last_name":"D\u00e9roche","full_name":"D\u00e9roche, Vincent","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1033332305","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"M\u00e9langes Gilbert Dagron","main_title":{"title":"M\u00e9langes Gilbert Dagron"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"2002","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/srVCI6CLDNJR4nL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":504,"full_name":"D\u00e9roche, Vincent","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":280,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Association des Amis du Centre d'Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance","series":"Travaux et m\u00e9moires \/ Coll\u00e8ge de France, Centre de Recherche d'Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance","volume":"14","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Epea and grammata : oral and written communication in ancient Greece, 2002
By: Foley, John Miles (Ed.), Worthington, Ian (Ed.)

Title	Epea and grammata : oral and written communication in ancient Greece
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston – Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Mnemosyne
Volume	Supplementum 230
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Foley, John Miles , Worthington, Ian
Translator(s)

This volume deals with aspects of orality and oral traditions in ancient Greece, specifically literature, rhetoric and society, and philosophy, and is a selection of refereed papers from the fourth biennial Orality and Literacy in Ancient Greece conference, held at the University of Missouri Columbia in 2000.

Online Resources

The Platonic Tradition in the Middle Ages: A Doxographic Approach, 2002
By: Gersh, Stephen (Ed.), Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M. (Ed.)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"293","_score":null,"_source":{"id":293,"authors_free":[{"id":1849,"entry_id":293,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":40,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Foley, John Miles","free_first_name":"John Miles","free_last_name":"Foley","norm_person":{"id":40,"first_name":"John Miles","last_name":"Foley","full_name":"Foley, John Miles","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137343485","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1850,"entry_id":293,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":41,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Worthington, Ian","free_first_name":"Ian","free_last_name":"Worthington","norm_person":{"id":41,"first_name":"Ian","last_name":"Worthington","full_name":"Worthington, Ian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136869742","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Epea and grammata : oral and written communication in ancient Greece","main_title":{"title":"Epea and grammata : oral and written communication in ancient Greece"},"abstract":"This volume deals with aspects of orality and oral traditions in ancient Greece, specifically literature, rhetoric and society, and philosophy, and is a selection of refereed papers from the fourth biennial Orality and Literacy in Ancient Greece conference, held at the University of Missouri Columbia in 2000.","btype":4,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ktoxm2Z9V9fSxZN","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":40,"full_name":"Foley, John Miles","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":41,"full_name":"Worthington, Ian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":293,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston \u2013 K\u00f6ln","publisher":"Brill","series":"Mnemosyne","volume":"Supplementum 230","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Title	The Platonic Tradition in the Middle Ages: A Doxographic Approach
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2002
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	de Gruyter
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Gersh, Stephen , Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M.
Translator(s)

Das Handbuch beschreitet neue Wege in der Schilderung der komplexen Geschichte jener geistigen Strömungen, die gemeinhin unter der Bezeichnung 'platonisch' bzw. 'neuplatonisch' zusammengefaßt werden. Es behandelt in chronologischer Folge die bedeutendsten philosophischen Denkrichtungen innerhalb dieser Tradition. Die Beiträge untersuchen die wichtigsten platonischen Begriffe und ihre semantischen Implikationen, erläutern die mit ihnen verbundenen philosophischen und theologischen Ansprüche, legen die Quellen der Begriffe dar und stellen sie in den Kontext der auf sie rekurrierenden bzw. ihnen zuwiderlaufenden geistigen Traditionen. So entsteht ein lebhaftes Bild des intellektuellen Lebens im Mittelalter und in der Frühen Neuzeit. Das Werk enthält Beiträge in englischer und deutscher Sprache. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AyyoAnYvbV6wAyu

{"_index":"sire","_id":"327","_score":null,"_source":{"id":327,"authors_free":[{"id":418,"entry_id":327,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":450,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gersh, Stephen","free_first_name":"Stephen","free_last_name":"Gersh","norm_person":{"id":450,"first_name":"Stephen","last_name":"Gersh","full_name":"Gersh, Stephen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172508460","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":419,"entry_id":327,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":451,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M. ","free_first_name":"Maarten J. F. M. ","free_last_name":"Hoenen","norm_person":{"id":451,"first_name":"Maarten J. F. M. ","last_name":"Hoenen","full_name":"Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172140307","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Platonic Tradition in the Middle Ages: A Doxographic Approach","main_title":{"title":"The Platonic Tradition in the Middle Ages: A Doxographic Approach"},"abstract":"Das Handbuch beschreitet neue Wege in der Schilderung der komplexen Geschichte jener geistigen Str\u00f6mungen, die gemeinhin unter der Bezeichnung 'platonisch' bzw. 'neuplatonisch' zusammengefa\u00dft werden. Es behandelt in chronologischer Folge die bedeutendsten philosophischen Denkrichtungen innerhalb dieser Tradition. Die Beitr\u00e4ge untersuchen die wichtigsten platonischen Begriffe und ihre semantischen Implikationen, erl\u00e4utern die mit ihnen verbundenen philosophischen und theologischen Anspr\u00fcche, legen die Quellen der Begriffe dar und stellen sie in den Kontext der auf sie rekurrierenden bzw. ihnen zuwiderlaufenden geistigen Traditionen. So entsteht ein lebhaftes Bild des intellektuellen Lebens im Mittelalter und in der Fr\u00fchen Neuzeit. Das Werk enth\u00e4lt Beitr\u00e4ge in englischer und deutscher Sprache. [Author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2002","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/AyyoAnYvbV6wAyu","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":450,"full_name":"Gersh, Stephen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":451,"full_name":"Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":327,"pubplace":"Berlin","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

The dynamics of Aristotelian natural philosophy from Antiquity to the seventeenth century, 2002
By: Leijenhorst, Cees (Ed.), Lüthy, Christoph (Ed.), Thijssen, Johannes M. M. H. (Ed.)

Title	The dynamics of Aristotelian natural philosophy from Antiquity to the seventeenth century
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston – Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Medieval and early modern science
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Leijenhorst, Cees , Lüthy, Christoph , Thijssen, Johannes M. M. H.
Translator(s)

This book explores the dynamics of the commentary and textbook traditions in Aristotelian natural philosophy under the headings of doctrine, method, and scientific and social status. It enquires what the evolution of the Aristotelian commentary tradition can tell us about the character of natural philosophy as a pedagogical tool, as a scientific enterprise, and as a background to modern scientific thought. In a unique attempt to cut old-fashioned historiographic divisions, it brings together scholars of ancient, medieval, Renaissance and seventeenth-century philosophy. The book covers a remarkably broad range of topics: it starts with the first Greek commentators and ends with Leibniz. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OLB13j4YVPx0XVb

{"_index":"sire","_id":"370","_score":null,"_source":{"id":370,"authors_free":[{"id":1991,"entry_id":370,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":155,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Leijenhorst, Cees","free_first_name":"Cees","free_last_name":"Leijenhorst","norm_person":{"id":155,"first_name":"Leijenhorst","last_name":"Cees","full_name":"Leijenhorst, Cees","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/173195253","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1992,"entry_id":370,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":156,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"L\u00fcthy, Christoph","free_first_name":"Christoph","free_last_name":"L\u00fcthy","norm_person":{"id":156,"first_name":"Christoph","last_name":"L\u00fcthy","full_name":"L\u00fcthy, Christoph","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1057979945","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1993,"entry_id":370,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":157,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Thijssen, Johannes M. M. H.","free_first_name":"Johannes M. M. H.","free_last_name":"Thijssen","norm_person":{"id":157,"first_name":"Johannes M. M. H.","last_name":"Thijssen","full_name":"Thijssen, Johannes M. M. H.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1173828508","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The dynamics of Aristotelian natural philosophy from Antiquity to the seventeenth century","main_title":{"title":"The dynamics of Aristotelian natural philosophy from Antiquity to the seventeenth century"},"abstract":"This book explores the dynamics of the commentary and textbook traditions in Aristotelian natural philosophy under the headings of doctrine, method, and scientific and social status. It enquires what the evolution of the Aristotelian commentary tradition can tell us about the character of natural philosophy as a pedagogical tool, as a scientific enterprise, and as a background to modern scientific thought. In a unique attempt to cut old-fashioned historiographic divisions, it brings together scholars of ancient, medieval, Renaissance and seventeenth-century philosophy. The book covers a remarkably broad range of topics: it starts with the first Greek commentators and ends with Leibniz. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/OLB13j4YVPx0XVb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":155,"full_name":"Leijenhorst, Cees","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":156,"full_name":"L\u00fcthy, Christoph","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":157,"full_name":"Thijssen, Johannes M. M. H.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":370,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston \u2013 K\u00f6ln","publisher":"Brill","series":"Medieval and early modern science","volume":"5","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Grenzüberschreitungen. Formen des Kontakts zwischen Orient und Okzident im Altertum, 2002
By: Schuol, Monika (Ed.), Hartmann, Udo (Ed.), Luther, Andreas (Ed.)

Title	Grenzüberschreitungen. Formen des Kontakts zwischen Orient und Okzident im Altertum
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	2002
Publication Place	Stuttgart
Publisher	Franz Steiner Verlag
Series	Oriens et Occidens. Studien zu antiken Kulturkontakten und ihrem Nachleben
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Schuol, Monika , Hartmann, Udo , Luther, Andreas
Translator(s)

Aus dem Inhalt: J. Wiesehöfer: Plön, Innsbruck, Berlin … Der „Orientkreis“ oder das Wandern zwischen zwei Welten ― A. Demandt: Alexander im Islam ― E. Baltrusch: Zwischen Autonomie und Repression: Perspektiven und Grenzen einer Zusammenarbeit zwischen jüdischen Gemeinden und hellenistischem Staat ― A. Gebhardt: Numismatische Beiträge zur spätdomitianischen Ostpolitik – Vorbereitungen eines Partherkrieges? ― B. Gufler: Orientalische Wurzeln griechischer Gorgo-Darstellungen ― P. Haider: Glaubensvorstellungen in Heliopolis / Baalbek in neuer Sicht ― U. Hartmann: Geist im Exil. Römische Philosophen am Hof der Sasaniden ― U. Hartmann / A. Luther: Münzen des hatrenischen Herrn wrwd (Worod) ― I. Huber: Der Perser-Nomos des Timotheos – Zwischen Unterhaltungsliteratur und politischer Propaganda ― P. Huyse: Sprachkontakte und Entlehnungen zwischen dem Griechisch/Lateinischen und dem Mitteliranischen ― H. Klinkott: Die Funktion des Apadana am Beispiel der Gründungsurkunde von Susa ― A. Luther: Zwietracht am Fluß Tanais: Nachrichten über das Bosporanische Reich bei Horaz? ― U. Scharrer: Nomaden und Seßhafte in Tadmor im 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. ― M. Schuol: Zur Überlieferung homerischer Epen vor dem Hintergrund altanatolischer Traditionen ― S. Stark: Nomaden und Seßhafte in Mittel- und Zentralasien: Nomadische Adaptionsstrategien am Fallbeispiel der Alttürken. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rscXaDagl5S5H9Q

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Abū l-ʿAbbās an-Nayrīzīs Exzerpte aus (Ps.-?)Simplicius' Kommentar zu den Definitionen, Postulaten und Axiomen in Euclids Elementa I. Eingeleitet, ediert und mit arabischen und lateinischen Glossaren versehen von Rüdiger Arnzen, 2002
By: Arnzen, Rüdiger, Nairīzī, al-Faḍl Ibn-Ḥātim an-, Arnzen, Rüdiger (Ed.)

Title	Abū l-ʿAbbās an-Nayrīzīs Exzerpte aus (Ps.-?)Simplicius' Kommentar zu den Definitionen, Postulaten und Axiomen in Euclids Elementa I. Eingeleitet, ediert und mit arabischen und lateinischen Glossaren versehen von Rüdiger Arnzen
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2002
Publication Place	Köln – Essen
Publisher	Rüdiger Arnzen
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Arnzen, Rüdiger , Nairīzī, al-Faḍl Ibn-Ḥātim an-
Editor(s)	Arnzen, Rüdiger
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IUWXMfOVCLrlpvs

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Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 3’, 2002
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 3’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Urmson, J. O.(Urmson, James O.) , Lautner, P.(Lautner, Peter) ,

Aristotle’s Physics Book 3 covers two subjects: the definition of change and the finitude of the universe. Change enters into the very definition of nature as an internal source of change. Change receives two definitions in chapters 1 and 2, as involving the actualisation of the potential or of the changeable. Alexander of Aphrodisias is reported as thinking that the second version is designed to show that Book 3, like Book 5, means to disqualify change in relations from being genuine change. Aristotle’s successor Theophrastus, we are told, and Simplicius himself, prefer to admit relational change. Chapter 3 introduces a general causal principle that the activity of the agent causing change is in the patient undergoing change, and that the causing and undergoing are to be counted as only one activity, however different in definition. Simplicius points out that this paves the way for Aristotle’s God who moves the heavens, while admitting no motion in himself. It is also the basis of Aristotle’s doctrine, central to Neoplatonism, that intellect is one with the objects it contemplates.In defending Aristotle’s claim that the universe is spatially finite, Simplicius has to meet Archytas’ question, “What happens at the edge?”. He replies that, given Aristotle’s definition of place, there is nothing, rather than an empty place, beyond the furthest stars, and one cannot stretch one’s hand into nothing, nor be prevented by nothing. But why is Aristotle’s beginningless universe not temporally infinite? Simplicius answers that the past years no longer exist, so one never has an infinite collection. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3NicGfYii3TzfK7

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On Aristotle's Categories 7-8, 2002
By: Simplicius

Title	On Aristotle's Categories 7-8
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Fleet, Barrie(Fleet, Barrie) ,

In "Categories" chapters 7 and 8 Aristotle considers his third and fourth categories - those of Relative and Quality. Critics of Aristotle had suggested for each of the non-substance categories that they could really be reduced to relatives, so it is important how the category of Relative is defined. Arisotle offers two definitons, and the second, stricter, one is often cited by his defenders in order to rule out objections. The second definition of relative involves the idea of something changing its relationship through a change undergone by its correlate, not by itself. There were disagreements as to whether this was genuine change, and Plotinus discussed whether relatives exist only in the mind, without being real. The terms used by Aristotle for such relationships was 'being disposed relatively to something', a term later borrowed by the Stoics for their fourth category, and perhaps originating in Plato's Academy. In his discussion of Quality, Aristotle reports a debate on whether justice admits of degrees, or whether only the possession of justice does so. Simplicius reports the further development of this controversy in terms of whether justice admits a range or latitude (platos). This debate helped to inspire the medieval idea of latitude of forms, which goes back much further than is commonly recognised - at least to Plato and Aristotle. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hbMACJVeFK0x6wQ

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Simplicius, On Epictetus’ Handbook 1–26, 2002
By: Brennan, Tad (Ed.), Brittain, Charles (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Epictetus’ Handbook 1–26
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Brennan, Tad , Brittain, Charles
Translator(s)	Brennan, Tad(Brennan, Tad) , Brittain, Charles(Brittain, Charles) ,

[Simplicius'] moral interpretation of Epictetus is preserved in the library of nations, as a classic book, most excellently adapted to direct the will, to purify the heart, and to confirm the understanding, by a just confidence in the nature both of God and man.' Edward Gibbon 'This book, written by a "pagan" philosopher, makes the most Christian impression conceivable. The betrayal of all reality through morality is here present in its fullest splendour - pitiful psychology, the philosopher is reduced to a country parson. And Plato is to blame for all of it! He remains Europe's greatest misfortune!' Fredrich Nietzsche Of these two rival reactions the favourable one was most common. Epictetus' Handbook on ethics was used in Christian monasteries, and Simplicius' commentary on it was widely available up to the nineteenth century. The commentary gives us a fascinating chance to see how a pagan Neoplatonist transformed Stoic ideas, adding Neoplatonist accounts of theology, theodicy, providence, free will and the problem of evil. This translation of the Commentary on the Handbook is published in two volumes. This is the first, covering chapters 1-26; the second covers chapters 27-53. [offical abstact]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mbLTAePveC0nKEm

Simplicius, On Epictetus’ Handbook 27–53, 2002
By: Brennan, Tad (Ed.), Brittain, Charles (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Epictetus’ Handbook 27–53
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Brennan, Tad , Brittain, Charles
Translator(s)	Brennan, Tad(Brennan, Tad) , Brittain, Charles(Brittain, Charles) ,

The Enchiridion or Handbook of the first-century Ad Stoic Epictetus was used as an ethical treatise both in Christian monasteries and by the sixth-century pagan Neoplatonist Simplicius. Simplicius chose it for beginners, rather than Aristotle's Ethics, because it presupposed no knowledge of logic. We thus get a fascinating chance to see how a pagan Neoplatonist transformed Stoic ideas. The text was relevant to Simplicius because he too, like Epictetus, was teaching beginners how to take the first steps towards eradicating emotion, although he is unlike Epictetus in thinking that they should give up public life rather than acquiesce, if public office is denied them. Simplicius starts from a Platonic definition of the person as rational soul, not body, ignoring Epictetus' further whittling down of himself to just his will or policy decisions. He selects certain topics for special attention in chapters 1, 8, 27 and 31. Things are up to us, despite Fate. Our sufferings are not evil, but providential attempts to turn us from the body. Evil is found only in the human soul. But evil is parasitic (Proclus' term) on good. The gods exist, are provident, and cannot be bought off.With nearly all of this the Stoics would agree, but for quite different reasons, and their own distinctions and definitions are to a large extent ignored. This translation of the Handbook is published in two volumes. This is the second volume, covering chapters 27-53; the first covers chapters 1-26. [offical abstact]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2rHivWnOIN8JwX2

On the Opuscula of Theophrastus. Akten der 3. Tagungder Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 19.-23. Juli 1999 in Trier, 2002
By: Fortenbaugh, William. W. (Ed.), Wöhrle, Georg (Ed.)

Title	On the Opuscula of Theophrastus. Akten der 3. Tagungder Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 19.-23. Juli 1999 in Trier
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	Stuttgart
Publisher	Franz Steiner Verlag
Series	Die Philosophie der Antike
Volume	14
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William. W. , Wöhrle, Georg
Translator(s)

The opuscula of Theophrastus are no fragments; rather they are short treatises which have survived in manuscript form. The subject matter covers metaphysics, psychology, and natural science. Several of the treatises have never been properly edited or translated into English. All are in need of the new and in-depth attention. [preface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MPYkoik1OlP0aN6

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Iamblichus De anima: Text, Translation, and Commentary, 2002
By: Finamore, John F., Dillon, John, Iamblichus

Title	Iamblichus De anima: Text, Translation, and Commentary
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua
Volume	92
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Finamore, John F. , Dillon, John , Iamblichus
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Iamblichus (245-325), successor to Plotinus and Porphyry, brought a new religiosity to Neoplatonism. His theory of the soul is at the heart of his philosophical system. For Iamblichus, the human soul is so far inferior to the divine that its salvation depends not on philosophy alone (as it did for Plotinus) but on the aid of the gods and other divinities. This edition of the fragments of Iamblichus' major work on the soul, De Anima, is accompanied by the first English translation of the work and a commentary which explains the philosophical background and Iamblichus' doctrine of the soul. Included as well are excerpts from the Pseudo-Simplicius and Priscianus (also translated with commentary) that shed further light on Iamblichus' treatise. [authors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/io7BO9pzLrSoTGE

{"_index":"sire","_id":"43","_score":null,"_source":{"id":43,"authors_free":[{"id":50,"entry_id":43,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":120,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Finamore, John F.","free_first_name":"John F.","free_last_name":"Finamore","norm_person":{"id":120,"first_name":"John F.","last_name":"Finamore","full_name":"Finamore, John F.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1055775080","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":51,"entry_id":43,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":97,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dillon, John","free_first_name":"John","free_last_name":"Dillon","norm_person":{"id":97,"first_name":"John","last_name":"Dillon","full_name":"Dillon, John","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123498058","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2518,"entry_id":43,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":528,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Iamblichus","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":528,"first_name":"","last_name":"","full_name":"Iamblichus, Chalcidensis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118555154","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Iamblichus De anima: Text, Translation, and Commentary","main_title":{"title":"Iamblichus De anima: Text, Translation, and Commentary"},"abstract":"Iamblichus (245-325), successor to Plotinus and Porphyry, brought a new religiosity to Neoplatonism. His theory of the soul is at the heart of his philosophical system. For Iamblichus, the human soul is so far inferior to the divine that its salvation depends not on philosophy alone (as it did for Plotinus) but on the aid of the gods and other divinities.\r\nThis edition of the fragments of Iamblichus' major work on the soul, De Anima, is accompanied by the first English translation of the work and a commentary which explains the philosophical background and Iamblichus' doctrine of the soul. Included as well are excerpts from the Pseudo-Simplicius and Priscianus (also translated with commentary) that shed further light on Iamblichus' treatise. [authors abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/io7BO9pzLrSoTGE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":120,"full_name":"Finamore, John F.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":97,"full_name":"Dillon, John","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":528,"full_name":"Iamblichus, Chalcidensis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":43,"pubplace":"Leiden","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia antiqua","volume":"92","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Commenting on Aristotle. From Late Antiquity to the Arab Aristotelianism, 2002
By: D'Ancona Costa, Cristina, Geerlings, Wilhelm (Ed.), Schulze, Christian (Ed.)

Title	Commenting on Aristotle. From Late Antiquity to the Arab Aristotelianism
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	Der Kommentar in Antike und Mittelalter. Beiträge zu seiner Erforschung
Pages	201-251
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Editor(s)	Geerlings, Wilhelm , Schulze, Christian
Translator(s)

The paper explores the structural aspects of the Arabic-Latin reception of Aristotle's works, particularly the approach or approaches taken by Arab philosophers in transmitting Aristotelian texts to the Latin Middle Ages. The author argues that the analysis of the doctrinal contents of the Arabic Aristotle is complex and instead focuses on the movement of rise and development of the medieval genre of philosophical commentary, particularly the line by line commentary typical of Alexander of Aphrodisias. The paper discusses the history and institutional context of the medieval philosophical commentary, including the influence of scriptural exegesis, literary and rhetorical traditions, and juridical and medical literature. The paper concludes that Neoplatonism was of paramount importance in the transmission of the Aristotelian corpus both to the Arabic and Latin Middle Ages. The paper also includes a synopsis of the Greek commentaries to Aristotle's works and their mentions in the Arab bio-bibliographical sources. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/h8mLq4r5ceUYN0j

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1286","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1286,"authors_free":[{"id":1875,"entry_id":1286,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":60,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","free_first_name":"Cristina","free_last_name":"D'Ancona Costa","norm_person":{"id":60,"first_name":"Cristina","last_name":"D'Ancona Costa","full_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138912297","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2339,"entry_id":1286,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":159,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Geerlings, Wilhelm","free_first_name":"Wilhelm","free_last_name":"Geerlings","norm_person":{"id":159,"first_name":"Wilhelm","last_name":"Geerlings","full_name":"Geerlings, Wilhelm","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/108944352","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2340,"entry_id":1286,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":160,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Schulze, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Schulze","norm_person":{"id":160,"first_name":"Christian ","last_name":"Schulze","full_name":"Schulze, Christian ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124517706","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Commenting on Aristotle. From Late Antiquity to the Arab Aristotelianism","main_title":{"title":"Commenting on Aristotle. From Late Antiquity to the Arab Aristotelianism"},"abstract":"The paper explores the structural aspects of the Arabic-Latin reception of Aristotle's works, particularly the approach or approaches taken by Arab philosophers in transmitting Aristotelian texts to the Latin Middle Ages. The author argues that the analysis of the doctrinal contents of the Arabic Aristotle is complex and instead focuses on the movement of rise and development of the medieval genre of philosophical commentary, particularly the line by line commentary typical of Alexander of Aphrodisias. The paper discusses the history and institutional context of the medieval philosophical commentary, including the influence of scriptural exegesis, literary and rhetorical traditions, and juridical and medical literature. The paper concludes that Neoplatonism was of paramount importance in the transmission of the Aristotelian corpus both to the Arabic and Latin Middle Ages. The paper also includes a synopsis of the Greek commentaries to Aristotle's works and their mentions in the Arab bio-bibliographical sources. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":2,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/h8mLq4r5ceUYN0j","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":60,"full_name":"D'Ancona Costa, Cristina","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":159,"full_name":"Geerlings, Wilhelm","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":160,"full_name":"Schulze, Christian ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1286,"section_of":267,"pages":"201-251","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":267,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Der Kommentar in Antike und Mittelalter. Beitr\u00e4ge zu seiner Erforschung","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Geerlings2002","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2002","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2002","abstract":"This collection of essays deals with the often neglected literary genre 'commentary' in ancient and medieval times. It is based on the work of the Bochum Graduiertenkolleg 237, where aspects such as definition, form and history of commentary texts, implicit commentation, pictures and paintings as commentaries were discussed. This volume presents a choice of 16 lectures which accompanied the colloquia from 1996.\r\nIntroductions, but also special topics from the perspectives of theology, philosophy, classical philology, medical history, Arabic and Jewish Studies are given by the contributors. Great emphasis is laid on the interdisciplinary connection between these different points of view, for example by discussing the question on the impact pagan rhetoric had on Christian commentary texts. Further interest is focused on relevant literature - medicine, grammar, philosophy - and its commentaries. ","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1UBcu6mm8yedNBR","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":267,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston \u2013 K\u00f6ln","publisher":"Brill","series":"Clavis commentariorum antiquitatis et medii aevi","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

The Limits of Late Antiquity: Philosophy between Rome and Iran, 2002
By: Walker, Joel Thomas

Title	The Limits of Late Antiquity: Philosophy between Rome and Iran
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Ancient World
Volume	33
Issue	1
Pages	45–69
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Walker, Joel Thomas
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

As a series of recent retrospectives makes clear, the study of late antiquity has witnessed dramatic growth during the past twenty years, with increasing signs of formal recognition during the 1990s. This rapid expansion has been accompanied by an implicit debate over the most useful chronological and geographical boundaries for the emergent field. Although the "world of late antiquity" ostensibly includes the whole of the Sasanian and early Islamic Near East, the current shape of the field, as defined especially by conferences and publications, remains heavily weighted towards the Mediterranean world of the Roman Empire and its successor states in western Europe. Many recent discussions of the "late antique world" are, in fact, studies of late Roman history that make little attempt to incorporate regions east of the Euphrates. Integrating the Sasanian Empire into the study of late antiquity will be a difficult task. A variety of obstacles, outlined in section II above, beset the study of Sasanian history, and substantial linguistic barriers limit access to the Sasanian world for scholars trained in the Greco-Roman sources. Modern political geography has also proved to be a major barrier for historians and archaeologists interested in regions "east of Byzantium." In the current gap between Sasanian and late Roman history, however, lies also much potential for future research. To develop a more interdisciplinary vision of late antiquity, scholars will need to explore more closely the connections and contrasts between the worlds of Byzantium and Sasanian Iran. Some progress in this direction has been made in the fields of military, diplomatic, and economic history; far more work needs to be done in the areas of cultural and intellectual history, not least the history of philosophy. The recent collapse of the Soviet Union during the late 1980s has reminded us how quickly changes in contemporary geography can lead to comparable shifts in the conceptualization of historical geography. The world of late antiquity may also look very different, if and when more scholars have greater access to travel, teach, and again conduct archaeological fieldwork in Iraq, Iran, and neighboring countries. The emergence of the field of late antiquity represents a major opportunity for Sasanian history, precisely because it invites us to look across the traditional disciplinary division between Mediterranean and Near Eastern history. Modern interpretations of the philosophers’ journey to the court of Khosrow Anoshirvan in 531/532 C.E. reveal how often this disciplinary division has obscured the richness of intellectual life at the late Sasanian court, as well as the intensity of its contacts with Greek and Syrian intellectuals. From Gibbon through Bury and down to Alan Cameron’s influential article on the "Closing of the Academy," there has been a strong tendency among Greco-Roman historians to give too much credence to Agathias’ hostile depiction of Sasanian philhellenism. Near Eastern historians, such as Rawlinson and Christensen, and the occasional Byzantinist such as Jean-François Duneau, have offered more optimistic readings of Khosrow’s philosophical patronage, but without sufficient attention to the tensions involved in the Sasanian encounter with Hellenism. The task that lies ahead, building on the work of Michel Tardieu, is to explain the precise quality of Sasanian Hellenism, its social and political context, cultural milieu, and intellectual legacy. The career of Uranius, and the modern debate over the peregrinations of Damascius, prove that this investigation must include not only Athens, Alexandria, and Constantinople, but also Ctesiphon, Harran, and Gondishapur. Khosrow’s patronage of Greek philosophers thus reveals the advantages, indeed the necessity, of a world of late antiquity that includes the whole of the Sasanian and early Islamic Near East. [conclusion p. 67-69]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AVLAM9PVkGxCgRz

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Modern political geography has also proved to be a major barrier for historians and archaeologists interested in regions \"east of Byzantium.\" In the current gap between Sasanian and late Roman history, however, lies also much potential for future research. To develop a more interdisciplinary vision of late antiquity, scholars will need to explore more closely the connections and contrasts between the worlds of Byzantium and Sasanian Iran. Some progress in this direction has been made in the fields of military, diplomatic, and economic history; far more work needs to be done in the areas of cultural and intellectual history, not least the history of philosophy. The recent collapse of the Soviet Union during the late 1980s has reminded us how quickly changes in contemporary geography can lead to comparable shifts in the conceptualization of historical geography. The world of late antiquity may also look very different, if and when more scholars have greater access to travel, teach, and again conduct archaeological fieldwork in Iraq, Iran, and neighboring countries.\r\n\r\nThe emergence of the field of late antiquity represents a major opportunity for Sasanian history, precisely because it invites us to look across the traditional disciplinary division between Mediterranean and Near Eastern history. Modern interpretations of the philosophers\u2019 journey to the court of Khosrow Anoshirvan in 531\/532 C.E. reveal how often this disciplinary division has obscured the richness of intellectual life at the late Sasanian court, as well as the intensity of its contacts with Greek and Syrian intellectuals. From Gibbon through Bury and down to Alan Cameron\u2019s influential article on the \"Closing of the Academy,\" there has been a strong tendency among Greco-Roman historians to give too much credence to Agathias\u2019 hostile depiction of Sasanian philhellenism. Near Eastern historians, such as Rawlinson and Christensen, and the occasional Byzantinist such as Jean-Fran\u00e7ois Duneau, have offered more optimistic readings of Khosrow\u2019s philosophical patronage, but without sufficient attention to the tensions involved in the Sasanian encounter with Hellenism. The task that lies ahead, building on the work of Michel Tardieu, is to explain the precise quality of Sasanian Hellenism, its social and political context, cultural milieu, and intellectual legacy. The career of Uranius, and the modern debate over the peregrinations of Damascius, prove that this investigation must include not only Athens, Alexandria, and Constantinople, but also Ctesiphon, Harran, and Gondishapur. Khosrow\u2019s patronage of Greek philosophers thus reveals the advantages, indeed the necessity, of a world of late antiquity that includes the whole of the Sasanian and early Islamic Near East. [conclusion p. 67-69]","btype":3,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/AVLAM9PVkGxCgRz","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":355,"full_name":"Walker, Joel Thomas","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":446,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Ancient World","volume":"33","issue":"1","pages":"45\u201369"}},"sort":[2002]}

Modifications of the method of inquiry in Aristotle’s Physics I.1. An essay on the dynamics of the ancient commentary tradition, 2002
By: Haas, Frans A. J. de, Leijenhorst, Cees (Ed.), Lüthy, Christoph (Ed.), Thijssen, J. M. M. H. (Ed.)

Title	Modifications of the method of inquiry in Aristotle’s Physics I.1. An essay on the dynamics of the ancient commentary tradition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	The dynamics of Aristotelian natural philosophy from Antiquity to the seventeenth century
Pages	31-56
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de
Editor(s)	Leijenhorst, Cees , Lüthy, Christoph , Thijssen, J. M. M. H.
Translator(s)

In this essay, Frans A.J. de Haas explores the commentary tradition on Aristotle's Physics, focusing on the first chapter, which is considered pivotal for Aristotelian natural philosophy. The chapter sets the stage for Aristotle's principles of science and the method of scientific inquiry. However, the twenty-two lines of the chapter have not lived up to these high expectations, leading to a bewildering variety of interpretations in the commentary tradition. The essay aims to understand the development of the commentary tradition and the factors that influenced the various interpretations. De Haas presents a method of charting a commentator's philosophical environment to explain their modifications of Aristotle's doctrine. He examines the interpretation of Physics 1.1 by Themistius, an influential ancient commentator. De Haas identifies several factors that may explain Themistius' specific interpretation, such as the assumption of a deductive method in physics, the influence of Theophrastus' logical analysis, and Alexander's proposal of the coherence of all sciences. Themistius introduces the topic of universal concepts, which leads to discussions about the priority of universals in Aristotle's writings. The essay concludes that understanding the dynamics of the ancient commentary tradition allows us to recognize the influence of earlier interpretations in later commentators. This realization highlights the importance of carefully considering the original context and intentions of Aristotle's work to avoid misinterpretations in subsequent commentaries. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dDhNbH3yjSg3bKC

Xenarchus, Alexander, and Simplicius on Simple Motions, Bodies and Magnitudes, 2002
By: Hankinson, Robert J.

Title	Xenarchus, Alexander, and Simplicius on Simple Motions, Bodies and Magnitudes
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
Volume	46
Pages	19-42
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hankinson, Robert J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle accounted for the fundamental dynamics of the cosmos in terms of the tendencies of the various elements to distinct types of natural motions, and (in the case of the sublunary elements) to rest in their natural places. In so doing, he introduced a fifth element, the ether, with a natural and unceasing tendency to revolve, as the matter for the heavenly bodies. This paper deals with some of the objections raised to this model, and to its conceptual underpinnings, raised by Xenarchus of Seleuceia, an unorthodox Peripatetic of the 1 st century BC, and of the attempts of later philosophers to rebut them. In so doing it casts light on a little-known, but historically important and interesting, episode in the development of physical dynamics. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CTZqeCQH7oDhwXB

{"_index":"sire","_id":"576","_score":null,"_source":{"id":576,"authors_free":[{"id":818,"entry_id":576,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":168,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hankinson, Robert J.","free_first_name":"Robert J.","free_last_name":"Hankinson","norm_person":{"id":168,"first_name":"Robert J.","last_name":"Hankinson","full_name":"Hankinson, Robert J.","short_ident":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129477370","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Xenarchus, Alexander, and Simplicius on Simple Motions, Bodies and Magnitudes","main_title":{"title":"Xenarchus, Alexander, and Simplicius on Simple Motions, Bodies and Magnitudes"},"abstract":"Aristotle accounted for the fundamental dynamics of the cosmos in terms of the tendencies of the various elements to distinct types of natural motions, and (in the case of the sublunary elements) to rest in their natural places. In so doing, he introduced a fifth element, the ether, with a natural and unceasing tendency to revolve, as the matter for the heavenly bodies. This paper deals with some of the objections raised to this model, and to its conceptual underpinnings, raised by Xenarchus of Seleuceia, an unorthodox Peripatetic of the 1 st century BC, and of the attempts of later philosophers to rebut them. In so doing it casts light on a little-known, but historically important and interesting, episode in the development of physical dynamics. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CTZqeCQH7oDhwXB","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":168,"full_name":"Hankinson, Robert J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":576,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies","volume":"46","issue":"","pages":"19-42"}},"sort":[2002]}

Geist im Exil. Römische Philosophen am Hof der Sasaniden, 2002
By: Hartmann, Udo, Schuol, Monika (Ed.), Hartmann, Udo (Ed.), Luther, Andreas (Ed.)

Title	Geist im Exil. Römische Philosophen am Hof der Sasaniden
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2002
Published in	Grenzüberschreitungen. Formen des Kontakts zwischen Orient und Okzident im Altertum
Pages	123-160
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hartmann, Udo
Editor(s)	Schuol, Monika , Hartmann, Udo , Luther, Andreas
Translator(s)

Der Exkurs über Chosroes, Uranius und die Philosophengesandtschaft der athenischen Neuplatoniker im Jahr 532 gestattet einen Einblick in die kulturellen Kontakte zwischen Rom und Persien im 6. Jahrhundert. Er zeigt, daß es im Römischen Reich eine weitverbreitete Kenntnis über die Renaissance der Sasaniden unter Chosroes gab, auch wenn das Bild Persiens zum Teil idealisiert wurde. Die philosophische Bildung des Chosroes rühmten sowohl Perser als auch Römer. Der Exkurs demonstriert das breite Interesse an der anderen Kultur, das sich besonders bei den Heiden fand. Schließlich ver deutlicht er, daß sich Persien im 6. Jahrhundert zunehmend zum Fluchtpunkt für Heiden und andere Verfolgte aus dem Römischen Reich entwickelte. [conclusion, p. 156]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rW1ulVYMSlxdpM5

Aquinas and the Platonists, 2002
By: Hankey, Wayne J., Gersh, Stephen (Ed.), Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M. (Ed.)

Title	Aquinas and the Platonists
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	The Platonic Tradition in the Middle Ages: A Doxographic Approach
Pages	279-324
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hankey, Wayne J.
Editor(s)	Gersh, Stephen , Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M.
Translator(s)

As with all thinkers who treat the philosophies on which they depend, Aquinas has two relations to his predecessors and, in particular, to the Platonic tradition. One is that of which he is conscious, sets out explicitly, is part of how he places himself within the history of philosophy, and is essential to his understanding of that place. The other is the unconscious dependence. In every thinker, these will diverge to some extent. First, no previous philosophy can answer later questions without being altered by the questioner: a thing is received according to the mode of the receiver. The alteration made by present need is especially marked in the schools deriving from the Hellenistic philosophies, with their dependence on the exegesis of authoritative texts constantly reread to supply answers required by the new needs of thought. Second, no one is capable of a complete grasp of what forms and moves their own thought. In the case of Thomas’ relation to Platonism, the divergences, inconsistencies, and even contradictions between what he says about Platonism, how he places himself in respect to it, and its real influence on his thought are very great. In fact, Thomas’ own system stands within a tradition whose foundation, as he represents it, he self-consciously opposes. Because his understanding of the Platonic tradition is deeply problematic in many ways, while his knowledge of it is extensive, and because the tradition is itself so complex, Aquinas is frequently (or, better, normally) criticizing one aspect of Platonism from the perspective of another. Such internal criticism is characteristic of Plato’s thought and of its tradition. The ancient Platonists were, however, far better informed about the history of the tradition in which they stood than were their Latin medieval successors. The Platonists of late antiquity, upon whom Thomas depends for much of his understanding of the history of philosophy, did not have the degree of naivete present in the self-opposition that characterizes Thomas’ relation to Platonism. Getting hold of Thomas’s self-conscious relation to Platonism has been largely accomplished, and many of the tools to complete the task are available. The lexicographical aspect of the work was substantially done almost fifty years ago by R.J. Henle. His Saint Thomas and Platonism: A Study of the Plato and Platonici Texts in the Writings of Saint Thomas is almost complete in terms of the texts it considers. Henle lavishly reproduces the relevant passages in Latin. For the most part, he gives the likely sources of the doctrines attributed to the Platonists with the accuracy possible when he wrote. His analysis, within the parameters he sets and which his perspective sets for him, is thorough and inescapable. Beyond Henle’s work, it is necessary to add the few texts he missed, to correct his work on the basis of better editions than the ones he had available (or used), and to compensate for the limits of his undertaking and his biases. The principal problems with Henle’s work, once we accept its limits, lie in the vestiges of the neo-Scholastic mentality he retains. This mentality is opposed to that of the historian and was antipathetic to Platonic idealism. On this account, like Aquinas himself, he misses the extent to which Thomas’ representation of Platonism and of his own relation to it actually stands within its long and diverse tradition. Henle’s work accurately describes how, for Aquinas, a philosophical school is a fixed way of thinking, which results in “a series of like statements formulated in the several minds that teach it and learn it, that write it and read it” (as Mark Jordan puts it). Despite accepting this definition of a “philosophical teaching” from Jordan, as well as his crucial point that Aquinas is not a philosopher whose position is an Aristotelianismus in an Enlightenment or neo-Scholastic manner, I shall continue to write herein both of “Platonism” and of Thomas’ Platonism. As a matter of fact, for Aquinas, what the Platonici teach has been reduced to a fixed way of thinking, which he treats ahistorically, although he knows much of its history. Further, at several crucial points, he self-consciously sides with them. In rescuing Aquinas from neo-Scholastic representations of his philosophy, Jordan is importantly right that Aquinas did not think of Christians as philosophers. He neglects, however, the continuities that do exist between Scholastic and neo-Scholastic treatments of philosophy. Henle, working within these, through his analysis of the texts in which Thomas speaks of Plato and the Platonici, shows how Platonism is presented as one of these viae. This via Thomas criticizes, and for most purposes finds the way of Aristotle superior, even if he may accept some of the positions at which the Platonists arrive—positions that also may be reached otherwise. For Thomas, Platonism has a fundamental point of departure, established in Plato’s attempt to save certain knowledge from the consequences of the doctrine of the ancient Physicists (Priores Naturales), with whom he accepts that philosophy began. For him, Plato’s flawed solution to the epistemological problem determines Platonic ontology. The Platonic philosophical position as a whole proceeds according to a distinct method of reasoning to arrive at positions. It is a series of syllogisms whose basic premises are deficient. In the thirteenth century, only the Meno, the Phaedo, and the Timaeus were available to the Latin West. Henle concluded that Aquinas had no direct knowledge of any of them. Thus, much as with Augustine, he knows only what he takes to be Plato’s doctrines and is without knowledge of the dialogues themselves. Thomas’ approach to philosophy gave him little sympathy for the kind of dialectic by which the fundamentals of philosophy are questioned and reconsidered within and between the dialogues. The substance of Thomas’ own thinking shows almost no development—except, significantly, in his coming to accept that knowledge involves the formation of a Plotinian-Augustinian inner word in the mind, the verbum mentis. There is certainly no development remotely comparable to that within Plato’s corpus. In consequence, his picture of Plato’s way of thinking is not only lacking in the most basic information but is also without the intellectual necessities for a sympathetic representation. [introduction p. 1-3]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LajmF4jRGYCVzFn

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1348","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1348,"authors_free":[{"id":2003,"entry_id":1348,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":167,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hankey, Wayne J.","free_first_name":"Wayne J.","free_last_name":"Hankey","norm_person":{"id":167,"first_name":" Wayne J.","last_name":"Hankey","full_name":"Hankey, Wayne J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054015821","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2361,"entry_id":1348,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":450,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gersh, Stephen","free_first_name":"Stephen","free_last_name":"Gersh","norm_person":{"id":450,"first_name":"Stephen","last_name":"Gersh","full_name":"Gersh, Stephen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172508460","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2362,"entry_id":1348,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":451,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M. ","free_first_name":"Maarten J. F. M. ","free_last_name":"Hoenen","norm_person":{"id":451,"first_name":"Maarten J. F. M. ","last_name":"Hoenen","full_name":"Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172140307","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aquinas and the Platonists","main_title":{"title":"Aquinas and the Platonists"},"abstract":"As with all thinkers who treat the philosophies on which they depend, Aquinas has two relations to his predecessors and, in particular, to the Platonic tradition. One is that of which he is conscious, sets out explicitly, is part of how he places himself within the history of philosophy, and is essential to his understanding of that place. The other is the unconscious dependence. In every thinker, these will diverge to some extent. First, no previous philosophy can answer later questions without being altered by the questioner: a thing is received according to the mode of the receiver. The alteration made by present need is especially marked in the schools deriving from the Hellenistic philosophies, with their dependence on the exegesis of authoritative texts constantly reread to supply answers required by the new needs of thought. Second, no one is capable of a complete grasp of what forms and moves their own thought. In the case of Thomas\u2019 relation to Platonism, the divergences, inconsistencies, and even contradictions between what he says about Platonism, how he places himself in respect to it, and its real influence on his thought are very great.\r\n\r\nIn fact, Thomas\u2019 own system stands within a tradition whose foundation, as he represents it, he self-consciously opposes. Because his understanding of the Platonic tradition is deeply problematic in many ways, while his knowledge of it is extensive, and because the tradition is itself so complex, Aquinas is frequently (or, better, normally) criticizing one aspect of Platonism from the perspective of another. Such internal criticism is characteristic of Plato\u2019s thought and of its tradition. The ancient Platonists were, however, far better informed about the history of the tradition in which they stood than were their Latin medieval successors. The Platonists of late antiquity, upon whom Thomas depends for much of his understanding of the history of philosophy, did not have the degree of naivete present in the self-opposition that characterizes Thomas\u2019 relation to Platonism.\r\n\r\nGetting hold of Thomas\u2019s self-conscious relation to Platonism has been largely accomplished, and many of the tools to complete the task are available. The lexicographical aspect of the work was substantially done almost fifty years ago by R.J. Henle. His Saint Thomas and Platonism: A Study of the Plato and Platonici Texts in the Writings of Saint Thomas is almost complete in terms of the texts it considers. Henle lavishly reproduces the relevant passages in Latin. For the most part, he gives the likely sources of the doctrines attributed to the Platonists with the accuracy possible when he wrote. His analysis, within the parameters he sets and which his perspective sets for him, is thorough and inescapable. Beyond Henle\u2019s work, it is necessary to add the few texts he missed, to correct his work on the basis of better editions than the ones he had available (or used), and to compensate for the limits of his undertaking and his biases.\r\n\r\nThe principal problems with Henle\u2019s work, once we accept its limits, lie in the vestiges of the neo-Scholastic mentality he retains. This mentality is opposed to that of the historian and was antipathetic to Platonic idealism. On this account, like Aquinas himself, he misses the extent to which Thomas\u2019 representation of Platonism and of his own relation to it actually stands within its long and diverse tradition.\r\n\r\nHenle\u2019s work accurately describes how, for Aquinas, a philosophical school is a fixed way of thinking, which results in \u201ca series of like statements formulated in the several minds that teach it and learn it, that write it and read it\u201d (as Mark Jordan puts it). Despite accepting this definition of a \u201cphilosophical teaching\u201d from Jordan, as well as his crucial point that Aquinas is not a philosopher whose position is an Aristotelianismus in an Enlightenment or neo-Scholastic manner, I shall continue to write herein both of \u201cPlatonism\u201d and of Thomas\u2019 Platonism.\r\n\r\nAs a matter of fact, for Aquinas, what the Platonici teach has been reduced to a fixed way of thinking, which he treats ahistorically, although he knows much of its history. Further, at several crucial points, he self-consciously sides with them. In rescuing Aquinas from neo-Scholastic representations of his philosophy, Jordan is importantly right that Aquinas did not think of Christians as philosophers. He neglects, however, the continuities that do exist between Scholastic and neo-Scholastic treatments of philosophy. Henle, working within these, through his analysis of the texts in which Thomas speaks of Plato and the Platonici, shows how Platonism is presented as one of these viae.\r\n\r\nThis via Thomas criticizes, and for most purposes finds the way of Aristotle superior, even if he may accept some of the positions at which the Platonists arrive\u2014positions that also may be reached otherwise. For Thomas, Platonism has a fundamental point of departure, established in Plato\u2019s attempt to save certain knowledge from the consequences of the doctrine of the ancient Physicists (Priores Naturales), with whom he accepts that philosophy began. For him, Plato\u2019s flawed solution to the epistemological problem determines Platonic ontology. The Platonic philosophical position as a whole proceeds according to a distinct method of reasoning to arrive at positions. It is a series of syllogisms whose basic premises are deficient.\r\n\r\nIn the thirteenth century, only the Meno, the Phaedo, and the Timaeus were available to the Latin West. Henle concluded that Aquinas had no direct knowledge of any of them. Thus, much as with Augustine, he knows only what he takes to be Plato\u2019s doctrines and is without knowledge of the dialogues themselves. Thomas\u2019 approach to philosophy gave him little sympathy for the kind of dialectic by which the fundamentals of philosophy are questioned and reconsidered within and between the dialogues.\r\n\r\nThe substance of Thomas\u2019 own thinking shows almost no development\u2014except, significantly, in his coming to accept that knowledge involves the formation of a Plotinian-Augustinian inner word in the mind, the verbum mentis. There is certainly no development remotely comparable to that within Plato\u2019s corpus. In consequence, his picture of Plato\u2019s way of thinking is not only lacking in the most basic information but is also without the intellectual necessities for a sympathetic representation.\r\n[introduction p. 1-3]","btype":2,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/LajmF4jRGYCVzFn","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":167,"full_name":"Hankey, Wayne J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":450,"full_name":"Gersh, Stephen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":451,"full_name":"Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1348,"section_of":327,"pages":"279-324","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":327,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"The Platonic Tradition in the Middle Ages: A Doxographic Approach","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Gersh2002","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2002","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2002","abstract":"Das Handbuch beschreitet neue Wege in der Schilderung der komplexen Geschichte jener geistigen Str\u00f6mungen, die gemeinhin unter der Bezeichnung 'platonisch' bzw. 'neuplatonisch' zusammengefa\u00dft werden. Es behandelt in chronologischer Folge die bedeutendsten philosophischen Denkrichtungen innerhalb dieser Tradition. Die Beitr\u00e4ge untersuchen die wichtigsten platonischen Begriffe und ihre semantischen Implikationen, erl\u00e4utern die mit ihnen verbundenen philosophischen und theologischen Anspr\u00fcche, legen die Quellen der Begriffe dar und stellen sie in den Kontext der auf sie rekurrierenden bzw. ihnen zuwiderlaufenden geistigen Traditionen. So entsteht ein lebhaftes Bild des intellektuellen Lebens im Mittelalter und in der Fr\u00fchen Neuzeit. Das Werk enth\u00e4lt Beitr\u00e4ge in englischer und deutscher Sprache. [Author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/AyyoAnYvbV6wAyu","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":327,"pubplace":"Berlin","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Thomas' Neoplatonic Histories: His following of Simplicius, 2002
By: Hankey, Wayne J.

Title	Thomas' Neoplatonic Histories: His following of Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Dionysius
Volume	20
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hankey, Wayne J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Following Simplicius, Thomas set up the Platonic and Aristotelian philosophical viae as complementary oppositions each of which contributed to the truth. Thomas also followed Simplicius in discerning differences between the hermeneutic methods of the two great schools. He reproduced the history of philosophy of Simplicius as soon as he had his commentaries, agreed with many of his conciliating judgments, and used the same reconciling logical figures. He does not identify himself as a Peripatetic or as a Platonist. However, when he agrees that Aristotle’s way of reasoning, per viam motus, to the existence of separate substances is manifestior et certior, he is sitting in judgment with, not against, Simplicius. For both the sixth and the thirteenth century commentators, Plato and Aristotle are assimilated to each other in various ways, and the real possibility of any beginning except that from the sensible is excluded. Thomas’ hermeneutic is that of the Platonic tradition in late Antiquity – Thomas certainly thought that the truth was veiled under poetic and symbolic language and judged this to be essential for revealing the truth to humans. Consistently with this approach, in the exposition of the De Caelo, Aquinas goes so far with Simplicius as to find “something divine (fabula aliquid divinum continet)” in the myth that Atlas holds up the heavens.106 He would seem, thus, to be on his way to the reconciliation of religious as well as of philosophical traditions. If this should, in fact, be his intent, Thomas would be following Simplicius and his Neoplatonic predecessors in their deepest purposes. This Christian priest, friar, and saint would have placed himself with the “divine” Proclus among the successors of Plato. [Conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YjEdDURMoq0kV8j

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1349","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1349,"authors_free":[{"id":2004,"entry_id":1349,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":167,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hankey, Wayne J.","free_first_name":"Wayne J.","free_last_name":"Hankey","norm_person":{"id":167,"first_name":" Wayne J.","last_name":"Hankey","full_name":"Hankey, Wayne J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054015821","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Thomas' Neoplatonic Histories: His following of Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Thomas' Neoplatonic Histories: His following of Simplicius"},"abstract":"Following Simplicius, Thomas set up the Platonic and Aristotelian philosophical viae as complementary oppositions each of which contributed to the truth. Thomas also followed \r\nSimplicius in discerning differences between the hermeneutic methods of the two great schools. He reproduced the history of philosophy of Simplicius as soon as he had his commentaries, agreed with many of his conciliating judgments, and used the same reconciling logical figures. He does not identify himself as a Peripatetic or as a Platonist. \r\nHowever, when he agrees that Aristotle\u2019s way of reasoning, per viam motus, to the existence of \r\nseparate substances is manifestior et certior, he is sitting in judgment with, not against, Simplicius. For both the sixth and the thirteenth century commentators, Plato and Aristotle are assimilated to each other in various ways, and the real possibility of any beginning except that from the sensible is excluded. Thomas\u2019 hermeneutic is that of the Platonic tradition in late Antiquity \u2013 Thomas certainly thought that the truth was veiled under poetic and symbolic language and judged this to be essential for revealing the truth to humans. \r\nConsistently with this approach, in the exposition of the De Caelo, Aquinas goes so far with \r\nSimplicius as to find \u201csomething divine (fabula aliquid divinum continet)\u201d in the myth that Atlas \r\nholds up the heavens.106 He would seem, thus, to be on his way to the reconciliation of religious as well as of philosophical traditions. If this should, in fact, be his intent, Thomas would be following Simplicius and his Neoplatonic predecessors in their deepest purposes. This Christian priest, friar, and saint would have placed himself with the \u201cdivine\u201d Proclus among the successors of Plato. [Conclusion]","btype":3,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YjEdDURMoq0kV8j","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":167,"full_name":"Hankey, Wayne J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1349,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Dionysius","volume":"20","issue":"","pages":""}},"sort":[2002]}

Le philosophe et le joueur. La date de la fermeture de l'école d'Athènes, 2002
By: Beauchamp, Joëlle, Déroche, Vincent (Ed.)

Title	Le philosophe et le joueur. La date de la fermeture de l'école d'Athènes
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2002
Published in	Mélanges Gilbert Dagron
Pages	21-35
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Beauchamp, Joëlle
Editor(s)	Déroche, Vincent
Translator(s)

The closing of the Neoplatonic school of Athens and the two sources (John Malalas and Agathias) on the basis of which this event has been reconstructed have provoked numerous commentaries and queries. However, one element in the narrative of Malalas has apparently escaped notice. By connecting this element with two texts from the Code of Justinian, the author proposes the date of 22 September 529 for the imperial legislation forbidding the teaching of philosophy in Athens. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/o4RX5UFx8ZQlU6Y

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1457","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1457,"authors_free":[{"id":2490,"entry_id":1457,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":503,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Beauchamp, Jo\u00eblle","free_first_name":"Jo\u00eblle","free_last_name":"Beauchamp","norm_person":{"id":503,"first_name":"Jo\u00eblle","last_name":"Beauchamp","full_name":"Beauchamp, Jo\u00eblle","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2491,"entry_id":1457,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":504,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"D\u00e9roche, Vincent","free_first_name":"Vincent","free_last_name":"D\u00e9roche","norm_person":{"id":504,"first_name":"Vincent","last_name":"D\u00e9roche","full_name":"D\u00e9roche, Vincent","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1033332305","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le philosophe et le joueur. La date de la fermeture de l'\u00e9cole d'Ath\u00e8nes","main_title":{"title":"Le philosophe et le joueur. La date de la fermeture de l'\u00e9cole d'Ath\u00e8nes"},"abstract":"The closing of the Neoplatonic school of Athens and the two sources (John Malalas and Agathias) on the basis of which this event has been reconstructed have provoked numerous commentaries and queries. However, one element in the narrative of Malalas has apparently escaped notice. By connecting this element with two texts from the Code of Justinian, the author proposes the date of 22 September 529 for the imperial legislation forbidding the teaching of philosophy in Athens. [author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2002","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/o4RX5UFx8ZQlU6Y","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":503,"full_name":"Beauchamp, Jo\u00eblle","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":504,"full_name":"D\u00e9roche, Vincent","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1457,"section_of":280,"pages":"21-35","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":280,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"M\u00e9langes Gilbert Dagron","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Dagron2002","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2002","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2002","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/srVCI6CLDNJR4nL","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":280,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Association des Amis du Centre d'Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance","series":"Travaux et m\u00e9moires \/ Coll\u00e8ge de France, Centre de Recherche d'Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance","volume":"14","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Eudemus of Rhodes, 2002
By: Fortenbaugh, William. W. (Ed.), Bodnár, István M. (Ed.)

Title	Eudemus of Rhodes
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	New Jersey
Publisher	Transaction Publisher
Series	Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities
Volume	11
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William. W. , Bodnár, István M.
Translator(s)

Eudemus of Rhodes was a pupil of Aristotle in the second half of the fourth century BCE. When Aristotle died, having chosen Theophrastus as his successor, Eudemus returned to Rhodes where it appears he founded his own school. His contributions to logic were significant: he took issue with Aristotle concerning the status of the existential "is," and together with Theophrastus he made important contributions to hypothetical syllogistic and modal logic. He wrote at length on physics, largely following Aristotle, and took an interest in animal behavior. His histories of geometry, arithmetic, and astronomy were of great importance and are responsible for much of what we know of these subjects in earlier times. Volume 11 in the series Rutgers Studies in Classical Humanities is different in that it is composed entirely of articles that discuss Eudemus from a variety of viewpoints. Sixteen scholars representing seven nations have contributed essays to the volume. A special essay by Dimitri Gutas brings together for the first time the Arabic material relating to Eudemus. Other contributors and essays are: Hans B. Gottschalk, "Eudemus and the Peripatos"; Tiziano Dorandi, "Quale aspetto controverso della biografia di Eudemo di Rodi"; William W. Fortenbaugh, "Eudemus' Work On Expression"; Pamela M. Huby, "Did Aristotle Reply to Eudemus and Theophrastus on Some Logical Issues?"; Robert Sharples, "Eudemus' Physics: Change, Place and Time"; Han Baltussen, "Wehrli's Edition of Eudemus of Rhodes: The Physical Fragments from Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics"; Sylvia Berryman, "Sumphues and Suneches: Continuity and Coherence in Early Peripatetic Texts"; István Bodnár, "Eudemus' Unmoved Movers: Fragments 121–123b Wehrli"; Deborah K. W. Modrak, "Phantasia, Thought and Science in Eudemus"; Stephen White, "Eudemus the Naturalist"; Jørgen Mejer, "Eudemus and the History of Science"; Leonid Zhmud, "Eudemus' History of Mathematics"; Alan C. Bowen, "Eudemus' History of Early Greek Astronomy: Two Hypotheses"; Dmitri Panchenko, "Eudemus Fr. 145 Wehrli and the Ancient Theories of Lunar Light"; and Gábor Betegh, "On Eudemus Fr. 150 Wehrli." "[Eudemus of Rhodes] marks a substantial progress in our knowledge of Eudemus. For it enlarges the scope of the information available on this author, highlights the need of, and paves the way to, a new critical edition of the Greek fragments of his works, and provides a clearer view of his life, thought, sources and influence. In all these respects, it represents a necessary complement to Wehrli's edition of Eudemus' fragments." —Amos Bertolacci, The Classical Bulletin István Bodnár is a member of the philosophy department at the Eötvös University in Budapest, where he teaches and does research on ancient philosophy. He has been a junior fellow at the Center for Hellenic Studies and most recently has been an Alexander von Humboldt Stipendiat in Berlin at the Max Planck Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte and at the Freie Universität. William W. Fortenbaugh is professor of classics at Rutgers University. In addition to editing several books in this series, he has written Aristotle on Emotion and Quellen zur Ethik Theophrastus. New is his edition of Theophrastus's treatise On Sweat. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Chi4rYr2xTDiSmY

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His contributions to logic were significant: he took issue with Aristotle concerning the status of the existential \"is,\" and together with Theophrastus he made important contributions to hypothetical syllogistic and modal logic. He wrote at length on physics, largely following Aristotle, and took an interest in animal behavior. His histories of geometry, arithmetic, and astronomy were of great importance and are responsible for much of what we know of these subjects in earlier times.\r\nVolume 11 in the series Rutgers Studies in Classical Humanities is different in that it is composed entirely of articles that discuss Eudemus from a variety of viewpoints. Sixteen scholars representing seven nations have contributed essays to the volume. A special essay by Dimitri Gutas brings together for the first time the Arabic material relating to Eudemus.\r\nOther contributors and essays are:\r\nHans B. Gottschalk, \"Eudemus and the Peripatos\";\r\nTiziano Dorandi, \"Quale aspetto controverso della biografia di Eudemo di Rodi\";\r\nWilliam W. Fortenbaugh, \"Eudemus' Work On Expression\";\r\nPamela M. Huby, \"Did Aristotle Reply to Eudemus and Theophrastus on Some Logical Issues?\";\r\nRobert Sharples, \"Eudemus' Physics: Change, Place and Time\";\r\nHan Baltussen, \"Wehrli's Edition of Eudemus of Rhodes: The Physical Fragments from Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics\";\r\nSylvia Berryman, \"Sumphues and Suneches: Continuity and Coherence in Early Peripatetic Texts\";\r\nIstv\u00e1n Bodn\u00e1r, \"Eudemus' Unmoved Movers: Fragments 121\u2013123b Wehrli\";\r\nDeborah K. W. Modrak, \"Phantasia, Thought and Science in Eudemus\";\r\nStephen White, \"Eudemus the Naturalist\";\r\nJ\u00f8rgen Mejer, \"Eudemus and the History of Science\";\r\nLeonid Zhmud, \"Eudemus' History of Mathematics\";\r\nAlan C. Bowen, \"Eudemus' History of Early Greek Astronomy: Two Hypotheses\";\r\nDmitri Panchenko, \"Eudemus Fr. 145 Wehrli and the Ancient Theories of Lunar Light\";\r\nand G\u00e1bor Betegh, \"On Eudemus Fr. 150 Wehrli.\"\r\n\"[Eudemus of Rhodes] marks a substantial progress in our knowledge of Eudemus. For it enlarges the scope of the information available on this author, highlights the need of, and paves the way to, a new critical edition of the Greek fragments of his works, and provides a clearer view of his life, thought, sources and influence. In all these respects, it represents a necessary complement to Wehrli's edition of Eudemus' fragments.\"\r\n\u2014Amos Bertolacci, The Classical Bulletin\r\nIstv\u00e1n Bodn\u00e1r is a member of the philosophy department at the E\u00f6tv\u00f6s University in Budapest, where he teaches and does research on ancient philosophy. He has been a junior fellow at the Center for Hellenic Studies and most recently has been an Alexander von Humboldt Stipendiat in Berlin at the Max Planck Institut f\u00fcr Wissenschaftsgeschichte and at the Freie Universit\u00e4t.\r\nWilliam W. Fortenbaugh is professor of classics at Rutgers University. In addition to editing several books in this series, he has written Aristotle on Emotion and Quellen zur Ethik Theophrastus. New is his edition of Theophrastus's treatise On Sweat. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Chi4rYr2xTDiSmY","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":7,"full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":6,"full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":287,"pubplace":"New Jersey","publisher":"Transaction Publisher","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"11","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Philology or Philosophy? Simplicius on the Use of Quotations, 2002
By: Baltussen, Han, Foley, John Miles (Ed.), Worthington, Ian (Ed.)

Title	Philology or Philosophy? Simplicius on the Use of Quotations
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	Epea and grammata : oral and written communication in ancient Greece
Pages	173-189
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Foley, John Miles , Worthington, Ian
Translator(s)

This chapter will examine a small aspect of the scholarly method of the commentator Simplicius. It seems appropriate to start with some justification for dealing with an author from Late Antiquity on the theme of orality and literacy, as it is generally assumed that these terms refer to the “early” stages of Greek culture when writing found its way into the intellectual activities of Greek society. As I shall discuss the methodology of a member of the Platonic school of around 530 AD, the briefest statement to qualify the terms for this period is to say that the author belonged to a highly literate and tradition-conscious movement, which taught and studied philosophy building on previous attempts at exegesis. [p. 174]

Online Resources

What goes up: Proclus against Aristotle on the fifth element, 2002
By: Baltzly, Dirk

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Title	What goes up: Proclus against Aristotle on the fifth element
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Australasian Journal of Philosophy
Volume	80
Issue	3
Pages	261-287
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltzly, Dirk
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper, I consider Proclus’ arguments against Aristotle on the composition of the heavens from the fifth element, the aether. Proclus argues for the Platonic view (Timaeus 40a) that the heavenly bodies are composed of all four elements, with fire predominating. I think that his discussion exhibits all the methodological features that we find admirable in Aristotle’s largely a priori proto-science. Proclus’ treatment of the question in his commentary on Plato’s Timaeus also provides the fullest statement of a Neoplatonic alternative to the Aristotelian theory of the elements. As such, it forms a significant part of a still largely underappreciated Neoplatonic legacy to the history of science. [author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tOMemjPbvEoCytl

{"_index":"sire","_id":"962","_score":null,"_source":{"id":962,"authors_free":[{"id":1444,"entry_id":962,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":107,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Baltzly, Dirk","free_first_name":"Dirk","free_last_name":"Baltzly","norm_person":{"id":107,"first_name":"Dirk","last_name":"Baltzly","full_name":"Baltzly, Dirk","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1150414960","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"What goes up: Proclus against Aristotle on the fifth element","main_title":{"title":"What goes up: Proclus against Aristotle on the fifth element"},"abstract":"In this paper, I consider Proclus\u2019 arguments against Aristotle on the composition of the heavens from the fifth element, the aether. Proclus argues for the Platonic view (Timaeus 40a) that the heavenly bodies are composed of all four elements, with fire predominating. I think that his discussion exhibits all the methodological features that we find admirable in Aristotle\u2019s largely a priori proto-science. Proclus\u2019 treatment of the question in his commentary on Plato\u2019s Timaeus also provides the fullest statement of a Neoplatonic alternative to the Aristotelian theory of the elements. As such, it forms a significant part of a still largely underappreciated Neoplatonic legacy to the history of science. [author\u2019s abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2002","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tOMemjPbvEoCytl","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":107,"full_name":"Baltzly, Dirk","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":962,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Australasian Journal of Philosophy","volume":"80","issue":"3","pages":"261-287"}},"sort":[2002]}

Simplicius and the Early History of Greek Planetary Theory , 2002
By: Bowen, Alan C.

Title	Simplicius and the Early History of Greek Planetary Theory
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Perspectives on Science
Volume	10
Issue	2
Pages	155–167
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bowen, Alan C.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In earlier work, Bernard R. Goldstein and the present author have introduced a procedural rule for historical inquiry, which requires that one take pains to establish the credibility of any citation of ancient thought by later writers in antiquity through a process of verification. In this paper, I shall apply what I call the Rule of Ancient Citations to Simplicius’ interpretation of Aristotle’s remarks in Metaphysics Λ.8, which is the primary point of departure for the modern understanding of Greek planetary theory. I first sketch several lines of argument that lead me to conclude that Simplicius’ interpretation should not be accepted because it assumes a concern with planetary phenomena unknown to the Greeks before the late 2nd and early 1st centuries BC. Then, after showing that there is a fairly well-defined range of readings of Aristotle’s remarks more in keeping with what we actually know of astronomy in the 5th and 4th centuries BC, I conclude that neither Aristotle’s report about the Eudoxan and Callippan accounts of the celestial motions nor Simplicius’ interpretation of this report is a good starting point for our understanding of early Greek planetary theory. [author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nWG5h8vz9dCXgZc

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Der fortlaufende philosophische Kommentar in der Antike, 2002
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Geerlings, Wilhelm (Ed.), Schulze, Christian (Ed.)

Title	Der fortlaufende philosophische Kommentar in der Antike
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2002
Published in	Der Kommentar in Antike und Mittelalter. Beiträge zu seiner Erforschung
Pages	183-199
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Geerlings, Wilhelm , Schulze, Christian
Translator(s)

Der fortlaufende philosophische Kommentar wird für uns vom ersten vorchristlichen Jahrhundert an faßbar und verdankt seine Entstehung der wohlbekannten Tatsache, daß von diesem Zeitpunkt an in allen Philosophenschulen der Antike der Unterricht mehr und mehr die Form einer Erklärung der Texte ihrer Schulgründer Platon, Aristoteles, Epikur und Chrysipp annimmt. Vorher wird es wohl nur Erklärungen zu schwierigen Stellen gegeben haben. Von den Kommentaren zu den Werken des Chrysipp ist nichts erhalten, aber wir wissen z. B. von dem Stoiker Epiktet, daß er in seinem Unterricht Chrysipp kommentierte, wie die Platoniker und Peripatetiker Platon und Aristoteles. Es ist uns nur ein einziger fortlaufender Kommentar zu einem stoischen Text überliefert worden, der des Neuplatonikers Simplikios zum „Handbüchlein“ des Epiktet, der aber natürlich nicht eine stoische, sondern eine neuplatonische Exegese des stoischen Textes liefert. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sbjj47InbPVG3Mz

{"_index":"sire","_id":"521","_score":null,"_source":{"id":521,"authors_free":[{"id":727,"entry_id":521,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1996,"entry_id":521,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":159,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Geerlings, Wilhelm","free_first_name":"Wilhelm","free_last_name":"Geerlings","norm_person":{"id":159,"first_name":"Wilhelm","last_name":"Geerlings","full_name":"Geerlings, Wilhelm","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/108944352","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1997,"entry_id":521,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":160,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Schulze, Christian","free_first_name":"Schulze","free_last_name":"Christian","norm_person":{"id":160,"first_name":"Christian ","last_name":"Schulze","full_name":"Schulze, Christian ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124517706","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Der fortlaufende philosophische Kommentar in der Antike","main_title":{"title":"Der fortlaufende philosophische Kommentar in der Antike"},"abstract":"Der fortlaufende philosophische Kommentar wird f\u00fcr uns vom ersten vorchristlichen Jahrhundert an fa\u00dfbar und verdankt seine Entstehung der wohlbekannten Tatsache, da\u00df von diesem Zeitpunkt an in allen Philosophenschulen der Antike der Unterricht mehr und mehr die Form einer Erkl\u00e4rung der Texte ihrer Schulgr\u00fcnder Platon, Aristoteles, Epikur und Chrysipp annimmt. Vorher wird es wohl nur Erkl\u00e4rungen zu schwierigen Stellen gegeben haben. Von den Kommentaren zu den Werken des Chrysipp ist nichts erhalten, aber wir wissen z.\u202fB. von dem Stoiker Epiktet, da\u00df er in seinem Unterricht Chrysipp kommentierte, wie die Platoniker und Peripatetiker Platon und Aristoteles. Es ist uns nur ein einziger fortlaufender Kommentar zu einem stoischen Text \u00fcberliefert worden, der des Neuplatonikers Simplikios zum \u201eHandb\u00fcchlein\u201c des Epiktet, der aber nat\u00fcrlich nicht eine stoische, sondern eine neuplatonische Exegese des stoischen Textes liefert. [Author\u2019s abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2002","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/sbjj47InbPVG3Mz","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":159,"full_name":"Geerlings, Wilhelm","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":160,"full_name":"Schulze, Christian ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":521,"section_of":267,"pages":"183-199","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":267,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Der Kommentar in Antike und Mittelalter. Beitr\u00e4ge zu seiner Erforschung","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Geerlings2002","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2002","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2002","abstract":"This collection of essays deals with the often neglected literary genre 'commentary' in ancient and medieval times. It is based on the work of the Bochum Graduiertenkolleg 237, where aspects such as definition, form and history of commentary texts, implicit commentation, pictures and paintings as commentaries were discussed. This volume presents a choice of 16 lectures which accompanied the colloquia from 1996.\r\nIntroductions, but also special topics from the perspectives of theology, philosophy, classical philology, medical history, Arabic and Jewish Studies are given by the contributors. Great emphasis is laid on the interdisciplinary connection between these different points of view, for example by discussing the question on the impact pagan rhetoric had on Christian commentary texts. Further interest is focused on relevant literature - medicine, grammar, philosophy - and its commentaries. ","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1UBcu6mm8yedNBR","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":267,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 Boston \u2013 K\u00f6ln","publisher":"Brill","series":"Clavis commentariorum antiquitatis et medii aevi","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Die Stellung des Neuplatonikers Simplikios zum Verhältnis der Philosophie zu Religion und Theurgie, 2002
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Kobusch, Theo (Ed.), Erler, Michael (Ed.)

Title	Die Stellung des Neuplatonikers Simplikios zum Verhältnis der Philosophie zu Religion und Theurgie
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2002
Published in	Metaphysik und Religion: Zur Signatur des spätantiken Denkens / Akten des Internationalen Kongresses vom 13.-17. März 2001 in Würzburg
Pages	323-342
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Kobusch, Theo , Erler, Michael
Translator(s)

Der Epiktetkommentar ist dazu bestimmt, dem Leser die sittlichen Grundhaltungen zu vermitteln, ohne die es für ihn nicht förderlich ist, ein Studium der Philosophie zu beginnen. Da es sich somit um eine allgemein gehaltene Einführung handelt, die den Erwerb der bürgerlichen Tugenden mit Hilfe der neuplatonischen Kommentierung des Handbüchleins des Epiktet zum Ziel hat, wird im Verfolg des zu kommentierenden Textes eine breite Palette von philosophischen Fragen kurz angesprochen, ohne in die Tiefen des philosophischen Systems vorzudringen. Es ist daher unerlässlich, bei der Interpretierung des Epiktetkommentars über die traditionellen neuplatonischen Lehren informiert zu sein, wenn man den dogmatischen Hintergrund der Darlegungen des Simplikios erfassen will: Die Aneignung der ersten Stufe des neuplatonischen Tugendkanons, der politischen Tugenden, die erklärterweise das Ziel des Kommentars zum Handbüchlein des Epiktet ist, geht mit der Ausübung der Kultriten einher, wenn sie wohl auch im Allgemeinen zur Zeit des Simplikios nur noch im privaten Rahmen stattfinden konnten. Es gibt keine Anhaltspunkte dafür, daß Simplikios eine im Vergleich zu Jamblich, Hierokles und Proklos abweichende Haltung gegenüber dem Verhältnis der Philosophie zu Religion und Theurgie eingenommen hätte, d. h. daß, bei aller Wichtigkeit und Unerlässlichkeit der Theurgie, auch für ihn die Philosophie mit ihrer rationalen Erfassung der metaphysischen Themen eine unabdingbare Voraussetzung bleibt. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0gw38rZ6TRENJZm

{"_index":"sire","_id":"674","_score":null,"_source":{"id":674,"authors_free":[{"id":990,"entry_id":674,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":991,"entry_id":674,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":163,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Kobusch, Theo","free_first_name":"Theo","free_last_name":"Kobusch","norm_person":{"id":163,"first_name":"Theo","last_name":"Kobusch","full_name":"Kobusch, Theo","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115417486","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":992,"entry_id":674,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":164,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Erler, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Erler","norm_person":{"id":164,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Erler","full_name":"Erler, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122153847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Stellung des Neuplatonikers Simplikios zum Verh\u00e4ltnis der Philosophie zu Religion und Theurgie","main_title":{"title":"Die Stellung des Neuplatonikers Simplikios zum Verh\u00e4ltnis der Philosophie zu Religion und Theurgie"},"abstract":"Der Epiktetkommentar ist dazu bestimmt, dem Leser die sittlichen Grundhaltungen zu vermitteln, ohne die es f\u00fcr ihn nicht f\u00f6rderlich ist, ein Studium der Philosophie zu beginnen. Da es sich somit um eine allgemein gehaltene Einf\u00fchrung handelt, die den Erwerb der b\u00fcrgerlichen Tugenden mit Hilfe der neuplatonischen Kommentierung des Handb\u00fcchleins des Epiktet zum Ziel hat, wird im Verfolg des zu kommentierenden Textes eine breite Palette von philosophischen Fragen kurz angesprochen, ohne in die Tiefen des philosophischen Systems vorzudringen. Es ist daher unerl\u00e4sslich, bei der Interpretierung des Epiktetkommentars \u00fcber die traditionellen neuplatonischen Lehren informiert zu sein, wenn man den dogmatischen Hintergrund der Darlegungen des Simplikios erfassen will: Die Aneignung der ersten Stufe des neuplatonischen Tugendkanons, der politischen Tugenden, die erkl\u00e4rterweise das Ziel des Kommentars zum Handb\u00fcchlein des Epiktet ist, geht mit der Aus\u00fcbung der Kultriten einher, wenn sie wohl auch im Allgemeinen zur Zeit des Simplikios nur noch im privaten Rahmen stattfinden konnten. Es gibt keine Anhaltspunkte daf\u00fcr, da\u00df Simplikios eine im Vergleich zu Jamblich, Hierokles und Proklos abweichende Haltung gegen\u00fcber dem Verh\u00e4ltnis der Philosophie zu Religion und Theurgie eingenommen h\u00e4tte, d.\u202fh. da\u00df, bei aller Wichtigkeit und Unerl\u00e4sslichkeit der Theurgie, auch f\u00fcr ihn die Philosophie mit ihrer rationalen Erfassung der metaphysischen Themen eine unabdingbare Voraussetzung bleibt. [Author\u2019s abstract]","btype":2,"date":"2002","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/0gw38rZ6TRENJZm","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":163,"full_name":"Kobusch, Theo","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":164,"full_name":"Erler, Michael ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":674,"section_of":265,"pages":"323-342","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":265,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Metaphysik und Religion: Zur Signatur des sp\u00e4tantiken Denkens \/ Akten des Internationalen Kongresses vom 13.-17. M\u00e4rz 2001 in W\u00fcrzburg","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Kobusch\/Erler2002b","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2002","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2002","abstract":"\r\nDie Beitr\u00e4ge zur Altertumskunde enthalten Monographien, Sammelb\u00e4nde, Editionen, \u00dcbersetzungen und Kommentare zu Themen aus den Bereichen Klassische, Mittel- und Neulateinische Philologie, Alte Geschichte, Arch\u00e4ologie, Antike Philosophie sowie Nachwirken der Antike bis in die Neuzeit. Dadurch leistet die Reihe einen umfassenden Beitrag zur Erschlie\u00dfung klassischer Literatur und zur Forschung im gesamten Gebiet der Altertumswissenschaften. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lv1Opvh3eZrvkIS","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":265,"pubplace":"M\u00fcnchen - Leipzig","publisher":"Saur","series":"Beitr\u00e4ge zur Altertumskunde","volume":"160","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2002]}

Simplicius or Priscianus? On the Author of the Commentary on Aristotle's "De Anima" (CAG XI) : A Methodological Study, 2002
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Simplicius or Priscianus? On the Author of the Commentary on Aristotle's "De Anima" (CAG XI) : A Methodological Study
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	55
Issue	2
Pages	159–199
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This article represents a new contribution to the author's debate with C. Steel as to the authenticity of the Commentary on Aristotle's De Anima, attributed by the manuscripts to the 6th-century A.D. Neoplatonist philosopher Simplicius. On the basis of what he claims are stylistic and doctrinal differences between the In DA and Simplicius' other commentaries, Steel has argued that the In DA cannot be by Simplicius, but is instead to be attributed to his contemporary Priscian of Lydia. In the present article, it is argued (1) that the alleged stylistic differences between the In DA and Simplicius' other commentaries can be explained by other considerations: in particular, the vocabulary and style of the Neoplatonist commentators is largely determined by the text commented upon, as well as the level of studies of the audience for whom each commentary is intended. (2) The alleged doctrinal differences between the In DA and Simplicius' other commentaries simply do not exist. Careful examination of Steel's arguments shows that they suffer from serious methodological flaws, including the failure to take into consideration Simplicius' Commentary on the Manual of Epictetus, and the ambiguity of Neoplatonic philosophical terminology. It is concluded that in the whole of Steel's argumentation, there is not one decisive argument which would allow us to conclude that the commentary on the De Anima, attributed by direct and indirect tradition to Simplicius, is inauthentic. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/BFVk6vhtz2ul08p

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Review of: Thiel 1999: Simplikios und das Ende der neuplatonischen Schule in Athen, 2001
By: Luna, Concetta

Title	Review of: Thiel 1999: Simplikios und das Ende der neuplatonischen Schule in Athen
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Mnemosyne
Volume	54
Issue	4
Pages	482–500
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Luna, Concetta
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This is an extensive review of R. Thiel’s monograph Simplikios und das Ende der neuplatonischen Schule in Athen. The author of the review, C. Luna, reproduces the book’s discussion of the location where Neoplatonic philosophers settled after leaving Athens due to the ban on pagan philosophy in 529 AD. They went to Persia and later returned to the Byzantine Empire after the peace treaty was signed. The only known historical account of their location is from Agathias, who states that they were attracted to the wisdom of King Chosroes and stayed at his court. However, they eventually left and, using a clause in the peace treaty, returned to the Byzantine Empire without having to renounce their philosophical or religious beliefs. The text examines two hypotheses as to where they went: Athens or Alexandria, but a new hypothesis is presented based on Simplicius' texts that the philosophers settled in Harran, a city close to the Persian border. The text also discusses the possibility of Simplicius returning to Athens, Alexandria, or Harran. Thiel, believes it is unlikely the philosophers went to Alexandria because the patriarch of the city would not have allowed them to continue their philosophical and anti-Christian activities. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MDj448FZ9whVcZN

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κ und Nikephoros Chumnos, 2001
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	κ und Nikephoros Chumnos
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2001
Published in	Die Überlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione
Pages	182-189
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VUDuUkAYPBFA3Bq

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1200","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1200,"authors_free":[{"id":1772,"entry_id":1200,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"\u03ba und Nikephoros Chumnos","main_title":{"title":"\u03ba und Nikephoros Chumnos"},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"2001","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VUDuUkAYPBFA3Bq","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1200,"section_of":10,"pages":"182-189","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":10,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"de","title":"Die \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Rashed2001","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2001","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2001","abstract":"In seiner Schrift \u201eDe generatione et corruptione\u201c entwickelt Aristoteles seine Antworten auf die Aporien, die sich aus dem Begriff des Werdens ergeben. Dabei geht es ihm ebenso darum, analytisch \u2013 und dies im angels\u00e4chsischen Sinne des Wortes \u2013 das gesamte Bedeutungsspektrum des griechischen Verbes \u201egenesthai\u201c zu kl\u00e4ren und zu ordnen, wie darum, auf rein physikalischer Ebene allgemeine Betrachtungen zur Einf\u00fchrung in die physiologischen Studien des biologischen Corpus anzustellen.\r\nDie philosophische \u00dcberlieferung hat, mehr oder minder bewusst, immer erkannt, dass es in Aristoteles Schrift um die Machbarkeit und den Platz einer physikalischen Untersuchung des Lebendigen ging und \u2013 unter monotheistischen Vorzeichen \u2013 um das Verh\u00e4ltnis Gottes zu seinen Gesch\u00f6pfen. Man denke nur an den Ps.-Okellos in hellenistischer Zeit, ferner an die galenische Tradition und an die bahnbrechenden physikalischen Intuitionen des Alexander von Aphrodisias. Man denke auch an die gro\u00dfe Anziehungskraft, die dieser Text auf die arabischen Philosophen und sp\u00e4ter auf die Physiker-\u00c4rzte S\u00fcditaliens ausge\u00fcbt hat. Und man denke schlie\u00dflich an die fast siebzig byzantinischen Manuskripte, die uns den Text des Traktats in der Originalsprache \u00fcberliefert haben. All das zeugt von der Faszination, die dieser Text auf Denker ausge\u00fcbt hat, die zu verstehen versucht haben, warum und wie die Welt der reinen Potenz und Materie unter bestimmten, sehr spezifischen Bedingungen in die Individualisierung der aktualisierten Form m\u00fcnden kann.\r\nAuch die Gegner waren sich der Bedeutung des Textes bewusst. So hat Philoponus den Traktat nicht ausdr\u00fccklich verworfen, wenn er auch in seinem De Aeternitate mundi contra Aristotelem und seinem De Aeternitate munde contra Proclum die These von der Ewigkeit der Welt und dem Fortbestand der Arten ablehnt, der ja, wie wir gerade gesehen haben, in dem Traktat eine grundlegende Bedeutung zukommt. Eine systematische Widerlegung von De generatione et corruptione wird erstmals von einem der gr\u00f6\u00dften islamischen Theologen zu Anfang des 10. Jahrhunderts gef\u00fchrt.\r\nDer Autor zeigt unter anderem, dass die wichtigste unter den drei arabischen \u00dcbersetzungen sehr wahrscheinlich auf das byzantinische Exemplar der physikalischen Traktate zur\u00fcckgeht, dass die s\u00fcditalienischen \u00c4rzte es nicht vers\u00e4umt haben, sich unverz\u00fcglich die vielf\u00e4ltigen, von Burgundio von Pisa zusammen mit seiner Version \u00fcbersetzten Randnotizen zunutze zu machen, \u2013 dass \u00fcbrigens die beiden Manuskripte, die mit S\u00fcditalien in Verbindung gebracht werden k\u00f6nnen, jeweils medizinische Texte enthalten \u2013, dass zahlreiche byzantinische Gelehrte es sich haben angelegen sein lassen, den Text durch oft interessante, zuweilen brillante Konjekturen zu verbessern.\r\nDer Autor liefert mit seiner \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte also nicht nur das f\u00fcr eine wirklich textkritische Ausgabe unerl\u00e4\u00dfliche Stemma. Er f\u00fchrt uns ebenso die Vielgestaltigkeit der Geschichte der Philosophie vor Augen, die sich ebenso mit der Theologie wie mit den Naturwissenschaften befa\u00dft. Nur die \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte kann uns vor historischen Trugbildern bewahren, d. h. vor der pseudo-philosophischen Rekonstruierung riesiger Phantasiefresken. [Author\u2019s abstract] ","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qUIbx9u9zA9cTrE","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":10,"pubplace":"Wiesbaden","publisher":"Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag","series":"Serta Graeca. Beitr\u00e4ge zur Erforschung griechischer Texte","volume":"12","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2001]}

"Simplikios", 2001
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Schneider, Helmuth (Ed.), Cancik, Hubert (Ed.)

Title	"Simplikios"
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2001
Published in	Der Neue Pauly, Enzyklopädie der Antike
Pages	578-580
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Schneider, Helmuth , Cancik, Hubert
Translator(s)

Ein kurzer Eintrag Eintrag über Simplikios in "Der neue Pauly: Enzyklopädie der Antike".

Online Resources

Did Plotinus and Porphyry Disagree on Aristotle's "Categories"?, 2001
By: Haas, Frans A. J. de

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Title	Did Plotinus and Porphyry Disagree on Aristotle's "Categories"?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	46
Issue	4
Pages	492-526
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper I propose a reading of Plotinus Enneads VI.1-3 [41-43] On the genera of being which regards this treatise as a coherent whole in which Aristotle's Categories is explored in a way that turns it into a decisive contribution to Plotinus' Platonic ontology. In addition, I claim that Porphyry's Isagoge and commentaries on the Categories start by adopting Plotinus' point of view, including his notion of genus, and proceed by explaining its consequences for a more detailed reading of the Categories. After Plotinus' integration of the Categories into the Platonic frame of thought Porphyry saw the possibilities of exploiting the Peripatetic tradition both as a means to support the Platonic interpretation of the Categories and as a source for solutions to traditional questions. His allegiance to a division of being into ten, and his emphasis on semantics rather than ontology can be explained from this orientation. In the light of our investigation the alleged disagreement between Plotinus and Porphyry on the Categories changes its appearance completely. There are differences, but these can be best explained as confirmation and extension of Plotinus' perspective on the Categories and its role in Platonism. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yjxJiXgPDTM8LDJ

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Aquinas and Simplicius on Dispositions – A Question in Fundamental Moral Theory, 2001
By: Boland, Vivian

Title	Aquinas and Simplicius on Dispositions – A Question in Fundamental Moral Theory
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	New Blackfriars
Volume	82
Issue	968
Pages	467-478
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Boland, Vivian
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

One of the areas on which Fergus Kerr has kept a wise eye and to which he has made valued contributions over many years is moral philosophy. In fact, he had the task of teaching moral theology in the early years of his career but quickly moved on. He was quite relieved to do so, he told me once, not least because he found Shakespeare more relevant to morality than the geography of the fallopian tubes. Leaving behind moral theology in that sense did not mean his leaving behind a concern with moral questions. On the contrary, he has maintained great interest in developments in fundamental moral theory and in the centrality of morality for all theology. In this, he is faithful to Aquinas who, as Leonard Boyle has argued, envisaged Summa Theologiae as a work in which the moral is central. If, as Kerr himself has been arguing recently, beatitudo is a key to the unity of the Summa, then this is further support for what Boyle argued on historical and palaeographical grounds. This is not to claim that what Aquinas had in mind was anything like what moral theology came to describe later on, when a strict distinction and even separation of dogma and moral came to prevail, especially in seminary training. Aquinas belongs to an earlier world, from which contemporary moral philosophers continue to learn, in which these later distinctions did not apply. The inherent difficulty in separating them is clear if one tries to answer the question of whether the theology of grace belongs to dogma or to moral. One of the key areas in which Aquinas continues to contribute to debates in moral philosophy is in relation to virtue-theory. Anglo-Saxon moral philosophy has contributed with distinction to the revival of interest in the notion of virtue, as mentioning the names Anscombe, Foot, and MacIntyre is enough to show. A crucial building block in Aquinas's moral theory is the notion of habitus or disposition since, for him, following Aristotle, a virtue is a kind of disposition. But this more philosophical part of his account of virtue has received little enough direct attention in recent times for reasons that may become clearer as we proceed. What I want to do in this paper is to look again at those questions in the Summa where Aquinas explains this notion of habitus or disposition. It is important for his understanding of the human being as a moral agent as well as for his account of grace, and in particular of those gifts of faith, hope, and what Christian tradition calls theological virtues. It is a text whose examination will lead us into a number of central and current questions about the nature of Aquinas's theological synthesis and about whether or not we may consider any of his work as purely philosophical, i.e., philosophical as distinct from theological. [introduction p. 467-468]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zuaVu4YEsILwhuu

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1081","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1081,"authors_free":[{"id":1636,"entry_id":1081,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":9,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Boland, Vivian","free_first_name":"Vivian","free_last_name":"Boland","norm_person":{"id":9,"first_name":"Vivian","last_name":"Boland","full_name":"Boland, Vivian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/94637645X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aquinas and Simplicius on Dispositions \u2013 A Question in Fundamental Moral Theory","main_title":{"title":"Aquinas and Simplicius on Dispositions \u2013 A Question in Fundamental Moral Theory"},"abstract":"One of the areas on which Fergus Kerr has kept a wise eye and to which he has made valued contributions over many years is moral philosophy. In fact, he had the task of teaching moral theology in the early years of his career but quickly moved on. He was quite relieved to do so, he told me once, not least because he found Shakespeare more relevant to morality than the geography of the fallopian tubes.\r\n\r\nLeaving behind moral theology in that sense did not mean his leaving behind a concern with moral questions. On the contrary, he has maintained great interest in developments in fundamental moral theory and in the centrality of morality for all theology. In this, he is faithful to Aquinas who, as Leonard Boyle has argued, envisaged Summa Theologiae as a work in which the moral is central. If, as Kerr himself has been arguing recently, beatitudo is a key to the unity of the Summa, then this is further support for what Boyle argued on historical and palaeographical grounds.\r\n\r\nThis is not to claim that what Aquinas had in mind was anything like what moral theology came to describe later on, when a strict distinction and even separation of dogma and moral came to prevail, especially in seminary training. Aquinas belongs to an earlier world, from which contemporary moral philosophers continue to learn, in which these later distinctions did not apply. The inherent difficulty in separating them is clear if one tries to answer the question of whether the theology of grace belongs to dogma or to moral.\r\n\r\nOne of the key areas in which Aquinas continues to contribute to debates in moral philosophy is in relation to virtue-theory. Anglo-Saxon moral philosophy has contributed with distinction to the revival of interest in the notion of virtue, as mentioning the names Anscombe, Foot, and MacIntyre is enough to show. A crucial building block in Aquinas's moral theory is the notion of habitus or disposition since, for him, following Aristotle, a virtue is a kind of disposition.\r\n\r\nBut this more philosophical part of his account of virtue has received little enough direct attention in recent times for reasons that may become clearer as we proceed. What I want to do in this paper is to look again at those questions in the Summa where Aquinas explains this notion of habitus or disposition. It is important for his understanding of the human being as a moral agent as well as for his account of grace, and in particular of those gifts of faith, hope, and what Christian tradition calls theological virtues.\r\n\r\nIt is a text whose examination will lead us into a number of central and current questions about the nature of Aquinas's theological synthesis and about whether or not we may consider any of his work as purely philosophical, i.e., philosophical as distinct from theological. [introduction p. 467-468]","btype":3,"date":"2001","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/zuaVu4YEsILwhuu","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":9,"full_name":"Boland, Vivian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1081,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"New Blackfriars","volume":"82","issue":"968","pages":"467-478"}},"sort":[2001]}

Three Thêtas in the "Empédocle de Strasbourg", 2001
By: Algra, Keimpe A., Mansfeld, Jaap

Title	Three Thêtas in the "Empédocle de Strasbourg"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	54
Issue	1
Pages	78-84
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Algra, Keimpe A. , Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

We conclude that we cannot, merely on the basis of the Strasbourg fragments, confidently assign to the physical poem the gruesome fragment (now plus its new context) Stein and Diels assigned to the Purifications. Until further evidence turns up, only a non liquet is feasible, and we should keep open the possibility that we are dealing with "Zwei Empedocle de Strasbourg." The 6s in the papyrus fragments discussed above are simply wrong. The slightly bizarre interpretation based on them may be abandoned. [conclusion p. 81]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/K3k0s0RXMbEYW6J

{"_index":"sire","_id":"779","_score":null,"_source":{"id":779,"authors_free":[{"id":1143,"entry_id":779,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":28,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","free_first_name":"Keimpe A.","free_last_name":"Algra","norm_person":{"id":28,"first_name":"Keimpe A.","last_name":"Algra","full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115110992","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1144,"entry_id":779,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":29,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","free_first_name":"Jaap","free_last_name":"Mansfeld","norm_person":{"id":29,"first_name":"Jaap","last_name":"Mansfeld","full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119383217","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Three Th\u00eatas in the \"Emp\u00e9docle de Strasbourg\"","main_title":{"title":"Three Th\u00eatas in the \"Emp\u00e9docle de Strasbourg\""},"abstract":"We conclude that we cannot, merely on the basis of the Strasbourg fragments, confidently assign to the physical poem the gruesome fragment (now plus its new context) Stein and Diels assigned to the Purifications. Until further evidence turns up, only a non liquet is feasible, and we should keep open the possibility that we are dealing with \"Zwei Empedocle de Strasbourg.\" The 6s in the papyrus fragments discussed above are simply wrong. The slightly bizarre interpretation based on them may be abandoned. [conclusion p. 81]","btype":3,"date":"2001","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/K3k0s0RXMbEYW6J","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":28,"full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":29,"full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":779,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Mnemosyne, Fourth Series","volume":"54","issue":"1","pages":"78-84"}},"sort":[2001]}

A New Role for the Hippopede of Eudoxus, 2001
By: Yavetz, Ido

Title	A New Role for the Hippopede of Eudoxus
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Archive for History of Exact Sciences
Volume	56
Issue	1
Pages	69-93
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Yavetz, Ido
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The geometry of the alternative reconstruction of Eudoxan planetary theory is studied. It is shown that in this framework the hippopede acquires an analytical role, consolidating the theory's geometrical underpinnings. This removes the main point of incompatibility between the alternative reconstruction and Simplicius's account of Eudoxan planetary astronomy. The analysis also suggests a compass and straight-edge procedure for drawing a point by point outline of the retrograde loop created by any given arrangement of the three inner spheres. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AL92XR05kicTihW

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Proclus vs Plotinus on Matter ("De mal. subs." 30-7), 2001
By: Opsomer, Jan

Title	Proclus vs Plotinus on Matter ("De mal. subs." 30-7)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	46
Issue	2
Pages	154-188
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Opsomer, Jan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In De malorum subsistentia chapters 30–37, Proclus criticizes the view that evil is to be identified with matter. His main target is Plotinus' account in Enn. 1.8 [51]. Proclus denies that matter is the cause of evil in the soul, and that it is evil or a principle of evil. According to Proclus, matter is good because it is produced by the One. Plotinus' doctrine of matter as evil is the result of a different conception of emanation, according to which matter does not revert to its principle. Proclus claims that positing a principle of evil either amounts to a coarse dualism or makes the Good ultimately responsible for evil. Plotinus does not seem to escape the latter consequence if he is to remain committed to the Neoplatonic conception of causation. Plotinus equated matter with privation and said it is a kind of non-being that is the contrary of substance, thus violating fundamental Aristotelian principles. Proclus reinstates Aristotelian orthodoxy, as does Simplicius in his Commentary on the Categories. It is possible that Iamblichus was the source of both Proclus and Simplicius, and that he was the originator of the parhypostasis theory and the inventor of the anti-Plotinian arguments. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Hey5Ym2eaERyB7G

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Simplicius, Commentaire sur le Manuel d’Epictète. I : Chapitres I–XXIX, 2001
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, Commentaire sur le Manuel d’Epictète. I : Chapitres I–XXIX
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2001
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Les Belles Lettres
Series	Collection des universités de France: Série grecque
Volume	411
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Le philosophe néoplatonicien Simplicius a vécu au VIe siècle de notre ère. Originaire de Cilicie en Asie Mineure, il se rendit en Perse accompagné de six autres philosophes, probablement à la suite d'un décret de Justinien leur interdisant d'enseigner et de percevoir un salaire public. Il rentra dans son pays suite au traité de paix conclu en 532 entre le roi Perse Chosroès et Justinien, et s'installa à Harrân, ville de l'Empire Byzantin proche de la frontière perse. C'est là qu'il composa les cinq commentaires qui nous sont parvenus sous son nom. Parmi ces commentaires, celui traitant du Manuel d'Epictète est le seul qui ne soit pas consacré à un traité aristotélicien. Comment expliquer le fait que Simplicius, philosophe platonicien, ait commenté les maximes éthiques d'un stoïcien ? Les néoplatoniciens, depuis Porphyres, avaient défini un canon de quatre degrés de vertus : les vertus civiles ou politiques, les vertus cathartiques, les vertus théorétiques et les vertus paradigmatiques. Lorsqu'on parvenait au degré le plus élevé des vertus, la séparation de l'âme et du corps était totalement accomplie. Néanmoins, avant de parvenir à cet état d'apathéia, une instruction éthique préparatoire était nécessaire pour atteindre le premier degré des vertus. Ainsi, pour Simplicius, le Manuel d'Epictète représentait une propédeutique à la pratique morale visant au premier degré des vertus, les vertus civiles ou politiques. Par la lecture des sentences du philosophe stoïcien, le disciple pouvait parvenir à la domination des passions par la raison avant de s'élever vers la contemplation de l'Intellect, qui représente pour les platoniciens le niveau d'être le plus élevé. Le premier volume du Commentaire sur le Manuel d'Epictète dans la Collection des Universités de France comprend le texte de Simplicius accompagné de la traduction d'Ilsetraut Hadot. Le traité est précédé d'une introduction dans laquelle sont présentés la vie et l'oeuvre du philosophe, les enjeux philosophiques du Commentaire, ainsi que l'histoire du texte. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iMCK5bee0rBbYff

{"_index":"sire","_id":"134","_score":null,"_source":{"id":134,"authors_free":[{"id":166,"entry_id":134,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2257,"entry_id":134,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, Commentaire sur le Manuel d\u2019Epict\u00e8te. I : Chapitres I\u2013XXIX","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, Commentaire sur le Manuel d\u2019Epict\u00e8te. I : Chapitres I\u2013XXIX"},"abstract":"Le philosophe n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius a v\u00e9cu au VIe si\u00e8cle de notre \u00e8re. Originaire de Cilicie en Asie Mineure, il se rendit en Perse accompagn\u00e9 de six autres philosophes, probablement \u00e0 la suite d'un d\u00e9cret de Justinien leur interdisant d'enseigner et de percevoir un salaire public. Il rentra dans son pays suite au trait\u00e9 de paix conclu en 532 entre le roi Perse Chosro\u00e8s et Justinien, et s'installa \u00e0 Harr\u00e2n, ville de l'Empire Byzantin proche de la fronti\u00e8re perse. C'est l\u00e0 qu'il composa les cinq commentaires qui nous sont parvenus sous son nom. Parmi ces commentaires, celui traitant du Manuel d'Epict\u00e8te est le seul qui ne soit pas consacr\u00e9 \u00e0 un trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien. Comment expliquer le fait que Simplicius, philosophe platonicien, ait comment\u00e9 les maximes \u00e9thiques d'un sto\u00efcien ? Les n\u00e9oplatoniciens, depuis Porphyres, avaient d\u00e9fini un canon de quatre degr\u00e9s de vertus : les vertus civiles ou politiques, les vertus cathartiques, les vertus th\u00e9or\u00e9tiques et les vertus paradigmatiques. Lorsqu'on parvenait au degr\u00e9 le plus \u00e9lev\u00e9 des vertus, la s\u00e9paration de l'\u00e2me et du corps \u00e9tait totalement accomplie. N\u00e9anmoins, avant de parvenir \u00e0 cet \u00e9tat d'apath\u00e9ia, une instruction \u00e9thique pr\u00e9paratoire \u00e9tait n\u00e9cessaire pour atteindre le premier degr\u00e9 des vertus. Ainsi, pour Simplicius, le Manuel d'Epict\u00e8te repr\u00e9sentait une prop\u00e9deutique \u00e0 la pratique morale visant au premier degr\u00e9 des vertus, les vertus civiles ou politiques. Par la lecture des sentences du philosophe sto\u00efcien, le disciple pouvait parvenir \u00e0 la domination des passions par la raison avant de s'\u00e9lever vers la contemplation de l'Intellect, qui repr\u00e9sente pour les platoniciens le niveau d'\u00eatre le plus \u00e9lev\u00e9. Le premier volume du Commentaire sur le Manuel d'Epict\u00e8te dans la Collection des Universit\u00e9s de France comprend le texte de Simplicius accompagn\u00e9 de la traduction d'Ilsetraut Hadot. Le trait\u00e9 est pr\u00e9c\u00e9d\u00e9 d'une introduction dans laquelle sont pr\u00e9sent\u00e9s la vie et l'oeuvre du philosophe, les enjeux philosophiques du Commentaire, ainsi que l'histoire du texte. [offical abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2001","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/iMCK5bee0rBbYff","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":134,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Les Belles Lettres","series":"Collection des universit\u00e9s de France: S\u00e9rie grecque","volume":"411","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2001]}

Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 3: Alexander von Aphrodisias, 2001
By: Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.), Moraux, Paul, Wolfgang Kullmann (Ed.), Robert W. Sharples (Ed.)

Title	Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 3: Alexander von Aphrodisias
Type	Book Series
Language	German
Date	2001
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen , Wolfgang Kullmann , Robert W. Sharples
Translator(s)

In der spätantiken Philosophie, weiß Rezensent Thomas Sören Hoffmann zu berichten, war es nicht verpönt, auf die eigene Originalität zu verzichten und sich als Sprachrohr und Exeget der großen Denker zu verstehen - im Gegenteil. Auch Alexander von Aphrodisias (um 200 n.Chr.), dem Paul Moraux sein Buch gewidmet hat, gehört zu dieser Exegeten-Tradition. Ihm verdankt die "Nachwelt" Referate von verschollenen Aristoteles-Texten. Bemerkenswert findet Hoffmann, dass Moraux sich vor allem den noch nicht eingehend erforschten Gebieten des aristotelischen Denkens in der Alexander-Rezeption widmet. Dass bedingt, dass Moraux kein lückenloses Kompendium bietet, aber auf jeden Fall, lobt Hoffmann, eine "umfassende" Dokumentation über Moraux' Beschäftigung mit den Begriffen der Zeit, der Seele und der Metaphysik bei Alexander. Der Rezensent bedauert allerdings, dass das Ethik-Kapitel, mit dem der verstorbene Moraux sich nicht mehr auseinandersetzen konnte, unter fremder Feder in den Band aufgenommen wurde. Hier komme es zu einem Stilbruch, der nach Ansicht des Rezensenten hätte vermieden werden können, wenn das Ethik-Kapitel im geplanten Supplement-Band erschienen wäre, anstelle des Registers, das der Leser, so Hoffmann, "schmerzlich vermisst". Versöhnlich jedoch das Fazit: Lange hat die Forschung auf diesen Band gewartet - zu Recht. [Rezensionsnotiz Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/n4lUtE7tjgwtpRZ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"188","_score":null,"_source":{"id":188,"authors_free":[{"id":2492,"entry_id":188,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2493,"entry_id":188,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":137,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Moraux, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Moraux","norm_person":{"id":137,"first_name":"Paul ","last_name":"Moraux","full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117755591","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2765,"entry_id":188,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wolfgang Kullmann","free_first_name":"Wolfgang","free_last_name":"Kullmann","norm_person":null},{"id":2766,"entry_id":188,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Robert W. Sharples","free_first_name":"Robert W.","free_last_name":"Sharples","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 3: Alexander von Aphrodisias","main_title":{"title":"Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 3: Alexander von Aphrodisias"},"abstract":"In der sp\u00e4tantiken Philosophie, wei\u00df Rezensent Thomas S\u00f6ren Hoffmann zu berichten, war es nicht verp\u00f6nt, auf die eigene Originalit\u00e4t zu verzichten und sich als Sprachrohr und Exeget der gro\u00dfen Denker zu verstehen - im Gegenteil. Auch Alexander von Aphrodisias (um 200 n.Chr.), dem Paul Moraux sein Buch gewidmet hat, geh\u00f6rt zu dieser Exegeten-Tradition. Ihm verdankt die \"Nachwelt\" Referate von verschollenen Aristoteles-Texten. Bemerkenswert findet Hoffmann, dass Moraux sich vor allem den noch nicht eingehend erforschten Gebieten des aristotelischen Denkens in der Alexander-Rezeption widmet. Dass bedingt, dass Moraux kein l\u00fcckenloses Kompendium bietet, aber auf jeden Fall, lobt Hoffmann, eine \"umfassende\" Dokumentation \u00fcber Moraux' Besch\u00e4ftigung mit den Begriffen der Zeit, der Seele und der Metaphysik bei Alexander. Der Rezensent bedauert allerdings, dass das Ethik-Kapitel, mit dem der verstorbene Moraux sich nicht mehr auseinandersetzen konnte, unter fremder Feder in den Band aufgenommen wurde. Hier komme es zu einem Stilbruch, der nach Ansicht des Rezensenten h\u00e4tte vermieden werden k\u00f6nnen, wenn das Ethik-Kapitel im geplanten Supplement-Band erschienen w\u00e4re, anstelle des Registers, das der Leser, so Hoffmann, \"schmerzlich vermisst\". Vers\u00f6hnlich jedoch das Fazit: Lange hat die Forschung auf diesen Band gewartet - zu Recht. [Rezensionsnotiz Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung]","btype":5,"date":"2001","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/n4lUtE7tjgwtpRZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":137,"full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":188,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi","volume":"7\/1","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2001]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 8.6–10’, 2001
By: Simplicius , McKirahan, Richard D. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 8.6–10’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2001
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	McKirahan, Richard D.
Translator(s)	McKirahan, Richard D.(McKirahan, Richard D.) ,

Aristotle's Physics is about the causes of motion and culminates in a proof that God is needed as the ultimate cause of motion. Aristotle argues that things in motion need to be moved by something other than themselves - he rejects Plato's self-movers. On pain of regress, there must be an unmoved mover. If this unmoved mover is to cause motion eternally, it needs infinite power. It cannot, then, be a body, since bodies, being of finite size, cannot house infinite power. The unmoved mover is therefore an incorporeal God. Simplicius reveals that his teacher, Ammonius, harmonised Aristotle with Plato to counter Christian charges of pagan disagreement, by making Aristotle's God a cause of beginningless movement, but of beginningless existence of the universe. Eternal existence, not less than eternal motion, calls for an infinite, and hence incorporeal, force. By an irony, this anti-Christian interpretation turned Aristotle's God from a thinker into a certain kind of Creator, and so helped to make Aristotle's God acceptable to St Thomas Aquinas in the thirteenth century. This text provides a translation of Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's work. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/T8coa6uOHoikcaC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"102","_score":null,"_source":{"id":102,"authors_free":[{"id":119,"entry_id":102,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":253,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"McKirahan, Richard D.","free_first_name":"Richard D.","free_last_name":"McKirahan","norm_person":{"id":253,"first_name":"Richard D.","last_name":"McKirahan","full_name":"McKirahan, Richard D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131702254","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2300,"entry_id":102,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius ","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2301,"entry_id":102,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":253,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"McKirahan, Richard D.","free_first_name":"Richard D.","free_last_name":"McKirahan","norm_person":{"id":253,"first_name":"Richard D.","last_name":"McKirahan","full_name":"McKirahan, Richard D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131702254","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018Physics 8.6\u201310\u2019","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle \u2018Physics 8.6\u201310\u2019"},"abstract":"Aristotle's Physics is about the causes of motion and culminates in a proof that God is needed as the ultimate cause of motion. Aristotle argues that things in motion need to be moved by something other than themselves - he rejects Plato's self-movers. On pain of regress, there must be an unmoved mover. If this unmoved mover is to cause motion eternally, it needs infinite power. It cannot, then, be a body, since bodies, being of finite size, cannot house infinite power. The unmoved mover is therefore an incorporeal God. Simplicius reveals that his teacher, Ammonius, harmonised Aristotle with Plato to counter Christian charges of pagan disagreement, by making Aristotle's God a cause of beginningless movement, but of beginningless existence of the universe. Eternal existence, not less than eternal motion, calls for an infinite, and hence incorporeal, force. By an irony, this anti-Christian interpretation turned Aristotle's God from a thinker into a certain kind of Creator, and so helped to make Aristotle's God acceptable to St Thomas Aquinas in the thirteenth century. This text provides a translation of Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's work. [offical abstract]","btype":1,"date":"2001","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/T8coa6uOHoikcaC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":253,"full_name":"McKirahan, Richard D.","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":253,"full_name":"McKirahan, Richard D.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":102,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2001]}

Simplicius. Commentaire sur les ‹Catégories› d’Aristote, Chapitres 2–4, 2001
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicius. Commentaire sur les ‹Catégories› d’Aristote, Chapitres 2–4
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2001
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Les Belles Lettres
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Hoffmann, Philipe(Hoffmann, Philippe ) ,

Ce volume prend la suite des deux fascicules publies dans la serie Philosophia antiqua (Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Categories, fasc. I: Proeme, trad. de Ph. Hoffmann, commentaire par I. Hadot [vol. 50], et fasc. III: Premier chapitre, trad. de Ph. Hoffmann, commentaire par C. Luna, Leiden-Kobenhavn-Koln 1990 [vol. 51]). Il sera suivi d'autres volumes qui, nous l'esperons, permettront de donner une traduction francaise integrale du commentaire de Simplicius sur les Categories. Ce volume, consacre aux chapitres 2 a 4 des Categories, par lesquels se termine le preambule a l'expose des categories proprement dit, a pris une ampleur considerable a cause de la comparaison analytique avec les sept autres commentaires neoplatonciens sur les Categories: Porphyre, Dexippe, Ammonius, Philopon, Olympiodore, Elias, Boece. Cela nous a permis d'etablir les rapports entre ces textes et de decrire la technique exegetique propre a chacun d'entre eux. Ces resultats une fois acquis, il sera possible de reduire considerablement la taille des volumes qui vont suivre. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ZUh8fz6yg7aXHBr

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Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Categories 5-6’, 2001
By: Haas, Frans A. J. de (Ed.), Fleet, Barrie (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Categories 5-6’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2001
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de , Fleet, Barrie
Translator(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de(de Haas, Frans A. J.) , Fleet, Barrie(Fleet, Barrie) ,

Chapters 5 and 6 of Aristotle's Categories describe his first two categories, Substance and Quantity. It is usually taken that Plotinus attacked Aristotle's Categories, but that Porphyry and Iamblichus restored it to the curriculum once and for all. Nonetheless, the introduction to this text stresses how much of the defence of Aristotle Porphyry was able to draw out of Plotinus' critical discussion. Simplicius' commentary is our most comprehensive account of the debate on the validity of Aristotle's Categories. One subject discussed by Simplicius in these chapters is where the differentia of a species (eg the rationality of humans) fits into the scheme of categories. Another is why Aristotle elevates the category of Quantity to second place, above the category of Quality. Further, de Haas shows how Simplicius distinguishes different kinds of universal order to solve some of the problems. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/w7oLwHhAgbvNtH9

Die Überlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione, 2001
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	Die Überlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2001
Publication Place	Wiesbaden
Publisher	Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag
Series	Serta Graeca. Beiträge zur Erforschung griechischer Texte
Volume	12
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In seiner Schrift „De generatione et corruptione“ entwickelt Aristoteles seine Antworten auf die Aporien, die sich aus dem Begriff des Werdens ergeben. Dabei geht es ihm ebenso darum, analytisch – und dies im angelsächsischen Sinne des Wortes – das gesamte Bedeutungsspektrum des griechischen Verbes „genesthai“ zu klären und zu ordnen, wie darum, auf rein physikalischer Ebene allgemeine Betrachtungen zur Einführung in die physiologischen Studien des biologischen Corpus anzustellen. Die philosophische Überlieferung hat, mehr oder minder bewusst, immer erkannt, dass es in Aristoteles Schrift um die Machbarkeit und den Platz einer physikalischen Untersuchung des Lebendigen ging und – unter monotheistischen Vorzeichen – um das Verhältnis Gottes zu seinen Geschöpfen. Man denke nur an den Ps.-Okellos in hellenistischer Zeit, ferner an die galenische Tradition und an die bahnbrechenden physikalischen Intuitionen des Alexander von Aphrodisias. Man denke auch an die große Anziehungskraft, die dieser Text auf die arabischen Philosophen und später auf die Physiker-Ärzte Süditaliens ausgeübt hat. Und man denke schließlich an die fast siebzig byzantinischen Manuskripte, die uns den Text des Traktats in der Originalsprache überliefert haben. All das zeugt von der Faszination, die dieser Text auf Denker ausgeübt hat, die zu verstehen versucht haben, warum und wie die Welt der reinen Potenz und Materie unter bestimmten, sehr spezifischen Bedingungen in die Individualisierung der aktualisierten Form münden kann. Auch die Gegner waren sich der Bedeutung des Textes bewusst. So hat Philoponus den Traktat nicht ausdrücklich verworfen, wenn er auch in seinem De Aeternitate mundi contra Aristotelem und seinem De Aeternitate munde contra Proclum die These von der Ewigkeit der Welt und dem Fortbestand der Arten ablehnt, der ja, wie wir gerade gesehen haben, in dem Traktat eine grundlegende Bedeutung zukommt. Eine systematische Widerlegung von De generatione et corruptione wird erstmals von einem der größten islamischen Theologen zu Anfang des 10. Jahrhunderts geführt. Der Autor zeigt unter anderem, dass die wichtigste unter den drei arabischen Übersetzungen sehr wahrscheinlich auf das byzantinische Exemplar der physikalischen Traktate zurückgeht, dass die süditalienischen Ärzte es nicht versäumt haben, sich unverzüglich die vielfältigen, von Burgundio von Pisa zusammen mit seiner Version übersetzten Randnotizen zunutze zu machen, – dass übrigens die beiden Manuskripte, die mit Süditalien in Verbindung gebracht werden können, jeweils medizinische Texte enthalten –, dass zahlreiche byzantinische Gelehrte es sich haben angelegen sein lassen, den Text durch oft interessante, zuweilen brillante Konjekturen zu verbessern. Der Autor liefert mit seiner Überlieferungsgeschichte also nicht nur das für eine wirklich textkritische Ausgabe unerläßliche Stemma. Er führt uns ebenso die Vielgestaltigkeit der Geschichte der Philosophie vor Augen, die sich ebenso mit der Theologie wie mit den Naturwissenschaften befaßt. Nur die Überlieferungsgeschichte kann uns vor historischen Trugbildern bewahren, d. h. vor der pseudo-philosophischen Rekonstruierung riesiger Phantasiefresken. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qUIbx9u9zA9cTrE

{"_index":"sire","_id":"10","_score":null,"_source":{"id":10,"authors_free":[{"id":10,"entry_id":10,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione","main_title":{"title":"Die \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione"},"abstract":"In seiner Schrift \u201eDe generatione et corruptione\u201c entwickelt Aristoteles seine Antworten auf die Aporien, die sich aus dem Begriff des Werdens ergeben. Dabei geht es ihm ebenso darum, analytisch \u2013 und dies im angels\u00e4chsischen Sinne des Wortes \u2013 das gesamte Bedeutungsspektrum des griechischen Verbes \u201egenesthai\u201c zu kl\u00e4ren und zu ordnen, wie darum, auf rein physikalischer Ebene allgemeine Betrachtungen zur Einf\u00fchrung in die physiologischen Studien des biologischen Corpus anzustellen.\r\nDie philosophische \u00dcberlieferung hat, mehr oder minder bewusst, immer erkannt, dass es in Aristoteles Schrift um die Machbarkeit und den Platz einer physikalischen Untersuchung des Lebendigen ging und \u2013 unter monotheistischen Vorzeichen \u2013 um das Verh\u00e4ltnis Gottes zu seinen Gesch\u00f6pfen. Man denke nur an den Ps.-Okellos in hellenistischer Zeit, ferner an die galenische Tradition und an die bahnbrechenden physikalischen Intuitionen des Alexander von Aphrodisias. Man denke auch an die gro\u00dfe Anziehungskraft, die dieser Text auf die arabischen Philosophen und sp\u00e4ter auf die Physiker-\u00c4rzte S\u00fcditaliens ausge\u00fcbt hat. Und man denke schlie\u00dflich an die fast siebzig byzantinischen Manuskripte, die uns den Text des Traktats in der Originalsprache \u00fcberliefert haben. All das zeugt von der Faszination, die dieser Text auf Denker ausge\u00fcbt hat, die zu verstehen versucht haben, warum und wie die Welt der reinen Potenz und Materie unter bestimmten, sehr spezifischen Bedingungen in die Individualisierung der aktualisierten Form m\u00fcnden kann.\r\nAuch die Gegner waren sich der Bedeutung des Textes bewusst. So hat Philoponus den Traktat nicht ausdr\u00fccklich verworfen, wenn er auch in seinem De Aeternitate mundi contra Aristotelem und seinem De Aeternitate munde contra Proclum die These von der Ewigkeit der Welt und dem Fortbestand der Arten ablehnt, der ja, wie wir gerade gesehen haben, in dem Traktat eine grundlegende Bedeutung zukommt. Eine systematische Widerlegung von De generatione et corruptione wird erstmals von einem der gr\u00f6\u00dften islamischen Theologen zu Anfang des 10. Jahrhunderts gef\u00fchrt.\r\nDer Autor zeigt unter anderem, dass die wichtigste unter den drei arabischen \u00dcbersetzungen sehr wahrscheinlich auf das byzantinische Exemplar der physikalischen Traktate zur\u00fcckgeht, dass die s\u00fcditalienischen \u00c4rzte es nicht vers\u00e4umt haben, sich unverz\u00fcglich die vielf\u00e4ltigen, von Burgundio von Pisa zusammen mit seiner Version \u00fcbersetzten Randnotizen zunutze zu machen, \u2013 dass \u00fcbrigens die beiden Manuskripte, die mit S\u00fcditalien in Verbindung gebracht werden k\u00f6nnen, jeweils medizinische Texte enthalten \u2013, dass zahlreiche byzantinische Gelehrte es sich haben angelegen sein lassen, den Text durch oft interessante, zuweilen brillante Konjekturen zu verbessern.\r\nDer Autor liefert mit seiner \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte also nicht nur das f\u00fcr eine wirklich textkritische Ausgabe unerl\u00e4\u00dfliche Stemma. Er f\u00fchrt uns ebenso die Vielgestaltigkeit der Geschichte der Philosophie vor Augen, die sich ebenso mit der Theologie wie mit den Naturwissenschaften befa\u00dft. Nur die \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte kann uns vor historischen Trugbildern bewahren, d. h. vor der pseudo-philosophischen Rekonstruierung riesiger Phantasiefresken. [Author\u2019s abstract] ","btype":1,"date":"2001","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qUIbx9u9zA9cTrE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":10,"pubplace":"Wiesbaden","publisher":"Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag","series":"Serta Graeca. Beitr\u00e4ge zur Erforschung griechischer Texte","volume":"12","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2001]}

Augustin, «Confessions» 4, 16, 28-29, «Soliloques» 2, 20, 34-36 et les «Commentaires des catégories», 2001
By: Doucet, Dominique

Title	Augustin, «Confessions» 4, 16, 28-29, «Soliloques» 2, 20, 34-36 et les «Commentaires des catégories»
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2001
Journal	Rivista di Filosofia Neo-Scolastica
Volume	93
Issue	3
Pages	372-392
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Doucet, Dominique
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Au terme de cette étude montrant les points de consonance entre les thèmes développés dans les derniers paragraphes des Soliloques et les problématiques mises en œuvre dans les commentaires des Catégories, deux conclusions principales se présentent. Premièrement, l'antériorité des écrits d'Augustin sur la rédaction de la plus grande partie des commentaires des Catégories oblige à considérer un seul et même auteur ou une seule et même source, tant pour Augustin que pour les auteurs des commentaires ultérieurs. La place que reçoit le commentaire de Porphyre dans les autres commentaires et l'importance de cet auteur dans l'élaboration des schémas de pensée augustiniens conduisent naturellement à la conclusion que c'est dans une œuvre porphyrienne qu'Augustin a pu rencontrer l'essentiel de cette argumentation. Il reste alors à tenter de déterminer laquelle. Le peu d'intérêt qu'Augustin accorde aux lectures des magistri eruditissimi qu'il évoque dans les Confessions semble écarter l'hypothèse qu'il garderait un vif souvenir des conversations de son adolescence. Autrement, il n'aurait pas oublié à ce point d'en mentionner l'importance, comme il le fait pour sa lecture de l'Hortensius et pour celle des libri platonicorum, qui eurent une influence déterminante sur l'évolution de sa pensée. Il semble alors plus probable de considérer qu'Augustin a rencontré une argumentation identique à celle qui se trouve dans les commentaires ultérieurs des Catégories, celle de Porphyre en son propre commentaire, qu'Augustin a pu rencontrer soit dans un texte du dossier des libri platonicorum, soit inséré dans un autre écrit comme le De regressu animae ou encore le Zêtêma sur l'immortalité de l'âme, dont nous savons qu'il prit connaissance. Il serait même tentant de considérer que la progression même des Soliloques suit en parallèle l'essentiel de la progression qui pourrait être celle du De regressu. Cette hypothèse nous amène directement au second volet de cette conclusion. Si Augustin emprunte un certain nombre de thèmes à l'univers néoplatonicien et porphyrien, il ne manque pas de les transformer profondément. Nous avons déjà signalé, dans une lecture de Sol. 2, 18, 32, la manière dont Augustin reprend les degrés de la hiérarchie des êtres du néoplatonisme et la transforme en une hiérarchie des degrés du vrai. En effet, la hiérarchie de Marius Victorinus (uere sunt, quae sunt, non uere non sunt, uere non sunt) se retrouve en partie chez Augustin sous la forme : uere uerum (ueritas), uerum, tendit esse et non est. Cette transformation de la hiérarchie des êtres en une hiérarchie des degrés du vrai s'explique assez bien par le projet même des Soliloques : connaître Dieu et l'âme, et par la démonstration de l'immortalité de l'âme qui s'y trouve. C'est par la présence en l'âme de l'immortelle Vérité que l'âme est assurée de son immortalité, et cette preuve, dans l'esprit d'Augustin, est supérieure à celle, classique, de l'auto-motricité de l'âme. Dans les paragraphes 34 à 36 de la fin des Soliloques, c'est une semblable hiérarchie des degrés du vrai que nous rencontrons. Il est donc nécessaire sur ce point de conclure que tout en s'inspirant des thèmes néoplatoniciens et en particulier porphyriens, Augustin leur fait subir un déplacement notable et développe, plutôt qu'une ontologie, une métaphysique du vrai qui lui permet de connaître son âme, d'accéder à la certitude de son immortalité, et de progresser dans sa recherche de Dieu, recherche dont il résumera l'essentiel de la progression dans les Confessions et dont il dressera les harmoniques dans le De Trinitate. [conclusion p 390-392]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ilXNYhEQOhMEPLW

{"_index":"sire","_id":"600","_score":null,"_source":{"id":600,"authors_free":[{"id":851,"entry_id":600,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":70,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Doucet, Dominique ","free_first_name":"Dominique","free_last_name":"Doucet","norm_person":{"id":70,"first_name":"Dominique ","last_name":"Doucet","full_name":"Doucet, Dominique ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/105244430X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Augustin, \u00abConfessions\u00bb 4, 16, 28-29, \u00abSoliloques\u00bb 2, 20, 34-36 et les \u00abCommentaires des cat\u00e9gories\u00bb","main_title":{"title":"Augustin, \u00abConfessions\u00bb 4, 16, 28-29, \u00abSoliloques\u00bb 2, 20, 34-36 et les \u00abCommentaires des cat\u00e9gories\u00bb"},"abstract":"Au terme de cette \u00e9tude montrant les points de consonance entre les th\u00e8mes d\u00e9velopp\u00e9s dans les derniers paragraphes des Soliloques et les probl\u00e9matiques mises en \u0153uvre dans les commentaires des Cat\u00e9gories, deux conclusions principales se pr\u00e9sentent. Premi\u00e8rement, l'ant\u00e9riorit\u00e9 des \u00e9crits d'Augustin sur la r\u00e9daction de la plus grande partie des commentaires des Cat\u00e9gories oblige \u00e0 consid\u00e9rer un seul et m\u00eame auteur ou une seule et m\u00eame source, tant pour Augustin que pour les auteurs des commentaires ult\u00e9rieurs. La place que re\u00e7oit le commentaire de Porphyre dans les autres commentaires et l'importance de cet auteur dans l'\u00e9laboration des sch\u00e9mas de pens\u00e9e augustiniens conduisent naturellement \u00e0 la conclusion que c'est dans une \u0153uvre porphyrienne qu'Augustin a pu rencontrer l'essentiel de cette argumentation.\r\n\r\nIl reste alors \u00e0 tenter de d\u00e9terminer laquelle. Le peu d'int\u00e9r\u00eat qu'Augustin accorde aux lectures des magistri eruditissimi qu'il \u00e9voque dans les Confessions semble \u00e9carter l'hypoth\u00e8se qu'il garderait un vif souvenir des conversations de son adolescence. Autrement, il n'aurait pas oubli\u00e9 \u00e0 ce point d'en mentionner l'importance, comme il le fait pour sa lecture de l'Hortensius et pour celle des libri platonicorum, qui eurent une influence d\u00e9terminante sur l'\u00e9volution de sa pens\u00e9e.\r\n\r\nIl semble alors plus probable de consid\u00e9rer qu'Augustin a rencontr\u00e9 une argumentation identique \u00e0 celle qui se trouve dans les commentaires ult\u00e9rieurs des Cat\u00e9gories, celle de Porphyre en son propre commentaire, qu'Augustin a pu rencontrer soit dans un texte du dossier des libri platonicorum, soit ins\u00e9r\u00e9 dans un autre \u00e9crit comme le De regressu animae ou encore le Z\u00eat\u00eama sur l'immortalit\u00e9 de l'\u00e2me, dont nous savons qu'il prit connaissance.\r\n\r\nIl serait m\u00eame tentant de consid\u00e9rer que la progression m\u00eame des Soliloques suit en parall\u00e8le l'essentiel de la progression qui pourrait \u00eatre celle du De regressu.\r\n\r\nCette hypoth\u00e8se nous am\u00e8ne directement au second volet de cette conclusion. Si Augustin emprunte un certain nombre de th\u00e8mes \u00e0 l'univers n\u00e9oplatonicien et porphyrien, il ne manque pas de les transformer profond\u00e9ment. Nous avons d\u00e9j\u00e0 signal\u00e9, dans une lecture de Sol. 2, 18, 32, la mani\u00e8re dont Augustin reprend les degr\u00e9s de la hi\u00e9rarchie des \u00eatres du n\u00e9oplatonisme et la transforme en une hi\u00e9rarchie des degr\u00e9s du vrai. En effet, la hi\u00e9rarchie de Marius Victorinus (uere sunt, quae sunt, non uere non sunt, uere non sunt) se retrouve en partie chez Augustin sous la forme : uere uerum (ueritas), uerum, tendit esse et non est.\r\n\r\nCette transformation de la hi\u00e9rarchie des \u00eatres en une hi\u00e9rarchie des degr\u00e9s du vrai s'explique assez bien par le projet m\u00eame des Soliloques : conna\u00eetre Dieu et l'\u00e2me, et par la d\u00e9monstration de l'immortalit\u00e9 de l'\u00e2me qui s'y trouve. C'est par la pr\u00e9sence en l'\u00e2me de l'immortelle V\u00e9rit\u00e9 que l'\u00e2me est assur\u00e9e de son immortalit\u00e9, et cette preuve, dans l'esprit d'Augustin, est sup\u00e9rieure \u00e0 celle, classique, de l'auto-motricit\u00e9 de l'\u00e2me.\r\n\r\nDans les paragraphes 34 \u00e0 36 de la fin des Soliloques, c'est une semblable hi\u00e9rarchie des degr\u00e9s du vrai que nous rencontrons. Il est donc n\u00e9cessaire sur ce point de conclure que tout en s'inspirant des th\u00e8mes n\u00e9oplatoniciens et en particulier porphyriens, Augustin leur fait subir un d\u00e9placement notable et d\u00e9veloppe, plut\u00f4t qu'une ontologie, une m\u00e9taphysique du vrai qui lui permet de conna\u00eetre son \u00e2me, d'acc\u00e9der \u00e0 la certitude de son immortalit\u00e9, et de progresser dans sa recherche de Dieu, recherche dont il r\u00e9sumera l'essentiel de la progression dans les Confessions et dont il dressera les harmoniques dans le De Trinitate. [conclusion p 390-392]","btype":3,"date":"2001","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ilXNYhEQOhMEPLW","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":70,"full_name":"Doucet, Dominique ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":600,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rivista di Filosofia Neo-Scolastica","volume":"93","issue":"3","pages":"372-392"}},"sort":[2001]}

Der Neue Pauly, Enzyklopädie der Antike, 2001
By: Huber Cancik (Ed.), Helmuth Schneider (Ed.)

Title	Der Neue Pauly, Enzyklopädie der Antike
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	2001
Publication Place	Stuttgart; Weimar
Publisher	J. B. Metzler
Volume	Band 11 Sam-Tal
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Huber Cancik , Helmuth Schneider
Translator(s)

Bände 1-12/II, Altertum - Nachweis der prägenden Einflüsse des Orients auf die griechisch-römische Kultur. Wirkung dieser Kultur auf Kelten, Germanen, Slawen, Araber, auf Judentum und Christentum; Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Sozialgeschichte, Privatleben in der Antike; die byzantinische Kultur; Entwicklungsgeschichte der philosophischen Begriffe; gleichrangige Behandlung der schriftlichen, bildlichen und dinglichen Zeugnisse. Mit einer Fülle von Abbildungen.

Online Resources

Zeno of Elea's Argument from Bisection: Newly Discovered Evidence in a Hebrew Translation of Averroes, 2001
By: Glasner, Ruth

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Title	Zeno of Elea's Argument from Bisection: Newly Discovered Evidence in a Hebrew Translation of Averroes
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Aleph
Volume	1
Pages	285-293
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Glasner, Ruth
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

To conclude, in the Hebrew version of Averroes' long commentary on the Physics, comment 1.30, we find what seems to be Alexander's version of Zeno's argument ek tes dichotomias against plurality. Averroes interprets Zeno's argument as contradicting Parmenides', thus drawing attention to a problem that is latent in Simplicius' commentary. [conclusion, p. 293]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vuPTw5sFrUNAd8H

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Simplicius and Avicenna on the Essential Corporeity of Material Substance, 2001
By: Stone, Abraham D., Wisnovsky, Robert (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius and Avicenna on the Essential Corporeity of Material Substance
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2001
Published in	Aspects of Avicenna
Pages	73-130
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Stone, Abraham D.
Editor(s)	Wisnovsky, Robert
Translator(s)

Simplicius and Avicenna face the same difficult problems, and both reach interpretatively and conceptually radical solutions. The interpretative radicalness is reflected in the fact that their discussions of this issue are unusually disengaged from Aristotle’s text. The main discussion in Simplicius appears in the commentary on Physics 1.7—a chapter in which Aristotle does not mention body at all—and begins on its own, without reference to any particular textual segment. Avicenna’s main discussion of corporeity in Shifa’ II, 2.2-3 is likewise, and unlike most other chapter-length parts of the Shifa’, not easily associated with any one locus in Aristotle. Both Avicenna and Simplicius, moreover, introduce terminology—“corporeal form,” “indeterminate dimensions,” “deviation”—that is neither Aristotelian nor even Plotinian. The conceptual radicalness can be summed up by saying that both of these solutions reduce corporeity, in the relevant sense, to something extremely abstract. Both refuse to identify it with any of the familiar and easily picturable properties of bodies (extension, volume, surface, three-dimensionality, rigidity, resistance, inertia, weight). This resort to a high degree of conceptual abstraction and interpretative independence reflects both the extreme difficulty of the metaphysical problems and the strong pressure to achieve systematically maintainable solutions where such fundamental issues are at stake. The two solutions agree to a great extent in detail. The abstract property with which both Simplicius and Avicenna wish to identify corporeity is divisibility or partibility: the potency or aptitude by which a material substance, one in actu, is at the same time potentially many. The difference between them is subtle. Avicenna thinks of corporeity, roughly speaking, as the kind of unity (ultimately: substantial unity) that possesses such divisibility. He therefore identifies corporeity with a certain substantial form. Simplicius, on the other hand, thinks of corporeity as the privation by which an enmattered substantial form “deviates” from its intelligible archetype—i.e., by which it deviates from true unity and true being. He therefore identifies corporeity with matter. Both solutions are relatively tenable within their own systematic contexts; neither, however, could likely survive transplantation to the other system. Simplicius’ solution ultimately relies on a full-blown Neoplatonic theory of emanation that Avicenna does not share, while Avicenna’s depends on his non-Neoplatonic views about essential and accidental properties and about the coexistence of multiple substantial forms in a single composite substance. [conclusion p. 113-114]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GJWf1yj79pw3EdQ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1425","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1425,"authors_free":[{"id":2236,"entry_id":1425,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":409,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Stone, Abraham D.","free_first_name":" Abraham D.","free_last_name":"Stone","norm_person":{"id":409,"first_name":" Abraham D.","last_name":"Stone","full_name":"Stone, Abraham D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2449,"entry_id":1425,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":483,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wisnovsky, Robert","free_first_name":"Robert","free_last_name":"Wisnovsky","norm_person":{"id":483,"first_name":"Robert","last_name":"Wisnovsky","full_name":"Wisnovsky, Robert","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius and Avicenna on the Essential Corporeity of Material Substance","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius and Avicenna on the Essential Corporeity of Material Substance"},"abstract":"Simplicius and Avicenna face the same difficult problems, and both reach interpretatively and conceptually radical solutions. The interpretative radicalness is reflected in the fact that their discussions of this issue are unusually disengaged from Aristotle\u2019s text. The main discussion in Simplicius appears in the commentary on Physics 1.7\u2014a chapter in which Aristotle does not mention body at all\u2014and begins on its own, without reference to any particular textual segment. Avicenna\u2019s main discussion of corporeity in Shifa\u2019 II, 2.2-3 is likewise, and unlike most other chapter-length parts of the Shifa\u2019, not easily associated with any one locus in Aristotle.\r\n\r\nBoth Avicenna and Simplicius, moreover, introduce terminology\u2014\u201ccorporeal form,\u201d \u201cindeterminate dimensions,\u201d \u201cdeviation\u201d\u2014that is neither Aristotelian nor even Plotinian. The conceptual radicalness can be summed up by saying that both of these solutions reduce corporeity, in the relevant sense, to something extremely abstract. Both refuse to identify it with any of the familiar and easily picturable properties of bodies (extension, volume, surface, three-dimensionality, rigidity, resistance, inertia, weight).\r\n\r\nThis resort to a high degree of conceptual abstraction and interpretative independence reflects both the extreme difficulty of the metaphysical problems and the strong pressure to achieve systematically maintainable solutions where such fundamental issues are at stake. The two solutions agree to a great extent in detail.\r\n\r\nThe abstract property with which both Simplicius and Avicenna wish to identify corporeity is divisibility or partibility: the potency or aptitude by which a material substance, one in actu, is at the same time potentially many. The difference between them is subtle. Avicenna thinks of corporeity, roughly speaking, as the kind of unity (ultimately: substantial unity) that possesses such divisibility. He therefore identifies corporeity with a certain substantial form.\r\n\r\nSimplicius, on the other hand, thinks of corporeity as the privation by which an enmattered substantial form \u201cdeviates\u201d from its intelligible archetype\u2014i.e., by which it deviates from true unity and true being. He therefore identifies corporeity with matter.\r\n\r\nBoth solutions are relatively tenable within their own systematic contexts; neither, however, could likely survive transplantation to the other system. Simplicius\u2019 solution ultimately relies on a full-blown Neoplatonic theory of emanation that Avicenna does not share, while Avicenna\u2019s depends on his non-Neoplatonic views about essential and accidental properties and about the coexistence of multiple substantial forms in a single composite substance.\r\n[conclusion p. 113-114]","btype":2,"date":"2001","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GJWf1yj79pw3EdQ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":409,"full_name":"Stone, Abraham D.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":483,"full_name":"Wisnovsky, Robert","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1425,"section_of":1452,"pages":"73-130","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1452,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Aspects of Avicenna","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2001","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"The articles in this volume aim to further our understanding of the work and thought of the philosopher and physician Ab\u016b \u02bfAl\u012b al-\u1e24usain ibn \u02bfAbd All\u0101h ibn S\u012bn\u0101 (born before 370 AH\/980 CE-died 428 AH\/1037 CE), known in the West by his Latinized name Avicenna. \r\nIt seems to me that what much of the best new schlorahip has in common, and what the articles in this volume aspire to, is a mature and subtle appreciation of the history of Avicenna\u2019s philosophy. By this I mean two things. First, the increasing availability of edited Avicennian texts has allowed scholars to examine a broader spectrum of passages about particular topic than they were able to in the past. This, in turn, has made possible the recent and ongoing attempts to periodize Avicenna\u2019s philosophical career through the careful dating of individual work. Scholars now have to come to terms with the fact that there may not be a single Avicennian position on a given issue, but rather a history of positions, adopted at different periods of his life. \r\nSecond, many of the ancient commentaries on Aristotle, though available in the original Greek for a hundred years now, have only recently been translated into English. These translations, along with the new scholarly work on the commentators which has followed in their wake, have made a massive but heretofore forbidden resource for the history of late-antique and early-medieval philosophy easily accessible to speciallists in Arabic philosophy. The more precisely we understand how Greek philosophy developed durig the period between 200 CE and 600 CE, the better able we shall be to situate the theories of philosophers such as Avicenny in their intellectual-historical context. [introduction\/conclusion]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wL5bMZgjyTXYzBp","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1452,"pubplace":"Princeton","publisher":"Markus Wiener Publishers","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":{"id":1425,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Princeton papers, interdisciplinary journal of Middle Eastern studies","volume":"9","issue":"","pages":"73-130"}},"sort":[2001]}

Aspects of Avicenna, 2001
By: Wisnovsky, Robert (Ed.)

Title	Aspects of Avicenna
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2001
Publication Place	Princeton
Publisher	Markus Wiener Publishers
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Wisnovsky, Robert
Translator(s)

The articles in this volume aim to further our understanding of the work and thought of the philosopher and physician Abū ʿAlī al-Ḥusain ibn ʿAbd Allāh ibn Sīnā (born before 370 AH/980 CE-died 428 AH/1037 CE), known in the West by his Latinized name Avicenna. It seems to me that what much of the best new schlorahip has in common, and what the articles in this volume aspire to, is a mature and subtle appreciation of the history of Avicenna’s philosophy. By this I mean two things. First, the increasing availability of edited Avicennian texts has allowed scholars to examine a broader spectrum of passages about particular topic than they were able to in the past. This, in turn, has made possible the recent and ongoing attempts to periodize Avicenna’s philosophical career through the careful dating of individual work. Scholars now have to come to terms with the fact that there may not be a single Avicennian position on a given issue, but rather a history of positions, adopted at different periods of his life. Second, many of the ancient commentaries on Aristotle, though available in the original Greek for a hundred years now, have only recently been translated into English. These translations, along with the new scholarly work on the commentators which has followed in their wake, have made a massive but heretofore forbidden resource for the history of late-antique and early-medieval philosophy easily accessible to speciallists in Arabic philosophy. The more precisely we understand how Greek philosophy developed durig the period between 200 CE and 600 CE, the better able we shall be to situate the theories of philosophers such as Avicenny in their intellectual-historical context. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/e2BTuHZnaMPhPvO

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1452","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1452,"authors_free":[{"id":2450,"entry_id":1452,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":483,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wisnovsky, Robert","free_first_name":"Robert","free_last_name":"Wisnovsky","norm_person":{"id":483,"first_name":"Robert","last_name":"Wisnovsky","full_name":"Wisnovsky, Robert","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aspects of Avicenna","main_title":{"title":"Aspects of Avicenna"},"abstract":"The articles in this volume aim to further our understanding of the work and thought of the philosopher and physician Ab\u016b \u02bfAl\u012b al-\u1e24usain ibn \u02bfAbd All\u0101h ibn S\u012bn\u0101 (born before 370 AH\/980 CE-died 428 AH\/1037 CE), known in the West by his Latinized name Avicenna. \r\nIt seems to me that what much of the best new schlorahip has in common, and what the articles in this volume aspire to, is a mature and subtle appreciation of the history of Avicenna\u2019s philosophy. By this I mean two things. First, the increasing availability of edited Avicennian texts has allowed scholars to examine a broader spectrum of passages about particular topic than they were able to in the past. This, in turn, has made possible the recent and ongoing attempts to periodize Avicenna\u2019s philosophical career through the careful dating of individual work. Scholars now have to come to terms with the fact that there may not be a single Avicennian position on a given issue, but rather a history of positions, adopted at different periods of his life. \r\nSecond, many of the ancient commentaries on Aristotle, though available in the original Greek for a hundred years now, have only recently been translated into English. These translations, along with the new scholarly work on the commentators which has followed in their wake, have made a massive but heretofore forbidden resource for the history of late-antique and early-medieval philosophy easily accessible to speciallists in Arabic philosophy. The more precisely we understand how Greek philosophy developed durig the period between 200 CE and 600 CE, the better able we shall be to situate the theories of philosophers such as Avicenny in their intellectual-historical context. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":4,"date":"2001","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/e2BTuHZnaMPhPvO","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":483,"full_name":"Wisnovsky, Robert","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1452,"pubplace":"Princeton","publisher":"Markus Wiener Publishers","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2001]}

Review of: Dorotheus, Guilelmus (trans.), Simplicius Commentarium in decem Categorias Aristotelis (Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca. Versiones Latinae temporis resuscitatarum litterarum, Bd. 8), 2001
By: Summerell, Orrin Finn

Title	Review of: Dorotheus, Guilelmus (trans.), Simplicius Commentarium in decem Categorias Aristotelis (Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca. Versiones Latinae temporis resuscitatarum litterarum, Bd. 8)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Bochumer philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter
Volume	5
Issue	1
Pages	262-263
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Summerell, Orrin Finn
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lxHRful4FTiSy2L

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1476","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1476,"authors_free":[{"id":2557,"entry_id":1476,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":546,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Summerell, Orrin Finn","free_first_name":"Orrin Finn","free_last_name":"Summerell","norm_person":{"id":546,"first_name":"Orrin Finn","last_name":"Summerell","full_name":"Summerell, Orrin Finn","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/142836877","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of: Dorotheus, Guilelmus (trans.), Simplicius Commentarium in decem Categorias Aristotelis (Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca. Versiones Latinae temporis resuscitatarum litterarum, Bd. 8)","main_title":{"title":"Review of: Dorotheus, Guilelmus (trans.), Simplicius Commentarium in decem Categorias Aristotelis (Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca. Versiones Latinae temporis resuscitatarum litterarum, Bd. 8)"},"abstract":"","btype":3,"date":"2001","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lxHRful4FTiSy2L","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":546,"full_name":"Summerell, Orrin Finn","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1476,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Bochumer philosophisches Jahrbuch f\u00fcr Antike und Mittelalter","volume":"5","issue":"1","pages":"262-263"}},"sort":[2001]}

X. Zur Neukonstituierung des Textes, 2001
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	X. Zur Neukonstituierung des Textes
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2001
Published in	Die Überlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione
Pages	315-350
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die Editoren unseres Traktats hatten schon seit I. Bekker wichtige Textträger der zwei oben behandelten Familien herangezogen. Obgleich eine genaue Untersuchung gezeigt hat, dass auch innerhalb der beiden Hauptfamilien das Spektrum der im Rahmen einer neuen Ausgabe von GC zu berücksichtigenden Handschriften erheblich erweitert werden konnte (und musste), handelte es sich doch immer nur um eine Verfeinerung unseres Verständnisses der stemmatischen Beziehungen zwischen den Hauptträgern der zwei weniger kontaminierten Familien a und b1. Einige Aspekte der indirekten Überlieferung sind schon im Laufe der vorliegenden Arbeit besprochen worden. Trotz all ihrer Wichtigkeit hängt die syrisch-arabische Übersetzung, die zurzeit nur durch ihre lateinische und hebräische Übertragung bekannt ist, durchaus vom Hyparchetypen ab. Selbst wenn sie im Rahmen der Textkonstituierung der Familie a unterscheidungskräftig ist, bietet sie uns also keine besonderen Anhaltspunkte für die Bewertung der Beziehungen der beiden Hauptfamilien zueinander. Noch weniger ergiebig haben sich diesbezüglich die mittelalterlichen griechisch-lateinischen Versionen gezeigt: Sie gehen auf zwei griechische Vorlagen zurück, die noch heutzutage erhalten sind, nämlich den Laur. 87.7 (Burgundio von Pisa) und den Vinä. phil. 100 (Wilhelm von Moerbeke). [introduction p. 315]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zd7dO3tU8BFLAvd

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1382","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1382,"authors_free":[{"id":2131,"entry_id":1382,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"X. Zur Neukonstituierung des Textes","main_title":{"title":"X. Zur Neukonstituierung des Textes"},"abstract":"Die Editoren unseres Traktats hatten schon seit I. Bekker wichtige Texttr\u00e4ger der zwei oben behandelten Familien herangezogen. Obgleich eine genaue Untersuchung gezeigt hat, dass auch innerhalb der beiden Hauptfamilien das Spektrum der im Rahmen einer neuen Ausgabe von GC zu ber\u00fccksichtigenden Handschriften erheblich erweitert werden konnte (und musste), handelte es sich doch immer nur um eine Verfeinerung unseres Verst\u00e4ndnisses der stemmatischen Beziehungen zwischen den Haupttr\u00e4gern der zwei weniger kontaminierten Familien a und b1.\r\n\r\nEinige Aspekte der indirekten \u00dcberlieferung sind schon im Laufe der vorliegenden Arbeit besprochen worden. Trotz all ihrer Wichtigkeit h\u00e4ngt die syrisch-arabische \u00dcbersetzung, die zurzeit nur durch ihre lateinische und hebr\u00e4ische \u00dcbertragung bekannt ist, durchaus vom Hyparchetypen ab. Selbst wenn sie im Rahmen der Textkonstituierung der Familie a unterscheidungskr\u00e4ftig ist, bietet sie uns also keine besonderen Anhaltspunkte f\u00fcr die Bewertung der Beziehungen der beiden Hauptfamilien zueinander.\r\n\r\nNoch weniger ergiebig haben sich diesbez\u00fcglich die mittelalterlichen griechisch-lateinischen Versionen gezeigt: Sie gehen auf zwei griechische Vorlagen zur\u00fcck, die noch heutzutage erhalten sind, n\u00e4mlich den Laur. 87.7 (Burgundio von Pisa) und den Vin\u00e4. phil. 100 (Wilhelm von Moerbeke). [introduction p. 315]","btype":2,"date":"2001","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/zd7dO3tU8BFLAvd","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1382,"section_of":10,"pages":"315-350","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":10,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"de","title":"Die \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Rashed2001","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2001","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2001","abstract":"In seiner Schrift \u201eDe generatione et corruptione\u201c entwickelt Aristoteles seine Antworten auf die Aporien, die sich aus dem Begriff des Werdens ergeben. Dabei geht es ihm ebenso darum, analytisch \u2013 und dies im angels\u00e4chsischen Sinne des Wortes \u2013 das gesamte Bedeutungsspektrum des griechischen Verbes \u201egenesthai\u201c zu kl\u00e4ren und zu ordnen, wie darum, auf rein physikalischer Ebene allgemeine Betrachtungen zur Einf\u00fchrung in die physiologischen Studien des biologischen Corpus anzustellen.\r\nDie philosophische \u00dcberlieferung hat, mehr oder minder bewusst, immer erkannt, dass es in Aristoteles Schrift um die Machbarkeit und den Platz einer physikalischen Untersuchung des Lebendigen ging und \u2013 unter monotheistischen Vorzeichen \u2013 um das Verh\u00e4ltnis Gottes zu seinen Gesch\u00f6pfen. Man denke nur an den Ps.-Okellos in hellenistischer Zeit, ferner an die galenische Tradition und an die bahnbrechenden physikalischen Intuitionen des Alexander von Aphrodisias. Man denke auch an die gro\u00dfe Anziehungskraft, die dieser Text auf die arabischen Philosophen und sp\u00e4ter auf die Physiker-\u00c4rzte S\u00fcditaliens ausge\u00fcbt hat. Und man denke schlie\u00dflich an die fast siebzig byzantinischen Manuskripte, die uns den Text des Traktats in der Originalsprache \u00fcberliefert haben. All das zeugt von der Faszination, die dieser Text auf Denker ausge\u00fcbt hat, die zu verstehen versucht haben, warum und wie die Welt der reinen Potenz und Materie unter bestimmten, sehr spezifischen Bedingungen in die Individualisierung der aktualisierten Form m\u00fcnden kann.\r\nAuch die Gegner waren sich der Bedeutung des Textes bewusst. So hat Philoponus den Traktat nicht ausdr\u00fccklich verworfen, wenn er auch in seinem De Aeternitate mundi contra Aristotelem und seinem De Aeternitate munde contra Proclum die These von der Ewigkeit der Welt und dem Fortbestand der Arten ablehnt, der ja, wie wir gerade gesehen haben, in dem Traktat eine grundlegende Bedeutung zukommt. Eine systematische Widerlegung von De generatione et corruptione wird erstmals von einem der gr\u00f6\u00dften islamischen Theologen zu Anfang des 10. Jahrhunderts gef\u00fchrt.\r\nDer Autor zeigt unter anderem, dass die wichtigste unter den drei arabischen \u00dcbersetzungen sehr wahrscheinlich auf das byzantinische Exemplar der physikalischen Traktate zur\u00fcckgeht, dass die s\u00fcditalienischen \u00c4rzte es nicht vers\u00e4umt haben, sich unverz\u00fcglich die vielf\u00e4ltigen, von Burgundio von Pisa zusammen mit seiner Version \u00fcbersetzten Randnotizen zunutze zu machen, \u2013 dass \u00fcbrigens die beiden Manuskripte, die mit S\u00fcditalien in Verbindung gebracht werden k\u00f6nnen, jeweils medizinische Texte enthalten \u2013, dass zahlreiche byzantinische Gelehrte es sich haben angelegen sein lassen, den Text durch oft interessante, zuweilen brillante Konjekturen zu verbessern.\r\nDer Autor liefert mit seiner \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte also nicht nur das f\u00fcr eine wirklich textkritische Ausgabe unerl\u00e4\u00dfliche Stemma. Er f\u00fchrt uns ebenso die Vielgestaltigkeit der Geschichte der Philosophie vor Augen, die sich ebenso mit der Theologie wie mit den Naturwissenschaften befa\u00dft. Nur die \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte kann uns vor historischen Trugbildern bewahren, d. h. vor der pseudo-philosophischen Rekonstruierung riesiger Phantasiefresken. [Author\u2019s abstract] ","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qUIbx9u9zA9cTrE","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":10,"pubplace":"Wiesbaden","publisher":"Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag","series":"Serta Graeca. Beitr\u00e4ge zur Erforschung griechischer Texte","volume":"12","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2001]}

A. Der Parisinus graecus 1853, 3. Die Handschrift E - kulturgeschichtlich, 2001
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	A. Der Parisinus graecus 1853, 3. Die Handschrift E - kulturgeschichtlich
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2001
Published in	Die Überlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione
Pages	43-53
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Es ist nicht bekannt, welche Rolle E während der Renaissance gespielt hat, wenn überhaupt. Für die Zeit vor dem 16. Jahrhundert, d. h. vor dem Zeitpunkt der Eingliederung in Ridolfis Bibliothek, bietet P. Moraux keinen Hinweis. Doch gibt es, auch wenn die spätere Geschichte des Paris. sehr rätselhaft ist, gute Gründe anzunehmen, dass sich E schon am Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts in Florenz befand. A. Diller hat entdeckt, dass die unter der Nummer 81 in dem um 1510 kopierten Katalog des Fabio Vigili "Mediceae domus insignis Bibliotheca quae nunc est apud R.mum Card. de Medicis. Graeca bibliotheca" (Barber. lat. 3185, fol. 1–76) beschriebene Handschrift nur E sein konnte. Es liegt demnach die Vermutung nahe, dass E schon zu Lebzeiten Lorenzos zur Librería Privata gehörte: "It [Hs. E] was probably in the Bibliotheca Medicea privata in the time of Lorenzo (d. 1492)." Leider wissen wir nicht, unter welchen Umständen die Medici in den Besitz der wichtigen Handschrift gelangt sind. Möglicherweise hat Janos Laskaris den Kodex im Osten entdeckt und ihn nach Florenz mitgebracht. Die spätere Geschichte ist gut bekannt und von Moraux in allen Einzelheiten beschrieben. [conclusion p. 53]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/v6hwr0DWpDDC3mu

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1198","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1198,"authors_free":[{"id":1768,"entry_id":1198,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"A. Der Parisinus graecus 1853, 3. Die Handschrift E - kulturgeschichtlich","main_title":{"title":"A. Der Parisinus graecus 1853, 3. Die Handschrift E - kulturgeschichtlich"},"abstract":"Es ist nicht bekannt, welche Rolle E w\u00e4hrend der Renaissance gespielt hat, wenn \u00fcberhaupt. F\u00fcr die Zeit vor dem 16. Jahrhundert, d. h. vor dem Zeitpunkt der Eingliederung in Ridolfis Bibliothek, bietet P. Moraux keinen Hinweis.\r\n\r\nDoch gibt es, auch wenn die sp\u00e4tere Geschichte des Paris. sehr r\u00e4tselhaft ist, gute Gr\u00fcnde anzunehmen, dass sich E schon am Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts in Florenz befand. A. Diller hat entdeckt, dass die unter der Nummer 81 in dem um 1510 kopierten Katalog des Fabio Vigili \"Mediceae domus insignis Bibliotheca quae nunc est apud R.mum Card. de Medicis. Graeca bibliotheca\" (Barber. lat. 3185, fol. 1\u201376) beschriebene Handschrift nur E sein konnte.\r\n\r\nEs liegt demnach die Vermutung nahe, dass E schon zu Lebzeiten Lorenzos zur Librer\u00eda Privata geh\u00f6rte: \"It [Hs. E] was probably in the Bibliotheca Medicea privata in the time of Lorenzo (d. 1492).\" Leider wissen wir nicht, unter welchen Umst\u00e4nden die Medici in den Besitz der wichtigen Handschrift gelangt sind. M\u00f6glicherweise hat Janos Laskaris den Kodex im Osten entdeckt und ihn nach Florenz mitgebracht.\r\n\r\nDie sp\u00e4tere Geschichte ist gut bekannt und von Moraux in allen Einzelheiten beschrieben. [conclusion p. 53]","btype":2,"date":"2001","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/v6hwr0DWpDDC3mu","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1198,"section_of":10,"pages":"43-53","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":10,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"de","title":"Die \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Rashed2001","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2001","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2001","abstract":"In seiner Schrift \u201eDe generatione et corruptione\u201c entwickelt Aristoteles seine Antworten auf die Aporien, die sich aus dem Begriff des Werdens ergeben. Dabei geht es ihm ebenso darum, analytisch \u2013 und dies im angels\u00e4chsischen Sinne des Wortes \u2013 das gesamte Bedeutungsspektrum des griechischen Verbes \u201egenesthai\u201c zu kl\u00e4ren und zu ordnen, wie darum, auf rein physikalischer Ebene allgemeine Betrachtungen zur Einf\u00fchrung in die physiologischen Studien des biologischen Corpus anzustellen.\r\nDie philosophische \u00dcberlieferung hat, mehr oder minder bewusst, immer erkannt, dass es in Aristoteles Schrift um die Machbarkeit und den Platz einer physikalischen Untersuchung des Lebendigen ging und \u2013 unter monotheistischen Vorzeichen \u2013 um das Verh\u00e4ltnis Gottes zu seinen Gesch\u00f6pfen. Man denke nur an den Ps.-Okellos in hellenistischer Zeit, ferner an die galenische Tradition und an die bahnbrechenden physikalischen Intuitionen des Alexander von Aphrodisias. Man denke auch an die gro\u00dfe Anziehungskraft, die dieser Text auf die arabischen Philosophen und sp\u00e4ter auf die Physiker-\u00c4rzte S\u00fcditaliens ausge\u00fcbt hat. Und man denke schlie\u00dflich an die fast siebzig byzantinischen Manuskripte, die uns den Text des Traktats in der Originalsprache \u00fcberliefert haben. All das zeugt von der Faszination, die dieser Text auf Denker ausge\u00fcbt hat, die zu verstehen versucht haben, warum und wie die Welt der reinen Potenz und Materie unter bestimmten, sehr spezifischen Bedingungen in die Individualisierung der aktualisierten Form m\u00fcnden kann.\r\nAuch die Gegner waren sich der Bedeutung des Textes bewusst. So hat Philoponus den Traktat nicht ausdr\u00fccklich verworfen, wenn er auch in seinem De Aeternitate mundi contra Aristotelem und seinem De Aeternitate munde contra Proclum die These von der Ewigkeit der Welt und dem Fortbestand der Arten ablehnt, der ja, wie wir gerade gesehen haben, in dem Traktat eine grundlegende Bedeutung zukommt. Eine systematische Widerlegung von De generatione et corruptione wird erstmals von einem der gr\u00f6\u00dften islamischen Theologen zu Anfang des 10. Jahrhunderts gef\u00fchrt.\r\nDer Autor zeigt unter anderem, dass die wichtigste unter den drei arabischen \u00dcbersetzungen sehr wahrscheinlich auf das byzantinische Exemplar der physikalischen Traktate zur\u00fcckgeht, dass die s\u00fcditalienischen \u00c4rzte es nicht vers\u00e4umt haben, sich unverz\u00fcglich die vielf\u00e4ltigen, von Burgundio von Pisa zusammen mit seiner Version \u00fcbersetzten Randnotizen zunutze zu machen, \u2013 dass \u00fcbrigens die beiden Manuskripte, die mit S\u00fcditalien in Verbindung gebracht werden k\u00f6nnen, jeweils medizinische Texte enthalten \u2013, dass zahlreiche byzantinische Gelehrte es sich haben angelegen sein lassen, den Text durch oft interessante, zuweilen brillante Konjekturen zu verbessern.\r\nDer Autor liefert mit seiner \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte also nicht nur das f\u00fcr eine wirklich textkritische Ausgabe unerl\u00e4\u00dfliche Stemma. Er f\u00fchrt uns ebenso die Vielgestaltigkeit der Geschichte der Philosophie vor Augen, die sich ebenso mit der Theologie wie mit den Naturwissenschaften befa\u00dft. Nur die \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte kann uns vor historischen Trugbildern bewahren, d. h. vor der pseudo-philosophischen Rekonstruierung riesiger Phantasiefresken. [Author\u2019s abstract] ","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qUIbx9u9zA9cTrE","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":10,"pubplace":"Wiesbaden","publisher":"Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag","series":"Serta Graeca. Beitr\u00e4ge zur Erforschung griechischer Texte","volume":"12","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2001]}

C. Der Laur. 87.7 (F) 2. Die problematischen Stellen; 3. Die Scholien des Abrinc. 232 (Ay)., 2001
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	C. Der Laur. 87.7 (F) 2. Die problematischen Stellen; 3. Die Scholien des Abrinc. 232 (Ay).
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2001
Published in	Die Überlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione
Pages	141-159
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IMgXHC5ttxKH54j

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1199","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1199,"authors_free":[{"id":1770,"entry_id":1199,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"C. Der Laur. 87.7 (F) 2. Die problematischen Stellen; 3. Die Scholien des Abrinc. 232 (Ay).","main_title":{"title":"C. Der Laur. 87.7 (F) 2. Die problematischen Stellen; 3. Die Scholien des Abrinc. 232 (Ay)."},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"2001","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/IMgXHC5ttxKH54j","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1199,"section_of":10,"pages":"141-159","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":10,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"de","title":"Die \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Rashed2001","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2001","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2001","abstract":"In seiner Schrift \u201eDe generatione et corruptione\u201c entwickelt Aristoteles seine Antworten auf die Aporien, die sich aus dem Begriff des Werdens ergeben. Dabei geht es ihm ebenso darum, analytisch \u2013 und dies im angels\u00e4chsischen Sinne des Wortes \u2013 das gesamte Bedeutungsspektrum des griechischen Verbes \u201egenesthai\u201c zu kl\u00e4ren und zu ordnen, wie darum, auf rein physikalischer Ebene allgemeine Betrachtungen zur Einf\u00fchrung in die physiologischen Studien des biologischen Corpus anzustellen.\r\nDie philosophische \u00dcberlieferung hat, mehr oder minder bewusst, immer erkannt, dass es in Aristoteles Schrift um die Machbarkeit und den Platz einer physikalischen Untersuchung des Lebendigen ging und \u2013 unter monotheistischen Vorzeichen \u2013 um das Verh\u00e4ltnis Gottes zu seinen Gesch\u00f6pfen. Man denke nur an den Ps.-Okellos in hellenistischer Zeit, ferner an die galenische Tradition und an die bahnbrechenden physikalischen Intuitionen des Alexander von Aphrodisias. Man denke auch an die gro\u00dfe Anziehungskraft, die dieser Text auf die arabischen Philosophen und sp\u00e4ter auf die Physiker-\u00c4rzte S\u00fcditaliens ausge\u00fcbt hat. Und man denke schlie\u00dflich an die fast siebzig byzantinischen Manuskripte, die uns den Text des Traktats in der Originalsprache \u00fcberliefert haben. All das zeugt von der Faszination, die dieser Text auf Denker ausge\u00fcbt hat, die zu verstehen versucht haben, warum und wie die Welt der reinen Potenz und Materie unter bestimmten, sehr spezifischen Bedingungen in die Individualisierung der aktualisierten Form m\u00fcnden kann.\r\nAuch die Gegner waren sich der Bedeutung des Textes bewusst. So hat Philoponus den Traktat nicht ausdr\u00fccklich verworfen, wenn er auch in seinem De Aeternitate mundi contra Aristotelem und seinem De Aeternitate munde contra Proclum die These von der Ewigkeit der Welt und dem Fortbestand der Arten ablehnt, der ja, wie wir gerade gesehen haben, in dem Traktat eine grundlegende Bedeutung zukommt. Eine systematische Widerlegung von De generatione et corruptione wird erstmals von einem der gr\u00f6\u00dften islamischen Theologen zu Anfang des 10. Jahrhunderts gef\u00fchrt.\r\nDer Autor zeigt unter anderem, dass die wichtigste unter den drei arabischen \u00dcbersetzungen sehr wahrscheinlich auf das byzantinische Exemplar der physikalischen Traktate zur\u00fcckgeht, dass die s\u00fcditalienischen \u00c4rzte es nicht vers\u00e4umt haben, sich unverz\u00fcglich die vielf\u00e4ltigen, von Burgundio von Pisa zusammen mit seiner Version \u00fcbersetzten Randnotizen zunutze zu machen, \u2013 dass \u00fcbrigens die beiden Manuskripte, die mit S\u00fcditalien in Verbindung gebracht werden k\u00f6nnen, jeweils medizinische Texte enthalten \u2013, dass zahlreiche byzantinische Gelehrte es sich haben angelegen sein lassen, den Text durch oft interessante, zuweilen brillante Konjekturen zu verbessern.\r\nDer Autor liefert mit seiner \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte also nicht nur das f\u00fcr eine wirklich textkritische Ausgabe unerl\u00e4\u00dfliche Stemma. Er f\u00fchrt uns ebenso die Vielgestaltigkeit der Geschichte der Philosophie vor Augen, die sich ebenso mit der Theologie wie mit den Naturwissenschaften befa\u00dft. Nur die \u00dcberlieferungsgeschichte kann uns vor historischen Trugbildern bewahren, d. h. vor der pseudo-philosophischen Rekonstruierung riesiger Phantasiefresken. [Author\u2019s abstract] ","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qUIbx9u9zA9cTrE","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":10,"pubplace":"Wiesbaden","publisher":"Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag","series":"Serta Graeca. Beitr\u00e4ge zur Erforschung griechischer Texte","volume":"12","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2001]}

Les catégories aristotéliciennes ΠΟΤE et ΠΟΥ d’après le commentaire de Simplicius. Méthode d’exégèse et aspects doctrinaux, 2000
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile (Ed.)

Title	Les catégories aristotéliciennes ΠΟΤE et ΠΟΥ d’après le commentaire de Simplicius. Méthode d’exégèse et aspects doctrinaux
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2000
Published in	Le commentaire entre tradition et innovation. Actes du colloque international de l'institute des traditions textuelles, Paris et Villejuif, 22-25 septembre 1999
Pages	355-376
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile
Translator(s)

Simplicius aligns himself fundamentally with Porphyry and Jamblichus, preserving the tradition of responding to Plotinus’s aporias on the Categories. He also reveals trends in the Peripatetic commentaries that Plotinus was reacting to. Simplicius demonstrates the specificity of the categories ΠΟΤE and ΠΟΥ, using Jamblichus's definition of neo-Platonic skopos, which relies on a unity of meaning to establish the unity of a category corresponding to the unity of a genus. Despite being influenced by Jamblichus, Simplicius ultimately follows a philosophical orientation that aligns him with his master Damascius. [conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tGxagcX1ONlDUSI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"679","_score":null,"_source":{"id":679,"authors_free":[{"id":1002,"entry_id":679,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1003,"entry_id":679,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":100,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Goulet- Caz\u00e9, Marie-Odile","free_first_name":"Marie-Odile","free_last_name":"Goulet- Caz\u00e9","norm_person":{"id":100,"first_name":"Marie-Odile ","last_name":"Goulet-Caz\u00e9","full_name":"Goulet-Caz\u00e9, Marie-Odile ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124602924","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes \u03a0\u039f\u03a4E et \u03a0\u039f\u03a5 d\u2019apr\u00e8s le commentaire de Simplicius. M\u00e9thode d\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se et aspects doctrinaux","main_title":{"title":"Les cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes \u03a0\u039f\u03a4E et \u03a0\u039f\u03a5 d\u2019apr\u00e8s le commentaire de Simplicius. M\u00e9thode d\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se et aspects doctrinaux"},"abstract":"Simplicius aligns himself fundamentally with Porphyry and Jamblichus, preserving the tradition of responding to Plotinus\u2019s aporias on the Categories. He also reveals trends in the Peripatetic commentaries that Plotinus was reacting to. Simplicius demonstrates the specificity of the categories \u03a0\u039f\u03a4E and \u03a0\u039f\u03a5, using Jamblichus's definition of neo-Platonic skopos, which relies on a unity of meaning to establish the unity of a category corresponding to the unity of a genus. Despite being influenced by Jamblichus, Simplicius ultimately follows a philosophical orientation that aligns him with his master Damascius. [conclusion]","btype":2,"date":"2000","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tGxagcX1ONlDUSI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":100,"full_name":"Goulet-Caz\u00e9, Marie-Odile ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":679,"section_of":269,"pages":"355-376","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":269,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Le commentaire entre tradition et innovation. Actes du colloque international de l'institute des traditions textuelles, Paris et Villejuif, 22-25 septembre 1999","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Goulet-Caz\u00e92000","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2000","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2000","abstract":"Une bonne partie de la litterature universelle est une litterature de commentaire. Cette constatation s'applique particulierement a la litterature antique et medievale, fortement ancree dans la tradition grace aux institutions scolaires. Situes en fait au croisement de la tradition et de l'innovation, les textes exegetiques s'attachent d'abod a comprendre et a expliquer la pensee des maitres qui font autorite, mais souvent ils essaient aussi de la depasser, si bien que la demarche du commentaire peut aller de l'exegese la plus litterale a l'interpretation la plus allegorisante, de l'explication la plus traditionnelle au commentaire le plus neuf. L'objectif de ce recueil est de cerner sous tous ses aspects, dans toutes ses composantes et toutes ses problematiques, la realite du commentaire depuis sa fabrication materielle jusqu'a l'elabotration de ses contenus speculatifs, dans des aires culturelles multiples: mondes grec, latin, hebraique, arabe indien et a des epoques differentes: hellenistique, Empire romain, Moyen Age et Renaissance. [editors abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RdY8RrIpT0hwHi3","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":269,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Biblioth\u00e8que d\u2019histoire de la philosophie","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2000]}

La triade chaldaïque ἔρως, ἀλήθεια, πίστις: De Proclus à Simplicius, 2000
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Segonds, A. Ph. (Ed.), Steel, Carlos (Ed.), Mettraux, A. F. (Coll.) (Ed.), Luna, Concetta (Coll.) (Ed.)

Title	La triade chaldaïque ἔρως, ἀλήθεια, πίστις: De Proclus à Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2000
Published in	Proclus et la théologie platonicienne. Actes du colloque international de Louvain (13 -16 mai 1998). En l'honneur de H.D. Saffrey et L.G. Westerink
Pages	459-489
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Segonds, A. Ph. , Steel, Carlos , Mettraux, A. F. (Coll.) , Luna, Concetta (Coll.)
Translator(s)

L'analyse des textes montre que dans l’œuvre de Simplicius s'établit une correspondance ferme entre le prologue de son Commentaire à la Physique et la prière finale du Commentaire au De caelo. Selon l’ordre néoplatonicien de lecture des traités d'Aristote, la Physique précède le De caelo. Ne peut-on, dans ces conditions, et malgré un ordre chronologique de composition inverse, expliquer par une raison de fond - c'est-à-dire par une sorte de continuité intentionnelle entre les deux ouvrages - l’absence d’une prière à la fin du Commentaire à la Physique, en considérant que la prière finale de l'In De caelo couronne à la fois ces deux commentaires, puisque l'un comme l'autre instruisent une polémique contre l'impiété de Jean Philopon, et font remonter l'exégète - et avec lui ses lecteurs - jusqu’à une forme d'union avec le corps céleste et avec le Démiurge, c’est-à-dire jusqu'à une « sympathie » donatrice de félicité? Ainsi se trouve atteint le telos évoqué dans le prologue du Commentaire aux Catégories, tandis qu'un fil thématique précis unit les trois Commentaires de Simplicius sur Aristote. [conclusion, p. 489]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Z6GulpIldCyTgq3

Bibliothèques et formes du livre a la fin de l’antiquité. Le témoignage de la littérature néoplatonicienne des Ve et VIe siècles, 2000
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Prato, Giancarlo (Ed.)

Title	Bibliothèques et formes du livre a la fin de l’antiquité. Le témoignage de la littérature néoplatonicienne des Ve et VIe siècles
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2000
Published in	I manoscritti greci tra riflessione e dibattito. Atti del V Colloquio Internazionale di Paleografia Greca (Cremona, 4-10 ottobre 1998), Tomo 2
Pages	601-632
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Prato, Giancarlo
Translator(s)

Quels sont donc les maigres résultats de notre enquête ? On déduit d’un cursus d’études tardo-antique des Ve et VIe siècles la nécessaire existence de riches bibliothèques dont l’histoire ultérieure n’est qu’un tissu d’hypothèses ou de questions nécessaires, et le chemin est long jusqu’à la copie des volumes platoniciens de la Collection philosophique au IXe siècle. Les livres utilisés, conservés ou réalisés dans ces milieux néoplatoniciens devaient probablement – pour les œuvres les plus prolixes du moins – être de ces codices de grand format, et aux vastes marges, évoqués par Monsieur Crisci pour une période il est vrai postérieure de plusieurs décennies. On a pu mettre en relation le chapitre 27 de la Vie de Proclus avec le célèbre codex de papyrus de Callimaque (P.Oxy. XX 2258), écrit en majuscule alexandrine. Ce codex, décrit en 1959 par Jean Irigoin et en 1971 par sir Eric Turner, est de dimensions stupéfiantes. Il est daté en général du VIe ou du VIIe siècle, et Turner, après Edgar Lobel, le situe plutôt vers 500 ou 600 que vers 700. C’est le meilleur exemple connu, pour cette époque, d’un type de mise en pages comportant un texte et son commentaire. (On lui ajoutera – me suggère Jean Irigoin – l’exemple des citations marginales de Galien et de Cratévas lisibles dans le Dioscoride de Vienne, et qui nous instruisent sur le processus de formation d’une chaîne, un autre exemple postérieur étant le Venetus A de l’Iliade, Marc. gr. 454). La mise en pages attestée dans le Callimaque se retrouvera, peu après 900, dans le Vat. Urb. gr. 35 (Organon d’Aristote), dont les marges comportent, pour l’Isagogè de Porphyre et le début des Catégories, une compilation de la littérature exégétique alexandrine et athénienne (on y trouve du Simplicius), enrichie çà et là de nouveautés postérieures au VIe siècle. Le module de l’écriture adopté par Aréthas pour transcrire les commentaires dans les marges de l’Urb. gr. 35 permet de saisir une pratique de la micrographie, également illustrée (et de manière extrême) dans un autre contexte et à une tout autre époque, par le codex Mani de Cologne. Plus que le module des commentaires marginaux du Callimaque, les modules infimes du manuscrit d’Aristote comme du codex Mani nous mettent peut-être sur la voie du type d’écriture utilisé pour la copie des œuvres immenses d’un Proclus, d’un Damascius ou d’un Simplicius. On peut imaginer que les livres de l’école néoplatonicienne prenaient volontiers la forme des codices de grand format déjà évoqués, et dont l’usage est attesté pour des textes profanes ou classiques. S’ils contenaient un texte des auctoritates, de vastes marges pouvaient accueillir des commentaires de l’école (c’est le cas des commentaires de Proclus sur Hésiode et sur Orphée). S’ils contenaient une œuvre exégétique « moderne » (de Proclus ou de Simplicius), la pratique d’écritures de petit module ne pouvait-elle permettre de maintenir dans des limites spatiales maniables des textes correspondant à des centaines de pages dans les éditions modernes ? Mais ce n’est là, bien sûr, qu’une suggestion, ou plutôt une ultime question. [conclusion p. 630-632]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/csXi7Zihz5LcEep

{"_index":"sire","_id":"711","_score":null,"_source":{"id":711,"authors_free":[{"id":1060,"entry_id":711,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1061,"entry_id":711,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":195,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Prato, Giancarlo","free_first_name":"Giancarlo","free_last_name":"Prato","norm_person":{"id":195,"first_name":"Giancarlo","last_name":"Prato","full_name":"Prato, Giancarlo","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/143872176","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Biblioth\u00e8ques et formes du livre a la fin de l\u2019antiquit\u00e9. Le t\u00e9moignage de la litt\u00e9rature n\u00e9oplatonicienne des Ve et VIe si\u00e8cles","main_title":{"title":"Biblioth\u00e8ques et formes du livre a la fin de l\u2019antiquit\u00e9. Le t\u00e9moignage de la litt\u00e9rature n\u00e9oplatonicienne des Ve et VIe si\u00e8cles"},"abstract":"Quels sont donc les maigres r\u00e9sultats de notre enqu\u00eate ? On d\u00e9duit d\u2019un cursus d\u2019\u00e9tudes tardo-antique des Ve et VIe si\u00e8cles la n\u00e9cessaire existence de riches biblioth\u00e8ques dont l\u2019histoire ult\u00e9rieure n\u2019est qu\u2019un tissu d\u2019hypoth\u00e8ses ou de questions n\u00e9cessaires, et le chemin est long jusqu\u2019\u00e0 la copie des volumes platoniciens de la Collection philosophique au IXe si\u00e8cle. Les livres utilis\u00e9s, conserv\u00e9s ou r\u00e9alis\u00e9s dans ces milieux n\u00e9oplatoniciens devaient probablement \u2013 pour les \u0153uvres les plus prolixes du moins \u2013 \u00eatre de ces codices de grand format, et aux vastes marges, \u00e9voqu\u00e9s par Monsieur Crisci pour une p\u00e9riode il est vrai post\u00e9rieure de plusieurs d\u00e9cennies.\r\n\r\nOn a pu mettre en relation le chapitre 27 de la Vie de Proclus avec le c\u00e9l\u00e8bre codex de papyrus de Callimaque (P.Oxy. XX 2258), \u00e9crit en majuscule alexandrine. Ce codex, d\u00e9crit en 1959 par Jean Irigoin et en 1971 par sir Eric Turner, est de dimensions stup\u00e9fiantes. Il est dat\u00e9 en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral du VIe ou du VIIe si\u00e8cle, et Turner, apr\u00e8s Edgar Lobel, le situe plut\u00f4t vers 500 ou 600 que vers 700. C\u2019est le meilleur exemple connu, pour cette \u00e9poque, d\u2019un type de mise en pages comportant un texte et son commentaire. (On lui ajoutera \u2013 me sugg\u00e8re Jean Irigoin \u2013 l\u2019exemple des citations marginales de Galien et de Crat\u00e9vas lisibles dans le Dioscoride de Vienne, et qui nous instruisent sur le processus de formation d\u2019une cha\u00eene, un autre exemple post\u00e9rieur \u00e9tant le Venetus A de l\u2019Iliade, Marc. gr. 454).\r\n\r\nLa mise en pages attest\u00e9e dans le Callimaque se retrouvera, peu apr\u00e8s 900, dans le Vat. Urb. gr. 35 (Organon d\u2019Aristote), dont les marges comportent, pour l\u2019Isagog\u00e8 de Porphyre et le d\u00e9but des Cat\u00e9gories, une compilation de la litt\u00e9rature ex\u00e9g\u00e9tique alexandrine et ath\u00e9nienne (on y trouve du Simplicius), enrichie \u00e7\u00e0 et l\u00e0 de nouveaut\u00e9s post\u00e9rieures au VIe si\u00e8cle. Le module de l\u2019\u00e9criture adopt\u00e9 par Ar\u00e9thas pour transcrire les commentaires dans les marges de l\u2019Urb. gr. 35 permet de saisir une pratique de la micrographie, \u00e9galement illustr\u00e9e (et de mani\u00e8re extr\u00eame) dans un autre contexte et \u00e0 une tout autre \u00e9poque, par le codex Mani de Cologne. Plus que le module des commentaires marginaux du Callimaque, les modules infimes du manuscrit d\u2019Aristote comme du codex Mani nous mettent peut-\u00eatre sur la voie du type d\u2019\u00e9criture utilis\u00e9 pour la copie des \u0153uvres immenses d\u2019un Proclus, d\u2019un Damascius ou d\u2019un Simplicius.\r\n\r\nOn peut imaginer que les livres de l\u2019\u00e9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne prenaient volontiers la forme des codices de grand format d\u00e9j\u00e0 \u00e9voqu\u00e9s, et dont l\u2019usage est attest\u00e9 pour des textes profanes ou classiques. S\u2019ils contenaient un texte des auctoritates, de vastes marges pouvaient accueillir des commentaires de l\u2019\u00e9cole (c\u2019est le cas des commentaires de Proclus sur H\u00e9siode et sur Orph\u00e9e). S\u2019ils contenaient une \u0153uvre ex\u00e9g\u00e9tique \u00ab moderne \u00bb (de Proclus ou de Simplicius), la pratique d\u2019\u00e9critures de petit module ne pouvait-elle permettre de maintenir dans des limites spatiales maniables des textes correspondant \u00e0 des centaines de pages dans les \u00e9ditions modernes ? Mais ce n\u2019est l\u00e0, bien s\u00fbr, qu\u2019une suggestion, ou plut\u00f4t une ultime question. [conclusion p. 630-632]","btype":2,"date":"2000","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/csXi7Zihz5LcEep","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":195,"full_name":"Prato, Giancarlo","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":711,"section_of":158,"pages":"601-632","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":158,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"it","title":"I manoscritti greci tra riflessione e dibattito. Atti del V Colloquio Internazionale di Paleografia Greca (Cremona, 4-10 ottobre 1998), Tomo 2","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Prato2000","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2000","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2000","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kvRD4rywoYZSgSs","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":158,"pubplace":"Florence","publisher":"Gonnelli","series":"Papyrologica Florentina","volume":"31","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2000]}

L' «absurdum ἀκρόαμα» de Copernic, 2000
By: Hallyn, Fernand

Title	L' «absurdum ἀκρόαμα» de Copernic
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2000
Journal	Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance
Volume	62
Issue	1
Pages	7-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hallyn, Fernand
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Une présentation du De Revolutionibus en tant qu'« absurdum » est, en un sens, une présentation « silénique », si l'on pense à la signification symbolique qu'Érasme et d'autres donnaient aux célèbres Silènes d'Alcibiade : ces statuettes symbolisaient, selon les Adages, « un objet qui, en apparence – ou, comme on dit, de prime abord – semble vil et ridicule, mais qui est en réalité admirable quand on l'examine de plus près et plus profondément ». « Absurde » : telle pouvait, en effet, apparaître de prime abord une défense jugée obscure et vaine d'un système aussi contraire au sens commun que l'héliocentrisme ; mais elle devenait admirable et profonde si on en étudiait de près les intentions et les implications « acroamatiques ». Les sens du mot ἀκρόασις (acroasis) qui viennent d'être évoqués sont en grande partie des sens cachés, que seule la prise en compte de la nécessité d'une double lecture, ironique et sérieuse, fait apparaître. La signification du mot, réunissant l'apparence d'une qualification péjorative et la profondeur d'une définition appropriée, participe du secret qu'il désigne. Le cas illustre que, pour l'humaniste dans le savant, qui était aussi un lecteur, certains mots n'étaient pas des termes transparents, simples moyens de communication, mais des prismes pouvant réfracter des significations et des connotations variées. Et si Copernic prétend n'écrire que pour des mathématiciens, les composantes sémantiques de son langage supposent aussi que ces mathématiciens soient capables d'apprécier, dans le choix des mots, des significations et des valeurs qui rattachent l'entreprise scientifique à la culture de l'humanisme. [conclusion p. 24]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Qo7eOBq3Eph4Ku9

{"_index":"sire","_id":"741","_score":null,"_source":{"id":741,"authors_free":[{"id":1104,"entry_id":741,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":166,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hallyn, Fernand","free_first_name":"Fernand","free_last_name":"Hallyn","norm_person":{"id":166,"first_name":"Fernand","last_name":"Hallyn","full_name":"Hallyn, Fernand","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/142036323","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"L' \u00ababsurdum \u1f00\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03b1\u03bc\u03b1\u00bb de Copernic","main_title":{"title":"L' \u00ababsurdum \u1f00\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03b1\u03bc\u03b1\u00bb de Copernic"},"abstract":"Une pr\u00e9sentation du De Revolutionibus en tant qu'\u00ab absurdum \u00bb est, en un sens, une pr\u00e9sentation \u00ab sil\u00e9nique \u00bb, si l'on pense \u00e0 la signification symbolique qu'\u00c9rasme et d'autres donnaient aux c\u00e9l\u00e8bres Sil\u00e8nes d'Alcibiade : ces statuettes symbolisaient, selon les Adages, \u00ab un objet qui, en apparence \u2013 ou, comme on dit, de prime abord \u2013 semble vil et ridicule, mais qui est en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 admirable quand on l'examine de plus pr\u00e8s et plus profond\u00e9ment \u00bb.\r\n\r\n\u00ab Absurde \u00bb : telle pouvait, en effet, appara\u00eetre de prime abord une d\u00e9fense jug\u00e9e obscure et vaine d'un syst\u00e8me aussi contraire au sens commun que l'h\u00e9liocentrisme ; mais elle devenait admirable et profonde si on en \u00e9tudiait de pr\u00e8s les intentions et les implications \u00ab acroamatiques \u00bb. Les sens du mot \u1f00\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 (acroasis) qui viennent d'\u00eatre \u00e9voqu\u00e9s sont en grande partie des sens cach\u00e9s, que seule la prise en compte de la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 d'une double lecture, ironique et s\u00e9rieuse, fait appara\u00eetre.\r\n\r\nLa signification du mot, r\u00e9unissant l'apparence d'une qualification p\u00e9jorative et la profondeur d'une d\u00e9finition appropri\u00e9e, participe du secret qu'il d\u00e9signe. Le cas illustre que, pour l'humaniste dans le savant, qui \u00e9tait aussi un lecteur, certains mots n'\u00e9taient pas des termes transparents, simples moyens de communication, mais des prismes pouvant r\u00e9fracter des significations et des connotations vari\u00e9es.\r\n\r\nEt si Copernic pr\u00e9tend n'\u00e9crire que pour des math\u00e9maticiens, les composantes s\u00e9mantiques de son langage supposent aussi que ces math\u00e9maticiens soient capables d'appr\u00e9cier, dans le choix des mots, des significations et des valeurs qui rattachent l'entreprise scientifique \u00e0 la culture de l'humanisme. [conclusion p. 24]","btype":3,"date":"2000","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Qo7eOBq3Eph4Ku9","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":166,"full_name":"Hallyn, Fernand","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":741,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Biblioth\u00e8que d'Humanisme et Renaissance","volume":"62","issue":"1","pages":"7-24"}},"sort":[2000]}

Traces d’un commentaire de Simplicius sur la Métaphysique à Byzance?, 2000
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	Traces d’un commentaire de Simplicius sur la Métaphysique à Byzance?
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2000
Journal	Revue de sciences philosophiques et théologiques
Volume	84
Pages	275–284
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Concluons. Étant donné que : la mention de Simplicius dans le Parisinus graecus 1853 est unique, son argument contredit les théories aristotéliciennes, son argument contredit l’interprétation qu’en donne Simplicius, son argument contredit les théories de Damascius et de Jamblique, sa conclusion est renfermée dans une paraphrase connue de In Phys., nous sommes contraints de rejeter l’idée, pourtant assez séduisante, qu’il pouvait y avoir des traces d’un commentaire de Simplicius à la Métaphysique dans le monde byzantin. Les érudits savaient tout au plus que l’auteur du commentaire au De anima, qu’ils pensaient être Simplicius, en avait écrit un. [conclusion p. 284]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ckn1Q6xi6bdiKcz

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1060","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1060,"authors_free":[{"id":1609,"entry_id":1060,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Traces d\u2019un commentaire de Simplicius sur la M\u00e9taphysique \u00e0 Byzance?","main_title":{"title":"Traces d\u2019un commentaire de Simplicius sur la M\u00e9taphysique \u00e0 Byzance?"},"abstract":"Concluons. \u00c9tant donn\u00e9 que :\r\n\r\n la mention de Simplicius dans le Parisinus graecus 1853 est unique,\r\n son argument contredit les th\u00e9ories aristot\u00e9liciennes,\r\n son argument contredit l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation qu\u2019en donne Simplicius,\r\n son argument contredit les th\u00e9ories de Damascius et de Jamblique,\r\n sa conclusion est renferm\u00e9e dans une paraphrase connue de In Phys.,\r\n\r\nnous sommes contraints de rejeter l\u2019id\u00e9e, pourtant assez s\u00e9duisante, qu\u2019il pouvait y avoir des traces d\u2019un commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la M\u00e9taphysique dans le monde byzantin. Les \u00e9rudits savaient tout au plus que l\u2019auteur du commentaire au De anima, qu\u2019ils pensaient \u00eatre Simplicius, en avait \u00e9crit un. [conclusion p. 284]","btype":3,"date":"2000","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ckn1Q6xi6bdiKcz","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1060,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue de sciences philosophiques et th\u00e9ologiques","volume":"84","issue":"","pages":"275\u2013284"}},"sort":[2000]}

Iamblichus' Transformation of the Aristotelian “katharsis”, its Middle-Platonic Antecedents and Proclus' and Simplicius' Response to it, 2000
By: Lautner, Peter

Title	Iamblichus' Transformation of the Aristotelian “katharsis”, its Middle-Platonic Antecedents and Proclus' and Simplicius' Response to it
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2000
Journal	Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Volume	40
Pages	263–282
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lautner, Peter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle bequeathed his followers certain notions that were to be of great importance to posterity. Some of them were taken up and discussed at length in Hellenistic schools, but others escaped notice; katharsis belongs to the latter group. This is all the more surprising since the Stoics made considerable effort to demonstrate that passions (pathê) can be tamed by reason. The Stoic ideal of freedom from passions, which implies the conversion of each passion into eupatheia, may at first sight have some affinity with the interpretation of katharsis that focuses on the ethical importance of emotions for Aristotle. But a closer look at the peculiar character of the Stoics’ overall conception of the soul reveals that any similarity is but mere appearance. It is only among some of the later Neoplatonists that Aristotle’s concept regains the significance it once had. By that time, it gains a strong ethical emphasis. As far as our evidence allows us to say, the development started in the early imperial age. My aim is to follow the renascence of this notion in Iamblichus, its antecedents among the Platonists of the early empire, and the way Proclus and Simplicius reacted to Iamblichus’ attempt. I hope that Professor Ritook will consider this an appropriate subject with which to honor him. His latest contribution to explaining the problem of how desire and cognitive activities are interlocked in Aristotle’s concept of poetry will serve as an excellent point of reference for this investigation. We can now see that the discussion of how desires are involved in, and formed by, the watching of tragedies is intimately tied to the account of how understanding and the desire to understand contribute to katharsis. [introduction p. 263]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DphH8s3zrklDFAe

{"_index":"sire","_id":"879","_score":null,"_source":{"id":879,"authors_free":[{"id":1290,"entry_id":879,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":236,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Lautner, Peter","free_first_name":"Peter","free_last_name":"Lautner","norm_person":{"id":236,"first_name":"Peter","last_name":"Lautner","full_name":"Lautner, Peter","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1157740766","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Iamblichus' Transformation of the Aristotelian \u201ckatharsis\u201d, its Middle-Platonic Antecedents and Proclus' and Simplicius' Response to it","main_title":{"title":"Iamblichus' Transformation of the Aristotelian \u201ckatharsis\u201d, its Middle-Platonic Antecedents and Proclus' and Simplicius' Response to it"},"abstract":"Aristotle bequeathed his followers certain notions that were to be of great importance to posterity. Some of them were taken up and discussed at length in Hellenistic schools, but others escaped notice; katharsis belongs to the latter group. This is all the more surprising since the Stoics made considerable effort to demonstrate that passions (path\u00ea) can be tamed by reason. The Stoic ideal of freedom from passions, which implies the conversion of each passion into eupatheia, may at first sight have some affinity with the interpretation of katharsis that focuses on the ethical importance of emotions for Aristotle.\r\n\r\nBut a closer look at the peculiar character of the Stoics\u2019 overall conception of the soul reveals that any similarity is but mere appearance. It is only among some of the later Neoplatonists that Aristotle\u2019s concept regains the significance it once had. By that time, it gains a strong ethical emphasis. As far as our evidence allows us to say, the development started in the early imperial age.\r\n\r\nMy aim is to follow the renascence of this notion in Iamblichus, its antecedents among the Platonists of the early empire, and the way Proclus and Simplicius reacted to Iamblichus\u2019 attempt. I hope that Professor Ritook will consider this an appropriate subject with which to honor him. His latest contribution to explaining the problem of how desire and cognitive activities are interlocked in Aristotle\u2019s concept of poetry will serve as an excellent point of reference for this investigation.\r\n\r\nWe can now see that the discussion of how desires are involved in, and formed by, the watching of tragedies is intimately tied to the account of how understanding and the desire to understand contribute to katharsis. [introduction p. 263]","btype":3,"date":"2000","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DphH8s3zrklDFAe","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":236,"full_name":"Lautner, Peter","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":879,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae","volume":"40","issue":"","pages":"263\u2013282"}},"sort":[2000]}

ΕΝΝΟHΜΑΤΙΚΟΣ und ΟΥΣΙΩΔΗΣ ΛΟΓΟΣ als exegetisches Begriffspaar, 2000
By: Kotzia-Panteli, Paraskeve

Title	ΕΝΝΟHΜΑΤΙΚΟΣ und ΟΥΣΙΩΔΗΣ ΛΟΓΟΣ als exegetisches Begriffspaar
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2000
Journal	Philologus
Volume	144
Issue	1
Pages	45-61
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kotzia-Panteli, Paraskeve
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ziel der vorliegenden Untersuchung ist es, ausgehend von zwei Texten, der Herkunft und Funktion des Begriffspaares "ennoésmatikos" und "ousiódés logos" nachzugehen, das gebraucht wird, um zwei grundsätzliche Definitionsarten zu charakterisieren [authors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H34bvyQPUF08vgR

{"_index":"sire","_id":"886","_score":null,"_source":{"id":886,"authors_free":[{"id":1305,"entry_id":886,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":218,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kotzia-Panteli, Paraskeve","free_first_name":"Paraskeve","free_last_name":"Kotzia-Panteli","norm_person":{"id":218,"first_name":"Paraskeve","last_name":"Kotzia-Panteli","full_name":"Kotzia-Panteli, Paraskeve ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1171363621","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"\u0395\u039d\u039d\u039fH\u039c\u0391\u03a4\u0399\u039a\u039f\u03a3 und \u039f\u03a5\u03a3\u0399\u03a9\u0394\u0397\u03a3 \u039b\u039f\u0393\u039f\u03a3 als exegetisches Begriffspaar","main_title":{"title":"\u0395\u039d\u039d\u039fH\u039c\u0391\u03a4\u0399\u039a\u039f\u03a3 und \u039f\u03a5\u03a3\u0399\u03a9\u0394\u0397\u03a3 \u039b\u039f\u0393\u039f\u03a3 als exegetisches Begriffspaar"},"abstract":"Ziel der vorliegenden Untersuchung ist es, ausgehend von zwei Texten, der Herkunft und Funktion des Begriffspaares \"enno\u00e9smatikos\" und \"ousi\u00f3d\u00e9s logos\" nachzugehen, das gebraucht wird, um zwei grunds\u00e4tzliche Definitionsarten zu charakterisieren [authors abstract]","btype":3,"date":"2000","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/H34bvyQPUF08vgR","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":218,"full_name":"Kotzia-Panteli, Paraskeve ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":886,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Philologus","volume":"144","issue":"1","pages":"45-61"}},"sort":[2000]}

Le commentaire entre tradition et innovation. Actes du colloque international de l'institute des traditions textuelles, Paris et Villejuif, 22-25 septembre 1999, 2000
By: Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile (Ed.)

Title	Le commentaire entre tradition et innovation. Actes du colloque international de l'institute des traditions textuelles, Paris et Villejuif, 22-25 septembre 1999
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2000
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Bibliothèque d’histoire de la philosophie
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile
Translator(s)

Une bonne partie de la litterature universelle est une litterature de commentaire. Cette constatation s'applique particulierement a la litterature antique et medievale, fortement ancree dans la tradition grace aux institutions scolaires. Situes en fait au croisement de la tradition et de l'innovation, les textes exegetiques s'attachent d'abod a comprendre et a expliquer la pensee des maitres qui font autorite, mais souvent ils essaient aussi de la depasser, si bien que la demarche du commentaire peut aller de l'exegese la plus litterale a l'interpretation la plus allegorisante, de l'explication la plus traditionnelle au commentaire le plus neuf. L'objectif de ce recueil est de cerner sous tous ses aspects, dans toutes ses composantes et toutes ses problematiques, la realite du commentaire depuis sa fabrication materielle jusqu'a l'elabotration de ses contenus speculatifs, dans des aires culturelles multiples: mondes grec, latin, hebraique, arabe indien et a des epoques differentes: hellenistique, Empire romain, Moyen Age et Renaissance. [editors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RdY8RrIpT0hwHi3

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Matrices of Genre: Authors, Canons, and Society, 2000
By: Depew, Mary (Ed.), Obbink, Dirk (Ed.)

Title	Matrices of Genre: Authors, Canons, and Society
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2000
Publication Place	Cambridge (Mass.)
Publisher	Harvard University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Depew, Mary , Obbink, Dirk
Translator(s)

The literary genres given shape by the writers of classical antiquity are central to our own thinking about the various forms literature takes. Examining those genres, the essays collected here focus on the concept and role of the author and the emergence of authorship out of performance in Greece and Rome. In a fruitful variety of ways the contributors to this volume address the questions: what generic rules were recognized and observed by the Greeks and Romans over the centuries; what competing schemes were there for classifying genres and accounting for literary change; and what role did authors play in maintaining and developing generic contexts? Their essays look at tragedy, epigram, hymns, rhapsodic poetry, history, comedy, bucolic poetry, prophecy, Augustan poetry, commentaries, didactic poetry, and works that "mix genres." The contributors bring to this analysis a wide range of expertise; they are, in addition to the editors, Glenn W. Most, Joseph Day, Ian Rutherford, Deborah Boedeker, Eric Csapo, Marco Fantuzzi, Stephanie West, Alessandro Barchiesi, Ineke Sluiter, Don Fowler, and Stephen Hinds. The essays are drawn from a colloquium at Harvard's Center for Hellenic Studies. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yqvzvd62JmM5MpJ

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Proclus et la théologie platonicienne. Actes du colloque international de Louvain (13 -16 mai 1998). En l'honneur de H.D. Saffrey et L.G. Westerink, 2000
By: Segonds, A. Ph. (Ed.), Steel, Carlos (Ed.), Luna, Concetta (Coll.) (Ed.), Mettraux, A. F. (Coll.) (Ed.)

Title	Proclus et la théologie platonicienne. Actes du colloque international de Louvain (13 -16 mai 1998). En l'honneur de H.D. Saffrey et L.G. Westerink
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2000
Publication Place	Leuven - Paris
Publisher	Leuven University Press - Paris Les Belles Lettres
Series	Ancient and medieval philosophy, Series 1
Volume	26
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Segonds, A. Ph. , Steel, Carlos , Luna, Concetta (Coll.) , Mettraux, A. F. (Coll.)
Translator(s)

In his Platonic Theology, Proclus offers a systematic exposition of the theology of Plato. Integrating within the ‘scienti-fic’ framework of the Parmenides all the theological doctrines which are scattered throughout the Plato’s dialogues, Proclus develops the Platonic doctrines on the One, the gods and the hierarchical procession of reality. The present volume, which celebrates the completion of the critical edition of Proclus’ Platonic Theology by H.-D. Saffrey and L.G. Westerink (+), contains thirty-one contributions by leading scholars in the field of Neoplatonic studies. They present their views on the organisation and principles of Proclus’ theology, on the hermeneutics of Platonic dialogues, on the antecedents of this theological synthesis, and on its posterity, from Proclus’ immediate successors through the Byzantine, Arabic and Latin Middle Ages. This monumental volume, which is the result of three decades of dedicated scholarly research on the philosophy of Proclus, will stand for many years as an indispensable guide for all those interested in Neoplatonic studies. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/SbKzMkxqkUtsN6U

{"_index":"sire","_id":"369","_score":null,"_source":{"id":369,"authors_free":[{"id":486,"entry_id":369,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":196,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Segonds, A. Ph.","free_first_name":"A. Ph.","free_last_name":"Segonds","norm_person":{"id":196,"first_name":"A. Ph. ","last_name":"Segonds","full_name":"Segonds, A. Ph.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031742743","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2040,"entry_id":369,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2393,"entry_id":369,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":458,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Luna, Concetta (Coll.)","free_first_name":"Concetta","free_last_name":"Luna","norm_person":{"id":458,"first_name":"Concetta","last_name":"Luna","full_name":"Luna, Concetta","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1153489031","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2394,"entry_id":369,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":461,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Mettraux, A. F. (Coll.)","free_first_name":"A. F.","free_last_name":"Mettraux","norm_person":{"id":461,"first_name":"A. F.","last_name":"Mettraux","full_name":"Mettraux, A. F. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Proclus et la th\u00e9ologie platonicienne. Actes du colloque international de Louvain (13 -16 mai 1998). En l'honneur de H.D. Saffrey et L.G. Westerink","main_title":{"title":"Proclus et la th\u00e9ologie platonicienne. Actes du colloque international de Louvain (13 -16 mai 1998). En l'honneur de H.D. Saffrey et L.G. Westerink"},"abstract":"In his Platonic Theology, Proclus offers a systematic exposition of the theology of Plato. Integrating within the \u2018scienti-fic\u2019 framework of the Parmenides all the theological doctrines which are scattered throughout the Plato\u2019s dialogues, Proclus develops the Platonic doctrines on the One, the gods and the hierarchical procession of reality.\r\n\r\nThe present volume, which celebrates the completion of the critical edition of Proclus\u2019 Platonic Theology by H.-D. Saffrey and L.G. Westerink (+), contains thirty-one contributions by leading scholars in the field of Neoplatonic studies. They present their views on the organisation and principles of Proclus\u2019 theology, on the hermeneutics of Platonic dialogues, on the antecedents of this theological synthesis, and on its posterity, from Proclus\u2019 immediate successors through the Byzantine, Arabic and Latin Middle Ages.\r\n\r\nThis monumental volume, which is the result of three decades of dedicated scholarly research on the philosophy of Proclus, will stand for many years as an indispensable guide for all those interested in Neoplatonic studies. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"2000","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/SbKzMkxqkUtsN6U","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":196,"full_name":"Segonds, A. Ph.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":458,"full_name":"Luna, Concetta","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":461,"full_name":"Mettraux, A. F. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":369,"pubplace":"Leuven - Paris","publisher":"Leuven University Press - Paris Les Belles Lettres","series":"Ancient and medieval philosophy, Series 1","volume":"26","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2000]}

The Dialectics of Genre: Some Aspects of Secondary Literature and Genre in Antiquity, 2000
By: Sluiter, Ineke, Depew, Mary (Ed.), Obbink, Dirk (Ed.)

Title	The Dialectics of Genre: Some Aspects of Secondary Literature and Genre in Antiquity
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2000
Published in	Matrices of Genre: Authors, Canons, and Society
Pages	183-203
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sluiter, Ineke
Editor(s)	Depew, Mary , Obbink, Dirk
Translator(s)

In ancient eidography (explicit descriptions of “genre”), “secondary literature” was rarely regarded as a full-blown genre (εἶδος) (see the fourth major section, earlier). However, it is perfectly possible for the modern researcher to identify the parameters that define the particular niche of the ancient commentator (second section, earlier). Every commentary must assume both the basic value of the source-texts and an element of inadequacy in them, which the commentator must redress. The commentator is duty-bound to give an optimal representation of his source-text, but at the same time, he cannot give up his critical judgment. The commentator has a dual professional affiliation, as a doctor, philosopher, or astronomer, etc., and as a “grammarian,” an interpreter of someone else’s work. Since the latter qualification is less impressive socially, the commentator will be at pains to downplay that part of his work. Finally, the activities of commentators presuppose the unchangeable nature of the source-text, but their own work is located in the environment of the classroom, with emphasis on the oral, almost improvised transmission of ever-accumulating knowledge. Ancient commentators themselves are familiar with generic distinctions and apply the notion of genre, borrowed from philology, to their work on the source-texts (third section, earlier). They are also aware of the fact that they themselves are engaged in a type of work with distinctive objectives and tasks. They are eager to stress that fact, and they reflect on their position—even though they do not call their own work a separate “genre” (fifth section, earlier). There is a risk of reducing the term “genre” to virtual meaninglessness if every subdivision made in ancient texts is described as the recognition of a new genre. Ancient commentators are fond of drawing all kinds of distinctions, both in ordering the corpora they are working on and in identifying the special nature of their own achievement compared with that of their predecessors. The prefatory passages dealt with in the fifth section earlier undoubtedly exemplify the rhetoric of self-legitimation, and they are indicative of the reflection of the commentators on the nature of their activities. However, it is possible to engage in that rhetoric and in self-reflection without conceptualizing it in terms of genre. [conclusion 202–203]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6IXo92il3CT8q6x

{"_index":"sire","_id":"394","_score":null,"_source":{"id":394,"authors_free":[{"id":518,"entry_id":394,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":317,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sluiter, Ineke","free_first_name":"Ineke","free_last_name":"Sluiter","norm_person":{"id":317,"first_name":"Ineke","last_name":"Sluiter","full_name":"Sluiter, Ineke","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132967278","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":519,"entry_id":394,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":59,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Depew, Mary","free_first_name":"Mary","free_last_name":"Depew","norm_person":{"id":59,"first_name":" Mary","last_name":"Depew","full_name":"Depew, Mary","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/174040806","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":520,"entry_id":394,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":318,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Obbink, Dirk","free_first_name":"Dirk","free_last_name":"Obbink","norm_person":{"id":318,"first_name":"Dirk","last_name":"Obbink","full_name":"Obbink, Dirk","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132550458","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Dialectics of Genre: Some Aspects of Secondary Literature and Genre in Antiquity","main_title":{"title":"The Dialectics of Genre: Some Aspects of Secondary Literature and Genre in Antiquity"},"abstract":"In ancient eidography (explicit descriptions of \u201cgenre\u201d), \u201csecondary literature\u201d was rarely regarded as a full-blown genre (\u03b5\u1f36\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2) (see the fourth major section, earlier). However, it is perfectly possible for the modern researcher to identify the parameters that define the particular niche of the ancient commentator (second section, earlier). Every commentary must assume both the basic value of the source-texts and an element of inadequacy in them, which the commentator must redress. The commentator is duty-bound to give an optimal representation of his source-text, but at the same time, he cannot give up his critical judgment.\r\n\r\nThe commentator has a dual professional affiliation, as a doctor, philosopher, or astronomer, etc., and as a \u201cgrammarian,\u201d an interpreter of someone else\u2019s work. Since the latter qualification is less impressive socially, the commentator will be at pains to downplay that part of his work. Finally, the activities of commentators presuppose the unchangeable nature of the source-text, but their own work is located in the environment of the classroom, with emphasis on the oral, almost improvised transmission of ever-accumulating knowledge.\r\n\r\nAncient commentators themselves are familiar with generic distinctions and apply the notion of genre, borrowed from philology, to their work on the source-texts (third section, earlier). They are also aware of the fact that they themselves are engaged in a type of work with distinctive objectives and tasks. They are eager to stress that fact, and they reflect on their position\u2014even though they do not call their own work a separate \u201cgenre\u201d (fifth section, earlier).\r\n\r\nThere is a risk of reducing the term \u201cgenre\u201d to virtual meaninglessness if every subdivision made in ancient texts is described as the recognition of a new genre. Ancient commentators are fond of drawing all kinds of distinctions, both in ordering the corpora they are working on and in identifying the special nature of their own achievement compared with that of their predecessors. The prefatory passages dealt with in the fifth section earlier undoubtedly exemplify the rhetoric of self-legitimation, and they are indicative of the reflection of the commentators on the nature of their activities.\r\n\r\nHowever, it is possible to engage in that rhetoric and in self-reflection without conceptualizing it in terms of genre. [conclusion 202\u2013203]","btype":2,"date":"2000","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6IXo92il3CT8q6x","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":317,"full_name":"Sluiter, Ineke","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":59,"full_name":"Depew, Mary","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":318,"full_name":"Obbink, Dirk","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":394,"section_of":319,"pages":"183-203","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":319,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Matrices of Genre: Authors, Canons, and Society","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Depew\/Obbink2000","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2000","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2000","abstract":"The literary genres given shape by the writers of classical antiquity are central to our own thinking about the various forms literature takes. Examining those genres, the essays collected here focus on the concept and role of the author and the emergence of authorship out of performance in Greece and Rome.\r\n\r\nIn a fruitful variety of ways the contributors to this volume address the questions: what generic rules were recognized and observed by the Greeks and Romans over the centuries; what competing schemes were there for classifying genres and accounting for literary change; and what role did authors play in maintaining and developing generic contexts? Their essays look at tragedy, epigram, hymns, rhapsodic poetry, history, comedy, bucolic poetry, prophecy, Augustan poetry, commentaries, didactic poetry, and works that \"mix genres.\"\r\n\r\nThe contributors bring to this analysis a wide range of expertise; they are, in addition to the editors, Glenn W. Most, Joseph Day, Ian Rutherford, Deborah Boedeker, Eric Csapo, Marco Fantuzzi, Stephanie West, Alessandro Barchiesi, Ineke Sluiter, Don Fowler, and Stephen Hinds. The essays are drawn from a colloquium at Harvard's Center for Hellenic Studies. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yqvzvd62JmM5MpJ","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":319,"pubplace":"Cambridge (Mass.)","publisher":"Harvard University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[2000]}

Rummaging in the Recycling Bins of Upper Egypt. A Discussion of A. Martin and O. Primavesi, L’Empédocle de Strasbourg, 2000
By: Osborne, Catherine

Title	Rummaging in the Recycling Bins of Upper Egypt. A Discussion of A. Martin and O. Primavesi, L’Empédocle de Strasbourg
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2000
Journal	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Volume	18
Pages	320-356
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Osborne, Catherine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Few interested parties in the scholarly world of ancient philosophy will, by this stage, be unaware of the story behind Alain Martin and Oliver Primavesi’s publication. It has been hot news, and the publication eagerly awaited, ever since the announcement in 1994 that a papyrus on which Alain Martin was working, under the auspices of the Bibliothèque Nationale and University of Strasburg, had been identified as containing verses of Empedocles, some of them almost certainly previously unknown. Nevertheless—-since there seems no better opening for a reflection on the significance of this discovery and on the value of its elegant publication—1 propose to begin by summarizing what I take to be most important among the undisputed facts before proceeding to ask how they affect our understanding of Empedocles and of what we are doing with texts when we study the Presocratics. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QrDNAw4eAA3LZ35

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I manoscritti greci tra riflessione e dibattito. Atti del V Colloquio Internazionale di Paleografia Greca (Cremona, 4-10 ottobre 1998), Tomo 2, 2000
By: Prato, Giancarlo (Ed.)

Title	I manoscritti greci tra riflessione e dibattito. Atti del V Colloquio Internazionale di Paleografia Greca (Cremona, 4-10 ottobre 1998), Tomo 2
Type	Edited Book
Language	Italian
Date	2000
Publication Place	Florence
Publisher	Gonnelli
Series	Papyrologica Florentina
Volume	31
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Prato, Giancarlo
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kvRD4rywoYZSgSs

{"_index":"sire","_id":"158","_score":null,"_source":{"id":158,"authors_free":[{"id":203,"entry_id":158,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":195,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Prato, Giancarlo","free_first_name":"Giancarlo","free_last_name":"Prato","norm_person":{"id":195,"first_name":"Giancarlo","last_name":"Prato","full_name":"Prato, Giancarlo","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/143872176","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"I manoscritti greci tra riflessione e dibattito. Atti del V Colloquio Internazionale di Paleografia Greca (Cremona, 4-10 ottobre 1998), Tomo 2","main_title":{"title":"I manoscritti greci tra riflessione e dibattito. Atti del V Colloquio Internazionale di Paleografia Greca (Cremona, 4-10 ottobre 1998), Tomo 2"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"2000","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kvRD4rywoYZSgSs","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":195,"full_name":"Prato, Giancarlo","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":158,"pubplace":"Florence","publisher":"Gonnelli","series":"Papyrologica Florentina","volume":"31","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2000]}

Simplicius: On Aristotle ‘On the Soul 3.1–5’, 2000
By: Simplicius , Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius: On Aristotle ‘On the Soul 3.1–5’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2000
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Translator(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. (Blumenthal, Henry J.) ,

In On the Soul 3.1-5, Aristotle goes beyond the five sense to the general functions of sense perception, the imagination and the so-called active intellect, the of which was still a matter of controversy in the time of Thomas Aquinas. In his commentary on Aristotle's text, 'Simplicius' insists that the intellect in question is not something transcendental but the human rational soul. He denies both Plotinus' view that a part of the soul has never descended from uninterrupted contemplation of the Platonic Forms, and Proclus' view that the soul cannot be changed in its substance through embodiment. He also denies that imagination sees things as true or false, which requires awareness of one's own cognitions. He thinks that imagination works by projecting imprints. In the case of mathematics, it can make the imprints more like shapes taken on during sense perception or more like concepts, which calls for lines without breadth. He acknowledges that Aristotle would not agree to reify these concepts as substances, but thinks of mathematical entities as mere abstractions. Addressing the vexed question of authorship, H. J. Blumenthal concludes that the commentary was written neither by Simplicius nor Priscian. In a novel interpretation, he suggests that if Priscian had any hand in this commentary, it might have been as editor of notes from Simplicius' lectures. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3B0pZxic5793Qw5

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Les enjeux de la reformulation syllogistique chez les commentateurs grecs du De caelo d’Aristote, 2000
By: Dalimier, Catherine, Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile (Ed.)

Title	Les enjeux de la reformulation syllogistique chez les commentateurs grecs du De caelo d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2000
Published in	Le commentaire entre tradition et innovation. Actes du colloque international de l'institute des traditions textuelles, Paris et Villejuif, 22-25 septembre 1999
Pages	377-386
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dalimier, Catherine
Editor(s)	Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile
Translator(s)

Cette étude vise à souligner – si nous n’en étions pas encore persuadés – toute la partialité de commentateurs qui se présentent pourtant comme les dépositaires soigneux d’une tradition. Elle s’applique aux pages apparemment les plus neutres du long Commentaire de Simplicius au Traité sur le ciel d’Aristote, qui utilise et discute de nombreux commentaires grecs antérieurs. Il saute aux yeux que certains développements polémiques de ces commentateurs sont théologiquement motivés, par exemple leurs développements sur l’existence du cinquième élément et ceux qui concernent l’origine de l’univers ; mais, d’une façon plus radicale, leurs enjeux et leur stratégie m’apparaissent au niveau le plus plat de leur discours, dans les pages apparemment impersonnelles où ils reformulent les raisonnements élaborés par Aristote. Cette reformulation syllogistique (RS), suivant les préceptes donnés dans les ouvrages logiques d’Aristote, fait passer des raisonnements exprimés en langage naturel dans un langage et une disposition canoniques qui mettent en valeur les prémisses explicites ou implicites et isolent la conclusion ; le tout est articulé par des conjonctions et des formules modales qui ne sont pas toujours identiques à celles d’Aristote, ni même présentes dans son texte. Dans le Commentaire au Traité sur le ciel, le caractère répétitif, fastidieux même de ces reformulations, accentué par la structure en abîme de ce traité particulier, la reprise de thèses d’un livre à l’autre, et la circularité de certains raisonnements, peut tromper le lecteur. Gardons-nous pourtant de n’y voir qu’une démonstration scolaire de virtuosité technique. Modifications et ajouts sont beaucoup plus que des effets de variatio à valeur didactique : ils nous confirment les présupposés théologiques et épistémiques du commentateur, présupposés particulièrement importants, s’agissant de la science difficile à classer qu’était l’astronomie dans l’Antiquité. [introduction p. 377-378]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cQxTAlCRsoikXrH

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1288","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1288,"authors_free":[{"id":1877,"entry_id":1288,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":61,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dalimier, Catherine","free_first_name":"Catherine","free_last_name":"Dalimier","norm_person":{"id":61,"first_name":"Catherine","last_name":"Dalimier","full_name":"Dalimier, Catherine","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2337,"entry_id":1288,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":100,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Goulet- Caz\u00e9, Marie-Odile","free_first_name":"Marie-Odile ","free_last_name":"Goulet-Caz\u00e9","norm_person":{"id":100,"first_name":"Marie-Odile ","last_name":"Goulet-Caz\u00e9","full_name":"Goulet-Caz\u00e9, Marie-Odile ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124602924","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les enjeux de la reformulation syllogistique chez les commentateurs grecs du De caelo d\u2019Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Les enjeux de la reformulation syllogistique chez les commentateurs grecs du De caelo d\u2019Aristote"},"abstract":"Cette \u00e9tude vise \u00e0 souligner \u2013 si nous n\u2019en \u00e9tions pas encore persuad\u00e9s \u2013 toute la partialit\u00e9 de commentateurs qui se pr\u00e9sentent pourtant comme les d\u00e9positaires soigneux d\u2019une tradition. Elle s\u2019applique aux pages apparemment les plus neutres du long Commentaire de Simplicius au Trait\u00e9 sur le ciel d\u2019Aristote, qui utilise et discute de nombreux commentaires grecs ant\u00e9rieurs. Il saute aux yeux que certains d\u00e9veloppements pol\u00e9miques de ces commentateurs sont th\u00e9ologiquement motiv\u00e9s, par exemple leurs d\u00e9veloppements sur l\u2019existence du cinqui\u00e8me \u00e9l\u00e9ment et ceux qui concernent l\u2019origine de l\u2019univers ; mais, d\u2019une fa\u00e7on plus radicale, leurs enjeux et leur strat\u00e9gie m\u2019apparaissent au niveau le plus plat de leur discours, dans les pages apparemment impersonnelles o\u00f9 ils reformulent les raisonnements \u00e9labor\u00e9s par Aristote.\r\n\r\nCette reformulation syllogistique (RS), suivant les pr\u00e9ceptes donn\u00e9s dans les ouvrages logiques d\u2019Aristote, fait passer des raisonnements exprim\u00e9s en langage naturel dans un langage et une disposition canoniques qui mettent en valeur les pr\u00e9misses explicites ou implicites et isolent la conclusion ; le tout est articul\u00e9 par des conjonctions et des formules modales qui ne sont pas toujours identiques \u00e0 celles d\u2019Aristote, ni m\u00eame pr\u00e9sentes dans son texte. Dans le Commentaire au Trait\u00e9 sur le ciel, le caract\u00e8re r\u00e9p\u00e9titif, fastidieux m\u00eame de ces reformulations, accentu\u00e9 par la structure en ab\u00eeme de ce trait\u00e9 particulier, la reprise de th\u00e8ses d\u2019un livre \u00e0 l\u2019autre, et la circularit\u00e9 de certains raisonnements, peut tromper le lecteur. Gardons-nous pourtant de n\u2019y voir qu\u2019une d\u00e9monstration scolaire de virtuosit\u00e9 technique. Modifications et ajouts sont beaucoup plus que des effets de variatio \u00e0 valeur didactique : ils nous confirment les pr\u00e9suppos\u00e9s th\u00e9ologiques et \u00e9pist\u00e9miques du commentateur, pr\u00e9suppos\u00e9s particuli\u00e8rement importants, s\u2019agissant de la science difficile \u00e0 classer qu\u2019\u00e9tait l\u2019astronomie dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9. [introduction p. 377-378]","btype":2,"date":"2000","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/cQxTAlCRsoikXrH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":61,"full_name":"Dalimier, Catherine","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":100,"full_name":"Goulet-Caz\u00e9, Marie-Odile ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1288,"section_of":269,"pages":"377-386","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":269,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Le commentaire entre tradition et innovation. Actes du colloque international de l'institute des traditions textuelles, Paris et Villejuif, 22-25 septembre 1999","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Goulet-Caz\u00e92000","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2000","edition_no":null,"free_date":"2000","abstract":"Une bonne partie de la litterature universelle est une litterature de commentaire. Cette constatation s'applique particulierement a la litterature antique et medievale, fortement ancree dans la tradition grace aux institutions scolaires. Situes en fait au croisement de la tradition et de l'innovation, les textes exegetiques s'attachent d'abod a comprendre et a expliquer la pensee des maitres qui font autorite, mais souvent ils essaient aussi de la depasser, si bien que la demarche du commentaire peut aller de l'exegese la plus litterale a l'interpretation la plus allegorisante, de l'explication la plus traditionnelle au commentaire le plus neuf. L'objectif de ce recueil est de cerner sous tous ses aspects, dans toutes ses composantes et toutes ses problematiques, la realite du commentaire depuis sa fabrication materielle jusqu'a l'elabotration de ses contenus speculatifs, dans des aires culturelles multiples: mondes grec, latin, hebraique, arabe indien et a des epoques differentes: hellenistique, Empire romain, Moyen Age et Renaissance. [editors abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RdY8RrIpT0hwHi3","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":269,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Biblioth\u00e8que d\u2019histoire de la philosophie","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":{"id":1288,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Oriens-Occidens","volume":"2","issue":"","pages":"77-94"}},"sort":[2000]}

La Communauté de l'être (Parménide, fragment B 5), 2000
By: Destrée, Pierre

Title	La Communauté de l'être (Parménide, fragment B 5)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2000
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	18
Issue	1
Pages	3-13
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Destrée, Pierre
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses different interpretations of the methodological significance of the fragment D.K. B 5 of Parmenides' poem, which states "It is indifferent to me where I begin, for I shall come back again to this point" (Trad. M. Conche). The main question is what the statement refers to and its place in the order of fragments. Two main trends of interpretation are identified, one proposing to place the fragment before D.K. B 8 and the other suggesting to read it either before or after D.K. B 2. The author argues that the circularity of Parmenides' philosophy is centered around the concept of being and the experience of the community of being. The world of Parmenides is a world of trust and confidence in being, where even absent things find a real presence and firm consistency. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/y9Q3j9lUXfO31vz

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Die Prinzipienlehre des Moderatos von Gades. Zu Simplikios in Ph. 230,34-231,24 Diels, 2000
By: Tornau, Christian

Title	Die Prinzipienlehre des Moderatos von Gades. Zu Simplikios in Ph. 230,34-231,24 Diels
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2000
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	143
Issue	2
Pages	197-220
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tornau, Christian
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Dieser Text untersucht Simplicius' Kommentar zum Doxographen Moderatos von Gades in seinem Kommentar zu Porphyrios' Werk "Über die Materie". Der doxographische Bericht besteht aus zwei Teilen, wobei der erste eine hierarchische Systematik von drei Entitäten präsentiert - dem transzendenten Einen, der Welt der erkennbaren Formen und dem Bereich der Seele - und der zweite die Herkunft der Materie gemäß einem metaphysischen Modell erläutert. Die Analyse dieser Doxographie verdeutlicht ihre Bedeutung für das Verständnis platonischer Einflüsse auf spätere Denker. E.R. Dodds und Matthias Baltes haben das Verhältnis zwischen Moderatos' Hierarchie und Platons Parmenides aufgedeckt und die Rolle des Logos in der Schöpfung der Wesen sowie die Verbindung der ycopa mit der Seele als "seelischer Raum" (psychischer Raum) identifiziert, der es der Seele ermöglicht, den Weltkörper zu umfassen. Obwohl Baltes überzeugende Interpretationen liefert, bleiben einige Fragen und Herausforderungen hinsichtlich der Identifizierung der "Seienden", der Beziehung zwischen dem Logos und den drei Entitäten, um sinnliche Objekte zu beschreiben. Trotz offener Fragen trägt der Text zu den laufenden Diskussionen über die neupythagoreische Interpretation des Platonismus und ihren Einfluss auf spätere philosophische Gedanken bei. Er betont die Bedeutung einer detaillierten und historisch fundierten Untersuchung der Doxographie, um die Komplexität und Implikationen von Moderatos' philosophischem System und dessen Verbindungen zu platonischen Lehren vollständig zu erfassen. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rTQ3u49mTZLsZxs

{"_index":"sire","_id":"460","_score":null,"_source":{"id":460,"authors_free":[{"id":617,"entry_id":460,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":341,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tornau, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Tornau","norm_person":{"id":341,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Tornau","full_name":"Tornau, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/120176394","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Prinzipienlehre des Moderatos von Gades. Zu Simplikios in Ph. 230,34-231,24 Diels","main_title":{"title":"Die Prinzipienlehre des Moderatos von Gades. Zu Simplikios in Ph. 230,34-231,24 Diels"},"abstract":"Dieser Text untersucht Simplicius' Kommentar zum Doxographen Moderatos von Gades in seinem Kommentar zu Porphyrios' Werk \"\u00dcber die Materie\". Der doxographische Bericht besteht aus zwei Teilen, wobei der erste eine hierarchische Systematik von drei Entit\u00e4ten pr\u00e4sentiert - dem transzendenten Einen, der Welt der erkennbaren Formen und dem Bereich der Seele - und der zweite die Herkunft der Materie gem\u00e4\u00df einem metaphysischen Modell erl\u00e4utert. Die Analyse dieser Doxographie verdeutlicht ihre Bedeutung f\u00fcr das Verst\u00e4ndnis platonischer Einfl\u00fcsse auf sp\u00e4tere Denker. E.R. Dodds und Matthias Baltes haben das Verh\u00e4ltnis zwischen Moderatos' Hierarchie und Platons Parmenides aufgedeckt und die Rolle des Logos in der Sch\u00f6pfung der Wesen sowie die Verbindung der ycopa mit der Seele als \"seelischer Raum\" (psychischer Raum) identifiziert, der es der Seele erm\u00f6glicht, den Weltk\u00f6rper zu umfassen. Obwohl Baltes \u00fcberzeugende Interpretationen liefert, bleiben einige Fragen und Herausforderungen hinsichtlich der Identifizierung der \"Seienden\", der Beziehung zwischen dem Logos und den drei Entit\u00e4ten, um sinnliche Objekte zu beschreiben. Trotz offener Fragen tr\u00e4gt der Text zu den laufenden Diskussionen \u00fcber die neupythagoreische Interpretation des Platonismus und ihren Einfluss auf sp\u00e4tere philosophische Gedanken bei. Er betont die Bedeutung einer detaillierten und historisch fundierten Untersuchung der Doxographie, um die Komplexit\u00e4t und Implikationen von Moderatos' philosophischem System und dessen Verbindungen zu platonischen Lehren vollst\u00e4ndig zu erfassen. [introduction]","btype":3,"date":"2000","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rTQ3u49mTZLsZxs","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":341,"full_name":"Tornau, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":460,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rheinisches Museum f\u00fcr Philologie","volume":"143","issue":"2","pages":"197-220"}},"sort":[2000]}

Review of: Ammonius, On Aristotle On Interpretation 1-8. Translated by David Blank. Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 2. Translated by Barrie Fleet. Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 5. Translated by J. O. Urmson, notes by Peter Lautner, 2000
By: Solère, Jean-Luc

Title	Review of: Ammonius, On Aristotle On Interpretation 1-8. Translated by David Blank. Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 2. Translated by Barrie Fleet. Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 5. Translated by J. O. Urmson, notes by Peter Lautner
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2000
Journal	Revue Philosophique de Louvain Année
Volume	98
Issue	2
Pages	358-359
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Solère, Jean-Luc
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

À la collection dirigée par R. Sorabji, sont venus s'ajouter les trois volumes ici signalés. Comme le remarque un des traducteurs, Simplicius n'est pas toujours plus clair qu'Aristote. Mais ces textes sont d'inépuisables mines d'information pour l'étude de la philosophie antique, et ces traductions accompagnées de notes sont de précieux instruments. On remarquera spécialement, dans le commentaire du livre II de la Physique, les discussions sur la différence entre nature et âme, sur l'intelligence des animaux ; dans le commentaire du livre V, celle sur le changement dans les catégories autres que substance, qualité, quantité et lieu. Quant à Ammonius, nous possédons nombre de reflets de son enseignement oral (apo phônês) dans les transcriptions effectuées par ses élèves des explications d'autres ouvrages d'Aristote, mais celle du Péri Hermeneias est le seul des commentaires du maître alexandrin, à nous parvenu, qui soit de sa propre main. Il n'a donc pas les caractères un peu mécaniques de la lecture scolaire (skholia), mais possède une élaboration littéraire plus poussée (celle qui convient aux hupomnêmata). Cependant, Ammonius, fils d'Hermeias, doit sans doute le fond de son interprétation à l'enseignement qu'il a reçu à Athènes de son propre professeur, Proclus, dont il aurait rédigé les leçons comme feront ses disciples pour les siennes. Cette transmission scolaire était aussi une affaire de famille, car la mère d'Ammonius, Aedesia, était une parente de Syrianus, le maître de Proclus et d'Hermeias. Cela n'empêche pas une distance critique, puisque les vues de Syrianus sur la négation indéterminée sont réfutées. Néanmoins, son commentaire est directement utile pour l'explication du chapitre 14, généralement omis parce que considéré comme inauthentique, au moins depuis Porphyre. Le commentaire de ce dernier, justement, a joué aussi un grand rôle dans l'exégèse des néoplatoniciens tardifs. Bien que perdu, des passages peuvent être reconstitués par recoupement avec le commentaire de Boèce, qui en dépend aussi. Étant donné que Porphyre citait non seulement des interprètes d'Aristote comme Alexandre d'Aphrodise, mais aussi des traités stoïciens, l'entreprise est d'importance pour l'histoire de la sémantique et de la logique. Le commentaire d'Ammonius est conduit du point de vue néoplatonicien, qui postule une harmonie entre les philosophies d'Aristote et de Platon. C'est ici aussi une gageure, puisque pour le Stagirite les noms sont imposés par convention, alors que d'après le Cratyle, le fondement de leur signification est naturel. Conformément aux règles de la collection, on trouve dans chaque volume des glossaires grec-anglais et anglais-grec, un index des passages cités et un index verborum. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CoYcyNe9f3pbpI7

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1478","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1478,"authors_free":[{"id":2559,"entry_id":1478,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":547,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sol\u00e8re, Jean-Luc","free_first_name":"Jean-Luc","free_last_name":"Sol\u00e8re","norm_person":{"id":547,"first_name":"Jean-Luc","last_name":"Sol\u00e8re","full_name":"Sol\u00e8re, Jean-Luc","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/103699290X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of: Ammonius, On Aristotle On Interpretation 1-8. Translated by David Blank. Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 2. Translated by Barrie Fleet. Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 5. Translated by J. O. Urmson, notes by Peter Lautner","main_title":{"title":"Review of: Ammonius, On Aristotle On Interpretation 1-8. Translated by David Blank. Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 2. Translated by Barrie Fleet. Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 5. Translated by J. O. Urmson, notes by Peter Lautner"},"abstract":"\u00c0 la collection dirig\u00e9e par R. Sorabji, sont venus s'ajouter les trois volumes ici signal\u00e9s. Comme le remarque un des traducteurs, Simplicius n'est pas toujours plus clair qu'Aristote. Mais ces textes sont d'in\u00e9puisables mines d'information pour l'\u00e9tude de la philosophie antique, et ces traductions accompagn\u00e9es de notes sont de pr\u00e9cieux instruments.\r\n\r\nOn remarquera sp\u00e9cialement, dans le commentaire du livre II de la Physique, les discussions sur la diff\u00e9rence entre nature et \u00e2me, sur l'intelligence des animaux ; dans le commentaire du livre V, celle sur le changement dans les cat\u00e9gories autres que substance, qualit\u00e9, quantit\u00e9 et lieu.\r\n\r\nQuant \u00e0 Ammonius, nous poss\u00e9dons nombre de reflets de son enseignement oral (apo ph\u00f4n\u00eas) dans les transcriptions effectu\u00e9es par ses \u00e9l\u00e8ves des explications d'autres ouvrages d'Aristote, mais celle du P\u00e9ri Hermeneias est le seul des commentaires du ma\u00eetre alexandrin, \u00e0 nous parvenu, qui soit de sa propre main. Il n'a donc pas les caract\u00e8res un peu m\u00e9caniques de la lecture scolaire (skholia), mais poss\u00e8de une \u00e9laboration litt\u00e9raire plus pouss\u00e9e (celle qui convient aux hupomn\u00eamata).\r\n\r\nCependant, Ammonius, fils d'Hermeias, doit sans doute le fond de son interpr\u00e9tation \u00e0 l'enseignement qu'il a re\u00e7u \u00e0 Ath\u00e8nes de son propre professeur, Proclus, dont il aurait r\u00e9dig\u00e9 les le\u00e7ons comme feront ses disciples pour les siennes. Cette transmission scolaire \u00e9tait aussi une affaire de famille, car la m\u00e8re d'Ammonius, Aedesia, \u00e9tait une parente de Syrianus, le ma\u00eetre de Proclus et d'Hermeias. Cela n'emp\u00eache pas une distance critique, puisque les vues de Syrianus sur la n\u00e9gation ind\u00e9termin\u00e9e sont r\u00e9fut\u00e9es.\r\n\r\nN\u00e9anmoins, son commentaire est directement utile pour l'explication du chapitre 14, g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement omis parce que consid\u00e9r\u00e9 comme inauthentique, au moins depuis Porphyre. Le commentaire de ce dernier, justement, a jou\u00e9 aussi un grand r\u00f4le dans l'ex\u00e9g\u00e8se des n\u00e9oplatoniciens tardifs. Bien que perdu, des passages peuvent \u00eatre reconstitu\u00e9s par recoupement avec le commentaire de Bo\u00e8ce, qui en d\u00e9pend aussi.\r\n\r\n\u00c9tant donn\u00e9 que Porphyre citait non seulement des interpr\u00e8tes d'Aristote comme Alexandre d'Aphrodise, mais aussi des trait\u00e9s sto\u00efciens, l'entreprise est d'importance pour l'histoire de la s\u00e9mantique et de la logique. Le commentaire d'Ammonius est conduit du point de vue n\u00e9oplatonicien, qui postule une harmonie entre les philosophies d'Aristote et de Platon. C'est ici aussi une gageure, puisque pour le Stagirite les noms sont impos\u00e9s par convention, alors que d'apr\u00e8s le Cratyle, le fondement de leur signification est naturel.\r\n\r\nConform\u00e9ment aux r\u00e8gles de la collection, on trouve dans chaque volume des glossaires grec-anglais et anglais-grec, un index des passages cit\u00e9s et un index verborum. [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"2000","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CoYcyNe9f3pbpI7","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":547,"full_name":"Sol\u00e8re, Jean-Luc","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1478,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue Philosophique de Louvain Ann\u00e9e","volume":"98","issue":"2","pages":"358-359"}},"sort":[2000]}

Études sur le commentaire de Porphyre sur les ‘Categories’ d’Aristote adressé à Gédalios (Ph.D. Dissertation, thèse inédite de la V Section de l’École pratique des Hautes Études, Paris) [with a French translation], 2000
By: Chase, Michael

Title	Études sur le commentaire de Porphyre sur les ‘Categories’ d’Aristote adressé à Gédalios (Ph.D. Dissertation, thèse inédite de la V Section de l’École pratique des Hautes Études, Paris) [with a French translation]
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2000
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	École pratique des Hautes Études
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Dg1PUx8VhlYjYuh

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1435","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1435,"authors_free":[{"id":2268,"entry_id":1435,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":25,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Chase, Michael ","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Chase","norm_person":{"id":25,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Chase","full_name":"Chase, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031917152","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"\u00c9tudes sur le commentaire de Porphyre sur les \u2018Categories\u2019 d\u2019Aristote adress\u00e9 \u00e0 G\u00e9dalios (Ph.D. Dissertation, th\u00e8se in\u00e9dite de la V Section de l\u2019\u00c9cole pratique des Hautes \u00c9tudes, Paris) [with a French translation]","main_title":{"title":"\u00c9tudes sur le commentaire de Porphyre sur les \u2018Categories\u2019 d\u2019Aristote adress\u00e9 \u00e0 G\u00e9dalios (Ph.D. Dissertation, th\u00e8se in\u00e9dite de la V Section de l\u2019\u00c9cole pratique des Hautes \u00c9tudes, Paris) [with a French translation]"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"2000","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Dg1PUx8VhlYjYuh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":25,"full_name":"Chase, Michael ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1435,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"\u00c9cole pratique des Hautes \u00c9tudes","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[2000]}

Mathematik und Phänomene. Eine Polemik über naturwissenschaftliche Methode bei Simplikios, 2000
By: Haas, Frans A. J. de

Title	Mathematik und Phänomene. Eine Polemik über naturwissenschaftliche Methode bei Simplikios
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2000
Journal	Antike Naturwissenschaft und ihre Rezeption
Volume	10
Pages	107–129
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Im Hinblick auf die grundlegende Verschiedenheit zwischen der platonischen und aristotelischen Wertung der Mathematik und der Phänomene kann man erwarten, daß es genau im Kontext der platonischen Deutung der aristotelischen Schriften zu einer interessanten Auseinandersetzung kommen mußte. Ein gutes Beispiel ist der Kommentar des Neuplatonikers Simplikios (tätig nach 530 n. Chr.) zur aristotelischen Schrift Über den Himmel. Wie bekannt, hat uns Simplikios in diesem Kommentar wichtige Informationen über die Astronomie und die einschlägige Wissenschaftstheorie bis auf seine Zeit, das 6. Jahrhundert nach Christus, überliefert. Hier werde ich mich mit zwei wichtigen methodischen Fragen befassen, die von Simplikios erörtert werden. Erstens: Was ist die Erklärungskraft der mathematischen Prinzipien im physischen Bereich? Und zweitens: Was ist die erkenntnistheoretische Bedeutung der Phänomene? In einem letzten Abschnitt werde ich mich kurz dem Einfluß der neuplatonischen Aristotelesdeutung auf das moderne Verstehen der aristotelischen Methodologie zuwenden. [from the introduction, p. 110]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/omuK2yp1p7YceKI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"700","_score":null,"_source":{"id":700,"authors_free":[{"id":1040,"entry_id":700,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":153,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Haas, Frans A. J. de","free_first_name":"Frans A. J.","free_last_name":"Haas, de","norm_person":{"id":153,"first_name":"Frans A. J.","last_name":"de Haas","full_name":"de Haas, Frans A. J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/128837020","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Mathematik und Ph\u00e4nomene. Eine Polemik \u00fcber naturwissenschaftliche Methode bei Simplikios","main_title":{"title":"Mathematik und Ph\u00e4nomene. Eine Polemik \u00fcber naturwissenschaftliche Methode bei Simplikios"},"abstract":"Im Hinblick auf die grundlegende Verschiedenheit zwischen der platonischen und aristotelischen Wertung der Mathematik und der Ph\u00e4nomene kann man erwarten, da\u00df es genau im Kontext der platonischen Deutung der aristotelischen Schriften zu einer interessanten Auseinandersetzung kommen mu\u00dfte.\r\nEin gutes Beispiel ist der Kommentar des Neuplatonikers Simplikios (t\u00e4tig nach 530 n. Chr.) zur aristotelischen Schrift \u00dcber den Himmel. Wie bekannt, hat uns Simplikios in diesem Kommentar wichtige Informationen \u00fcber die Astronomie und die einschl\u00e4gige Wissenschaftstheorie bis auf seine Zeit, das 6. Jahrhundert nach Christus, \u00fcberliefert. Hier werde ich mich mit zwei wichtigen methodischen Fragen befassen, die von Simplikios er\u00f6rtert werden. Erstens: Was ist die Erkl\u00e4rungskraft der mathematischen Prinzipien im physischen Bereich? Und zweitens: Was ist die erkenntnistheoretische Bedeutung der Ph\u00e4nomene? In einem letzten Abschnitt werde ich mich kurz dem Einflu\u00df der neuplatonischen Aristotelesdeutung auf das moderne Verstehen der aristotelischen Methodologie zuwenden. [from the introduction, p. 110] ","btype":3,"date":"2000","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/omuK2yp1p7YceKI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":153,"full_name":"de Haas, Frans A. J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":700,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Antike Naturwissenschaft und ihre Rezeption","volume":"10","issue":"","pages":"107\u2013129"}},"sort":[2000]}

All Voids Large and Small, Being a Discussion of Place and Void in Strato of Lampsacus's Matter Theory, 1999
By: Lehoux, Daryn

Title	All Voids Large and Small, Being a Discussion of Place and Void in Strato of Lampsacus's Matter Theory
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1999
Journal	Apeiron. A journal for ancient philosophy and science
Volume	32
Issue	1
Pages	1–36
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lehoux, Daryn
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Strato of Lampsacus, third head of Aristotle's school at Athens, who was known as 'the Physicist' in antiquity, is a problematic character. Like many other Greek philosophers, none of his books have survived to the present day. There are, to be sure, a few quotes scattered here and there in the philosophical and technical literature of antiquity, but these serve to give us only a flavor of his thinking and his physical theories, from which several reconstructions have been attempted in the last century. Based on this handful of fragments, Hermann Diels published an argument in 1893 which claimed to have fleshed out Strato's physical theory of matter and tried to show that 'the Physicist' held that all matter was interspersed with small pockets of void (similar to the way a sponge is full of little pockets of air), and that if a larger void than these natural minute 'microvoids' was artificially produced, then the surrounding contiguous matter would rush in to fill the gap. This theory would explain suction splendidly, and Diels argued that Erasistratus the physician and Hero of Alexandria had both used Strato's matter theory in their own works. Indeed, Diels even showed (a conclusion unchallenged to this day) that part of Hero's introduction to the Pneumatics was taken almost verbatim from a book by Strato. In his collection of Strato's fragments, Fritz Wehrli more or less followed Diels, and H.B. Gottschalk took Diels's argument even further, presenting almost the whole of Hero's introduction as a fragment of Strato. Since then, however, a number of writers have contested different parts of Diels's reconstruction. In 1985, David Furley argued that, while the microvoid theory seems plausible enough, we cannot attribute to Strato the theory of horror vacui. And in a recent paper, Sylvia Berryman rejected the idea that we can demonstrate that Erasistratus held a matter theory involving either microvoids or the theoretical prohibition of larger extended voids. Berryman's argument hinges on a careful distinction between the idea of the horror vacui as an explanation for why matter rushes in to fill the void, and the simple observation that matter does simply fill the space being emptied by suction. That is: when a Greek writer refers to the "following-in to what-is-being-emptied," is he referring to some theoretical mechanism by which void spaces are filled (i.e., what has been called the horror vacui), or is he simply saying that when we empty a vessel of one substance, some other substance always follows in to fill the space being emptied? To draw an analogy: in answer to the question "Why does a dropped ball hit the ground?" is the Greek τὸ πρὸς τὸ κενουμένου ἀκολουθεῖν analogous to the answer (a) "because of gravity" (implying a theory about the forces acting on matter) or (b) "because it falls" (implying only an observation that this always happens when you drop something)? Berryman thinks that Erasistratus used the "following-in to what-is-being-emptied" in this latter sense, that is, as an explanandum rather than as an explanans. Another problem, related to this question of voids, revolves around Strato's theory of 'place' (τόπος). The two writers (Simplicius and Stobaeus) who tell us of Strato's definition of place do not agree with each other, and one of them (Simplicius) may even seem at first to be self-contradictory. Through an analysis of the extant testimonia, I shall attempt to establish Strato's theory of place, ultimately favoring Simplicius's account over that of Stobaeus. The arguments and issues involved, however, will take us through a wide variety of the possible sources for Strato and an analysis of their ideas and objectives in providing their evidence. I argue, contra Furley and Berryman, that there is good reason to suppose that Strato held a theory of horror vacui qua explanans, possibly having borrowed it from some earlier source, and that he did in fact create the microvoid theory. These separate strands tie together into a coherent system that is attributable to Strato based on evidence that is sometimes direct and sometimes circumstantial. Thus, Strato will be seen to be breaking away (to a certain extent) from a strictly Aristotelian position, perhaps following Theophrastus's lead. While much of this work is directed at doubts about Strato's theory expressed by Furley and Berryman, I do not wish to overemphasize the amount of certainty we can attain when looking at Strato. We cannot ascertain beyond doubt that the theory I present here is in fact Strato's. But I think the evidence points fairly clearly at Strato as the originator of a physical theory which incorporates both microvoids and horror vacui, and which was adopted into medicine by Erasistratus and into mechanics by Philo or possibly Ctesibius. [introduction p. 1-3]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/uZqo1P8OJqOJxd5

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1118","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1118,"authors_free":[{"id":1690,"entry_id":1118,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":244,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Lehoux, Daryn","free_first_name":"Daryn","free_last_name":"Lehoux","norm_person":{"id":244,"first_name":"Daryn","last_name":"Lehoux","full_name":"Lehoux, Daryn","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139306099","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"All Voids Large and Small, Being a Discussion of Place and Void in Strato of Lampsacus's Matter Theory","main_title":{"title":"All Voids Large and Small, Being a Discussion of Place and Void in Strato of Lampsacus's Matter Theory"},"abstract":"Strato of Lampsacus, third head of Aristotle's school at Athens, who was known as 'the Physicist' in antiquity, is a problematic character. Like many other Greek philosophers, none of his books have survived to the present day. There are, to be sure, a few quotes scattered here and there in the philosophical and technical literature of antiquity, but these serve to give us only a flavor of his thinking and his physical theories, from which several reconstructions have been attempted in the last century. Based on this handful of fragments, Hermann Diels published an argument in 1893 which claimed to have fleshed out Strato's physical theory of matter and tried to show that 'the Physicist' held that all matter was interspersed with small pockets of void (similar to the way a sponge is full of little pockets of air), and that if a larger void than these natural minute 'microvoids' was artificially produced, then the surrounding contiguous matter would rush in to fill the gap. This theory would explain suction splendidly, and Diels argued that Erasistratus the physician and Hero of Alexandria had both used Strato's matter theory in their own works. Indeed, Diels even showed (a conclusion unchallenged to this day) that part of Hero's introduction to the Pneumatics was taken almost verbatim from a book by Strato.\r\n\r\nIn his collection of Strato's fragments, Fritz Wehrli more or less followed Diels, and H.B. Gottschalk took Diels's argument even further, presenting almost the whole of Hero's introduction as a fragment of Strato. Since then, however, a number of writers have contested different parts of Diels's reconstruction. In 1985, David Furley argued that, while the microvoid theory seems plausible enough, we cannot attribute to Strato the theory of horror vacui. And in a recent paper, Sylvia Berryman rejected the idea that we can demonstrate that Erasistratus held a matter theory involving either microvoids or the theoretical prohibition of larger extended voids.\r\n\r\nBerryman's argument hinges on a careful distinction between the idea of the horror vacui as an explanation for why matter rushes in to fill the void, and the simple observation that matter does simply fill the space being emptied by suction. That is: when a Greek writer refers to the \"following-in to what-is-being-emptied,\" is he referring to some theoretical mechanism by which void spaces are filled (i.e., what has been called the horror vacui), or is he simply saying that when we empty a vessel of one substance, some other substance always follows in to fill the space being emptied? To draw an analogy: in answer to the question \"Why does a dropped ball hit the ground?\" is the Greek \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03ba\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f00\u03ba\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03b8\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd analogous to the answer (a) \"because of gravity\" (implying a theory about the forces acting on matter) or (b) \"because it falls\" (implying only an observation that this always happens when you drop something)? Berryman thinks that Erasistratus used the \"following-in to what-is-being-emptied\" in this latter sense, that is, as an explanandum rather than as an explanans.\r\n\r\nAnother problem, related to this question of voids, revolves around Strato's theory of 'place' (\u03c4\u03cc\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2). The two writers (Simplicius and Stobaeus) who tell us of Strato's definition of place do not agree with each other, and one of them (Simplicius) may even seem at first to be self-contradictory. Through an analysis of the extant testimonia, I shall attempt to establish Strato's theory of place, ultimately favoring Simplicius's account over that of Stobaeus. The arguments and issues involved, however, will take us through a wide variety of the possible sources for Strato and an analysis of their ideas and objectives in providing their evidence. I argue, contra Furley and Berryman, that there is good reason to suppose that Strato held a theory of horror vacui qua explanans, possibly having borrowed it from some earlier source, and that he did in fact create the microvoid theory. These separate strands tie together into a coherent system that is attributable to Strato based on evidence that is sometimes direct and sometimes circumstantial. Thus, Strato will be seen to be breaking away (to a certain extent) from a strictly Aristotelian position, perhaps following Theophrastus's lead.\r\n\r\nWhile much of this work is directed at doubts about Strato's theory expressed by Furley and Berryman, I do not wish to overemphasize the amount of certainty we can attain when looking at Strato. We cannot ascertain beyond doubt that the theory I present here is in fact Strato's. But I think the evidence points fairly clearly at Strato as the originator of a physical theory which incorporates both microvoids and horror vacui, and which was adopted into medicine by Erasistratus and into mechanics by Philo or possibly Ctesibius. [introduction p. 1-3]","btype":3,"date":"1999","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/uZqo1P8OJqOJxd5","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":244,"full_name":"Lehoux, Daryn","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1118,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Apeiron. A journal for ancient philosophy and science","volume":"32","issue":"1","pages":"1\u201336"}},"sort":[1999]}

An Introduction to Aspasius, 1999
By: Barnes, Jonathan, Alberti, Antonina (Ed.), Sharples, Robert W. (Ed.)

Title	An Introduction to Aspasius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1999
Published in	Aspasius: The Earliest Extant Commentary on Aristotle's Ethics
Pages	1-50
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Barnes, Jonathan
Editor(s)	Alberti, Antonina , Sharples, Robert W.
Translator(s)

The text, An Introduction to Aspasius, explores his life, works, and his Commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics. It examines Aspasius’ contributions to ethical philosophy and his relationship with Aristotle’s texts, highlighting his influence on the interpretation and transmission of Aristotelian thought. [derived from the whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hbcmVxtFs2Lthsj

{"_index":"sire","_id":"633","_score":null,"_source":{"id":633,"authors_free":[{"id":893,"entry_id":633,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":416,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","free_first_name":"Jonathan","free_last_name":"Barnes","norm_person":{"id":416,"first_name":"Jonathan","last_name":"Barnes","full_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134306627","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":894,"entry_id":633,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":506,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Alberti, Antonina","free_first_name":"Antonina","free_last_name":"Alberti","norm_person":{"id":506,"first_name":"Antonina","last_name":"Alberti","full_name":"Alberti, Antonina","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":895,"entry_id":633,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":42,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","free_first_name":"Robert W.","free_last_name":"Sharples","norm_person":{"id":42,"first_name":"Robert W.","last_name":"Sharples","full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/114269505","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"An Introduction to Aspasius","main_title":{"title":"An Introduction to Aspasius"},"abstract":"The text, An Introduction to Aspasius, explores his life, works, and his Commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics. It examines Aspasius\u2019 contributions to ethical philosophy and his relationship with Aristotle\u2019s texts, highlighting his influence on the interpretation and transmission of Aristotelian thought. [derived from the whole text]","btype":2,"date":"1999","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/hbcmVxtFs2Lthsj","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":416,"full_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":506,"full_name":"Alberti, Antonina","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":42,"full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":633,"section_of":286,"pages":"1-50","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":286,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aspasius: The Earliest Extant Commentary on Aristotle's Ethics","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Alberti_Sharples_1999","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1999","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1999","abstract":"This book comprises essays on the nature of Aspasius\u2019 commentary, his interpretation of Aristotle, and his own place in the history of thought. The contributions are in English or Italian.\r\n\r\nAspasius\u2019 commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics is the earliest ancient commentary on Aristotle of which extensive parts survive in their original form. It is important both for the history of commentary as a genre and for the history of philosophical thought in the first two centuries A.D.; it is also still valuable as what its author intended it to be, an aid in interpreting the Ethics. All three aspects are explored by the essays.\r\n\r\nThe book is not formally a commentary on Aspasius\u2019 commentary; but between them the essays consider the interpretation of numerous problematic or significant passages. Full indices will enable readers quickly to locate discussion of particular parts of Aspasius\u2019 work. This volume of essays will form a natural complement to the first ever translation of Aspasius\u2019 commentary into any modern language, currently in preparation by Paul Mercken.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/sA4gaXkwHHMBbmx","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":286,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi","volume":"17","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1999]}

Les analyses de l'énoncé: catégories et parties du discours selon les commentateurs néoplatoniciens, 1999
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Diebler, Stéphane (Ed.), Rashed, Marwan (Ed.), Büttgen, Philippe (Ed.)

Title	Les analyses de l'énoncé: catégories et parties du discours selon les commentateurs néoplatoniciens
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1999
Published in	Théories de la phrase et de la proposition, de Platon à Averroès
Pages	209-248
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Diebler, Stéphane , Rashed, Marwan , Büttgen, Philippe
Translator(s)

Avec les exégètes néoplatoniciens d’Aristote, à la fin de l'Antiquité, l'intérêt constant porté au discours par les philosophes grecs – depuis les sophistes, Platon, Aristote, les stoïciens – trouve son point d’achèvement, tandis que s’affirme nettement la différence des deux points de vue – grammatical et logique – que l’on peut porter sur l’énoncé. Cet effort de distinction caractérise la littérature des commentaires sur l’Organon, qui correspond, on le sait, au début du cours de philosophie néoplatonicienne dans l’Antiquité tardive. L’étude de l’Organon commençait, après des enseignements propédeutiques et une lecture de l’Isagoge de Porphyre, par l’exégèse du traité des Catégories, que domine une description fine du "but", du skopos. Les catégories sont les éléments constitutifs de l’énoncé déclaratif (logos apophantikós), seule espèce du logos à être vraie ou fausse, et qui est lui-même la base du syllogisme démonstratif, lequel est le point culminant ou la clé de voûte de la logique, puisque la démonstration est l’instrument de discernement du vrai et du faux dans le domaine de la théorie, et du bien et du mal dans le domaine de la pratique. Les catégories sont les termes “qui ne se disent pas en liaison”, c’est-à-dire qui ne sont pas pris dans une syntaxe attributive et qui se contentent encore de “signifier”. La doctrine des catégories est, en son fond, sémantique et ressortit à la logique. Mais elle reflète une division (diairesis) des étants en dix classes suprêmes, les “genres généralissimes”. Lorsqu’il commente le chapitre 2 des Catégories, Simplicius explique que la division en dix catégories s’inscrit elle-même dans une séquence dyade-tétrade-décade. Aristote, affirme-t-il, commence avec raison par donner une quadruple division des étants, puisque la tétrade est plus fondamentale que la décade, et que cette quadripartition se ramène elle-même à une bipartition : "[...] puisque, nous l'avons vu, le but (skopos) porte sur les mots simples et génériques, qui signifient les réalités simples et génériques, avant de les diviser (diairesis) en le plus grand nombre de termes possible – j'entends par là la division en dix catégories, au-delà desquelles on ne pouvait en trouver d’autres –, Aristote a jugé bon de commencer par une division minimale, car on ne pouvait rassembler les mots simples en un plus petit nombre de groupes : en effet cette façon de procéder était scientifique (epistêmonikón) parce que la décade est comprise dans la tétrade ; en effet en faisant la somme d’un, deux, trois et quatre, nous obtenons le nombre dix ; et la tétrade, à rebours, Aristote l’a rassemblée dans la dyade. Les quatre termes dont nous parlons sont : l’essence, l’accident, l’universel et le particulier. Les étants en effet se divisent en deux (ta onta diaireitai dikhôs) [...]". Ces deux termes sont l’essence (qui correspond à la première catégorie) et l’accident (sous le chef duquel se regroupent les neuf autres catégories). À la fin de l’explication de ce lemme, Simplicius précise que “la division en quatre termes n’est pas une division au sens propre, mais plutôt un dénombrement (anarithmêsis)”. L'analyse du logos apophantikós conduit donc le philosophe à distinguer entre dix “mots simples”, les dix catégories énumérées par Aristote, et qui constituent, aux yeux des exégètes antiques, une liste exhaustive en droit et close : la substance ou l’essence (ousia, ti esti), la quantité (poson), la qualité (poion), la relation (pros ti), l’agir et le pâtir (poiein, paschein), le "quand” et le “où” (pote, pou), la situation et l’avoir (keisthai, echein). Cette analyse ne coïncide en rien avec celle des grammairiens qui, à la fin de l'Antiquité, enseignent de manière fixe la doctrine des huit “parties du discours” (merê tou logou), progressivement élaborée comme le fruit de ce qu’ils nomment le merismos (“partition”). Ces huit “parties du discours” sont, dans l'ordre : le nom, le verbe, le participe, l’article, le pronom, la préposition, l'adverbe et la conjonction. Soucieux, pour plusieurs raisons, de distinguer leur recherche de l’activité grammaticale, les commentateurs néoplatoniciens d’Aristote ont soigneusement distingué entre ces deux modes d'analyse du logos (discours, phrase, proposition, énoncé) : la division des catégories, qui est fondée sur la diairesis des étants en dix genres – elle relève de la logique et participe de l’ontologie – et la merismos grammaticale des éléments du langage en huit classes (les huit “parties du discours”). La lecture des Catégories conduisait ces exégètes à rencontrer certaines difficultés. Tout d'abord, il y avait un débat sur la nature même des "catégories" (sont-elles des mots ? des notions ? des réalités ?). Des adversaires stoïciens d’Aristote (Athénodore et Cornutus) contestaient la complétude de la liste, insuffisante selon eux, puisqu’ils voyaient en elle le résultat d’une division des mots. Le débat sur l’origine grammaticale des catégories, ou sur le lien de cette doctrine avec l’objet propre et la discipline de la grammaire, illustré à l’époque moderne par les travaux d’auteurs aussi différents que Trendelenburg ou E. Benveniste, était déjà un débat antique. Autre question. Le début du De interpretatione présente un exposé sur le nom (onoma) et le verbe (rhêma), qui sont à la fois des termes logiques (sujet et prédicat) et les deux premières “parties du discours” selon la liste canonique des grammairiens. Comment rendre compte de la rencontre, mais aussi de la différence, entre le point de vue du philosophe lecteur de l’Organon et le point de vue du grammairien ? Comment expliquer la succession – dans la perspective de l’“ordre de lecture” néoplatonicien – des Catégories et du De interpretatione ? La tâche de tout commentateur néoplatonicien était donc d'expliquer à la fois comment distinguer entre l’analyse grammaticale d'une phrase et l’analyse logique d’un énoncé véridique, et quelle est l’articulation de la doctrine des Catégories et de la doctrine du De interpretatione. Il faut pour cela rappeler quels étaient les “buts” assignés par les exégètes à ces deux traités, qui étaient lus l’un à la suite de l’autre dans “l’ordre de lecture” des œuvres d’Aristote tel qu’il était pratiqué à la fin de l’Antiquité. [introduction p. 209-212]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bzuFZeua3rVa1TS

Jamblique, critique de Plotin et de Porphyre: quatre études, 1999
By: Taormina, Daniela

Title	Jamblique, critique de Plotin et de Porphyre: quatre études
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1999
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Tradition de la pensée classique
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Taormina, Daniela
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Est-il possible de donner a la metaphysique un statut scientifique tel qu'elle soit en mesure de controler toute la realite? En particulier, est-il possible d'appliquer un tel programme a la meta-ontologie neoplatonicienne, qui pose comme principe de toute realite l'Un ineffable, au-dela de l'etre? La reponse positive a cette question se trouve au fondement de la querelle entre les neoplatoniciens sur l'architecture de la meta-ontologie. Cette etude esquisse la premiere phase de ce debat qui eut comme protagonistes les philosophes les plus affirmes du IIIe et IVe siecle apres J.C.: Plotin, Porphyre et Jamblique. Elle vise a mettre en evidence le trajet epistemique que Jamblique a parcouru. La polemique qu'il conduit contre ses predecesseurs sert ici de fil conducteur pour suivre la demarche de cette legitimation. Elle est aussi l'indice d'un programme de recherche, un paradigme implicite, qui determine la selection et la formulation des problemes philosophiques et la validite des reponses, donc aussi le choix des methodes de preuve et des procedures de persuasion.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iNCHkBfT7BtCDnw

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Philosophy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Conversations with Aristotle, 1999
By: Blackwell, Constance (Ed.), Kusukawa, Sachiko (Ed.)

Title	Philosophy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Conversations with Aristotle
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1999
Publication Place	Aldershot – Hants, U.K. – Brookfield, Vt.
Publisher	Ashgate
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Blackwell, Constance , Kusukawa, Sachiko
Translator(s)

This volume offers an important re-evaluation of early modern philosophy. It takes issue with the received notion of a ’revolution’ in philosophical thought in the 17th-century, making the case for treating the 16th and 17th centuries together. Taking up Charles Schmitt’s formulation of the many ’Aristotelianisms’ of the period, the papers bring out the variety and richness of the approaches to Aristotle, rather than treating his as a homogeneous system of thought. Based on much new research, they provide case studies of how philosophers used, developed, and reacted to the framework of Aristotelian logic, categories and distinctions, and demonstrate that Aristotelianism possessed both the flexibility and the dynamism to exert a continuing impact - even among such noted ’anti-Aristotelians’ as Descartes and Hobbes. This constant engagement can indeed be termed ’conversations with Aristotle’.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/In5fPTWQezWnPei

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Aspasius: The Earliest Extant Commentary on Aristotle's Ethics, 1999
By: Alberti, Antonina (Ed.), Sharples, Robert W. (Ed.)

Title	Aspasius: The Earliest Extant Commentary on Aristotle's Ethics
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1999
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Peripatoi
Volume	17
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Alberti, Antonina , Sharples, Robert W.
Translator(s)

This book comprises essays on the nature of Aspasius’ commentary, his interpretation of Aristotle, and his own place in the history of thought. The contributions are in English or Italian. Aspasius’ commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics is the earliest ancient commentary on Aristotle of which extensive parts survive in their original form. It is important both for the history of commentary as a genre and for the history of philosophical thought in the first two centuries A.D.; it is also still valuable as what its author intended it to be, an aid in interpreting the Ethics. All three aspects are explored by the essays. The book is not formally a commentary on Aspasius’ commentary; but between them the essays consider the interpretation of numerous problematic or significant passages. Full indices will enable readers quickly to locate discussion of particular parts of Aspasius’ work. This volume of essays will form a natural complement to the first ever translation of Aspasius’ commentary into any modern language, currently in preparation by Paul Mercken.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sA4gaXkwHHMBbmx

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Zur Rezeption der hellenistischen Philosophie in der Spätantike. Akten der 1. Tagung der Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 22.-25. September 1997 in Trier, 1999
By: Fuhrer, Therese (Ed.), Erler, Michael (Ed.)

Title	Zur Rezeption der hellenistischen Philosophie in der Spätantike. Akten der 1. Tagung der Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 22.-25. September 1997 in Trier
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1999
Publication Place	Stuttgart
Publisher	Franz Steiner Verlag
Series	Philosophie der Antike
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fuhrer, Therese , Erler, Michael
Translator(s)

Review by T. Runia: As a generalization it is often remarked that the poor state of our knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy, based almost exclusively on reports and fragments, is due to the decline of interest in this philosophy during the period of late antiquity. After the schools had closed down by the beginning of the 3rd century C.E., Peripatetic, Stoic, and Epicurean writings ceased to circulate widely, and in the end disappeared completely. Of course the end result of this process cannot be disputed. These writings have simply disappeared and, short of a miracle, they will not resurface. But the process certainly took longer and was less radical in its earlier stages than is often thought. Late ancient philosophers and theologians in many cases still had a considerable knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy and used that knowledge to good effect in their own writings. The theme of the reception of Hellenistic philosophy in late antiquity is the subject of the book under review, which contains fifteen studies originally presented at a conference in Trier in 1997. The studies are in German, with two exceptions, a paper in Italian and one in English. They have been prepared by a group of young scholars, mainly in their 30's and 40's, who in most cases have taken up positions in German and Swiss universities during the past decade or so. Reviewing the various studies, one cannot but help noticing a marked similarity of method. The subjects treated are on the whole fairly limited in scope, and often concentrate on a particular author and a particular text. The detailed treatment is usually prefaced by an introductory section, which places the subject in a wider context, for example by tracing its development from the end of the Hellenistic period to the time of the author being discussed.These introductory sections can sometimes be very entertaining and informative (as in the case of the article of Christoph Riedweg, who points out remarkable correspondences between the period of late antiquity and our own time), but can also be too much simply a catalogue of authors and texts (as in the case of the survey of Epicureanism from Hadrian to Lactantius in the article by Jochem Althoff). The end result is that we have fifteen small but well-featured islands standing out in the broader sea of the book's subject. The brief introduction competently but very succinctly outlines three connecting themes: The role of the Stoa and Epicureanism in Platonist philosophy. Scepticism, Stoicism, and Epicureanism in Christian literature. Doctrines of the Hellenistic philosophical schools as general cultural knowledge (Bildungsgut). But no real attempt is made to cover the subject in more general terms. This is increasingly the method of such selective conference volumes. In spite of the general title, it is primarily a book for specialists. The fifteen papers can be more or less divided into the three thematic categories noted above. Four concentrate on Hellenistic themes in later Platonism: Dominic O'Meara on Epicurus Neoplatonicus, Rainer Thiel and Michael Erler on the preparatory role of Hellenistic (and especially Stoic) ethics, Jan Opsomer and Carlos Steel on Proclus' doctrine of the origin of evil and its Hellenistic antecedents. Christoph Riedweg, by investigating Julian's use of Stoic and Platonic argumentation in his anti-Christian polemic, bridges the gap with the eight contributions which concentrate on Patristic authors. The intellectual dominance of Augustine is illustrated by the fact that no less than five contributions concentrate on his writings: Maria Bettetini on the background to De musica (very little Hellenistic philosophy here), Karin Schlapbach on Ciceronian and Neoplatonist elements in the proarmia of Contra Academicos I & II, Sabine Harwardt on Stoic argumentation in De beata vita, Christoph Horn on Augustine's moral philosophy in relation to Greek virtue ethics, Therese Fuhrer on the Hellenistic epistemological background of Augustine's concept of faith. The other three specifically Patristic contributions are on Amobius (philosophical themes in his apologetic argumentation, by Sabine Follinger), Lactantius (his use of Epicurus, by Jochem Althoff), and Prudentius (virtue against vice in the Psychomachia, by Carolin Oser-Grote). The volume ends with two more general treatments. Karla Pollman attempts to trace two differing conceptions of fictionality—the Platonic mimesis-model focused on the author and the Stoic signification-model focused more on the reader—from Hellenistic philosophy to their adaptation in late ancient texts. Ulrich Eigler, in an ambitious and stimulating contribution, investigates the cultural context of the kind of amateur use of philosophy that we find, for example, in Jerome's writings. Of these fifteen articles, three stand out on account of the lucidity of their treatment and the importance of their subject. Christoph Horn's method is perhaps somewhat unusual, in that he focuses his treatment of Augustine's virtue ethics almost entirely on a point-by-point rebuttal of the position of the Swedish scholar of a previous generation, Gosta Hok, whom he accuses of interpreting Augustine in such a way as to make him a fideistic opponent of ancient rationalism. In actual fact, Augustine unreservedly takes over the basic theses of ancient ethical rationalism, but in his later years reserves it for followers of the "true religion," without coming to a real discussion with its original Neoplatonist proponents. Many of Horn's points are well taken, but one wonders whether in this interpretation the gulf between Augustine's professed method of selective spoliatio and his actual practice of largely uncritical appropriation (as proposed by Horn) does not become too great. What Augustine objects to in ancient rationalism is its intellectual arrogance, the refusal to submit to the yoke of faith. This position seems to me to have revisionary aspirations. The struggle between "catholic" and "protestant" readings of Augustine is likely to continue. In her paper on the epistemological background to Augustine's conception of faith, Therese Fuhrer argues that it is to be found in the Stoic theory in which assent (adsensio, συγκατάθεσις) precedes both knowledge (scientia, ἐπιστήμη, based on comprehensio, κατάληψις) and belief (opinio, δόξα). A priori, this seems not so likely, since the role assigned to volition in the two conceptions is quite different. Nevertheless, Fuhrer manages to show that both in terms of structure and terminology this background does have illuminating features. A difficulty remains that no texts indicating an explicit relation between the act of faith and epistemological assent can be found until two passages in very late writings. This article illustrates how difficult it is to pin Augustine down in relation to specific philosophical theories. It is his powerful transforming drive that makes his views so distinctive and so hard to categorize in "doxographical" terms. The article of Jan Opsomer and Carlos Steel is recommended reading for anyone interested in how ancient philosophers working within the tradition of classical ontology wrestled with the problem of evil. Not only does it give an excellent overview of the dilemmas involved and the solutions attempted, but it also draws on the new translation of Proclus' De malorum substantia, which the authors are preparing. They show how Proclus tries to find a way out of the classical dilemma in which one either has to detract from providence or not take evil seriously enough as a real aspect of the world. Proclus' solution is intriguing but very risky. Any attribution of evil to the first cause is unacceptable, but in the light of Neoplatonist ontological monism this means that one has to understand evil as an (ultimately) uncaused event. Not only is this very awkward in light of the Platonic principle nihil fit sine causa, which Proclus fully endorses, but it also seems to reduce evil to a kind of accidental epiphenomenon. Opsomer and Steel argue that Proclus may have found a third way between the Stoa and the Peripatos (which reserves providence for the divine realm only), but at a considerable cost. They tentatively conclude that the Stoa continues to hold the last word in this debate, and that theodicy may well be the worst legacy that this school has left to subsequent philosophy. This is perhaps a somewhat disappointing result, but no better illustration could be given of the importance of studying Hellenistic philosophy as a background for late ancient and patristic philosophy. In furthering this study, the book under review makes a valuable contribution. The volume also shows, as the product of predominantly young scholars, that the future of scholarship in the area of later ancient and Patristic philosophy is in good hands.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Wi5qXtXGHesjYwT

{"_index":"sire","_id":"324","_score":null,"_source":{"id":324,"authors_free":[{"id":412,"entry_id":324,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":339,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fuhrer, Therese","free_first_name":"Therese","free_last_name":"Fuhrer","norm_person":{"id":339,"first_name":"Therese","last_name":"Fuhrer","full_name":"Fuhrer, Therese","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117693804","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":413,"entry_id":324,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":164,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Erler, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Erler","norm_person":{"id":164,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Erler","full_name":"Erler, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122153847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Zur Rezeption der hellenistischen Philosophie in der Sp\u00e4tantike. Akten der 1. Tagung der Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 22.-25. September 1997 in Trier","main_title":{"title":"Zur Rezeption der hellenistischen Philosophie in der Sp\u00e4tantike. Akten der 1. Tagung der Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 22.-25. September 1997 in Trier"},"abstract":"Review by T. Runia: As a generalization it is often remarked that the poor state of our knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy, based almost exclusively on reports and fragments, is due to the decline of interest in this philosophy during the period of late antiquity. After the schools had closed down by the beginning of the 3rd century C.E., Peripatetic, Stoic, and Epicurean writings ceased to circulate widely, and in the end disappeared completely. Of course the end result of this process cannot be disputed. These writings have simply disappeared and, short of a miracle, they will not resurface.\r\n\r\nBut the process certainly took longer and was less radical in its earlier stages than is often thought. Late ancient philosophers and theologians in many cases still had a considerable knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy and used that knowledge to good effect in their own writings.\r\n\r\nThe theme of the reception of Hellenistic philosophy in late antiquity is the subject of the book under review, which contains fifteen studies originally presented at a conference in Trier in 1997. The studies are in German, with two exceptions, a paper in Italian and one in English. They have been prepared by a group of young scholars, mainly in their 30's and 40's, who in most cases have taken up positions in German and Swiss universities during the past decade or so.\r\n\r\nReviewing the various studies, one cannot but help noticing a marked similarity of method. The subjects treated are on the whole fairly limited in scope, and often concentrate on a particular author and a particular text. The detailed treatment is usually prefaced by an introductory section, which places the subject in a wider context, for example by tracing its development from the end of the Hellenistic period to the time of the author being discussed.These introductory sections can sometimes be very entertaining and informative (as in the case of the article of Christoph Riedweg, who points out remarkable correspondences between the period of late antiquity and our own time), but can also be too much simply a catalogue of authors and texts (as in the case of the survey of Epicureanism from Hadrian to Lactantius in the article by Jochem Althoff). The end result is that we have fifteen small but well-featured islands standing out in the broader sea of the book's subject.\r\n\r\nThe brief introduction competently but very succinctly outlines three connecting themes:\r\n\r\n The role of the Stoa and Epicureanism in Platonist philosophy.\r\n Scepticism, Stoicism, and Epicureanism in Christian literature.\r\n Doctrines of the Hellenistic philosophical schools as general cultural knowledge (Bildungsgut).\r\n\r\nBut no real attempt is made to cover the subject in more general terms. This is increasingly the method of such selective conference volumes. In spite of the general title, it is primarily a book for specialists.\r\n\r\nThe fifteen papers can be more or less divided into the three thematic categories noted above. Four concentrate on Hellenistic themes in later Platonism: Dominic O'Meara on Epicurus Neoplatonicus, Rainer Thiel and Michael Erler on the preparatory role of Hellenistic (and especially Stoic) ethics, Jan Opsomer and Carlos Steel on Proclus' doctrine of the origin of evil and its Hellenistic antecedents. Christoph Riedweg, by investigating Julian's use of Stoic and Platonic argumentation in his anti-Christian polemic, bridges the gap with the eight contributions which concentrate on Patristic authors.\r\n\r\nThe intellectual dominance of Augustine is illustrated by the fact that no less than five contributions concentrate on his writings: Maria Bettetini on the background to De musica (very little Hellenistic philosophy here), Karin Schlapbach on Ciceronian and Neoplatonist elements in the proarmia of Contra Academicos I & II, Sabine Harwardt on Stoic argumentation in De beata vita, Christoph Horn on Augustine's moral philosophy in relation to Greek virtue ethics, Therese Fuhrer on the Hellenistic epistemological background of Augustine's concept of faith.\r\n\r\nThe other three specifically Patristic contributions are on Amobius (philosophical themes in his apologetic argumentation, by Sabine Follinger), Lactantius (his use of Epicurus, by Jochem Althoff), and Prudentius (virtue against vice in the Psychomachia, by Carolin Oser-Grote).\r\n\r\nThe volume ends with two more general treatments. Karla Pollman attempts to trace two differing conceptions of fictionality\u2014the Platonic mimesis-model focused on the author and the Stoic signification-model focused more on the reader\u2014from Hellenistic philosophy to their adaptation in late ancient texts. Ulrich Eigler, in an ambitious and stimulating contribution, investigates the cultural context of the kind of amateur use of philosophy that we find, for example, in Jerome's writings. Of these fifteen articles, three stand out on account of the lucidity of their treatment and the importance of their subject. Christoph Horn's method is perhaps somewhat unusual, in that he focuses his treatment of Augustine's virtue ethics almost entirely on a point-by-point rebuttal of the position of the Swedish scholar of a previous generation, Gosta Hok, whom he accuses of interpreting Augustine in such a way as to make him a fideistic opponent of ancient rationalism. In actual fact, Augustine unreservedly takes over the basic theses of ancient ethical rationalism, but in his later years reserves it for followers of the \"true religion,\" without coming to a real discussion with its original Neoplatonist proponents.\r\n\r\nMany of Horn's points are well taken, but one wonders whether in this interpretation the gulf between Augustine's professed method of selective spoliatio and his actual practice of largely uncritical appropriation (as proposed by Horn) does not become too great. What Augustine objects to in ancient rationalism is its intellectual arrogance, the refusal to submit to the yoke of faith. This position seems to me to have revisionary aspirations. The struggle between \"catholic\" and \"protestant\" readings of Augustine is likely to continue.\r\n\r\nIn her paper on the epistemological background to Augustine's conception of faith, Therese Fuhrer argues that it is to be found in the Stoic theory in which assent (adsensio, \u03c3\u03c5\u03b3\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) precedes both knowledge (scientia, \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03bc\u03b7, based on comprehensio, \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03bb\u03b7\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2) and belief (opinio, \u03b4\u03cc\u03be\u03b1). A priori, this seems not so likely, since the role assigned to volition in the two conceptions is quite different. Nevertheless, Fuhrer manages to show that both in terms of structure and terminology this background does have illuminating features.\r\n\r\nA difficulty remains that no texts indicating an explicit relation between the act of faith and epistemological assent can be found until two passages in very late writings. This article illustrates how difficult it is to pin Augustine down in relation to specific philosophical theories. It is his powerful transforming drive that makes his views so distinctive and so hard to categorize in \"doxographical\" terms.\r\n\r\nThe article of Jan Opsomer and Carlos Steel is recommended reading for anyone interested in how ancient philosophers working within the tradition of classical ontology wrestled with the problem of evil. Not only does it give an excellent overview of the dilemmas involved and the solutions attempted, but it also draws on the new translation of Proclus' De malorum substantia, which the authors are preparing.\r\n\r\nThey show how Proclus tries to find a way out of the classical dilemma in which one either has to detract from providence or not take evil seriously enough as a real aspect of the world. Proclus' solution is intriguing but very risky. Any attribution of evil to the first cause is unacceptable, but in the light of Neoplatonist ontological monism this means that one has to understand evil as an (ultimately) uncaused event.\r\n\r\nNot only is this very awkward in light of the Platonic principle nihil fit sine causa, which Proclus fully endorses, but it also seems to reduce evil to a kind of accidental epiphenomenon. Opsomer and Steel argue that Proclus may have found a third way between the Stoa and the Peripatos (which reserves providence for the divine realm only), but at a considerable cost. They tentatively conclude that the Stoa continues to hold the last word in this debate, and that theodicy may well be the worst legacy that this school has left to subsequent philosophy. This is perhaps a somewhat disappointing result, but no better illustration could be given of the importance of studying Hellenistic philosophy as a background for late ancient and patristic philosophy.\r\n\r\nIn furthering this study, the book under review makes a valuable contribution. The volume also shows, as the product of predominantly young scholars, that the future of scholarship in the area of later ancient and Patristic philosophy is in good hands.","btype":4,"date":"1999","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Wi5qXtXGHesjYwT","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":339,"full_name":"Fuhrer, Therese","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":164,"full_name":"Erler, Michael ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":324,"pubplace":"Stuttgart","publisher":"Franz Steiner Verlag","series":"Philosophie der Antike","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1999]}

Hermann Diels (1848 - 1922) et la science de l'antiquité : huit exposés suivis de discussions, Vandoeuvres, Genève 17 - 21 août 1998, 1999
By: Calder, William M. (Ed.), Mansfeld, Jaap (Ed.)

Title	Hermann Diels (1848 - 1922) et la science de l'antiquité : huit exposés suivis de discussions, Vandoeuvres, Genève 17 - 21 août 1998
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1999
Publication Place	Genève
Publisher	Fondation Hardt
Series	Entretiens sur l’antiquité classique
Volume	45
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Calder, William M. , Mansfeld, Jaap
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UksPHusSKrnsi7e

{"_index":"sire","_id":"336","_score":null,"_source":{"id":336,"authors_free":[{"id":432,"entry_id":336,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":537,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Calder, William M.","free_first_name":"William M.","free_last_name":"Calder","norm_person":{"id":537,"first_name":"William M.","last_name":"Calder","full_name":"Calder, William M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122129296","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":433,"entry_id":336,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":29,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","free_first_name":"Jaap","free_last_name":"Mansfeld","norm_person":{"id":29,"first_name":"Jaap","last_name":"Mansfeld","full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119383217","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Hermann Diels (1848 - 1922) et la science de l'antiquit\u00e9 : huit expos\u00e9s suivis de discussions, Vandoeuvres, Gen\u00e8ve 17 - 21 ao\u00fbt 1998","main_title":{"title":"Hermann Diels (1848 - 1922) et la science de l'antiquit\u00e9 : huit expos\u00e9s suivis de discussions, Vandoeuvres, Gen\u00e8ve 17 - 21 ao\u00fbt 1998"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"1999","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/UksPHusSKrnsi7e","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":537,"full_name":"Calder, William M.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":29,"full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":336,"pubplace":"Gen\u00e8ve","publisher":"Fondation Hardt","series":"Entretiens sur l\u2019antiquit\u00e9 classique","volume":"45","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1999]}

Théories de la phrase et de la proposition, de Platon à Averroès, 1999
By: Diebler, Stéphane (Ed.), Büttgen, Philippe (Ed.), Rashed, Marwan (Ed.)

Title	Théories de la phrase et de la proposition, de Platon à Averroès
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1999
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Presses de l’École normale supérieure
Series	Études de littérature ancienne
Volume	10
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Diebler, Stéphane , Büttgen, Philippe , Rashed, Marwan
Translator(s)

Les théories de la phrase et de la proposition de l'Antiquité au Moyen Âge n'avaient jusqu'à présent jamais fait l'objet d'une étude d'ensemble. On trouvera dans cet ouvrage, outre de nombreux travaux substantiels sur Platon et Aristote, des contributions novatrices sur la tradition stoïcienne, ainsi que sur les aristotélismes grec, syriaque, arabe et latin. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Ui6DfE48AHsbm24

{"_index":"sire","_id":"363","_score":null,"_source":{"id":363,"authors_free":[{"id":477,"entry_id":363,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":192,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Diebler, St\u00e9phane","free_first_name":"St\u00e9phane ","free_last_name":"Diebler","norm_person":{"id":192,"first_name":"St\u00e9phane ","last_name":" Diebler","full_name":"Diebler, St\u00e9phane","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/135973635","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":478,"entry_id":363,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":193,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"B\u00fcttgen, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"B\u00fcttgen","norm_person":{"id":193,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":" B\u00fcttgen","full_name":"B\u00fcttgen, Philippe","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1071071025","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":479,"entry_id":363,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Th\u00e9ories de la phrase et de la proposition, de Platon \u00e0 Averro\u00e8s","main_title":{"title":"Th\u00e9ories de la phrase et de la proposition, de Platon \u00e0 Averro\u00e8s"},"abstract":"Les th\u00e9ories de la phrase et de la proposition de l'Antiquit\u00e9 au Moyen \u00c2ge n'avaient jusqu'\u00e0 pr\u00e9sent jamais fait l'objet d'une \u00e9tude d'ensemble. On trouvera dans cet ouvrage, outre de nombreux travaux substantiels sur Platon et Aristote, des contributions novatrices sur la tradition sto\u00efcienne, ainsi que sur les aristot\u00e9lismes grec, syriaque, arabe et latin. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1999","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Ui6DfE48AHsbm24","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":192,"full_name":"Diebler, St\u00e9phane","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":193,"full_name":"B\u00fcttgen, Philippe","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":363,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Presses de l\u2019\u00c9cole normale sup\u00e9rieure","series":"\u00c9tudes de litt\u00e9rature ancienne","volume":"10","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1999]}

Impetus Theory and the Hermeneutics of Science in Simplicius and Philoponus, 1999
By: Wildberg, Christian

Title	Impetus Theory and the Hermeneutics of Science in Simplicius and Philoponus
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1999
Journal	Hyperboreus
Volume	5
Issue	1
Pages	107–124
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Let me come to a conclusion: In the first part of this paper I claimed that historians o f science do and should inquire into the context o f origin of past philosophical theories, not only into the context of the validity (1). Three different attempts to explain the innovative character o f John Philoponus' philosophy were discussed; all were flawed by the fact that they sought an explanation by means o f external historiography: in religion, biography and economic circumstances (II). In the main part o f this paper attention was drawn to the striking difference between the presuppositions at work in Simplicius’ and Philoponus' respective hermeneutics o f science (111). I have argued that Philoponus was able to liberate his mind in an unprecedented way from the constraints of the Neoplatonists' commitment to harmony, authority and salvation through philosophy. Philoponus’ alternative heuristic method, termed constructive criticism, was then identified as perhaps the most im portant driving force behind his scientific innovations (IV). I should like to conclude with the general recommendation that anyone who is interested in elucidating the origin o f philosophical-scientific ideas and controversies, be it o f the sixth century or at any other time, might find it more fruitful to study carefully the methodological presuppositions involved, be they hermeneutic, empirical, or speculative, rather than to gesture all too readily to external parameters like religion, anecdotes, or the socio-economics of the market place. [conclusion p. 123-124]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H1d8bA0zFyyKAUN

{"_index":"sire","_id":"429","_score":null,"_source":{"id":429,"authors_free":[{"id":579,"entry_id":429,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":360,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wildberg, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Wildberg","norm_person":{"id":360,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Wildberg","full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139018964","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Impetus Theory and the Hermeneutics of Science in Simplicius and Philoponus","main_title":{"title":"Impetus Theory and the Hermeneutics of Science in Simplicius and Philoponus"},"abstract":"Let me come to a conclusion: In the first part of this paper I claimed that \r\nhistorians o f science do and should inquire into the context o f origin of past \r\nphilosophical theories, not only into the context of the validity (1). Three \r\ndifferent attempts to explain the innovative character o f John Philoponus' \r\nphilosophy were discussed; all were flawed by the fact that they sought an \r\nexplanation by means o f external historiography: in religion, biography and \r\neconomic circumstances (II). In the main part o f this paper attention was drawn to the striking difference between the presuppositions at work in \r\nSimplicius\u2019 and Philoponus' respective hermeneutics o f science (111). I have \r\nargued that Philoponus was able to liberate his mind in an unprecedented way \r\nfrom the constraints of the Neoplatonists' commitment to harmony, authority \r\nand salvation through philosophy. Philoponus\u2019 alternative heuristic method, \r\ntermed constructive criticism, was then identified as perhaps the most im\u00ad\r\nportant driving force behind his scientific innovations (IV). I should like to \r\nconclude with the general recommendation that anyone who is interested in \r\nelucidating the origin o f philosophical-scientific ideas and controversies, be \r\nit o f the sixth century or at any other time, might find it more fruitful to study \r\ncarefully the methodological presuppositions involved, be they hermeneutic, \r\nempirical, or speculative, rather than to gesture all too readily to external \r\nparameters like religion, anecdotes, or the socio-economics of the market \r\nplace. [conclusion p. 123-124]","btype":3,"date":"1999","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/H1d8bA0zFyyKAUN","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":429,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hyperboreus","volume":"5","issue":"1","pages":"107\u2013124"}},"sort":[1999]}

The Cambridge companion to early Greek philosophy, 1999
By: Long, Anthony A.

Title	The Cambridge companion to early Greek philosophy
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1999
Publication Place	Cambridge – New York
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Long, Anthony A.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The Western tradition of philosophy began in Greece with a cluster of thinkers often called the Presocratics, whose influence has been incalculable. All these thinkers are discussed in this volume both as individuals and collectively in chapters on rational theology, epistemology, psychology, rhetoric and relativism, justice, and poetics. Assuming no knowledge of Greek or prior knowledge of the subject, this volume provides new readers with the most convenient and accessible guide to early Greek philosophy available. Advanced students and specialists will find a conspectus of recent developments in the interpretation of early Greek thought.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YKDCYenc5tGg0P2

{"_index":"sire","_id":"163","_score":null,"_source":{"id":163,"authors_free":[{"id":213,"entry_id":163,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":515,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Long, Anthony A.","free_first_name":"Anthony A.","free_last_name":"Long","norm_person":{"id":515,"first_name":"Anthony A.","last_name":"Long","full_name":"Long, Anthony A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118959603","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Cambridge companion to early Greek philosophy","main_title":{"title":"The Cambridge companion to early Greek philosophy"},"abstract":"The Western tradition of philosophy began in Greece with a cluster of thinkers often called the Presocratics, whose influence has been incalculable. All these thinkers are discussed in this volume both as individuals and collectively in chapters on rational theology, epistemology, psychology, rhetoric and relativism, justice, and poetics. Assuming no knowledge of Greek or prior knowledge of the subject, this volume provides new readers with the most convenient and accessible guide to early Greek philosophy available. Advanced students and specialists will find a conspectus of recent developments in the interpretation of early Greek thought.","btype":1,"date":"1999","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YKDCYenc5tGg0P2","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":515,"full_name":"Long, Anthony A.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":163,"pubplace":"Cambridge \u2013 New York","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1999]}

Commentarium in decem categorias Aristotelis. Neudruck der Ausgabe Venedig 1540, 1999
By: Simplicius

Title	Commentarium in decem categorias Aristotelis. Neudruck der Ausgabe Venedig 1540
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1999
Publication Place	Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt
Publisher	Frommann- Holzboog
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Dorotheus, Guillelmus(Dorotheus, Guillelmus) ,

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/7lK2Nt2p13BcPH9

{"_index":"sire","_id":"116","_score":null,"_source":{"id":116,"authors_free":[{"id":138,"entry_id":116,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":488,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Dorotheus, Guillelmus","free_first_name":"Guillelmus","free_last_name":"Dorotheus","norm_person":{"id":488,"first_name":"Guillelmus","last_name":"Dorotheus","full_name":"Dorotheus, Guillelmus","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1089199309","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2459,"entry_id":116,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Commentarium in decem categorias Aristotelis. Neudruck der Ausgabe Venedig 1540","main_title":{"title":"Commentarium in decem categorias Aristotelis. Neudruck der Ausgabe Venedig 1540"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1999","language":"Latin","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/7lK2Nt2p13BcPH9","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":488,"full_name":"Dorotheus, Guillelmus","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":116,"pubplace":"Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt","publisher":"Frommann- Holzboog","series":"Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca","volume":"8","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1999]}

Simplikios und das Ende der neuplatonischen Schule in Athen, 1999
By: Thiel, Rainer

Title	Simplikios und das Ende der neuplatonischen Schule in Athen
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1999
Publication Place	Stuttgart
Publisher	Franz Steiner Verlag
Series	Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur. Abhandlungen der geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Thiel, Rainer
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplikios aus Kilikien (6. Jhd. n. Chr.) gehört zu den bedeutendsten und neben Alexander von Aphrodisias (2.13. Jhd. n. Chr.) auch in der Moderne am höchsten geschätzten antiken Aristoteles-Kommentatoren. Er ist mit seinem Mitschüler Priskian zusammen der letzte der heidnischen Philosophen der spätantiken platonischen Schule in Athen, von dem uns Werke erhalten sind, ausschließlich Kommentare, und zwar zu Aristoteles’ Kategorienschrift, de caeb, ,Physik' und de anima sowie zu Epiktets Enchiridion.1 Um Missverständnissen vorzubeugen, sei vorab erwähnt, dass, wenn hier von einer platonischen „Schule“ die Rede ist, dies in dem von J. Glucker2 herausgearbeiteten Sinne gemeint ist. Diese Schule war unabhängig von jeder staatlichen Förderung und stand in einer ununterbrochenen institutioneilen Kontinuität weder zur platonischen Akademie (wie schon Olympiodor fälschlich glaubte), noch zu dem unter Mark Aurel eingerichteten3 Athener Lehrstuhl für platonische Philosophie. Sie stand zwar, und sah sich selbst, in der geistigen Nachfolge der von Platon gegründeten Akademie, institutionell handelte es sich jedoch um eine neue Einrichtung, die sich durch ihr privates Vermögen selbst trug. 1927 hatte Karl Praechter in seinem RE-Artikel ‘Simplikios’ die erste zusammenhängende Würdigung dieses platonischen Philosophen und Kom-mentators gegeben, die dessen Bild auf Jahrzehnte bestimmte. 1967 und 1969 hat dann Alan Cameron mit seinen in verschiedenen Fassungen erschienenen Artikeln über das Ende der spätantiken platonischen Schule in Athen eine lebhafte Diskussion über dieses Thema und dabei insbesondere über die Frage angestoßen, wo man sich Simplikios’ Verbleib nach der Rückkehr vom persi¬schen Hof ins Römische Reich und mithin den Entstehungsort aller oder der meisten seiner Kommentare denken darf.7 Wenn dieses Thema hier noch ein¬mal aufgegriffen wird, so in der Überzeugung, dass eine zusammenfassende Würdigung der bislang vorgebrachten Argumente und die Erörterung einiger wichtiger Umstände, die in der bisherigen Diskussion keine oder nur eine ge¬ringe Rolle gespielt haben, zu einem ausgewogeneren Bild führen werden. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2N5qVcVUEwtK2L2

{"_index":"sire","_id":"3","_score":null,"_source":{"id":3,"authors_free":[{"id":3,"entry_id":3,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":333,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Thiel, Rainer","free_first_name":"Rainer","free_last_name":"Thiel","norm_person":{"id":333,"first_name":"Rainer","last_name":"Thiel","full_name":"Thiel, Rainer","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/12885054X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplikios und das Ende der neuplatonischen Schule in Athen","main_title":{"title":"Simplikios und das Ende der neuplatonischen Schule in Athen"},"abstract":"Simplikios aus Kilikien (6. Jhd. n. Chr.) geh\u00f6rt zu den bedeutendsten und neben Alexander von Aphrodisias (2.13. Jhd. n. Chr.) auch in der Moderne am h\u00f6chsten gesch\u00e4tzten antiken Aristoteles-Kommentatoren. Er ist mit seinem Mitsch\u00fcler Priskian zusammen der letzte der heidnischen Philosophen der sp\u00e4tantiken platonischen Schule in Athen, von dem uns Werke erhalten sind, ausschlie\u00dflich Kommentare, und zwar zu Aristoteles\u2019 Kategorienschrift, de caeb, ,Physik' und de anima sowie zu Epiktets Enchiridion.1 Um Missverst\u00e4ndnissen vorzubeugen, sei vorab erw\u00e4hnt, dass, wenn hier von einer platonischen \u201eSchule\u201c die Rede ist, dies in dem von J. Glucker2 herausgearbeiteten Sinne gemeint ist. Diese Schule war unabh\u00e4ngig von jeder staatlichen F\u00f6rderung und stand in einer ununterbrochenen institutioneilen Kontinuit\u00e4t weder zur platonischen Akademie (wie schon Olympiodor f\u00e4lschlich glaubte), noch zu dem unter Mark Aurel eingerichteten3 Athener Lehrstuhl f\u00fcr platonische Philosophie. Sie stand zwar, und sah sich selbst, in der geistigen Nachfolge der von Platon gegr\u00fcndeten Akademie, institutionell handelte es sich jedoch um eine neue Einrichtung, die sich durch ihr privates Verm\u00f6gen selbst trug. 1927 hatte Karl Praechter in seinem RE-Artikel \u2018Simplikios\u2019 die erste zusammenh\u00e4ngende W\u00fcrdigung dieses platonischen Philosophen und Kom-mentators gegeben, die dessen Bild auf Jahrzehnte bestimmte. 1967 und 1969 \r\nhat dann Alan Cameron mit seinen in verschiedenen Fassungen erschienenen Artikeln \u00fcber das Ende der sp\u00e4tantiken platonischen Schule in Athen eine lebhafte Diskussion \u00fcber dieses Thema und dabei insbesondere \u00fcber die Frage angesto\u00dfen, wo man sich Simplikios\u2019 Verbleib nach der R\u00fcckkehr vom persi\u00acschen Hof ins R\u00f6mische Reich und mithin den Entstehungsort aller oder der meisten seiner Kommentare denken darf.7 Wenn dieses Thema hier noch ein\u00acmal aufgegriffen wird, so in der \u00dcberzeugung, dass eine zusammenfassende W\u00fcrdigung der bislang vorgebrachten Argumente und die Er\u00f6rterung einiger wichtiger Umst\u00e4nde, die in der bisherigen Diskussion keine oder nur eine ge\u00acringe Rolle gespielt haben, zu einem ausgewogeneren Bild f\u00fchren werden. [introduction]","btype":1,"date":"1999","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2N5qVcVUEwtK2L2","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":333,"full_name":"Thiel, Rainer","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":3,"pubplace":"Stuttgart","publisher":"Franz Steiner Verlag","series":"Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur. Abhandlungen der geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse","volume":"8","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1999]}

The Strasbourg Papyrus of Empedocles: Some Preliminary Remarks, 1999
By: van der Ben, Nicolaas

Title	The Strasbourg Papyrus of Empedocles: Some Preliminary Remarks
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1999
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	52
Issue	5
Pages	525-544
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	van der Ben, Nicolaas
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It will have become clear, I hope, that the amount of work that has yet to be done on this newly published papyrus is enormous. Surely it is early days to draw any conclusions. The work in terms of a scholarly debate has not even started yet. However, some remarks may perhaps be made. (1) The text in the physical sense of the word is in a poor state, obviously. (2) The text in the abstract sense, too, is of poor quality; and all the signs are that no proper edition was ever made of Empedocles' text. (3) As far as we are able to discern the contents of the lines discussed, it must be said that they do not appear to be particularly revealing. They start with 8 lines which seem to be somewhat repetitive and of a transitionary nature. Next, there are 16 lines which somehow deal with the Sphairos; although, of course, they constitute a welcome addition to fr. 35DK (quoted by Simplicius), the latter passage is still the more informative one. Finally, there are 10 lines in which the pupil is urged to see for himself the great explanatory force of the theory, which is restated in pregnant form. To put it differently and more poignantly, these 34 lines do not offer us the treatment of any one particular subject. Just think how much our understanding of Empedocles would have been enhanced if we had been able to read, say, his cosmology, or physiology of the sense-organs, or of the intellectual functions; or a detailed description of the assimilation of food and growth, or of fertilization! A similar disappointment surrounds the other ensembles: b partly coincides with 76DK, c with 20DK, and d with (a repeat of) fr. 139DK: welcome and interesting though the additional information provided by them often is, here, too, there is no treatment of a particular subject matter unknown, or insufficiently known, to us previously. To return to ensemble a, it should be noted that most of it, viz. ?(i)6-?(ii)29, 33 lines in all, was omitted by Simplicius, who quoted very extensively from this section of the poem. The reason why he refrained from copying these 33 lines may well have been, I think, that he deemed them to contain little that had not been said equally well or even better in the other extensive passages he had copied from Empedocles. Are there no saving graces? Yes, of course, there are. The first is that we have a better perspective on the transmission of Empedocles' text, tantalizingly blurred though it is bound to remain. It may now be suspected that many of the corruptions in our text are not due to errors made by medieval scribes, but had already entered the text in antiquity itself. I am referring particularly to the deep corruptions which seem due to extensive tampering and appear to exhibit a certain pattern. And since corruptions of this kind appear well-represented even in Aristotle's quotations, their source must date back to a very early time indeed. The second gain, finally, is, I think, the most important of all, viz. the fact that we now know line 300; and, by simple calculation, that the 35 lines of fr. 17DK extend from line 232 through 266. So the absolute position of the 69 lines 232 through 300 is now known. The value of this piece of information can hardly be overestimated. It will have a beneficial effect on literally all the fragments. After all, the average size of Empedocles' fragments is a mere three lines, hardly enough, in many cases, to arrive at any compelling interpretation. Starting from the text of lines 232-300, one will be able to establish the relative positions of many fragments with a large degree of certainty (decreasing, of course, as the distance to 232 or 300 increases). The result will be that many fragments will draw closer together and constitute one another's context, so to speak. Our interpretations will be based on much firmer foundations. [conclusion p. 543-544]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/BcAsTrl3xWnFgU9

{"_index":"sire","_id":"453","_score":null,"_source":{"id":453,"authors_free":[{"id":609,"entry_id":453,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":422,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"van der Ben, Nicolaas","free_first_name":"Nicolaas","free_last_name":"van der Ben","norm_person":{"id":422,"first_name":"Nicolaas","last_name":"van der Ben","full_name":"van der Ben, Nicolaas","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Strasbourg Papyrus of Empedocles: Some Preliminary Remarks","main_title":{"title":"The Strasbourg Papyrus of Empedocles: Some Preliminary Remarks"},"abstract":"It will have become clear, I hope, that the amount of work that has yet to be done on this newly published papyrus is enormous. Surely it is early days to draw any conclusions. The work in terms of a scholarly debate has not even started yet. However, some remarks may perhaps be made. (1) The text in the physical sense of the word is in a poor state, obviously. (2) The text in the abstract sense, too, is of poor quality; and all the signs are that no proper edition was ever made of Empedocles' text. (3) As far as we are able to discern the contents of the lines discussed, it must be said that they do not appear to be particularly revealing. They start with 8 lines which seem to be somewhat repetitive and of a transitionary nature. Next, there are 16 lines which somehow deal with the Sphairos; although, of course, they constitute a welcome addition to fr. 35DK (quoted by Simplicius), the latter passage is still the more informative one. Finally, there are 10 lines in which the pupil is urged to see for himself the great explanatory force of the theory, which is restated in pregnant form.\r\n\r\nTo put it differently and more poignantly, these 34 lines do not offer us the treatment of any one particular subject. Just think how much our understanding of Empedocles would have been enhanced if we had been able to read, say, his cosmology, or physiology of the sense-organs, or of the intellectual functions; or a detailed description of the assimilation of food and growth, or of fertilization! A similar disappointment surrounds the other ensembles: b partly coincides with 76DK, c with 20DK, and d with (a repeat of) fr. 139DK: welcome and interesting though the additional information provided by them often is, here, too, there is no treatment of a particular subject matter unknown, or insufficiently known, to us previously.\r\n\r\nTo return to ensemble a, it should be noted that most of it, viz. ?(i)6-?(ii)29, 33 lines in all, was omitted by Simplicius, who quoted very extensively from this section of the poem. The reason why he refrained from copying these 33 lines may well have been, I think, that he deemed them to contain little that had not been said equally well or even better in the other extensive passages he had copied from Empedocles.\r\n\r\nAre there no saving graces? Yes, of course, there are. The first is that we have a better perspective on the transmission of Empedocles' text, tantalizingly blurred though it is bound to remain. It may now be suspected that many of the corruptions in our text are not due to errors made by medieval scribes, but had already entered the text in antiquity itself. I am referring particularly to the deep corruptions which seem due to extensive tampering and appear to exhibit a certain pattern. And since corruptions of this kind appear well-represented even in Aristotle's quotations, their source must date back to a very early time indeed.\r\n\r\nThe second gain, finally, is, I think, the most important of all, viz. the fact that we now know line 300; and, by simple calculation, that the 35 lines of fr. 17DK extend from line 232 through 266. So the absolute position of the 69 lines 232 through 300 is now known. The value of this piece of information can hardly be overestimated. It will have a beneficial effect on literally all the fragments. After all, the average size of Empedocles' fragments is a mere three lines, hardly enough, in many cases, to arrive at any compelling interpretation. Starting from the text of lines 232-300, one will be able to establish the relative positions of many fragments with a large degree of certainty (decreasing, of course, as the distance to 232 or 300 increases). The result will be that many fragments will draw closer together and constitute one another's context, so to speak. Our interpretations will be based on much firmer foundations. [conclusion p. 543-544]","btype":3,"date":"1999","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/BcAsTrl3xWnFgU9","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":422,"full_name":"van der Ben, Nicolaas","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":453,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Mnemosyne, Fourth Series","volume":"52","issue":"5","pages":"525-544"}},"sort":[1999]}

Stoische Ethik und neuplatonische Tugendlehre. Zur Verortung der stoischen Ethik im neuplatonischen System in Simplikios' Kommentar zu Epiktets Enchiridion, 1999
By: Thiel, Rainer, Fuhrer, Therese (Ed.), Erler, Michael (Ed.)

Title	Stoische Ethik und neuplatonische Tugendlehre. Zur Verortung der stoischen Ethik im neuplatonischen System in Simplikios' Kommentar zu Epiktets Enchiridion
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1999
Published in	Zur Rezeption der hellenistischen Philosophie in der Spätantike. Akten der 1. Tagung der Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 22.-25. September 1997 in Trier
Pages	93-103
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Thiel, Rainer
Editor(s)	Fuhrer, Therese , Erler, Michael
Translator(s)

The text presents an analysis of the Stoic ethics and its placement within the Neoplatonic system, particularly in Simplicius' commentary on Epictetus' Enchiridion. It explores how the Neoplatonic tradition emerged as a unified philosophical school, leading to the disappearance of conflicting philosophical schools. Despite the Stoic teachings being present in Neoplatonic works, they are generally treated critically and dismissed as opposed to the Aristotelian position. The text then delves into the Neoplatonic system of virtues, starting with Plato's four cardinal virtues, which were further developed by Neoplatonists. It highlights Plotinus' view that the political virtues alone are not sufficient for the soul's ascent to divine perfection, as they are related to the material world. Instead, Plotinus introduces the concept of "purifications" as the virtues that enable the soul to detach from bodily passions and elevate itself towards the divine. The abstract concludes by emphasizing the relevance of Simplikios' application of this Neoplatonic virtue system to Epictetus' Enchiridion, positioning it as an essential tool for the soul's progress towards resemblance to the divine. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RKLOhPA3UpPbgKk

{"_index":"sire","_id":"470","_score":null,"_source":{"id":470,"authors_free":[{"id":633,"entry_id":470,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":333,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Thiel, Rainer","free_first_name":"Rainer","free_last_name":"Thiel","norm_person":{"id":333,"first_name":"Rainer","last_name":"Thiel","full_name":"Thiel, Rainer","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/12885054X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":634,"entry_id":470,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":339,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fuhrer, Therese","free_first_name":"Therese","free_last_name":"Fuhrer","norm_person":{"id":339,"first_name":"Therese","last_name":"Fuhrer","full_name":"Fuhrer, Therese","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117693804","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":635,"entry_id":470,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":164,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Erler, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Erler","norm_person":{"id":164,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Erler","full_name":"Erler, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122153847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Stoische Ethik und neuplatonische Tugendlehre. Zur Verortung der stoischen Ethik im neuplatonischen System in Simplikios' Kommentar zu Epiktets Enchiridion","main_title":{"title":"Stoische Ethik und neuplatonische Tugendlehre. Zur Verortung der stoischen Ethik im neuplatonischen System in Simplikios' Kommentar zu Epiktets Enchiridion"},"abstract":"The text presents an analysis of the Stoic ethics and its placement within the Neoplatonic system, particularly in Simplicius' commentary on Epictetus' Enchiridion. It explores how the Neoplatonic tradition emerged as a unified philosophical school, leading to the disappearance of conflicting philosophical schools. Despite the Stoic teachings being present in Neoplatonic works, they are generally treated critically and dismissed as opposed to the Aristotelian position. The text then delves into the Neoplatonic system of virtues, starting with Plato's four cardinal virtues, which were further developed by Neoplatonists. It highlights Plotinus' view that the political virtues alone are not sufficient for the soul's ascent to divine perfection, as they are related to the material world. Instead, Plotinus introduces the concept of \"purifications\" as the virtues that enable the soul to detach from bodily passions and elevate itself towards the divine. The abstract concludes by emphasizing the relevance of Simplikios' application of this Neoplatonic virtue system to Epictetus' Enchiridion, positioning it as an essential tool for the soul's progress towards resemblance to the divine. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"1999","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RKLOhPA3UpPbgKk","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":333,"full_name":"Thiel, Rainer","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":339,"full_name":"Fuhrer, Therese","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":164,"full_name":"Erler, Michael ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":470,"section_of":324,"pages":"93-103","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":324,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Zur Rezeption der hellenistischen Philosophie in der Sp\u00e4tantike. Akten der 1. Tagung der Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 22.-25. September 1997 in Trier","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Fuhrer\/Erler1999","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1999","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1999","abstract":"Review by T. Runia: As a generalization it is often remarked that the poor state of our knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy, based almost exclusively on reports and fragments, is due to the decline of interest in this philosophy during the period of late antiquity. After the schools had closed down by the beginning of the 3rd century C.E., Peripatetic, Stoic, and Epicurean writings ceased to circulate widely, and in the end disappeared completely. Of course the end result of this process cannot be disputed. These writings have simply disappeared and, short of a miracle, they will not resurface.\r\n\r\nBut the process certainly took longer and was less radical in its earlier stages than is often thought. Late ancient philosophers and theologians in many cases still had a considerable knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy and used that knowledge to good effect in their own writings.\r\n\r\nThe theme of the reception of Hellenistic philosophy in late antiquity is the subject of the book under review, which contains fifteen studies originally presented at a conference in Trier in 1997. The studies are in German, with two exceptions, a paper in Italian and one in English. They have been prepared by a group of young scholars, mainly in their 30's and 40's, who in most cases have taken up positions in German and Swiss universities during the past decade or so.\r\n\r\nReviewing the various studies, one cannot but help noticing a marked similarity of method. The subjects treated are on the whole fairly limited in scope, and often concentrate on a particular author and a particular text. The detailed treatment is usually prefaced by an introductory section, which places the subject in a wider context, for example by tracing its development from the end of the Hellenistic period to the time of the author being discussed.These introductory sections can sometimes be very entertaining and informative (as in the case of the article of Christoph Riedweg, who points out remarkable correspondences between the period of late antiquity and our own time), but can also be too much simply a catalogue of authors and texts (as in the case of the survey of Epicureanism from Hadrian to Lactantius in the article by Jochem Althoff). The end result is that we have fifteen small but well-featured islands standing out in the broader sea of the book's subject.\r\n\r\nThe brief introduction competently but very succinctly outlines three connecting themes:\r\n\r\n The role of the Stoa and Epicureanism in Platonist philosophy.\r\n Scepticism, Stoicism, and Epicureanism in Christian literature.\r\n Doctrines of the Hellenistic philosophical schools as general cultural knowledge (Bildungsgut).\r\n\r\nBut no real attempt is made to cover the subject in more general terms. This is increasingly the method of such selective conference volumes. In spite of the general title, it is primarily a book for specialists.\r\n\r\nThe fifteen papers can be more or less divided into the three thematic categories noted above. Four concentrate on Hellenistic themes in later Platonism: Dominic O'Meara on Epicurus Neoplatonicus, Rainer Thiel and Michael Erler on the preparatory role of Hellenistic (and especially Stoic) ethics, Jan Opsomer and Carlos Steel on Proclus' doctrine of the origin of evil and its Hellenistic antecedents. Christoph Riedweg, by investigating Julian's use of Stoic and Platonic argumentation in his anti-Christian polemic, bridges the gap with the eight contributions which concentrate on Patristic authors.\r\n\r\nThe intellectual dominance of Augustine is illustrated by the fact that no less than five contributions concentrate on his writings: Maria Bettetini on the background to De musica (very little Hellenistic philosophy here), Karin Schlapbach on Ciceronian and Neoplatonist elements in the proarmia of Contra Academicos I & II, Sabine Harwardt on Stoic argumentation in De beata vita, Christoph Horn on Augustine's moral philosophy in relation to Greek virtue ethics, Therese Fuhrer on the Hellenistic epistemological background of Augustine's concept of faith.\r\n\r\nThe other three specifically Patristic contributions are on Amobius (philosophical themes in his apologetic argumentation, by Sabine Follinger), Lactantius (his use of Epicurus, by Jochem Althoff), and Prudentius (virtue against vice in the Psychomachia, by Carolin Oser-Grote).\r\n\r\nThe volume ends with two more general treatments. Karla Pollman attempts to trace two differing conceptions of fictionality\u2014the Platonic mimesis-model focused on the author and the Stoic signification-model focused more on the reader\u2014from Hellenistic philosophy to their adaptation in late ancient texts. Ulrich Eigler, in an ambitious and stimulating contribution, investigates the cultural context of the kind of amateur use of philosophy that we find, for example, in Jerome's writings. Of these fifteen articles, three stand out on account of the lucidity of their treatment and the importance of their subject. Christoph Horn's method is perhaps somewhat unusual, in that he focuses his treatment of Augustine's virtue ethics almost entirely on a point-by-point rebuttal of the position of the Swedish scholar of a previous generation, Gosta Hok, whom he accuses of interpreting Augustine in such a way as to make him a fideistic opponent of ancient rationalism. In actual fact, Augustine unreservedly takes over the basic theses of ancient ethical rationalism, but in his later years reserves it for followers of the \"true religion,\" without coming to a real discussion with its original Neoplatonist proponents.\r\n\r\nMany of Horn's points are well taken, but one wonders whether in this interpretation the gulf between Augustine's professed method of selective spoliatio and his actual practice of largely uncritical appropriation (as proposed by Horn) does not become too great. What Augustine objects to in ancient rationalism is its intellectual arrogance, the refusal to submit to the yoke of faith. This position seems to me to have revisionary aspirations. The struggle between \"catholic\" and \"protestant\" readings of Augustine is likely to continue.\r\n\r\nIn her paper on the epistemological background to Augustine's conception of faith, Therese Fuhrer argues that it is to be found in the Stoic theory in which assent (adsensio, \u03c3\u03c5\u03b3\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) precedes both knowledge (scientia, \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03bc\u03b7, based on comprehensio, \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03bb\u03b7\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2) and belief (opinio, \u03b4\u03cc\u03be\u03b1). A priori, this seems not so likely, since the role assigned to volition in the two conceptions is quite different. Nevertheless, Fuhrer manages to show that both in terms of structure and terminology this background does have illuminating features.\r\n\r\nA difficulty remains that no texts indicating an explicit relation between the act of faith and epistemological assent can be found until two passages in very late writings. This article illustrates how difficult it is to pin Augustine down in relation to specific philosophical theories. It is his powerful transforming drive that makes his views so distinctive and so hard to categorize in \"doxographical\" terms.\r\n\r\nThe article of Jan Opsomer and Carlos Steel is recommended reading for anyone interested in how ancient philosophers working within the tradition of classical ontology wrestled with the problem of evil. Not only does it give an excellent overview of the dilemmas involved and the solutions attempted, but it also draws on the new translation of Proclus' De malorum substantia, which the authors are preparing.\r\n\r\nThey show how Proclus tries to find a way out of the classical dilemma in which one either has to detract from providence or not take evil seriously enough as a real aspect of the world. Proclus' solution is intriguing but very risky. Any attribution of evil to the first cause is unacceptable, but in the light of Neoplatonist ontological monism this means that one has to understand evil as an (ultimately) uncaused event.\r\n\r\nNot only is this very awkward in light of the Platonic principle nihil fit sine causa, which Proclus fully endorses, but it also seems to reduce evil to a kind of accidental epiphenomenon. Opsomer and Steel argue that Proclus may have found a third way between the Stoa and the Peripatos (which reserves providence for the divine realm only), but at a considerable cost. They tentatively conclude that the Stoa continues to hold the last word in this debate, and that theodicy may well be the worst legacy that this school has left to subsequent philosophy. This is perhaps a somewhat disappointing result, but no better illustration could be given of the importance of studying Hellenistic philosophy as a background for late ancient and patristic philosophy.\r\n\r\nIn furthering this study, the book under review makes a valuable contribution. The volume also shows, as the product of predominantly young scholars, that the future of scholarship in the area of later ancient and Patristic philosophy is in good hands.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Wi5qXtXGHesjYwT","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":324,"pubplace":"Stuttgart","publisher":"Franz Steiner Verlag","series":"Philosophie der Antike","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1999]}

The Synonymy of Homonyms, 1999
By: Flannery, Kevin L.

Title	The Synonymy of Homonyms
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1999
Journal	Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume	81
Pages	268–289
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Flannery, Kevin L.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Is the homonym-synonym paradox important enough to force this emendation? I think that it is. If considering the two definitions in conjunction -the definition of homonyms and that of synonyms - it turns out that homonyms qua homonyms are not homonyms and, therefore, that only qua not homonyms are homonyms homonyms, that is a problem. We can resolve the paradox by breaking the conjunction - i. e., by severing the interdependence between the two definitions by eliminating tas ouisas from the first. Would Aristotle have anticipated the paradox and set out his definitions so as to avoid it? We do not have to go so far. We need only believe that, when initially conceiving Cat. i, he had a consistent set of ideas in mind. That is, we need only believe that he had in mind a position that would not lead to the type of problems that typically arise when two definitions are interdependent. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/7UMy6i0NWqhhPbZ

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Philology and philosophy in the margins of early printed editions of the ancient Greek commentators on Aristotle, with special reference to copies held in the Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense, Milan, 1999
By: Fazzo, Silvia, Blackwell, Constance (Ed.), Kusukawa, Sachiko (Ed.)

Title	Philology and philosophy in the margins of early printed editions of the ancient Greek commentators on Aristotle, with special reference to copies held in the Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense, Milan
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1999
Published in	Philosophy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Conversations with Aristotle
Pages	48-75
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fazzo, Silvia
Editor(s)	Blackwell, Constance , Kusukawa, Sachiko
Translator(s)

My aim in this paper is to discuss some examples of the problems Renaissance scholars encountered in this regard [i.e. he great advantage of having Greek texts available in print]. In this first section, I will be concerned with a few sixteenth-century scholars and the close attention which they paid to the first Greek printed edition of the Quaestiones of Alexander of Aphrodisias. [p. 49]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tTVeJQfmUSW2VyM

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Diels' Vorsokratiker, Rückschau und Ausblick, 1999
By: Mansfeld, Jaap (Ed.), Calder, William M. (Ed.), Burkert, Walter

Title	Diels' Vorsokratiker, Rückschau und Ausblick
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1999
Published in	Hermann Diels (1848 - 1922) et la science de l'antiquité : huit exposés suivis de discussions, Vandoeuvres, Genève 17 - 21 août 1998
Pages	169-197
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Burkert, Walter
Editor(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap , Calder, William M.
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Qmaq8lxyMueMGPD

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Hellenistische Philosophie als 'praeparatio Platonica' in der Spätantike (am Beispiel von Boethius' 'consolatio philosophiae'), 1999
By: Erler, Michael, Fuhrer, Therese (Ed.), Erler, Michael (Ed.)

Title	Hellenistische Philosophie als 'praeparatio Platonica' in der Spätantike (am Beispiel von Boethius' 'consolatio philosophiae')
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1999
Published in	Zur Rezeption der hellenistischen Philosophie in der Spätantike. Akten der 1. Tagung der Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 22.-25. September 1997 in Trier
Pages	105-122
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Erler, Michael
Editor(s)	Fuhrer, Therese , Erler, Michael
Translator(s)

Rainer Thiel (Stoische Ethik und neuplatonische Tugendlehre. Zur Verortung der stoischen Ethik im neuplatonischen System in Simplikios’ Kommentar zu Epiktets Enchiridion, 93-103) analysiert präzise, wie Simplikios in seinem Kommentar zu Epiktets Encheiridion den Wert der stoischen Ethik bestimmt: die Befolgung des dort Gesagten sei Voraussetzung für den eigentlichen philosophischen Aufstieg. Auch hier erscheint hellenistische Philosophie also als propädeutische Vorstufe, wobei Simplikios - wie Thiel zu Recht hervorhebt - freilich immer auch die Differenzen zwischen Epiktet und neuplatonischen Auffassungen benennt, was er zu seiner Zeit bereits in einer zurückhaltenden, unpolemischen Form tun kann. Von einer anderen Seite her kommt Michael Erler (Philosophie als Therapie — Hellenistische Philosophie als praeparatio philosophica im Platonismus der Spätantike, 105-22) - auch gestützt auf die Forschungen des Ehepaars Hadot - für Simplikios' Kommentar zu demselben Ergebnis (115: "eine gleichsam verschriftlichte Form schulmäßiger Vorbereitung auf das platonische Philosophiestudium") und gewinnt hieraus für Boethius' Consolatio Philosophiae eine überzeugende Erklärung für das Phänomen, daß stoisches Gedankengut in den ersten drei Büchern eine deutliche Rolle spielt, um danach in den Hintergrund zu treten. Indem Erler Boethius' Schrift in den Kontext platonischer Schulpraxis des allmählichen Aufsteigens zur Erkenntnis rückt, vermag er verständlich zu machen, was der rein literarische Vergleich mit anderer Konsolationsliteratur nicht zu erklären vermochte. In der ersten Werkhälfte geht es darum, den noch ganz im irdischen Leben gefangenen Boethius erst einmal innerweltlich auf die richtige Bahn zu bringen, vor allem, seine Vorstellungen zu reinigen, und hierbei kann auch auf die hellenistische Philosophie zurückgegriffen werden, insoweit sie als Vorbereitung auf die im platonischen Sinne eigentliche Philosophie dienen kann, weswegen Erler diese Funktion als "praeparatio platonica" bezeichnet. Neben dieser Aneignung hellenistischen philosophischen Gutes als propädeutischer Vorübung gibt es aber naturgemäß auch Felder, in denen eine Abgrenzung unvermeidlich ist.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NeFv0yyCaNc0UCn

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1519","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1519,"authors_free":[{"id":2635,"entry_id":1519,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":164,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Erler, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Erler","norm_person":{"id":164,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Erler","full_name":"Erler, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122153847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2636,"entry_id":1519,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":339,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fuhrer, Therese","free_first_name":"Therese","free_last_name":"Fuhrer","norm_person":{"id":339,"first_name":"Therese","last_name":"Fuhrer","full_name":"Fuhrer, Therese","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117693804","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2637,"entry_id":1519,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":164,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Erler, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Erler","norm_person":{"id":164,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Erler","full_name":"Erler, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122153847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Hellenistische Philosophie als 'praeparatio Platonica' in der Sp\u00e4tantike (am Beispiel von Boethius' 'consolatio philosophiae')","main_title":{"title":"Hellenistische Philosophie als 'praeparatio Platonica' in der Sp\u00e4tantike (am Beispiel von Boethius' 'consolatio philosophiae')"},"abstract":" Rainer Thiel (Stoische Ethik und neuplatonische Tugendlehre. Zur Verortung der stoischen Ethik im neuplatonischen System in Simplikios\u2019 Kommentar zu Epiktets Enchiridion, 93-103) analysiert pr\u00e4zise, wie Simplikios in seinem Kommentar zu Epiktets Encheiridion den Wert der stoischen Ethik bestimmt: die Befolgung des dort Gesagten sei Voraussetzung f\u00fcr den eigentlichen philosophischen Aufstieg. Auch hier erscheint hellenistische Philosophie also als prop\u00e4deutische Vorstufe, wobei Simplikios - wie Thiel zu Recht hervorhebt - freilich immer auch die Differenzen zwischen Epiktet und neuplatonischen Auffassungen benennt, was er zu seiner Zeit bereits in einer zur\u00fcckhaltenden, unpolemischen Form tun kann. Von einer anderen Seite her kommt Michael Erler (Philosophie als Therapie \u2014 Hellenistische Philosophie als praeparatio philosophica im Platonismus der Sp\u00e4tantike, 105-22) - auch gest\u00fctzt auf die Forschungen des Ehepaars Hadot - f\u00fcr Simplikios' Kommentar zu demselben Ergebnis (115: \"eine gleichsam verschriftlichte Form schulm\u00e4\u00dfiger Vorbereitung auf das platonische Philosophiestudium\") und gewinnt hieraus f\u00fcr Boethius' Consolatio Philosophiae eine \u00fcberzeugende Erkl\u00e4rung f\u00fcr das Ph\u00e4nomen, da\u00df stoisches Gedankengut in den ersten drei B\u00fcchern eine deutliche Rolle spielt, um danach in den Hintergrund zu treten. Indem Erler Boethius' Schrift in den Kontext platonischer Schulpraxis des allm\u00e4hlichen Aufsteigens zur Erkenntnis r\u00fcckt, vermag er verst\u00e4ndlich zu machen, was der rein literarische Vergleich mit anderer Konsolationsliteratur nicht zu erkl\u00e4ren vermochte. In der ersten Werkh\u00e4lfte geht es darum, den noch ganz im irdischen Leben gefangenen Boethius erst einmal innerweltlich auf die richtige Bahn zu bringen, vor allem, seine Vorstellungen zu reinigen, und hierbei kann auch auf die hellenistische Philosophie zur\u00fcckgegriffen werden, insoweit sie als Vorbereitung auf die im platonischen Sinne eigentliche Philosophie dienen kann, weswegen Erler diese Funktion als \"praeparatio platonica\" bezeichnet. Neben dieser Aneignung hellenistischen philosophischen Gutes als prop\u00e4deutischer Vor\u00fcbung gibt es aber naturgem\u00e4\u00df auch Felder, in denen eine Abgrenzung unvermeidlich ist.","btype":2,"date":"1999","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NeFv0yyCaNc0UCn","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":164,"full_name":"Erler, Michael ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":339,"full_name":"Fuhrer, Therese","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":164,"full_name":"Erler, Michael ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1519,"section_of":324,"pages":"105-122","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":324,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Zur Rezeption der hellenistischen Philosophie in der Sp\u00e4tantike. Akten der 1. Tagung der Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 22.-25. September 1997 in Trier","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Fuhrer\/Erler1999","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1999","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1999","abstract":"Review by T. Runia: As a generalization it is often remarked that the poor state of our knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy, based almost exclusively on reports and fragments, is due to the decline of interest in this philosophy during the period of late antiquity. After the schools had closed down by the beginning of the 3rd century C.E., Peripatetic, Stoic, and Epicurean writings ceased to circulate widely, and in the end disappeared completely. Of course the end result of this process cannot be disputed. These writings have simply disappeared and, short of a miracle, they will not resurface.\r\n\r\nBut the process certainly took longer and was less radical in its earlier stages than is often thought. Late ancient philosophers and theologians in many cases still had a considerable knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy and used that knowledge to good effect in their own writings.\r\n\r\nThe theme of the reception of Hellenistic philosophy in late antiquity is the subject of the book under review, which contains fifteen studies originally presented at a conference in Trier in 1997. The studies are in German, with two exceptions, a paper in Italian and one in English. They have been prepared by a group of young scholars, mainly in their 30's and 40's, who in most cases have taken up positions in German and Swiss universities during the past decade or so.\r\n\r\nReviewing the various studies, one cannot but help noticing a marked similarity of method. The subjects treated are on the whole fairly limited in scope, and often concentrate on a particular author and a particular text. The detailed treatment is usually prefaced by an introductory section, which places the subject in a wider context, for example by tracing its development from the end of the Hellenistic period to the time of the author being discussed.These introductory sections can sometimes be very entertaining and informative (as in the case of the article of Christoph Riedweg, who points out remarkable correspondences between the period of late antiquity and our own time), but can also be too much simply a catalogue of authors and texts (as in the case of the survey of Epicureanism from Hadrian to Lactantius in the article by Jochem Althoff). The end result is that we have fifteen small but well-featured islands standing out in the broader sea of the book's subject.\r\n\r\nThe brief introduction competently but very succinctly outlines three connecting themes:\r\n\r\n The role of the Stoa and Epicureanism in Platonist philosophy.\r\n Scepticism, Stoicism, and Epicureanism in Christian literature.\r\n Doctrines of the Hellenistic philosophical schools as general cultural knowledge (Bildungsgut).\r\n\r\nBut no real attempt is made to cover the subject in more general terms. This is increasingly the method of such selective conference volumes. In spite of the general title, it is primarily a book for specialists.\r\n\r\nThe fifteen papers can be more or less divided into the three thematic categories noted above. Four concentrate on Hellenistic themes in later Platonism: Dominic O'Meara on Epicurus Neoplatonicus, Rainer Thiel and Michael Erler on the preparatory role of Hellenistic (and especially Stoic) ethics, Jan Opsomer and Carlos Steel on Proclus' doctrine of the origin of evil and its Hellenistic antecedents. Christoph Riedweg, by investigating Julian's use of Stoic and Platonic argumentation in his anti-Christian polemic, bridges the gap with the eight contributions which concentrate on Patristic authors.\r\n\r\nThe intellectual dominance of Augustine is illustrated by the fact that no less than five contributions concentrate on his writings: Maria Bettetini on the background to De musica (very little Hellenistic philosophy here), Karin Schlapbach on Ciceronian and Neoplatonist elements in the proarmia of Contra Academicos I & II, Sabine Harwardt on Stoic argumentation in De beata vita, Christoph Horn on Augustine's moral philosophy in relation to Greek virtue ethics, Therese Fuhrer on the Hellenistic epistemological background of Augustine's concept of faith.\r\n\r\nThe other three specifically Patristic contributions are on Amobius (philosophical themes in his apologetic argumentation, by Sabine Follinger), Lactantius (his use of Epicurus, by Jochem Althoff), and Prudentius (virtue against vice in the Psychomachia, by Carolin Oser-Grote).\r\n\r\nThe volume ends with two more general treatments. Karla Pollman attempts to trace two differing conceptions of fictionality\u2014the Platonic mimesis-model focused on the author and the Stoic signification-model focused more on the reader\u2014from Hellenistic philosophy to their adaptation in late ancient texts. Ulrich Eigler, in an ambitious and stimulating contribution, investigates the cultural context of the kind of amateur use of philosophy that we find, for example, in Jerome's writings. Of these fifteen articles, three stand out on account of the lucidity of their treatment and the importance of their subject. Christoph Horn's method is perhaps somewhat unusual, in that he focuses his treatment of Augustine's virtue ethics almost entirely on a point-by-point rebuttal of the position of the Swedish scholar of a previous generation, Gosta Hok, whom he accuses of interpreting Augustine in such a way as to make him a fideistic opponent of ancient rationalism. In actual fact, Augustine unreservedly takes over the basic theses of ancient ethical rationalism, but in his later years reserves it for followers of the \"true religion,\" without coming to a real discussion with its original Neoplatonist proponents.\r\n\r\nMany of Horn's points are well taken, but one wonders whether in this interpretation the gulf between Augustine's professed method of selective spoliatio and his actual practice of largely uncritical appropriation (as proposed by Horn) does not become too great. What Augustine objects to in ancient rationalism is its intellectual arrogance, the refusal to submit to the yoke of faith. This position seems to me to have revisionary aspirations. The struggle between \"catholic\" and \"protestant\" readings of Augustine is likely to continue.\r\n\r\nIn her paper on the epistemological background to Augustine's conception of faith, Therese Fuhrer argues that it is to be found in the Stoic theory in which assent (adsensio, \u03c3\u03c5\u03b3\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) precedes both knowledge (scientia, \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03bc\u03b7, based on comprehensio, \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03bb\u03b7\u03c8\u03b9\u03c2) and belief (opinio, \u03b4\u03cc\u03be\u03b1). A priori, this seems not so likely, since the role assigned to volition in the two conceptions is quite different. Nevertheless, Fuhrer manages to show that both in terms of structure and terminology this background does have illuminating features.\r\n\r\nA difficulty remains that no texts indicating an explicit relation between the act of faith and epistemological assent can be found until two passages in very late writings. This article illustrates how difficult it is to pin Augustine down in relation to specific philosophical theories. It is his powerful transforming drive that makes his views so distinctive and so hard to categorize in \"doxographical\" terms.\r\n\r\nThe article of Jan Opsomer and Carlos Steel is recommended reading for anyone interested in how ancient philosophers working within the tradition of classical ontology wrestled with the problem of evil. Not only does it give an excellent overview of the dilemmas involved and the solutions attempted, but it also draws on the new translation of Proclus' De malorum substantia, which the authors are preparing.\r\n\r\nThey show how Proclus tries to find a way out of the classical dilemma in which one either has to detract from providence or not take evil seriously enough as a real aspect of the world. Proclus' solution is intriguing but very risky. Any attribution of evil to the first cause is unacceptable, but in the light of Neoplatonist ontological monism this means that one has to understand evil as an (ultimately) uncaused event.\r\n\r\nNot only is this very awkward in light of the Platonic principle nihil fit sine causa, which Proclus fully endorses, but it also seems to reduce evil to a kind of accidental epiphenomenon. Opsomer and Steel argue that Proclus may have found a third way between the Stoa and the Peripatos (which reserves providence for the divine realm only), but at a considerable cost. They tentatively conclude that the Stoa continues to hold the last word in this debate, and that theodicy may well be the worst legacy that this school has left to subsequent philosophy. This is perhaps a somewhat disappointing result, but no better illustration could be given of the importance of studying Hellenistic philosophy as a background for late ancient and patristic philosophy.\r\n\r\nIn furthering this study, the book under review makes a valuable contribution. The volume also shows, as the product of predominantly young scholars, that the future of scholarship in the area of later ancient and Patristic philosophy is in good hands.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Wi5qXtXGHesjYwT","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":324,"pubplace":"Stuttgart","publisher":"Franz Steiner Verlag","series":"Philosophie der Antike","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1999]}

Le temps comme mesure et la mesure du temps selon Simplicius, 1998
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Briquel-Chatonnet, Françoise (Ed.), Lozachmeur, Hélène (Ed.)

Title	Le temps comme mesure et la mesure du temps selon Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1998
Published in	Proche-Orient Ancien. Temps vécu, temps pensé
Pages	223-234
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Briquel-Chatonnet, Françoise , Lozachmeur, Hélène
Translator(s)

Cette enquête rapide a fait apparaître cinq thèses fondamentales : 1. toute mesure confère l’unité à ce qu’elle rassemble, et le fait participer, à son niveau, de l’Un lui-même ; 2. le temps, image de l’éternité (Platon), est l ’une des « mesures rassemblantes » qui sauvent le sensible du désastre ontologique ; il est, plus proprement, la « mesure de l’extension (paratasis) de l’être » ; 3. le temps est une quantité continue (Aristote), et il est mesuré par des mesures naturelles intrinsèques ; 4. la catégorie du pote, qui est distincte du temps et de la quantité, est définie par une pure relation non convertible au temps lui-même, ou à ses « mesures naturelles » ; 5. ainsi est pensée la datation d ’un événement historique (comme la bataille de Salamine), tandis que la taxis agissante du temps ordonne, conjoint et distingue les événements historiques (la guerre de Troie et la guerre du Péloponnèse ne se confondent pas). [conclusion, p. 234]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Bux3xGV4iDU4pJh

{"_index":"sire","_id":"677","_score":null,"_source":{"id":677,"authors_free":[{"id":997,"entry_id":677,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":998,"entry_id":677,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":190,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Briquel-Chatonnet, Fran\u00e7oise","free_first_name":"Fran\u00e7oise","free_last_name":"Briquel-Chatonnet","norm_person":{"id":190,"first_name":"Fran\u00e7oise ","last_name":"Briquel-Chatonnet","full_name":"Briquel-Chatonnet, Fran\u00e7oise ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138558841","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":999,"entry_id":677,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":191,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Lozachmeur, H\u00e9l\u00e8ne","free_first_name":"H\u00e9l\u00e8ne","free_last_name":"Lozachmeur","norm_person":{"id":191,"first_name":"H\u00e9l\u00e8ne","last_name":"Lozachmeur","full_name":"Lozachmeur, H\u00e9l\u00e8ne","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le temps comme mesure et la mesure du temps selon Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Le temps comme mesure et la mesure du temps selon Simplicius"},"abstract":"Cette enqu\u00eate rapide a fait appara\u00eetre cinq th\u00e8ses fondamentales : 1. toute mesure conf\u00e8re l\u2019unit\u00e9 \u00e0 ce qu\u2019elle rassemble, et le fait participer, \u00e0 son niveau, de l\u2019Un lui-m\u00eame ; 2. le temps, image de l\u2019\u00e9ternit\u00e9 (Platon), est l \u2019une des \u00ab mesures rassemblantes \u00bb qui sauvent le sensible du d\u00e9sastre ontologique ; il est, plus proprement, la \u00ab mesure de l\u2019extension (paratasis) de l\u2019\u00eatre \u00bb ; 3. le temps est une quantit\u00e9 continue (Aristote), et il est mesur\u00e9 par des mesures naturelles intrins\u00e8ques ; 4. la cat\u00e9gorie du pote, qui est distincte du temps et de la quantit\u00e9, est d\u00e9finie par une pure relation non convertible au temps lui-m\u00eame, ou \u00e0 ses \u00ab mesures naturelles \u00bb ; 5. ainsi est pens\u00e9e la datation d \u2019un \u00e9v\u00e9nement historique (comme la bataille de Salamine), tandis que la taxis agissante du temps ordonne, conjoint et distingue les \u00e9v\u00e9nements historiques (la guerre de Troie et la guerre du P\u00e9loponn\u00e8se ne se confondent pas). [conclusion, p. 234]","btype":2,"date":"1998","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Bux3xGV4iDU4pJh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":190,"full_name":"Briquel-Chatonnet, Fran\u00e7oise ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":191,"full_name":"Lozachmeur, H\u00e9l\u00e8ne","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":677,"section_of":366,"pages":"223-234","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":366,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Proche-Orient Ancien. Temps v\u00e9cu, temps pens\u00e9","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Briquel-Chatonnet1998","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1998","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1998","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5BD9RWhwMU84oxi","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":366,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Maisonneuve","series":"Antiquit\u00e9s s\u00e9mitiques","volume":"3","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1998]}

La fonction des prologues exégétiques dans la pensée pédagogique néoplatonicienne, 1998
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Dubois, Jean-Daniel (Ed.), Roussel, Bernard (Ed.)

Title	La fonction des prologues exégétiques dans la pensée pédagogique néoplatonicienne
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1998
Published in	Entrer en matière. Les prologues
Pages	209-245
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Dubois, Jean-Daniel , Roussel, Bernard
Translator(s)

La philosophie néoplatonicienne a développé une doctrine de la relation pédagogique entre le Maître (image visible du Bien) et les étudiants (âmes imparfaites), qui se fonde sur la définition même de la philosophie comme « assimilation à Dieu », et qui inscrit dans une perspective anagogique la pratique de l'exégèse et de l'enseignement. Dans un tel cadre, la question du « prologue » s*entend en trois sens 1) la représentation de la philosophie comme unité organique assigne à la logique aristotélicienne un statut de « commencement », à titre de « partie instrumentale » ; et le traité des Catégories est, à l'intérieur de cette « partie instrumentale », et au début du cursus néoplatonicien des études, le « proème » delà logique et de la philosophie tout entière ; 2) il existe d'autre part un véritable « genre littéraire » des introductions exégétiques, caractérisé par des schémas scolastiques de questions préalables ; et l'organisation du cursus commence par l'emboîtement de plusieurs introductions : à la philosophie en général, à la philosophie d'Aristote, à la philosophie de Platon, à chaque œuvre particulière de Porphyre (Isagogè), d'Aristote et de Platon ; 3) enfin, dans le cadre de l'explication de chaque œuvre singulière, les prologues exégétiques (et les commentaires eux-mêmes) peuvent comporter une description ou une légitimation du prologue de l'œuvre commentée : c'est le cas pour le traité aristotélicien des Catégories. L'application de critères rhétoriques d'origine platonicienne conduit à s'interroger sur la fonction et la liaison organique de ce prologue de l'œuvre commentée avec l'œuvre elle-même envisagée comme totalité organique. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qogll7IhtIDqqda

{"_index":"sire","_id":"685","_score":null,"_source":{"id":685,"authors_free":[{"id":1016,"entry_id":685,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1017,"entry_id":685,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":188,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Dubois, Jean-Daniel","free_first_name":"Jean-Daniel","free_last_name":"Dubois","norm_person":{"id":188,"first_name":"Jean-Daniel ","last_name":"Dubois","full_name":"Dubois, Jean-Daniel ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/104137304X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1018,"entry_id":685,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":189,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Roussel, Bernard","free_first_name":"Bernard","free_last_name":"Roussel","norm_person":{"id":189,"first_name":"Bernard ","last_name":"Roussel","full_name":"Roussel, Bernard ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1032386932","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La fonction des prologues ex\u00e9g\u00e9tiques dans la pens\u00e9e p\u00e9dagogique n\u00e9oplatonicienne","main_title":{"title":"La fonction des prologues ex\u00e9g\u00e9tiques dans la pens\u00e9e p\u00e9dagogique n\u00e9oplatonicienne"},"abstract":"La philosophie n\u00e9oplatonicienne a d\u00e9velopp\u00e9 une doctrine de la relation p\u00e9dagogique entre le Ma\u00eetre (image visible du Bien) et les \u00e9tudiants (\u00e2mes imparfaites), qui se fonde sur la d\u00e9finition m\u00eame de la philosophie comme \u00ab assimilation \u00e0 Dieu \u00bb, et qui inscrit dans une perspective anagogique la pratique de l'ex\u00e9g\u00e8se et de l'enseignement. Dans un tel cadre, la question du \u00ab prologue \u00bb s*entend en trois sens 1) la repr\u00e9sentation de la philosophie comme unit\u00e9 organique assigne \u00e0 la logique aristot\u00e9licienne un statut de \u00ab commencement \u00bb, \u00e0 titre de \u00ab partie instrumentale \u00bb ; et le trait\u00e9 des Cat\u00e9gories est, \u00e0 l'int\u00e9rieur de cette \u00ab partie instrumentale \u00bb, et au d\u00e9but du cursus n\u00e9oplatonicien des \u00e9tudes, le \u00ab pro\u00e8me \u00bb del\u00e0 logique et de la philosophie tout enti\u00e8re ; 2) il existe d'autre part un v\u00e9ritable \u00ab genre litt\u00e9raire \u00bb des introductions ex\u00e9g\u00e9tiques, caract\u00e9ris\u00e9 par des sch\u00e9mas scolastiques de questions pr\u00e9alables ; et l'organisation du cursus commence par l'embo\u00eetement de plusieurs introductions : \u00e0 la philosophie en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, \u00e0 la philosophie d'Aristote, \u00e0 la philosophie de Platon, \u00e0 chaque \u0153uvre particuli\u00e8re de Porphyre (Isagog\u00e8), d'Aristote et de Platon ; 3) enfin, dans le cadre de l'explication de chaque \u0153uvre singuli\u00e8re, les prologues ex\u00e9g\u00e9tiques (et les commentaires eux-m\u00eames) peuvent comporter une description ou une l\u00e9gitimation du prologue de l'\u0153uvre comment\u00e9e : c'est le cas pour le trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien des Cat\u00e9gories. L'application de crit\u00e8res rh\u00e9toriques d'origine platonicienne conduit \u00e0 s'interroger sur la fonction et la liaison organique de ce prologue de l'\u0153uvre comment\u00e9e avec l'\u0153uvre elle-m\u00eame envisag\u00e9e comme totalit\u00e9 organique. [Author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"1998","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qogll7IhtIDqqda","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":188,"full_name":"Dubois, Jean-Daniel ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":189,"full_name":"Roussel, Bernard ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":685,"section_of":371,"pages":"209-245","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":371,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Entrer en mati\u00e8re. Les prologues","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Dubois1998","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1998","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1998","abstract":"Vingt-huit auteurs ont \u00e9tudi\u00e9 les pages introductives d'oeuvres philosophiques et th\u00e9ologiques de l'Antiquit\u00e9 et du Moyen Age, de Bibles et de commentaires, manuscrits et imprim\u00e9s, r\u00e9dig\u00e9s par des juifs et des chr\u00e9tiens jusqu'au XVIIe si\u00e8cle. Ils montrent comment ces pages d\u00e9finissent des \"orientations herm\u00e9neutiques\", des \"protocoles de lecture\" ou encore tissent des liens avec les lecteurs. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GzDhLGjpBoVziqc","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":371,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Centre d\u2019\u00c9tudes des Religions du Livre, Cerf","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1998]}

Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 8), 1998
By: Craig, Edward (Ed.)

Title	Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 8)
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1998
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Routledge
Series	Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Craig, Edward
Translator(s)

The Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy Online (REP Online) is the largest and most comprehensive resource available for all those involved in the study of philosophy. It is a trusted source of quality information, providing access to over 2,800 articles that have been edited for level and consistency by a team of renowned subject experts. Regularly updated with new and revised articles it is the ideal entry point for further discovery and research, clearly organised and with over 25,000 cross-references linking themes, concepts and philosophers. It is also an ideal reference source for those in subjects related to philosophy, such as politics, psychology, economics, anthropology, religion and literature. [publisher's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hd71FhU5RvTpqmA

{"_index":"sire","_id":"716","_score":null,"_source":{"id":716,"authors_free":[{"id":1065,"entry_id":716,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":470,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Craig, Edward","free_first_name":"Edward","free_last_name":"Craig","norm_person":{"id":470,"first_name":"Edward","last_name":"Craig","full_name":"Craig, Edward","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1079630643","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 8)","main_title":{"title":"Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 8)"},"abstract":"The Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy Online (REP Online) is the largest and most comprehensive resource available for all those involved in the study of philosophy. It is a trusted source of quality information, providing access to over 2,800 articles that have been edited for level and consistency by a team of renowned subject experts.\u00a0\r\nRegularly updated with new and revised articles it is the ideal entry point for further discovery and research, clearly organised and with over 25,000 cross-references linking themes, concepts and philosophers. It is also an ideal reference source for those in subjects related to philosophy, such as politics, psychology, economics, anthropology, religion and literature. [publisher's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1998","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/hd71FhU5RvTpqmA","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":470,"full_name":"Craig, Edward","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":716,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Routledge","series":"Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy","volume":"8","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1998]}

Simplicius (fl. first half of 6th century AD), 1998
By: Wildberg, Christian, Craig, Edward (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius (fl. first half of 6th century AD)
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1998
Published in	Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 8)
Pages	788-791
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)	Craig, Edward
Translator(s)

Simplicius of Cilicia, a Greek Neoplatonic philosopher and polymath, lived in the eastern part of the Roman Empire. He is the author of the most learned commentaries on Aristotle produced in antiquity, works which rest upon the accumulated accomplishments of ancient Greek philosophy and science. In them he gives numerous illuminating references and explanations that not only lead to a fuller understanding of Aristotle, but also allow one to reconstruct the history of the interpretation and criticism of Aristotelian doctrines in antiquity. The main principle that guides Simplicius’ exegesis is the conviction that most Greek philosophers, including some Presocratics, can be brought into agreement with Neoplatonism. Simplicius adduces copious quotations to prove his point, thereby supplying us with substantial fragments from lost works of thinkers like Parmenides, Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Eudemus and the Stoics. A devout pagan, Simplicius sought to defend traditional Greek religion and philosophy against the oppressive dominance of Christianity. His commentaries have influenced the reception and interpretation of Aristotle’s philosophy ever since. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XZqDDiQkn8uEw2C

{"_index":"sire","_id":"717","_score":null,"_source":{"id":717,"authors_free":[{"id":1066,"entry_id":717,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":360,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wildberg, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Wildberg","norm_person":{"id":360,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Wildberg","full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139018964","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1067,"entry_id":717,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":470,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Craig, Edward","free_first_name":"Edward","free_last_name":"Craig","norm_person":{"id":470,"first_name":"Edward","last_name":"Craig","full_name":"Craig, Edward","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1079630643","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius (fl. first half of 6th century AD)","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius (fl. first half of 6th century AD)"},"abstract":"Simplicius of Cilicia, a Greek Neoplatonic philosopher and polymath, lived in the eastern part of the Roman Empire. He is the author of the most learned commentaries on Aristotle produced in antiquity, works which rest upon the accumulated accomplishments of ancient Greek philosophy and science. In them he gives numerous illuminating references and explanations that not only lead to a fuller understanding of Aristotle, but also allow one to reconstruct the history of the interpretation and criticism of Aristotelian doctrines in antiquity. The main principle that guides Simplicius\u2019 exegesis is the conviction that most Greek philosophers, including some Presocratics, can be brought into agreement with Neoplatonism. Simplicius adduces copious quotations to prove his point, thereby supplying us with substantial fragments from lost works of thinkers like Parmenides, Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Eudemus and the Stoics. A devout pagan, Simplicius sought to defend traditional Greek religion and philosophy against the oppressive dominance of Christianity. His commentaries have influenced the reception and interpretation of Aristotle\u2019s philosophy ever since. [Author\u2019s abstract]","btype":2,"date":"1998","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/XZqDDiQkn8uEw2C","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":470,"full_name":"Craig, Edward","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":717,"section_of":716,"pages":"788-791","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":716,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 8)","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Edward1998","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1998","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1988","abstract":"The Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy Online (REP Online) is the largest and most comprehensive resource available for all those involved in the study of philosophy. It is a trusted source of quality information, providing access to over 2,800 articles that have been edited for level and consistency by a team of renowned subject experts.\u00a0\r\nRegularly updated with new and revised articles it is the ideal entry point for further discovery and research, clearly organised and with over 25,000 cross-references linking themes, concepts and philosophers. It is also an ideal reference source for those in subjects related to philosophy, such as politics, psychology, economics, anthropology, religion and literature. [publisher's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/hd71FhU5RvTpqmA","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":716,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Routledge","series":"Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy","volume":"8","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1998]}

Theophrastus' Rhetorical Works: One Rhetorical Fragment the Less, One Logical Fragment the More, 1998
By: Schenkeveld, Dirk M., Van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. (Ed.)

Title	Theophrastus' Rhetorical Works: One Rhetorical Fragment the Less, One Logical Fragment the More
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1998
Published in	Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources
Pages	67-80
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schenkeveld, Dirk M.
Editor(s)	Van Ophuijsen, Johannes M.
Translator(s)

In the list of Theophrastus’ works on rhetoric and poetics as given in the new collection under 666 FHS&G one finds twenty-four items, some of them (2 and 17) subdivided into (a) and (b). Most of these titles come from the list of Theophrastus’ works in Diogenes Laertius 5.42- 50. In all but five cases (2, 6,17, 22 and 23, the last two on comedy and on the ludicrous respectively), Diogenes is our only source for them. The responsible editor, W. W. Fortenbaugh, also refers to several titles of works which other scholars had placed in the group of rhetorical trea tises, but his classification is different. This variation is explained by the fact that Diogenes’ list does not give any indication of the type of work to which any title belongs, which leaves scholars free to devise their own arrangement.In what follows I will discuss the place or the wording of a few titles, and especially that of 17b, thereby focusing on the nature and contents of 683 FHS&G. The editors have declined to arrange the fragments ac cording to known works (cp. vol. I, pp. 7-8). Nevertheless, I will argue, even by their arrangement of the titles they sometimes suggest too much, or too little. [Introduction, p. 67]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kt2zxAT8hYImXQS

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1038","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1038,"authors_free":[{"id":1573,"entry_id":1038,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":397,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Schenkeveld, Dirk M.","free_first_name":"Dirk M.","free_last_name":"Schenkeveld","norm_person":{"id":397,"first_name":"Dirk M.","last_name":"Schenkeveld","full_name":"Schenkeveld, Dirk M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119331691","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1574,"entry_id":1038,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":87,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Van Ophuijsen, Johannes M.","free_first_name":"Johannes M.","free_last_name":"Van Ophuijsen","norm_person":{"id":87,"first_name":"Johannes M. ","last_name":"van Ophuijsen","full_name":"van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/120962365","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Theophrastus' Rhetorical Works: One Rhetorical Fragment the Less, One Logical Fragment the More","main_title":{"title":"Theophrastus' Rhetorical Works: One Rhetorical Fragment the Less, One Logical Fragment the More"},"abstract":"In the list of Theophrastus\u2019 works on rhetoric and poetics as given in \r\nthe new collection under 666 FHS&G one finds twenty-four items, \r\nsome of them (2 and 17) subdivided into (a) and (b). Most of these titles \r\ncome from the list of Theophrastus\u2019 works in Diogenes Laertius 5.42- \r\n50. In all but five cases (2, 6,17, 22 and 23, the last two on comedy and \r\non the ludicrous respectively), Diogenes is our only source for them. \r\nThe responsible editor, W. W. Fortenbaugh, also refers to several titles \r\nof works which other scholars had placed in the group of rhetorical trea\u00ad\r\ntises, but his classification is different. This variation is explained by the \r\nfact that Diogenes\u2019 list does not give any indication of the type of work \r\nto which any title belongs, which leaves scholars free to devise their \r\nown arrangement.In what follows I will discuss the place or the wording of a few titles, \r\nand especially that of 17b, thereby focusing on the nature and contents \r\nof 683 FHS&G. The editors have declined to arrange the fragments ac\u00ad\r\ncording to known works (cp. vol. I, pp. 7-8). Nevertheless, I will argue, \r\neven by their arrangement of the titles they sometimes suggest too \r\nmuch, or too little. [Introduction, p. 67]","btype":2,"date":"1998","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kt2zxAT8hYImXQS","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":397,"full_name":"Schenkeveld, Dirk M.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":87,"full_name":"van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1038,"section_of":1298,"pages":"67-80","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1298,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Ophuijsen_Raalte1997","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1997","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Theophrastus was Aristotle's pupil and second head of the Peripatetic School. Apart from two botanical works, a collection of character sketches, and several scientific opuscula, his works survive only through quotations and reports in secondary sources. Recently these quotations and reports have been collected and published, thereby making the thought of Theophrastus accessible to a wide audience. The present volume contains seventeen responses to this material.\r\n\r\nThere are chapters dealing with Theophrastus' views on logic, physics, biology, ethics, politics, rhetoric, and music, as well as the life of Theophrastus. Together these writings throw considerable light on fundamental questions concerning the development and importance of the Peripatos in the early Hellenistic period. The authors consider whether Theophrastus was a systematic thinker who imposed coherence and consistency on a growing body of knowledge, or a problem-oriented thinker who foreshadowed the dissolution of Peripatetic thought into various loosely connected disciplines. Of special interest are those essays which deal with Theophrastus' intellectual position in relation to the lively philosophic scene occupied by such contemporaries as Zeno, the founder of the Stoa, and Epicurus, the founder of the Garden, as well as Xenocrates and Polemon hi the Academy, and Theophrastus' fellow Peripatetics, Eudemus and Strato.\r\n\r\nThe contributors to the volume are Suzanne Amigues, Antonio Battegazzore, Tiziano Dorandi, Woldemar Gorier, John Glucker, Hans Gottschalk, Frans de Haas, Andre Laks, Anthony Long, Jorgen Mejer, Mario Mignucci, Trevor Saunders, Dirk Schenkeveld, David Sedley, Robert Sharpies, C. M. J. Sicking and Richard Sorabji. The Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities series is a forum for seminal thinking in the field of philosophy, and this volume is no exception. Theophrastus is a landmark achievement in intellectual thought. Philosophers, historians, and classicists will all find this work to be enlightening. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1SV1t3Xkh1BCyWm","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1298,"pubplace":"New Brunswick & London","publisher":"Transaction Publishers","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"8","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1998]}

Plato as "Architect of Science", 1998
By: Zhmud, Leonid

Title	Plato as "Architect of Science"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1998
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	43
Issue	3
Pages	211-244
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zhmud, Leonid
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The figure of the cordial host of the Academy, who invited the most gifted mathematicians and cultivated pure research, whose keen intellect was able, if not to solve the particular problem, then at least to show the method for its solution: this figure is quite familiar to students of Greek science. But was the Academy as such a center of scientific research, and did Plato really set for mathematicians and astronomers the problems they should study and methods they should use? Our sources tell about Plato's friendship or at least acquaintance with many brilliant mathematicians of his day (Theodorus, Archytas, Theaetetus), but they were never his pupils; rather, vice versa—he learned much from them and actively used this knowledge in developing his philosophy. There is no reliable evidence that Eudoxus, Menaechmus, Dinostratus, Theudius, and others, whom many scholars unite into the group of so-called "Academic mathematicians," ever were his pupils or close associates. Our analysis of the relevant passages (Eratosthenes' Platonicus, Sosigenes ap. Simplicius, Proclus' Catalogue of geometers, and Philodemus' History of the Academy, etc.) shows that the very tendency of portraying Plato as the architect of science goes back to the early Academy and is born out of interpretations of his dialogues. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/eZULGOyXyPzCdqW

{"_index":"sire","_id":"837","_score":null,"_source":{"id":837,"authors_free":[{"id":1241,"entry_id":837,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":368,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Zhmud, Leonid","free_first_name":"Leonid","free_last_name":"Zhmud","norm_person":{"id":368,"first_name":"Leonid","last_name":"Zhmud","full_name":"Zhmud, Leonid","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1028558643","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Plato as \"Architect of Science\"","main_title":{"title":"Plato as \"Architect of Science\""},"abstract":"The figure of the cordial host of the Academy, who invited the most gifted mathematicians and cultivated pure research, whose keen intellect was able, if not to solve the particular problem, then at least to show the method for its solution: this figure is quite familiar to students of Greek science. But was the Academy as such a center of scientific research, and did Plato really set for mathematicians and astronomers the problems they should study and methods they should use? Our sources tell about Plato's friendship or at least acquaintance with many brilliant mathematicians of his day (Theodorus, Archytas, Theaetetus), but they were never his pupils; rather, vice versa\u2014he learned much from them and actively used this knowledge in developing his philosophy.\r\n\r\nThere is no reliable evidence that Eudoxus, Menaechmus, Dinostratus, Theudius, and others, whom many scholars unite into the group of so-called \"Academic mathematicians,\" ever were his pupils or close associates. Our analysis of the relevant passages (Eratosthenes' Platonicus, Sosigenes ap. Simplicius, Proclus' Catalogue of geometers, and Philodemus' History of the Academy, etc.) shows that the very tendency of portraying Plato as the architect of science goes back to the early Academy and is born out of interpretations of his dialogues. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1998","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/eZULGOyXyPzCdqW","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":368,"full_name":"Zhmud, Leonid","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":837,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"43","issue":"3","pages":"211-244"}},"sort":[1998]}

On the Homocentric Spheres of Eudoxus, 1998
By: Yavetz, Ido

Title	On the Homocentric Spheres of Eudoxus
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1998
Journal	Archive for History of Exact Sciences
Volume	52
Issue	3
Pages	221-278
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Yavetz, Ido
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In 1877, Schiaparelli published a classic essay on the homocentric spheres of Eu- doxus. In the years that followed, it became the standard, definitive historical reconstruc- tion of Eudoxian planetary theory. The purpose of this paper is to show that the two texts on which Schiaparelli based his reconstruction do not lead in an unequivocal way to this interpretation, and that they actually accommodate alternative and equally plausible interpretations that possess a clear astronomical superiority compared to Schiaparelli's. One should not mistake all of this for a call to reject Schiaparelli's interpretation in favor of the new one. In particular, the alternative interpretation does not recommend itself as a historically more plausible basis for reconstructing Eudoxus's and Callippus's planetary theories merely because of its astronomical advantages. It does, however, suggest that the exclusivity traditionally awarded to Schiaparelli's reconstruction can no longer be maintained, and that the little historical evidence we do possess does not enable us to make a justifiable choice between the available alternatives. [Introduction, p. 221]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yDxuUa8nKX7GLiW

{"_index":"sire","_id":"838","_score":null,"_source":{"id":838,"authors_free":[{"id":1242,"entry_id":838,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":366,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Yavetz, Ido","free_first_name":"Ido","free_last_name":"Yavetz","norm_person":{"id":366,"first_name":" Ido","last_name":"Yavetz","full_name":"Yavetz, Ido","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1156978416","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"On the Homocentric Spheres of Eudoxus","main_title":{"title":"On the Homocentric Spheres of Eudoxus"},"abstract":"In 1877, Schiaparelli published a classic essay on the homocentric spheres of Eu- \r\ndoxus. In the years that followed, it became the standard, definitive historical reconstruc- \r\ntion of Eudoxian planetary theory. The purpose of this paper is to show that the two texts \r\non which Schiaparelli based his reconstruction do not lead in an unequivocal way to \r\nthis interpretation, and that they actually accommodate alternative and equally plausible \r\ninterpretations that possess a clear astronomical superiority compared to Schiaparelli's. One should not mistake all of this for a call to reject Schiaparelli's interpretation in favor \r\nof the new one. In particular, the alternative interpretation does not recommend itself as a \r\nhistorically more plausible basis for reconstructing Eudoxus's and Callippus's planetary theories merely because of its astronomical advantages. It does, however, suggest that \r\nthe exclusivity traditionally awarded to Schiaparelli's reconstruction can no longer be \r\nmaintained, and that the little historical evidence we do possess does not enable us to \r\nmake a justifiable choice between the available alternatives. [Introduction, p. 221]","btype":3,"date":"1998","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yDxuUa8nKX7GLiW","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":366,"full_name":"Yavetz, Ido","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":838,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archive for History of Exact Sciences","volume":"52","issue":"3","pages":"221-278"}},"sort":[1998]}

Le début d’une physique: Ordre, extension et nature des fragments 142-144 A/B de Théophraste, 1998
By: Laks, André, van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. (Ed.), Raalte, Marlein van (Ed.)

Title	Le début d’une physique: Ordre, extension et nature des fragments 142-144 A/B de Théophraste
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1998
Published in	Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources
Pages	143-169
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)	van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. , Raalte, Marlein van
Translator(s)

Le commentaire de Simplicius au premier chapitre de la Physique d’Aristote comporte trois mentions de Théophraste, dont une brève référence (142 FHS&G) et deux citations textuelles (143 et 144B). Nous possédons en outre une paraphrase de la seconde citation dans la partie correspondante du commentaire de Philopon (144A). Nous avons toutes les raisons de penser que ces quatre passages dérivent du premier livre de la Physique de Théophraste. Si 144A mentionne seulement le titre général de l’ouvrage de Théophraste (« dans son propre traité physique »), 144B précise : « au début de ses livres physiques ». La citation de Théophraste, en 143, est introduite par la mention moins précise, mais en l’occurrence parfaitement adéquate (puisque l’extrait, comme nous le verrons dans un instant, suivait sans doute 144A/B) : « dans le premier livre de ses traités physiques ». Le contenu corrobore ces indications. 144A/B concerne en effet le paragraphe initial du traité d’Aristote (Physique, 184a10-16), qui assigne pour première tâche à la science physique de déterminer quels en sont les principes ; 142 et 143 portent sur la suite immédiate (184a16-b14), qui introduit la distinction entre « ce qui est plus connu pour nous » et « ce qui est plus connu par nature ». Les éditeurs ont mis 142/143 en tête, sans doute parce que, énonçant des propositions méthodologiques sur le statut de l’enquête physique, ils peuvent sembler poser les préalables, alors que 144A/B mettent déjà en jeu des propositions physiques particulières. Mais ceci peut avoir été un effet de l’exégèse de Théophraste, fortement marquée, comme nous le verrons plus loin, par une tendance systématisante. À condition d’inverser l’ordre adopté par les éditeurs (c’est-à-dire d’admettre que le fragment cité dans 144B précédait dans l’original celui que rapporte 143), l’ensemble offre les linéaments d’un commentaire continu de la première page de la Physique d’Aristote. L’analyse qui suit tente d’en restituer les traits saillants. [introduction p. 143-144]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yDW08T1lG0G9q6B

{"_index":"sire","_id":"883","_score":null,"_source":{"id":883,"authors_free":[{"id":1298,"entry_id":883,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":225,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","free_first_name":"Andr\u00e9","free_last_name":"Laks","norm_person":{"id":225,"first_name":"Andr\u00e9","last_name":"Laks","full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/135869161","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1299,"entry_id":883,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":87,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"van Ophuijsen, Johannes M.","free_first_name":"Johannes M.","free_last_name":"van Ophuijsen","norm_person":{"id":87,"first_name":"Johannes M. ","last_name":"van Ophuijsen","full_name":"van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/120962365","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1300,"entry_id":883,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":154,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Raalte, Marlein van","free_first_name":"Marlein van","free_last_name":"Raalte","norm_person":{"id":154,"first_name":"Marlein van","last_name":"Raalte","full_name":"Raalte, Marlein van","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172515270","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le d\u00e9but d\u2019une physique: Ordre, extension et nature des fragments 142-144 A\/B de Th\u00e9ophraste","main_title":{"title":"Le d\u00e9but d\u2019une physique: Ordre, extension et nature des fragments 142-144 A\/B de Th\u00e9ophraste"},"abstract":"Le commentaire de Simplicius au premier chapitre de la Physique d\u2019Aristote comporte trois mentions de Th\u00e9ophraste, dont une br\u00e8ve r\u00e9f\u00e9rence (142 FHS&G) et deux citations textuelles (143 et 144B). Nous poss\u00e9dons en outre une paraphrase de la seconde citation dans la partie correspondante du commentaire de Philopon (144A). Nous avons toutes les raisons de penser que ces quatre passages d\u00e9rivent du premier livre de la Physique de Th\u00e9ophraste. Si 144A mentionne seulement le titre g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de l\u2019ouvrage de Th\u00e9ophraste (\u00ab dans son propre trait\u00e9 physique \u00bb), 144B pr\u00e9cise : \u00ab au d\u00e9but de ses livres physiques \u00bb.\r\n\r\nLa citation de Th\u00e9ophraste, en 143, est introduite par la mention moins pr\u00e9cise, mais en l\u2019occurrence parfaitement ad\u00e9quate (puisque l\u2019extrait, comme nous le verrons dans un instant, suivait sans doute 144A\/B) : \u00ab dans le premier livre de ses trait\u00e9s physiques \u00bb. Le contenu corrobore ces indications. 144A\/B concerne en effet le paragraphe initial du trait\u00e9 d\u2019Aristote (Physique, 184a10-16), qui assigne pour premi\u00e8re t\u00e2che \u00e0 la science physique de d\u00e9terminer quels en sont les principes ; 142 et 143 portent sur la suite imm\u00e9diate (184a16-b14), qui introduit la distinction entre \u00ab ce qui est plus connu pour nous \u00bb et \u00ab ce qui est plus connu par nature \u00bb.\r\n\r\nLes \u00e9diteurs ont mis 142\/143 en t\u00eate, sans doute parce que, \u00e9non\u00e7ant des propositions m\u00e9thodologiques sur le statut de l\u2019enqu\u00eate physique, ils peuvent sembler poser les pr\u00e9alables, alors que 144A\/B mettent d\u00e9j\u00e0 en jeu des propositions physiques particuli\u00e8res. Mais ceci peut avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 un effet de l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se de Th\u00e9ophraste, fortement marqu\u00e9e, comme nous le verrons plus loin, par une tendance syst\u00e9matisante. \u00c0 condition d\u2019inverser l\u2019ordre adopt\u00e9 par les \u00e9diteurs (c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire d\u2019admettre que le fragment cit\u00e9 dans 144B pr\u00e9c\u00e9dait dans l\u2019original celui que rapporte 143), l\u2019ensemble offre les lin\u00e9aments d\u2019un commentaire continu de la premi\u00e8re page de la Physique d\u2019Aristote.\r\n\r\nL\u2019analyse qui suit tente d\u2019en restituer les traits saillants. [introduction p. 143-144]","btype":2,"date":"1998","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yDW08T1lG0G9q6B","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":225,"full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":87,"full_name":"van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":154,"full_name":"Raalte, Marlein van","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":883,"section_of":1298,"pages":"143-169","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1298,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Ophuijsen_Raalte1997","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1997","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Theophrastus was Aristotle's pupil and second head of the Peripatetic School. Apart from two botanical works, a collection of character sketches, and several scientific opuscula, his works survive only through quotations and reports in secondary sources. Recently these quotations and reports have been collected and published, thereby making the thought of Theophrastus accessible to a wide audience. The present volume contains seventeen responses to this material.\r\n\r\nThere are chapters dealing with Theophrastus' views on logic, physics, biology, ethics, politics, rhetoric, and music, as well as the life of Theophrastus. Together these writings throw considerable light on fundamental questions concerning the development and importance of the Peripatos in the early Hellenistic period. The authors consider whether Theophrastus was a systematic thinker who imposed coherence and consistency on a growing body of knowledge, or a problem-oriented thinker who foreshadowed the dissolution of Peripatetic thought into various loosely connected disciplines. Of special interest are those essays which deal with Theophrastus' intellectual position in relation to the lively philosophic scene occupied by such contemporaries as Zeno, the founder of the Stoa, and Epicurus, the founder of the Garden, as well as Xenocrates and Polemon hi the Academy, and Theophrastus' fellow Peripatetics, Eudemus and Strato.\r\n\r\nThe contributors to the volume are Suzanne Amigues, Antonio Battegazzore, Tiziano Dorandi, Woldemar Gorier, John Glucker, Hans Gottschalk, Frans de Haas, Andre Laks, Anthony Long, Jorgen Mejer, Mario Mignucci, Trevor Saunders, Dirk Schenkeveld, David Sedley, Robert Sharpies, C. M. J. Sicking and Richard Sorabji. The Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities series is a forum for seminal thinking in the field of philosophy, and this volume is no exception. Theophrastus is a landmark achievement in intellectual thought. Philosophers, historians, and classicists will all find this work to be enlightening. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1SV1t3Xkh1BCyWm","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1298,"pubplace":"New Brunswick & London","publisher":"Transaction Publishers","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"8","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1998]}

Pluralism after Parmenides, 1998
By: Curd, Patricia

Title	Pluralism after Parmenides
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1998
Published in	The Legacy of Parmenides. Eleatic Monism and Later Presocratic Thought
Pages	127-179
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Curd, Patricia
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this chapter I turn from Parmenides to two of his successors, examining the Pluralist theories of Anaxagoras and Empedocles, in order to explore the influence of Parmenides on these later thinkers. I argue that this influence appears in two fundamental aspects of their theories: in their conceptions of the fundamental entities that are the genuine beings of their cosmologies, and in the form (mixture and Separation of the basic entities) these cosmologies take. I begin with a short discussion of the question of Pluralism itself and then turn first to Anaxagoras and then to Empedocles. [Introduction, pp. 127 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rPBPoCGoPofFCOl

{"_index":"sire","_id":"910","_score":null,"_source":{"id":910,"authors_free":[{"id":1340,"entry_id":910,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":58,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Curd, Patricia","free_first_name":"Patricia","free_last_name":"Curd","norm_person":{"id":58,"first_name":"Patricia","last_name":"Curd","full_name":"Curd, Patricia","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/13843980X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Pluralism after Parmenides","main_title":{"title":"Pluralism after Parmenides"},"abstract":"In this chapter I turn from Parmenides to two of his successors, examining the Pluralist theories of Anaxagoras and Empedocles, in order to explore the \r\ninfluence of Parmenides on these later thinkers. I argue that this influence \r\nappears in two fundamental aspects of their theories: in their conceptions of \r\nthe fundamental entities that are the genuine beings of their cosmologies, and \r\nin the form (mixture and Separation of the basic entities) these cosmologies \r\ntake. I begin with a short discussion of the question of Pluralism itself and \r\nthen turn first to Anaxagoras and then to Empedocles. [Introduction, pp. 127 f.]","btype":2,"date":"1998","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rPBPoCGoPofFCOl","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":58,"full_name":"Curd, Patricia","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":910,"section_of":1284,"pages":"127-179","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1284,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":1,"language":"en","title":"The Legacy of Parmenides. Eleatic Monism and Later Presocratic Thought ","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Curd1998","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1998","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Parmenides of Elea was the most important and influential philosopher before Plato. Patricia Curd here reinterprets Parmenides' views and offers a new account of his relation to his predecessors and successors. On the traditional interpretation, Parmenides argues that generation, destruction, and change are unreal and that only one thing exists. He therefore rejected as impossible the scientific inquiry practiced by the earlier Presocratic philosophers. But the philosophers who came after Parmenides attempted to explain natural change and they assumed the reality of a plurality of basic entities. Thus, on the traditional interpretation, the later Presocratics either ignored or contradicted his arguments. In this book, Patricia Curd argues that Parmenides sought to reform rather than to reject scientific inquiry and offers a more coherent account of his influence on the philosophers who came after him.\r\n\r\nThe Legacy of Parmenides provides a detailed examination of Parmenides' arguments, considering his connection to earlier Greek thought and how his account of what-is could serve as a model for later philosophers. It then considers the theories of those who came after him, including the Pluralists (Anaxagoras and Empedocles), the Atomists (Leucippus and Democritus), the later Eleatics (Zeno and Melissus), and the later Presocratics Philolaus of Croton and Diogenes of Apollonia. The book closes with a discussion of the importance of Parmenides' views for the development of Plato's Theory of Forms. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ySFJ6JlG0mDNxxJ","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1284,"pubplace":"Princeton","publisher":"Princeton University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1998]}

Proche-Orient Ancien. Temps vécu, temps pensé, 1998
By: Briquel-Chatonnet, Françoise (Ed.), Lozachmeur, Hélène (Ed.)

Title	Proche-Orient Ancien. Temps vécu, temps pensé
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1998
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Maisonneuve
Series	Antiquités sémitiques
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Briquel-Chatonnet, Françoise , Lozachmeur, Hélène
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5BD9RWhwMU84oxi

{"_index":"sire","_id":"366","_score":null,"_source":{"id":366,"authors_free":[{"id":482,"entry_id":366,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":190,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Briquel-Chatonnet, Fran\u00e7oise ","free_first_name":"Fran\u00e7oise ","free_last_name":"Briquel-Chatonnet","norm_person":{"id":190,"first_name":"Fran\u00e7oise ","last_name":"Briquel-Chatonnet","full_name":"Briquel-Chatonnet, Fran\u00e7oise ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138558841","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":483,"entry_id":366,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":191,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Lozachmeur, H\u00e9l\u00e8ne","free_first_name":"H\u00e9l\u00e8ne","free_last_name":"Lozachmeur","norm_person":{"id":191,"first_name":"H\u00e9l\u00e8ne","last_name":"Lozachmeur","full_name":"Lozachmeur, H\u00e9l\u00e8ne","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Proche-Orient Ancien. Temps v\u00e9cu, temps pens\u00e9","main_title":{"title":"Proche-Orient Ancien. Temps v\u00e9cu, temps pens\u00e9"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"1998","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5BD9RWhwMU84oxi","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":190,"full_name":"Briquel-Chatonnet, Fran\u00e7oise ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":191,"full_name":"Lozachmeur, H\u00e9l\u00e8ne","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":366,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Maisonneuve","series":"Antiquit\u00e9s s\u00e9mitiques","volume":"3","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1998]}

Entrer en matière. Les prologues, 1998
By: Dubois, Jean-Daniel (Ed.), Roussel, Bernard (Ed.)

Title	Entrer en matière. Les prologues
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1998
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Centre d’Études des Religions du Livre, Cerf
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Dubois, Jean-Daniel , Roussel, Bernard
Translator(s)

Vingt-huit auteurs ont étudié les pages introductives d'oeuvres philosophiques et théologiques de l'Antiquité et du Moyen Age, de Bibles et de commentaires, manuscrits et imprimés, rédigés par des juifs et des chrétiens jusqu'au XVIIe siècle. Ils montrent comment ces pages définissent des "orientations herméneutiques", des "protocoles de lecture" ou encore tissent des liens avec les lecteurs. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GzDhLGjpBoVziqc

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The Reception of Parmenides' Poetry in Antiquity, 1998
By: Popa, Tiberiu M.

Title	The Reception of Parmenides' Poetry in Antiquity
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1998
Journal	Studii Clasice
Volume	34-36
Pages	5-27
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Popa, Tiberiu M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3N33QXJQ7geQuqf

{"_index":"sire","_id":"409","_score":null,"_source":{"id":409,"authors_free":[{"id":547,"entry_id":409,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":510,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Popa, Tiberiu M.","free_first_name":"Tiberiu M.","free_last_name":"Popa","norm_person":{"id":510,"first_name":"Tiberiu M.","last_name":"Popa","full_name":"Popa, Tiberiu M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/135018498","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Reception of Parmenides' Poetry in Antiquity","main_title":{"title":"The Reception of Parmenides' Poetry in Antiquity"},"abstract":"","btype":3,"date":"1998","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3N33QXJQ7geQuqf","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":510,"full_name":"Popa, Tiberiu M.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":409,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Studii Clasice","volume":"34-36","issue":"","pages":"5-27"}},"sort":[1998]}

Simplicius on Continuous and Instantaneous Change: Neoplatonic Elements in Simplicius’ Interpretation of Aristotelian Physics, 1998
By: Croese, Irma Maria

Title	Simplicius on Continuous and Instantaneous Change: Neoplatonic Elements in Simplicius’ Interpretation of Aristotelian Physics
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1998
Publication Place	Utrecht
Publisher	Zeno Institute of Philosophy
Series	Quaestiones Infinita
Volume	23
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Croese, Irma Maria
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ekkOJpUfdE4ldNh

{"_index":"sire","_id":"38","_score":null,"_source":{"id":38,"authors_free":[{"id":45,"entry_id":38,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":429,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Croese, Irma Maria ","free_first_name":" Irma Maria ","free_last_name":"Croese","norm_person":{"id":429,"first_name":"Irma Maria","last_name":"Croese","full_name":"Croese, Irma Maria","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/173203914","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius on Continuous and Instantaneous Change: Neoplatonic Elements in Simplicius\u2019 Interpretation of Aristotelian Physics","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius on Continuous and Instantaneous Change: Neoplatonic Elements in Simplicius\u2019 Interpretation of Aristotelian Physics"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1998","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ekkOJpUfdE4ldNh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":429,"full_name":"Croese, Irma Maria","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":38,"pubplace":"Utrecht","publisher":"Zeno Institute of Philosophy","series":"Quaestiones Infinita","volume":"23","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1998]}

Alexandrië 529: Philoponus en het einde van de antieke filosofie, 1998
By: Verrycken, Koenraad

Title	Alexandrië 529: Philoponus en het einde van de antieke filosofie
Type	Monograph
Language	Dutch
Date	1998
Publication Place	Budel
Publisher	Damon
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verrycken, Koenraad
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Alexandrië: wie kan de naam van deze stad horen zonder te denken aan de brand van de bibliotheken (47 v. Chr.), aan de zelfmoord van Cleopatra en het einde van het Ptolemaeïsche koninkrijk (30 V. Chr.)? Maar de eigenlijke betovering van Alexandrië ligt hierin dat het de ondergang van de antieke wereld in opeenvolgende, elkaar overdekkende vormen belichaamt. Alexandrië 529'behandelt de zoveelste breuk tussen verleden en toekomst en wel liet laatste kapitale moment in de strijd van liet christendom om de intellectuele alleenheerschappij. In het jaar waarin in Athene de heidense filosofische school werd gesloten (529), publiceert Philoponus in Alexandrië een christelijk filosofisch traktaat 'De aeternitate mundi contra Proclum' waarin hij probeert de academische filosofie te kerstenen. Korte tijd later valt het doek over dit christelijk-filosofisch experiment: Philoponus wordt theoloog en de Alexandrijnse filosofie valt, na de christelijke episode-Philoponus, nog voor enkele decennia terug in haar oude plooi. Daarmee wordt duidelijk dat de christelijke filosofie allerminst als voltooiing van het Alexandrijnse neoplatonisme begrepen kan worden, immers de dogmatische theologie van Philoponus te staan tegenover een heidens neoplatonisme vooral vertegenwoordigd door Olympiodorus.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mYcdp7hrXn3LjHV

{"_index":"sire","_id":"50","_score":null,"_source":{"id":50,"authors_free":[{"id":58,"entry_id":50,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":347,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Verrycken, Koenraad","free_first_name":"Koenraad","free_last_name":"Verrycken","norm_person":{"id":347,"first_name":"Koenraad","last_name":"Verrycken","full_name":"Verrycken, Koenraad","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1048689964","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Alexandri\u00eb 529: Philoponus en het einde van de antieke filosofie","main_title":{"title":"Alexandri\u00eb 529: Philoponus en het einde van de antieke filosofie"},"abstract":"Alexandri\u00eb: wie kan de naam van deze stad horen zonder te denken aan de brand van de bibliotheken (47 v. Chr.), aan de zelfmoord van Cleopatra en het einde van het Ptolemae\u00efsche koninkrijk (30 V. Chr.)? Maar de eigenlijke betovering van Alexandri\u00eb ligt hierin dat het de ondergang van de antieke wereld in opeenvolgende, elkaar overdekkende vormen belichaamt. Alexandri\u00eb 529'behandelt de zoveelste breuk tussen verleden en toekomst en wel liet laatste kapitale moment in de strijd van liet christendom om de intellectuele alleenheerschappij. In het jaar waarin in Athene de heidense filosofische school werd gesloten (529), publiceert Philoponus in Alexandri\u00eb een christelijk filosofisch traktaat 'De aeternitate mundi contra Proclum' waarin hij probeert de academische filosofie te kerstenen. Korte tijd later valt het doek over dit christelijk-filosofisch experiment: Philoponus wordt theoloog en de Alexandrijnse filosofie valt, na de christelijke episode-Philoponus, nog voor enkele decennia terug in haar oude plooi. Daarmee wordt duidelijk dat de christelijke filosofie allerminst als voltooiing van het Alexandrijnse neoplatonisme begrepen kan worden, immers de dogmatische theologie van Philoponus te staan tegenover een heidens neoplatonisme vooral vertegenwoordigd door Olympiodorus.","btype":1,"date":"1998","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mYcdp7hrXn3LjHV","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":347,"full_name":"Verrycken, Koenraad","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":50,"pubplace":"Budel","publisher":"Damon","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1998]}

The Legacy of Parmenides. Eleatic Monism and Later Presocratic Thought , 1998
By: Curd, Patricia

Title	The Legacy of Parmenides. Eleatic Monism and Later Presocratic Thought
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1998
Publication Place	Princeton
Publisher	Princeton University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Curd, Patricia
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Parmenides of Elea was the most important and influential philosopher before Plato. Patricia Curd here reinterprets Parmenides' views and offers a new account of his relation to his predecessors and successors. On the traditional interpretation, Parmenides argues that generation, destruction, and change are unreal and that only one thing exists. He therefore rejected as impossible the scientific inquiry practiced by the earlier Presocratic philosophers. But the philosophers who came after Parmenides attempted to explain natural change and they assumed the reality of a plurality of basic entities. Thus, on the traditional interpretation, the later Presocratics either ignored or contradicted his arguments. In this book, Patricia Curd argues that Parmenides sought to reform rather than to reject scientific inquiry and offers a more coherent account of his influence on the philosophers who came after him. The Legacy of Parmenides provides a detailed examination of Parmenides' arguments, considering his connection to earlier Greek thought and how his account of what-is could serve as a model for later philosophers. It then considers the theories of those who came after him, including the Pluralists (Anaxagoras and Empedocles), the Atomists (Leucippus and Democritus), the later Eleatics (Zeno and Melissus), and the later Presocratics Philolaus of Croton and Diogenes of Apollonia. The book closes with a discussion of the importance of Parmenides' views for the development of Plato's Theory of Forms. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ySFJ6JlG0mDNxxJ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1284","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1284,"authors_free":[{"id":1873,"entry_id":1284,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":58,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Curd, Patricia","free_first_name":"Patricia","free_last_name":"Curd","norm_person":{"id":58,"first_name":"Patricia","last_name":"Curd","full_name":"Curd, Patricia","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/13843980X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Legacy of Parmenides. Eleatic Monism and Later Presocratic Thought ","main_title":{"title":"The Legacy of Parmenides. Eleatic Monism and Later Presocratic Thought "},"abstract":"Parmenides of Elea was the most important and influential philosopher before Plato. Patricia Curd here reinterprets Parmenides' views and offers a new account of his relation to his predecessors and successors. On the traditional interpretation, Parmenides argues that generation, destruction, and change are unreal and that only one thing exists. He therefore rejected as impossible the scientific inquiry practiced by the earlier Presocratic philosophers. But the philosophers who came after Parmenides attempted to explain natural change and they assumed the reality of a plurality of basic entities. Thus, on the traditional interpretation, the later Presocratics either ignored or contradicted his arguments. In this book, Patricia Curd argues that Parmenides sought to reform rather than to reject scientific inquiry and offers a more coherent account of his influence on the philosophers who came after him.\r\n\r\nThe Legacy of Parmenides provides a detailed examination of Parmenides' arguments, considering his connection to earlier Greek thought and how his account of what-is could serve as a model for later philosophers. It then considers the theories of those who came after him, including the Pluralists (Anaxagoras and Empedocles), the Atomists (Leucippus and Democritus), the later Eleatics (Zeno and Melissus), and the later Presocratics Philolaus of Croton and Diogenes of Apollonia. The book closes with a discussion of the importance of Parmenides' views for the development of Plato's Theory of Forms. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1998","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ySFJ6JlG0mDNxxJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":58,"full_name":"Curd, Patricia","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1284,"pubplace":"Princeton","publisher":"Princeton University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1998]}

La saisie des principes physiques chez Aristote. Simplicius contre Alexandre d'Aphrodise, 1998
By: Dalimier, Catherine

Title	La saisie des principes physiques chez Aristote. Simplicius contre Alexandre d'Aphrodise
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1998
Journal	Oriens-Occidens
Volume	2
Pages	77-94
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dalimier, Catherine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The article discusses Aristotle's treatment of knowledge of the principles of natural beings in his Physics, focusing on the process of induction and the contradictions in his approach. The author argues that the discovery of principles through analysis and empirical generalization is based on sensory data, and suggests that the autonomy of physical discourse was a contested issue among commentators. The article highlights divergences in interpretation regarding the existence of physical principles and discusses variations in the manuscript tradition. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hlMzWTGqkFNEImc

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1287","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1287,"authors_free":[{"id":1876,"entry_id":1287,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":61,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dalimier, Catherine","free_first_name":"Catherine","free_last_name":"Dalimier","norm_person":{"id":61,"first_name":"Catherine","last_name":"Dalimier","full_name":"Dalimier, Catherine","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La saisie des principes physiques chez Aristote. Simplicius contre Alexandre d'Aphrodise","main_title":{"title":"La saisie des principes physiques chez Aristote. Simplicius contre Alexandre d'Aphrodise"},"abstract":"The article discusses Aristotle's treatment of knowledge of the principles of natural beings in his Physics, focusing on the process of induction and the contradictions in his approach. The author argues that the discovery of principles through analysis and empirical generalization is based on sensory data, and suggests that the autonomy of physical discourse was a contested issue among commentators. The article highlights divergences in interpretation regarding the existence of physical principles and discusses variations in the manuscript tradition. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":3,"date":"1998","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/hlMzWTGqkFNEImc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":61,"full_name":"Dalimier, Catherine","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1287,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Oriens-Occidens","volume":"2","issue":"","pages":"77-94"}},"sort":[1998]}

Philoponus on Theophrastus on Composition in Nature, 1998
By: Haas, Frans A. J. de, Raalte, Marlein van (Ed.), van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. (Ed.)

Title	Philoponus on Theophrastus on Composition in Nature
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1998
Published in	Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources
Pages	171-189
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de
Editor(s)	Raalte, Marlein van , van Ophuijsen, Johannes M.
Translator(s)

In the new edition of the fragments of Theophrastus, we find two testimonies (144A-B FHS&G) concerned with the first sentence of Aristotle’s Physics. There, Aristotle stated that, since knowledge is always knowledge of principles, the science of physics must look for the principles of physical things. Both Philoponus and Simplicius, in their commentaries on this passage (144A and 144B, respectively), report that Theophrastus supplied the minor premise of the syllogism, which was not mentioned by Aristotle—namely, “all physical things have principles.” Moreover, they state that Theophrastus argued for this premise based on the composition of all physical things. Unlike Simplicius, Philoponus inserts an account of the notion of composition involved here and devotes special attention to the various ways in which physical forms and powers can be considered composite. This elaboration (144A 9–28) had been put between parentheses in the Berlin edition of Philoponus’ commentary, thus suggesting a digression by Philoponus rather than a continuation of an originally Theophrastean argument. As Robert Sharples has informed me, in FHS&G the parentheses were omitted to avoid the impression that these lines had nothing to do with Theophrastus at all; nor was it deemed correct to use parentheses to indicate the flow of the argument. In any case, there is no need to challenge the inclusion of this passage in the source book that FHS&G is intended to be. This leaves us with the question: to what extent can we ascribe the contents of Philoponus’ insertion (144A 9–28) to Theophrastus? Professor Laks was the first to raise this question at the Leiden Theophrastus Conference, and he also provided an analysis of the argument. In this paper, I want to address the following questions: Is Philoponus reporting Theophrastean thought here or not? And what motive could Philoponus have had to include this passage at this point in his commentary? [introduction p. 171-172]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5LsO2XY3SoVzgrW

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1297","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1297,"authors_free":[{"id":1890,"entry_id":1297,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":153,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Haas, Frans A. J. de","free_first_name":"Frans A. J.","free_last_name":"Haas, de","norm_person":{"id":153,"first_name":"Frans A. J.","last_name":"de Haas","full_name":"de Haas, Frans A. J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/128837020","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1988,"entry_id":1297,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":154,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Raalte, Marlein van","free_first_name":"Marlein","free_last_name":"Raalte, van","norm_person":{"id":154,"first_name":"Marlein van","last_name":"Raalte","full_name":"Raalte, Marlein van","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172515270","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1989,"entry_id":1297,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":87,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"van Ophuijsen, Johannes M.","free_first_name":"Johannes M.","free_last_name":"van Ophuijsen","norm_person":{"id":87,"first_name":"Johannes M. ","last_name":"van Ophuijsen","full_name":"van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/120962365","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Philoponus on Theophrastus on Composition in Nature","main_title":{"title":"Philoponus on Theophrastus on Composition in Nature"},"abstract":"In the new edition of the fragments of Theophrastus, we find two testimonies (144A-B FHS&G) concerned with the first sentence of Aristotle\u2019s Physics. There, Aristotle stated that, since knowledge is always knowledge of principles, the science of physics must look for the principles of physical things.\r\n\r\nBoth Philoponus and Simplicius, in their commentaries on this passage (144A and 144B, respectively), report that Theophrastus supplied the minor premise of the syllogism, which was not mentioned by Aristotle\u2014namely, \u201call physical things have principles.\u201d Moreover, they state that Theophrastus argued for this premise based on the composition of all physical things.\r\n\r\nUnlike Simplicius, Philoponus inserts an account of the notion of composition involved here and devotes special attention to the various ways in which physical forms and powers can be considered composite. This elaboration (144A 9\u201328) had been put between parentheses in the Berlin edition of Philoponus\u2019 commentary, thus suggesting a digression by Philoponus rather than a continuation of an originally Theophrastean argument. As Robert Sharples has informed me, in FHS&G the parentheses were omitted to avoid the impression that these lines had nothing to do with Theophrastus at all; nor was it deemed correct to use parentheses to indicate the flow of the argument. In any case, there is no need to challenge the inclusion of this passage in the source book that FHS&G is intended to be.\r\n\r\nThis leaves us with the question: to what extent can we ascribe the contents of Philoponus\u2019 insertion (144A 9\u201328) to Theophrastus? Professor Laks was the first to raise this question at the Leiden Theophrastus Conference, and he also provided an analysis of the argument.\r\n\r\nIn this paper, I want to address the following questions: Is Philoponus reporting Theophrastean thought here or not? And what motive could Philoponus have had to include this passage at this point in his commentary? [introduction p. 171-172]","btype":2,"date":"1998","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5LsO2XY3SoVzgrW","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":153,"full_name":"de Haas, Frans A. J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":154,"full_name":"Raalte, Marlein van","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":87,"full_name":"van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1297,"section_of":1298,"pages":"171-189","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1298,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Ophuijsen_Raalte1997","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1997","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Theophrastus was Aristotle's pupil and second head of the Peripatetic School. Apart from two botanical works, a collection of character sketches, and several scientific opuscula, his works survive only through quotations and reports in secondary sources. Recently these quotations and reports have been collected and published, thereby making the thought of Theophrastus accessible to a wide audience. The present volume contains seventeen responses to this material.\r\n\r\nThere are chapters dealing with Theophrastus' views on logic, physics, biology, ethics, politics, rhetoric, and music, as well as the life of Theophrastus. Together these writings throw considerable light on fundamental questions concerning the development and importance of the Peripatos in the early Hellenistic period. The authors consider whether Theophrastus was a systematic thinker who imposed coherence and consistency on a growing body of knowledge, or a problem-oriented thinker who foreshadowed the dissolution of Peripatetic thought into various loosely connected disciplines. Of special interest are those essays which deal with Theophrastus' intellectual position in relation to the lively philosophic scene occupied by such contemporaries as Zeno, the founder of the Stoa, and Epicurus, the founder of the Garden, as well as Xenocrates and Polemon hi the Academy, and Theophrastus' fellow Peripatetics, Eudemus and Strato.\r\n\r\nThe contributors to the volume are Suzanne Amigues, Antonio Battegazzore, Tiziano Dorandi, Woldemar Gorier, John Glucker, Hans Gottschalk, Frans de Haas, Andre Laks, Anthony Long, Jorgen Mejer, Mario Mignucci, Trevor Saunders, Dirk Schenkeveld, David Sedley, Robert Sharpies, C. M. J. Sicking and Richard Sorabji. The Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities series is a forum for seminal thinking in the field of philosophy, and this volume is no exception. Theophrastus is a landmark achievement in intellectual thought. Philosophers, historians, and classicists will all find this work to be enlightening. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1SV1t3Xkh1BCyWm","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1298,"pubplace":"New Brunswick & London","publisher":"Transaction Publishers","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"8","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1998]}

Simplicius on the Meaning of Sentences: A Commentary on "In Cat." 396,30-397,28, 1998
By: Gaskin, Richard

Title	Simplicius on the Meaning of Sentences: A Commentary on "In Cat." 396,30-397,28
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1998
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	43
Issue	1
Pages	42–62
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gaskin, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

At Categories 12b5-16 Aristotle appears to regard the referents of declarative sentences, such as "Socrates is sitting," as what later writers were to call com- plexe significabilia, i.e., items such as that Socrates is sitting. Simplicius' dis- cussion of this passage in his commentary on the Categories clearly shows the influence of Stoic philosophy of language; but, if we follow the text printed by Kalbfleisch, Simplicius' commentary is seen to be a muddle of Stoic and Aristotelian elements, neither properly understood. It is possible, however, by making a crucial emendation to the text, to preserve the Aristotelian integrity of Simplicius' theory of meaning. On that line Simplicius would be adopting the view that a declarative sentence refers to a thought in the first instance and a complexe significabile in the second instance. This view is plausibly the upshot of combining the Categories text with the first chapter of De Interpretatione. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kZ57g1oWG2ekeHe

{"_index":"sire","_id":"541","_score":null,"_source":{"id":541,"authors_free":[{"id":765,"entry_id":541,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":132,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gaskin, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Gaskin","norm_person":{"id":132,"first_name":"Richard ","last_name":"Gaskin","full_name":"Gaskin, Richard ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1049853571","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius on the Meaning of Sentences: A Commentary on \"In Cat.\" 396,30-397,28","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius on the Meaning of Sentences: A Commentary on \"In Cat.\" 396,30-397,28"},"abstract":"At Categories 12b5-16 Aristotle appears to regard the referents of declarative sentences, such as \"Socrates is sitting,\" as what later writers were to call com- plexe significabilia, i.e., items such as that Socrates is sitting. Simplicius' dis- cussion of this passage in his commentary on the Categories clearly shows the influence of Stoic philosophy of language; but, if we follow the text printed by Kalbfleisch, Simplicius' commentary is seen to be a muddle of Stoic and Aristotelian elements, neither properly understood. It is possible, however, by making a crucial emendation to the text, to preserve the Aristotelian integrity of Simplicius' theory of meaning. On that line Simplicius would be adopting the view that a declarative sentence refers to a thought in the first instance and a complexe significabile in the second instance. This view is plausibly the upshot of combining the Categories text with the first chapter of De Interpretatione. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1998","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kZ57g1oWG2ekeHe","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":132,"full_name":"Gaskin, Richard ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":541,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"43","issue":"1","pages":"42\u201362"}},"sort":[1998]}

Review of: Simplicius, On Aristotle's Physics 5, translated by J.O.Urmson, notes by Peter Lautner. The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle, 1998
By: Hankey, Wayne J.

Title	Review of: Simplicius, On Aristotle's Physics 5, translated by J.O.Urmson, notes by Peter Lautner. The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1998
Journal	Bryn Mawr Classical Review
Volume	3
Issue	19
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hankey, Wayne J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This welcome volume is yet another in the important series The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle. Edited by Richard Sorabji, about 30 volumes have now been published (they are not numbered). As in all the volumes, Sorabji’s General Introduction is reprinted as an appendix (pp. 151-160), though its accompanying lists, both of the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, in the Berlin edition of Hermann Diels, and of English translations of the ancient commentators, are found only in the first of the translations: Philoponus, Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World (1987). Uniformly with the series, there are, as well as the translation (here in 110 pages), a short introduction (here in two parts: one by Peter Lautner, who did the notes, and the other by J.O. Urmson, who translated the text), a list of textual emendations, extensive notes (305 in fact, compensating for the shortness of the introduction), an English-Greek glossary, a Greek-English index, and indices of names and subjects. Other compensations for the regrettable shortness of the introduction are the affiliated publications from the Cornell University Press: Sorabji's Time, Creation and the Continuum (1983), his Matter, Space and Motion (1988), and the collections of articles Sorabji has edited: Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science (1987), Aristotle Transformed: The Ancient Commentators and Their Influence (1990). These are indispensable for negotiating Lautner’s notes. Also useful on the Aristotelian tradition and the place of Simplicius in it is a new collection of articles edited by Sorabji but published by the Institute of Classical Studies of the University of London in 1997: Aristotle and After. Understanding the character and significance of what Simplicius is doing here, especially of his very consequential modifications of Aristotle, requires consultation with excellent but inconvenient endnotes and with their references to this and other, less accessible, literature. As a result, In Physics 5 and its companion volumes are for well-formed scholars with first-class university libraries at their disposal. With this volume, we near the completion within this series of the translation of Simplicius' enormous commentary on the Physics. It joins, of Simplicius, the Corollaries on Place and Time, On Aristotle On the Soul 1.1-2.4, and On Aristotle's Physics 2, 4, 6, 7; all of which have appeared since 1989. They manifest in the English-speaking world a renewed scholarly and philosophical interest in Simplicius, which has produced translations, editions, and research by American, Belgian, English, French, German, and Italian scholars. Their work and projects were collected in Simplicius: sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie (1987), edited by Ilsetraut Hadot. Indeed, a contributor to that collection, Leonardo Tarán, promises us a new edition of the Greek text of the commentary on the Physics as well as another translation of it. Another contributor, Philippe Hoffmann, is reediting the commentary on the De Caelo. The renewed labor on the commentaries is justified by those who undertake it. The first place to find this is in Sorabji's General Introduction, which, beyond indicating the influence of the Neoplatonic commentaries, calls them "incomparable guides to Aristotle" (p. 159). A claim he supports by reference to the "minutely detailed knowledge of the entire Aristotelian corpus" possessed and conveyed by the commentators. In his article for the French colloque, Tarán maintained that Simplicius' commentary on the Physics remains the best commentary on that work "even today" (p. 247). Since her Le Problème du Néoplatonisme Alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius (1978), Ilsetraut Hadot has defended Simplicius and the commentators of the Athenian Neoplatonic school from denigrating comparisons with the production of the Alexandrines. She demonstrates that Praechter was wrong in supposing the Alexandrian commentaries to have been more devoted to the vrai sens of Aristotle in contrast to their own Neoplatonic philosophical projects. In fact, the commentaries of both schools were produced within a tradition initiated by Porphyry and were required by the essential role Aristotle's writings played in teaching. The value of the commentary may be diminished by the service given to such Neoplatonic scholastic projects as the reconciliation of Plato and Aristotle, but Hadot’s demonstrations elevate Simplicius by diminishing the preeminence given to the Alexandrines. In a review in this journal (BMCR 97.9.24), Richard Todd produced good reasons for choosing, as the place to begin among the older scholarship on Aristotle, the Renaissance commentaries of Jacobus Zabarella or Julius Pacius, but still, he would have these Renaissance humanists bring readers back to Simplicius. By the Renaissance, his commentaries, lost to the Latins until the 13th century, were well known and highly respected. So none will deny the enormous importance of Simplicius' commentary. Beyond its illumination of Aristotle, its application and defense of the Neoplatonic interpretative framework is skillful and creative. Moreover, it is the great treasury for our knowledge of previous Greek physics from the Pre-Socratics onward and of the commentaries before his own. Both of these he preserves by quotation, often at greater length than his argument requires, as if Simplicius, like Boethius, saw himself preserving a disappearing heritage in a darkening age. Much of In Physics 5 is a dialogue with Alexander of Aphrodisias, and enormous passages of his commentary are reproduced. They remind us of one of the essential tasks of scholarship that has only begun and will be assisted by this translation. Since so much of what we know about natural philosophy before Simplicius is dependent on him, we need to deepen our understanding of his thinking to consider how his selection and reproduction shape our knowledge of ancient philosophy. The conservative labor was successful; evidently, the commentary of Simplicius survived and carried his past with it. In consequence, another reason for the great importance of this work is its influence. His understanding of Aristotle constituted an essential element in the thinking of the Arabic Neoplatonists and, from the 13th century on, his comments were communicated to the Latin West in their treatises and in their own commentaries on Aristotle's texts, as well as through direct translations from the Greek by Latins like William of Moerbeke. Thus, he reached the scholastics of the medieval West. The conscientious continuation by Simplicius of the great Neoplatonic enterprise of reconciling Plato and Aristotle helped determine the Latin understanding of Aristotle. Moreover, ideas of his own, developed in that context, became fruitful again as Aristotelian physics was transformed in the construction of modern natural philosophies. Simplicius was with Damascius and the other pagan philosophers who headed east after Justinian closed the Academy in Athens. He probably composed this, and his other Aristotelian commentaries, in the remote city of Harran (Carrhae). Whatever the activity of the philosophers gathered there, as distinct from his predecessors like Themistius or contemporaries like Philoponus the Christian, Simplicius' commentaries no longer show characteristics marking them as having been developed as lectures. Evidence points to composition after 538, and Peter Lautner shows that at least part of the commentary on the Physics was written before the commentary on the Categories. Simplicius assiduously carries forward the reconciliation of Aristotle with Plato. Whether, with Sorabji, we call this project "perfectly crazy" (p. 156), we will agree it stimulates Simplicius to his greatest creativity. Here the philosophical commentator is moved by his religion. Since Porphyry, and fervently with Iamblichus, Proclus, and their successors, piety in respect to the old gods demanded that the unity of that by which they revealed themselves and their cosmos be exhibited. Further, defending the Hellenic spiritual tradition against its critics and effectively marshaling its forces against the Christian enemy required this unification. Simplicius helps work through completely what the Neoplatonic reconciliations and unifications require. He assists with its momentous move from substance to subjectivity. For what it furthers and transmits in this greatest of Western transformations, his commentary is philosophically important. Those who have made it more accessible are to be thanked. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gUxdRzi2BGcl9jH

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1347","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1347,"authors_free":[{"id":2002,"entry_id":1347,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":167,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hankey, Wayne J.","free_first_name":"Wayne J.","free_last_name":"Hankey","norm_person":{"id":167,"first_name":" Wayne J.","last_name":"Hankey","full_name":"Hankey, Wayne J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054015821","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of: Simplicius, On Aristotle's Physics 5, translated by J.O.Urmson, notes by Peter Lautner. The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","main_title":{"title":"Review of: Simplicius, On Aristotle's Physics 5, translated by J.O.Urmson, notes by Peter Lautner. The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle"},"abstract":"This welcome volume is yet another in the important series The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle. Edited by Richard Sorabji, about 30 volumes have now been published (they are not numbered). As in all the volumes, Sorabji\u2019s General Introduction is reprinted as an appendix (pp. 151-160), though its accompanying lists, both of the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, in the Berlin edition of Hermann Diels, and of English translations of the ancient commentators, are found only in the first of the translations: Philoponus, Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World (1987).\r\n\r\nUniformly with the series, there are, as well as the translation (here in 110 pages), a short introduction (here in two parts: one by Peter Lautner, who did the notes, and the other by J.O. Urmson, who translated the text), a list of textual emendations, extensive notes (305 in fact, compensating for the shortness of the introduction), an English-Greek glossary, a Greek-English index, and indices of names and subjects.\r\n\r\nOther compensations for the regrettable shortness of the introduction are the affiliated publications from the Cornell University Press: Sorabji's Time, Creation and the Continuum (1983), his Matter, Space and Motion (1988), and the collections of articles Sorabji has edited: Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science (1987), Aristotle Transformed: The Ancient Commentators and Their Influence (1990). These are indispensable for negotiating Lautner\u2019s notes. Also useful on the Aristotelian tradition and the place of Simplicius in it is a new collection of articles edited by Sorabji but published by the Institute of Classical Studies of the University of London in 1997: Aristotle and After.\r\n\r\nUnderstanding the character and significance of what Simplicius is doing here, especially of his very consequential modifications of Aristotle, requires consultation with excellent but inconvenient endnotes and with their references to this and other, less accessible, literature. As a result, In Physics 5 and its companion volumes are for well-formed scholars with first-class university libraries at their disposal.\r\n\r\nWith this volume, we near the completion within this series of the translation of Simplicius' enormous commentary on the Physics. It joins, of Simplicius, the Corollaries on Place and Time, On Aristotle On the Soul 1.1-2.4, and On Aristotle's Physics 2, 4, 6, 7; all of which have appeared since 1989. They manifest in the English-speaking world a renewed scholarly and philosophical interest in Simplicius, which has produced translations, editions, and research by American, Belgian, English, French, German, and Italian scholars. Their work and projects were collected in Simplicius: sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie (1987), edited by Ilsetraut Hadot. Indeed, a contributor to that collection, Leonardo Tar\u00e1n, promises us a new edition of the Greek text of the commentary on the Physics as well as another translation of it. Another contributor, Philippe Hoffmann, is reediting the commentary on the De Caelo.\r\n\r\nThe renewed labor on the commentaries is justified by those who undertake it. The first place to find this is in Sorabji's General Introduction, which, beyond indicating the influence of the Neoplatonic commentaries, calls them \"incomparable guides to Aristotle\" (p. 159). A claim he supports by reference to the \"minutely detailed knowledge of the entire Aristotelian corpus\" possessed and conveyed by the commentators.\r\n\r\nIn his article for the French colloque, Tar\u00e1n maintained that Simplicius' commentary on the Physics remains the best commentary on that work \"even today\" (p. 247). Since her Le Probl\u00e8me du N\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin: Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius (1978), Ilsetraut Hadot has defended Simplicius and the commentators of the Athenian Neoplatonic school from denigrating comparisons with the production of the Alexandrines. She demonstrates that Praechter was wrong in supposing the Alexandrian commentaries to have been more devoted to the vrai sens of Aristotle in contrast to their own Neoplatonic philosophical projects. In fact, the commentaries of both schools were produced within a tradition initiated by Porphyry and were required by the essential role Aristotle's writings played in teaching. The value of the commentary may be diminished by the service given to such Neoplatonic scholastic projects as the reconciliation of Plato and Aristotle, but Hadot\u2019s demonstrations elevate Simplicius by diminishing the preeminence given to the Alexandrines.\r\n\r\nIn a review in this journal (BMCR 97.9.24), Richard Todd produced good reasons for choosing, as the place to begin among the older scholarship on Aristotle, the Renaissance commentaries of Jacobus Zabarella or Julius Pacius, but still, he would have these Renaissance humanists bring readers back to Simplicius. By the Renaissance, his commentaries, lost to the Latins until the 13th century, were well known and highly respected.\r\n\r\nSo none will deny the enormous importance of Simplicius' commentary. Beyond its illumination of Aristotle, its application and defense of the Neoplatonic interpretative framework is skillful and creative. Moreover, it is the great treasury for our knowledge of previous Greek physics from the Pre-Socratics onward and of the commentaries before his own. Both of these he preserves by quotation, often at greater length than his argument requires, as if Simplicius, like Boethius, saw himself preserving a disappearing heritage in a darkening age. Much of In Physics 5 is a dialogue with Alexander of Aphrodisias, and enormous passages of his commentary are reproduced. They remind us of one of the essential tasks of scholarship that has only begun and will be assisted by this translation. Since so much of what we know about natural philosophy before Simplicius is dependent on him, we need to deepen our understanding of his thinking to consider how his selection and reproduction shape our knowledge of ancient philosophy.\r\n\r\nThe conservative labor was successful; evidently, the commentary of Simplicius survived and carried his past with it. In consequence, another reason for the great importance of this work is its influence. His understanding of Aristotle constituted an essential element in the thinking of the Arabic Neoplatonists and, from the 13th century on, his comments were communicated to the Latin West in their treatises and in their own commentaries on Aristotle's texts, as well as through direct translations from the Greek by Latins like William of Moerbeke. Thus, he reached the scholastics of the medieval West.\r\n\r\nThe conscientious continuation by Simplicius of the great Neoplatonic enterprise of reconciling Plato and Aristotle helped determine the Latin understanding of Aristotle. Moreover, ideas of his own, developed in that context, became fruitful again as Aristotelian physics was transformed in the construction of modern natural philosophies.\r\n\r\nSimplicius was with Damascius and the other pagan philosophers who headed east after Justinian closed the Academy in Athens. He probably composed this, and his other Aristotelian commentaries, in the remote city of Harran (Carrhae). Whatever the activity of the philosophers gathered there, as distinct from his predecessors like Themistius or contemporaries like Philoponus the Christian, Simplicius' commentaries no longer show characteristics marking them as having been developed as lectures. Evidence points to composition after 538, and Peter Lautner shows that at least part of the commentary on the Physics was written before the commentary on the Categories.\r\n\r\nSimplicius assiduously carries forward the reconciliation of Aristotle with Plato. Whether, with Sorabji, we call this project \"perfectly crazy\" (p. 156), we will agree it stimulates Simplicius to his greatest creativity. Here the philosophical commentator is moved by his religion. Since Porphyry, and fervently with Iamblichus, Proclus, and their successors, piety in respect to the old gods demanded that the unity of that by which they revealed themselves and their cosmos be exhibited. Further, defending the Hellenic spiritual tradition against its critics and effectively marshaling its forces against the Christian enemy required this unification.\r\n\r\nSimplicius helps work through completely what the Neoplatonic reconciliations and unifications require. He assists with its momentous move from substance to subjectivity. For what it furthers and transmits in this greatest of Western transformations, his commentary is philosophically important. Those who have made it more accessible are to be thanked. [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"1998","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gUxdRzi2BGcl9jH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":167,"full_name":"Hankey, Wayne J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1347,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Bryn Mawr Classical Review","volume":"3","issue":"19","pages":""}},"sort":[1998]}

Iamblichus’ Νοερὰ Θεωρία of Aristotle’s Categories, 1997
By: Dillon, John

Title	Iamblichus’ Νοερὰ Θεωρία of Aristotle’s Categories
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1997
Journal	Syllecta Classica
Volume	8
Pages	65-77
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dillon, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses Iamblichus' commentary on Porphyry's large commentary on Aristotle's Categories. Porphyry is credited with the setting out and responses to all the aporiai that were concocted by critics of the Categories in the Middle Platonic period, as well as with references to Stoic doctrines in the commentary. Iamblichus added certain criticisms, modifications of Porphyry, relevant passages of Archytas, and some "higher criticism" or intellectual interpretation of nearly all sections of the work. Iamblichus' contribution was to apply his techniques of allegorical exegesis to Aristotle's Categories, where he was able to apply much the same method as he did with Plato's dialogues. Iamblichus' method of commentary is discussed in detail, including his definition of the skopos, or essential subject matter, of the treatise, which concerned all three possible subject matters for the Categories: words, things, and concepts. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Oti0shwXiKiyZ4B

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1147","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1147,"authors_free":[{"id":1722,"entry_id":1147,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":97,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dillon, John","free_first_name":"John","free_last_name":"Dillon","norm_person":{"id":97,"first_name":"John","last_name":"Dillon","full_name":"Dillon, John","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123498058","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Iamblichus\u2019 \u039d\u03bf\u03b5\u03c1\u1f70 \u0398\u03b5\u03c9\u03c1\u03af\u03b1 of Aristotle\u2019s Categories","main_title":{"title":"Iamblichus\u2019 \u039d\u03bf\u03b5\u03c1\u1f70 \u0398\u03b5\u03c9\u03c1\u03af\u03b1 of Aristotle\u2019s Categories"},"abstract":"This text discusses Iamblichus' commentary on Porphyry's large commentary on Aristotle's Categories. Porphyry is credited with the setting out and responses to all the aporiai that were concocted by critics of the Categories in the Middle Platonic period, as well as with references to Stoic doctrines in the commentary. Iamblichus added certain criticisms, modifications of Porphyry, relevant passages of Archytas, and some \"higher criticism\" or intellectual interpretation of nearly all sections of the work. Iamblichus' contribution was to apply his techniques of allegorical exegesis to Aristotle's Categories, where he was able to apply much the same method as he did with Plato's dialogues. Iamblichus' method of commentary is discussed in detail, including his definition of the skopos, or essential subject matter, of the treatise, which concerned all three possible subject matters for the Categories: words, things, and concepts. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":3,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Oti0shwXiKiyZ4B","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":97,"full_name":"Dillon, John","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1147,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"8","issue":"","pages":"65-77"}},"sort":[1997]}

The Stoics on cases, predicates, and the unity of the proposition, 1997
By: Gaskin, Richard , Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	The Stoics on cases, predicates, and the unity of the proposition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1997
Published in	Aristotle and after
Pages	91-107
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gaskin, Richard
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

As far as traditional classifications go, the Stoics count as materialists. But it is notorious that there were four things in their world-view which do not fit this caracterization: time, place, the void and the so-called ‘sayables', or lekta (SE AM 10.218 = FDS 720). Lekta consist of three main kinds of quasi-linguistic item: centrally, simple propositions (as well as certain non-assertoric, but grammatically autonomous, items) are ‘complete’ lekta (DL 7 .6-8 = FDS 696, 874; SE AM 8.70-74). From these propositions, more complex ‘complete’ lekta maybe constructed, such as conditionals (DL 7.71) or syllogisms (DL 7.63). And within the structure of complete lekta, ‘incomplete’ lekta, such as predicates, maybe discerned. I call lekta quasi-linguistic, rather than linguistic, because, as we learn from an important passage in Sextus (AM 8.11-13 = FDS 67), the Stoics distinguished lekta both from language and from physical objects in the world. Hence linguistic items such as the verb (rhêma) ‘writes’ and the complete sentence (logos) ‘Socrates writes’ should be kept rigorously apart from their corresponding lekta - the predicate (katigorema) writes and the complete proposition (axidma) Socrates writes - which the linguistic expressions signify (semainein: SE AM 8.11 - 12, DL 7.56, 58, 65). In this paper I shall examine the Stoic treatment of the main constituents of the complete lekton: cases and predicates. I shall argue that cases are, like predicates, (incomplete) lekta, and that the verbal noun played a central role in Stoic thinking about lekta. In the light of these reflections, I shall conclude with some speculative remarks on the unity of the proposition. [Introduction, p. 91]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tocHWc6xfMEeg9C

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But it is notorious that there were four things in their world-view which do not fit this caracterization: time, place, the void and the so-called \u2018sayables', or lekta (SE AM 10.218 = FDS 720). Lekta consist of three main kinds of quasi-linguistic item: centrally, simple propositions (as well as certain non-assertoric, but grammatically autonomous, items) are \u2018complete\u2019 lekta (DL 7 .6-8 = FDS 696, 874; SE AM 8.70-74). From these propositions, more complex \u2018complete\u2019 lekta maybe constructed, such as conditionals (DL 7.71) or syllogisms (DL 7.63). And within the structure of complete lekta, \u2018incomplete\u2019 lekta, such as predicates, maybe discerned. I call lekta quasi-linguistic, rather than linguistic, because, as we learn from an important passage in Sextus (AM 8.11-13 = FDS 67), the Stoics distinguished lekta both from language and from physical objects in the world. Hence linguistic items such as the verb (rh\u00eama) \u2018writes\u2019 and the complete sentence (logos) \u2018Socrates writes\u2019 should be kept rigorously apart from their corresponding lekta - the predicate (katigorema) writes and the complete proposition (axidma) Socrates writes - which the linguistic expressions signify (semainein: SE AM 8.11 - 12, DL 7.56, 58, 65). \r\nIn this paper I shall examine the Stoic treatment of the main constituents of the complete lekton: cases and predicates. I shall argue that cases are, like predicates, (incomplete) lekta, and that the verbal noun played a central role in Stoic thinking about lekta. In the light of these reflections, I shall conclude with some speculative remarks on the unity of the proposition. [Introduction, p. 91]","btype":2,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tocHWc6xfMEeg9C","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":132,"full_name":"Gaskin, Richard ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1177,"section_of":199,"pages":"91-107","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":199,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle and after","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabji1997a","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1997","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1997","abstract":"A selection of papers given at the Institute of Classical Studies during 1996. They cover a variety of new work on the 900 years of philosophy from Aristotle to Simplicius. There is a strong concentration on stoicism with papers by: Michael Frede ( Euphrates of Tyre ); A. A. Long ( Property ownership and community ); Brad Inwood ( 'Why do fools fallin love?' ); Susanne Bobzein ( freedom and ethics ); Richard Gaskin ( cases, predicates and the unity of the proposition ); Richard Sorabji ( stoic philosophy and psychotherapy ); Bernard Williams ( reply to Richard Sorabji ). The other papers are by: Heinrich von Staden ( Galen and the 'Second Sophistic' ); Hans B. Gottschalk ( continuity and change in Aristotelianism ); Travis Butler ( the homonymy of signification in Aristotle ); Andrea Falcon ( Aristotle's theory of division ); Sylvia Berryman (Horror Vacui in the third century BC ); M. B. Trapp ( On the Tablet of Cebes ); Marwan Rashed ( a 'new' text of Alexander on the soul's motion ). [authors abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/x8uyail9ZCl9wfr","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":199,"pubplace":"University of London","publisher":"Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study","series":"BICS (Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies) Supplement","volume":"68","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

Aspects de la théorie de la perception chez les néoplatoniciens : sensation (αἴσθησις), sensation commune (κοινὴ αἴσθησις), sensibles communs (κοινὰ αἰσθητά) et conscience de soi (συναίσθησις), 1997
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Aspects de la théorie de la perception chez les néoplatoniciens : sensation (αἴσθησις), sensation commune (κοινὴ αἴσθησις), sensibles communs (κοινὰ αἰσθητά) et conscience de soi (συναίσθησις)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1997
Journal	Documenti e Studi sulla Tradizione Filosofica Medievale
Volume	8
Pages	33–85
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Je résume : en ce qui concerne la possibilité pour les sensations d'avoir conscience de leur activité, Pseudo-Philopon se distingue aussi bien de Priscien que de Simplicius, puisqu’il n'attribue plus le moindre rôle à la sensation commune, mais accorde ce privilège à une faculté de l'âme raisonnable, à la faculté d'attention. [conclusion p. 85]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/N9wzp13Ul2KftSa

{"_index":"sire","_id":"643","_score":null,"_source":{"id":643,"authors_free":[{"id":918,"entry_id":643,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aspects de la th\u00e9orie de la perception chez les n\u00e9oplatoniciens : sensation (\u03b1\u1f34\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2), sensation commune (\u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u1f74 \u03b1\u1f34\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2), sensibles communs (\u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u1f70 \u03b1\u1f30\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7\u03c4\u03ac) et conscience de soi (\u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03af\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2)","main_title":{"title":"Aspects de la th\u00e9orie de la perception chez les n\u00e9oplatoniciens : sensation (\u03b1\u1f34\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2), sensation commune (\u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u1f74 \u03b1\u1f34\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2), sensibles communs (\u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u1f70 \u03b1\u1f30\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7\u03c4\u03ac) et conscience de soi (\u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03af\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2)"},"abstract":"Je r\u00e9sume : en ce qui concerne la possibilit\u00e9 pour les sensations d'avoir conscience de leur activit\u00e9, Pseudo-Philopon se distingue aussi bien de Priscien que de Simplicius, puisqu\u2019il n'attribue plus le moindre r\u00f4le \u00e0 la sensation commune, mais accorde ce privil\u00e8ge \u00e0 une facult\u00e9 de l'\u00e2me raisonnable, \u00e0 la facult\u00e9 d'attention. [conclusion p. 85]","btype":3,"date":"1997","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/N9wzp13Ul2KftSa","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":643,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Documenti e Studi sulla Tradizione Filosofica Medievale","volume":"8","issue":"","pages":"33\u201385"}},"sort":[1997]}

Plato's Auctoritas and the Rebirth of the Commentary Tradition, 1997
By: Sedley, David N., Barnes, Jonathan (Ed.), Griffin, Miriam (Ed.)

Title	Plato's Auctoritas and the Rebirth of the Commentary Tradition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1997
Published in	Philosophia togata II: Plato and Aristotle at Rome
Pages	110-129
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sedley, David N.
Editor(s)	Barnes, Jonathan , Griffin, Miriam
Translator(s)

In this paper I shall be considering the emerge, or rather re-emerge, of Platonic commentary around the end of the Hellenistic age. That is the period which forms the essential background to our chief surviving specimens of the genre, the great fifth-century Platonic commentaries of Proclus. Specifically, I intend to examine why Platonic philosophy came to such a large extent to take the form of commentary, and how the resources of the commentary format were deployed for the task of establishing, preserving, and exploiting Plato's philosophical authority. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KXHna6DA0dhoqno

{"_index":"sire","_id":"647","_score":null,"_source":{"id":647,"authors_free":[{"id":926,"entry_id":647,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":298,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sedley, David N.","free_first_name":"David N.","free_last_name":"Sedley","norm_person":{"id":298,"first_name":"David N.","last_name":"Sedley","full_name":"Sedley, David N.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/12143141X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":927,"entry_id":647,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":416,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","free_first_name":"Jonathan","free_last_name":"Barnes","norm_person":{"id":416,"first_name":"Jonathan","last_name":"Barnes","full_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134306627","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":928,"entry_id":647,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":148,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Griffin, Miriam","free_first_name":"Miriam","free_last_name":"Griffin","norm_person":{"id":148,"first_name":"Michael J.","last_name":"Griffin","full_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1065676603","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Plato's Auctoritas and the Rebirth of the Commentary Tradition","main_title":{"title":"Plato's Auctoritas and the Rebirth of the Commentary Tradition"},"abstract":"In this paper I shall be considering the emerge, or rather re-emerge, of Platonic commentary around the end of the Hellenistic age. That is the period which forms the essential background to our chief surviving specimens of the genre, the great fifth-century Platonic commentaries of Proclus. Specifically, I intend to examine why Platonic philosophy came to such a large extent to take the form of commentary, and how the resources of the commentary format were deployed for the task of establishing, preserving, and exploiting Plato's philosophical authority. [Author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KXHna6DA0dhoqno","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":298,"full_name":"Sedley, David N.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":416,"full_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":148,"full_name":"Griffin, Michael J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":647,"section_of":283,"pages":"110-129","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":283,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Philosophia togata II: Plato and Aristotle at Rome","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Barnes\/Griffin1997","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1997","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1997","abstract":"The mutual interaction of philosophy and Roman political and cultural life has aroused more and more interest in recent years among students of classical literature, Roman history, and ancient philosophy. In this volume, which gathers together some of the papers originally delivered at a series of seminars in the University of Oxford, scholars from all three disciplines explore the role of Platonism and Aristotelianism in Roman intellectual, cultural, and political life from the second century BC to the third century AD.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/y4n6429uWaNLuD2","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":283,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Clarendon Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

Le commentaire philosophique continu dans l’Antiquité, 1997
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Le commentaire philosophique continu dans l’Antiquité
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1997
Journal	AnTard (Antiquité Tardive. Revue internationale d’histoire et d’archéolog)
Volume	5
Pages	169–176
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Opening with an overview of the historical development of the continuous philosophical commentary, this study aims to bring out the profound differences between modem philosophicalcommentaries and the Late Antique commentaries on Plato and Aristotle. The modem commentariesare concerned to explain the texts for an audience which is not defined. By contrast, the ancient commentaries belonged to a precise programme of reading the texts concerned, a programme which corresponded both to levels of knowledge and levels of spiritual progression. They were therefore addressed, depending on the type of text, to beginners, to intermediate or to very advanced students; and their content and method varied greatly according to the level of the intended readership. Furthermore, explaining the text was never an end in itself; the commentary was intended not so much to expand knowledge as to assist in the acquisition of a particular ethical attitude, leading to a particular way of life. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bNInszbNd3YEzTp

{"_index":"sire","_id":"695","_score":null,"_source":{"id":695,"authors_free":[{"id":1034,"entry_id":695,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le commentaire philosophique continu dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9","main_title":{"title":"Le commentaire philosophique continu dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9"},"abstract":"Opening with an overview of the historical development of the continuous philosophical commentary, this study aims to bring out the profound differences between modem philosophicalcommentaries and the Late Antique commentaries on Plato and Aristotle. The modem commentariesare concerned to explain the texts for an audience which is not defined. By contrast, the ancient commentaries belonged to a precise programme of reading the texts concerned, a programme which corresponded both to levels of knowledge and levels of spiritual progression. They were therefore addressed, depending on the type of text, to beginners, to intermediate or to very advanced students; and their content and method varied greatly according to the level of the intended readership. Furthermore, explaining the text was never an end in itself; the commentary was intended not so much to expand knowledge as to assist in the acquisition of a particular ethical attitude, leading to a particular way of life. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1997","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/bNInszbNd3YEzTp","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":695,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"AnTard (Antiquit\u00e9 Tardive. Revue internationale d\u2019histoire et d\u2019arch\u00e9olog)","volume":"5","issue":"","pages":"169\u2013176"}},"sort":[1997]}

Dans quel lieu le néoplatonicien Simplicius a-t-il fondé son école de mathématiques, et où a pu avoir lieu son entretien avec un manichéen?, 1997
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Dans quel lieu le néoplatonicien Simplicius a-t-il fondé son école de mathématiques, et où a pu avoir lieu son entretien avec un manichéen?
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1997
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	1
Pages	42–107
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The historian Agathias (Hist. II 30.3-31.4) relates that under the Emperor Justinian seven philosophers (Damascius, Simplicius, Eulamius, Priscianus, Hermeias, Diogenes, and Isidorus) sought refuge in Persia because of their own country’s anti-pagan laws but that they ultimately returned in 532 to the Roman Empire. There have been many hypotheses about the fate of these philosophers after their return. Most recently M. Tardieu has argued that these philosophers went to Harran, a town that was located on the Persian frontier and that remained mostly pagan until the tenth century. This hypothesis, which M. Tardieu had backed with a number of arguments, has found many echoes, both positive and negative, in subsequent secondary literature. Yet the complexity of the issue has never really been faced by Tardieu’s critics. For example, the fact that, according to Arab sources, Simplicius could found a famous school of mathematics has been completely neglected, as has the fact that details of the dogmas of Manicheanism, which he obtained through his encounter with a member of that sect, enable one to envision a Mesopotamian locale for this encounter. The present study aims at taking stock of the elements of this controversy, beginning with a detailed article by D. Watts and a review by C. Luna. Watts mostly bases his criticisms of M. Tardieu and me on Luna’s summary. In the conclusion (pages 58-59), I summarize the main points that seem to me to confirm M. Tardieu’s hypothesis. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WI7RiFFpXjaRVSX

{"_index":"sire","_id":"698","_score":null,"_source":{"id":698,"authors_free":[{"id":1038,"entry_id":698,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Dans quel lieu le n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius a-t-il fond\u00e9 son \u00e9cole de math\u00e9matiques, et o\u00f9 a pu avoir lieu son entretien avec un manich\u00e9en?","main_title":{"title":"Dans quel lieu le n\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius a-t-il fond\u00e9 son \u00e9cole de math\u00e9matiques, et o\u00f9 a pu avoir lieu son entretien avec un manich\u00e9en?"},"abstract":"The historian Agathias (Hist. II 30.3-31.4) relates that under the Emperor Justinian seven philosophers (Damascius, Simplicius, Eulamius, Priscianus, Hermeias, Diogenes, and Isidorus) sought refuge in Persia because of their own country\u2019s anti-pagan laws but that they ultimately returned in 532 to the Roman Empire. There have been many hypotheses about the fate of these philosophers after their return. Most recently M. Tardieu has argued that these philosophers went to Harran, a town that was located on the Persian frontier and that remained mostly pagan until the tenth century. This hypothesis, which M. Tardieu had backed with a number of arguments, has found many echoes, both positive and negative, in subsequent secondary literature. Yet the complexity of the issue has never really been faced by Tardieu\u2019s critics. For example, the fact that, according to Arab sources, Simplicius could found a famous school of mathematics has been completely neglected, as has the fact that details of the dogmas of Manicheanism, which he obtained through his encounter with a member of that sect, enable one to envision a Mesopotamian locale for this encounter. The present study aims at taking stock of the elements of this controversy, beginning with a detailed article by D. Watts and a review by C. Luna. Watts mostly bases his criticisms of M. Tardieu and me on Luna\u2019s summary. In the conclusion (pages 58-59), I summarize the main points that seem to me to confirm M. Tardieu\u2019s hypothesis. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1997","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/WI7RiFFpXjaRVSX","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":698,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition","volume":"1","issue":"","pages":"42\u2013107"}},"sort":[1997]}

Aristote, «Physique», IV, 2, 1997
By: Brisson, Luc

Title	Aristote, «Physique», IV, 2
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1997
Journal	Les Études philosophiques. Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	3
Pages	377-387
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Brisson, Luc
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Le texte, qui se veut une lecture commentée du chapitre 2 du livre IV de la Physique d'Aristote, se présente comme un travail de recherche qui ne prétend pas parvenir à des conclusions définitives. En effet, il a pour but de soulever un certain nombre de questions sur des sujets trop vastes pour être traités en quelques pages. L'idée force ici développée est la suivante : Aristote traduit en des termes soigneusement définis, dans le cadre de sa philosophie, des termes utilisés de façon peu rigoureuse par Platon dans le Timée. Ce faisant, Aristote change le sens même des termes utilisés par Platon. Le mécanisme de cette « traduction », qui équivaut à une distorsion dont les conséquences sont particulièrement importantes, parce que le vocabulaire aristotélicien a longtemps prévalu dans le domaine de la physique, sera ici minutieusement décrit, afin d’en montrer les conséquences philosophiques. [introduction p. 377]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NoOjnCvmvbsUPXt

{"_index":"sire","_id":"768","_score":null,"_source":{"id":768,"authors_free":[{"id":1132,"entry_id":768,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":18,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Brisson, Luc ","free_first_name":"Luc","free_last_name":"Brisson","norm_person":{"id":18,"first_name":"Luc","last_name":"Brisson","full_name":"Brisson, Luc ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/114433259","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristote, \u00abPhysique\u00bb, IV, 2","main_title":{"title":"Aristote, \u00abPhysique\u00bb, IV, 2"},"abstract":"Le texte, qui se veut une lecture comment\u00e9e du chapitre 2 du livre IV de la Physique d'Aristote, se pr\u00e9sente comme un travail de recherche qui ne pr\u00e9tend pas parvenir \u00e0 des conclusions d\u00e9finitives. En effet, il a pour but de soulever un certain nombre de questions sur des sujets trop vastes pour \u00eatre trait\u00e9s en quelques pages.\r\n\r\nL'id\u00e9e force ici d\u00e9velopp\u00e9e est la suivante : Aristote traduit en des termes soigneusement d\u00e9finis, dans le cadre de sa philosophie, des termes utilis\u00e9s de fa\u00e7on peu rigoureuse par Platon dans le Tim\u00e9e. Ce faisant, Aristote change le sens m\u00eame des termes utilis\u00e9s par Platon.\r\n\r\nLe m\u00e9canisme de cette \u00ab traduction \u00bb, qui \u00e9quivaut \u00e0 une distorsion dont les cons\u00e9quences sont particuli\u00e8rement importantes, parce que le vocabulaire aristot\u00e9licien a longtemps pr\u00e9valu dans le domaine de la physique, sera ici minutieusement d\u00e9crit, afin d\u2019en montrer les cons\u00e9quences philosophiques. [introduction p. 377]","btype":3,"date":"1997","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NoOjnCvmvbsUPXt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":18,"full_name":"Brisson, Luc ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":768,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques. Philosophie Ancienne","volume":"3","issue":"","pages":"377-387"}},"sort":[1997]}

A “New” Text of Alexander on the Soul’s Motion, 1997
By: Rashed, Marwan, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	A “New” Text of Alexander on the Soul’s Motion
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1997
Published in	Aristotle and after
Pages	181-195
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

A last argument: when Alexander describes the doctrine through which Aristotle hoped to escape from Atticus’ criticisms, he writes, apropos the intellect: "and it is separated out (ekkrinetai) in the same way as it is introduced (eiskrinetai)". Thus, the only two occurrences in Alexander of the verb eiskrinesthai are deeply connected with Atticus’ theory, either directly or through Aristotle’s reply. It seems, therefore, very probable that Alexander himself was aware of the significance of this technical term, and that he mentioned it twice. To conclude, then, the historical evolution of the polemics may be summarised as follows: The ‘Aristotelian’ claim of the intellect from without. Atticus attacks the intellect from without because of its inability to move. Aristoteles of Mytilene (as reported by Alexander in C1) defends the intellect from without by claiming its ubiquity. Alexander (De intell., C2) criticises Aristoteles’ solution to Atticus’ criticisms and gives an alternative reply to Atticus by accounting for separation in terms of thought processes. Alexander (In Phys.) attacks Atticus’ vehicle-theory on the grounds that it does not resolve the question at all and alludes indirectly to his previous solution. Thus, we may conclude that the De intellectu is an authentic work of Alexander, but an earlier one than the commentary on the Physics. [conclusion p. 194-195]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/roAfpopRonK2aKn

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1061","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1061,"authors_free":[{"id":1610,"entry_id":1061,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1611,"entry_id":1061,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"A \u201cNew\u201d Text of Alexander on the Soul\u2019s Motion","main_title":{"title":"A \u201cNew\u201d Text of Alexander on the Soul\u2019s Motion"},"abstract":"A last argument: when Alexander describes the doctrine through which Aristotle hoped to escape from Atticus\u2019 criticisms, he writes, apropos the intellect: \"and it is separated out (ekkrinetai) in the same way as it is introduced (eiskrinetai)\". Thus, the only two occurrences in Alexander of the verb eiskrinesthai are deeply connected with Atticus\u2019 theory, either directly or through Aristotle\u2019s reply. It seems, therefore, very probable that Alexander himself was aware of the significance of this technical term, and that he mentioned it twice.\r\n\r\nTo conclude, then, the historical evolution of the polemics may be summarised as follows:\r\n\r\n The \u2018Aristotelian\u2019 claim of the intellect from without.\r\n Atticus attacks the intellect from without because of its inability to move.\r\n Aristoteles of Mytilene (as reported by Alexander in C1) defends the intellect from without by claiming its ubiquity.\r\n Alexander (De intell., C2) criticises Aristoteles\u2019 solution to Atticus\u2019 criticisms and gives an alternative reply to Atticus by accounting for separation in terms of thought processes.\r\n Alexander (In Phys.) attacks Atticus\u2019 vehicle-theory on the grounds that it does not resolve the question at all and alludes indirectly to his previous solution.\r\n\r\nThus, we may conclude that the De intellectu is an authentic work of Alexander, but an earlier one than the commentary on the Physics. [conclusion p. 194-195]","btype":2,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/roAfpopRonK2aKn","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1061,"section_of":199,"pages":"181-195","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":199,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle and after","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabji1997a","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1997","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1997","abstract":"A selection of papers given at the Institute of Classical Studies during 1996. They cover a variety of new work on the 900 years of philosophy from Aristotle to Simplicius. There is a strong concentration on stoicism with papers by: Michael Frede ( Euphrates of Tyre ); A. A. Long ( Property ownership and community ); Brad Inwood ( 'Why do fools fallin love?' ); Susanne Bobzein ( freedom and ethics ); Richard Gaskin ( cases, predicates and the unity of the proposition ); Richard Sorabji ( stoic philosophy and psychotherapy ); Bernard Williams ( reply to Richard Sorabji ). The other papers are by: Heinrich von Staden ( Galen and the 'Second Sophistic' ); Hans B. Gottschalk ( continuity and change in Aristotelianism ); Travis Butler ( the homonymy of signification in Aristotle ); Andrea Falcon ( Aristotle's theory of division ); Sylvia Berryman (Horror Vacui in the third century BC ); M. B. Trapp ( On the Tablet of Cebes ); Marwan Rashed ( a 'new' text of Alexander on the soul's motion ). [authors abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/x8uyail9ZCl9wfr","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":199,"pubplace":"University of London","publisher":"Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study","series":"BICS (Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies) Supplement","volume":"68","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

Alexander of Aphrodisias on Celestial Motions, 1997
By: Bodnár, István M.

Title	Alexander of Aphrodisias on Celestial Motions
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1997
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	42
Issue	2
Pages	190-205
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bodnár, István M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A number of features of the doctrine of Alexander of Aphrodisias on heavenly motions are beyond reasonable doubt. First and foremost of these is that he identified the nature of the heavenly spheres with their soul, thereby he could entirely collapse natural motion with voluntary motion into one in their case. Moreover the celestial element, which Alexander tends to call theion sôma, divine body is removed from the components of the everchanging sublunary world to the extent that it can be a legitimate question whether the substrate of celestial bodies can be called matter, and Alexander can refer to perishable entities as evIua, material in contrast to this sublime element. After identifying the contribution of the nature of the celestial spheres with that of their soul, Alexander follows Aristotle in setting out a celestial hierarchy, on top of which there is or there are the separate unmoved mover(s), which move(s) by being object(s) of striving and desire for the less perfect entities of the heavens. This much seems to be firmly settled. A number of further issues, however, call for detailed examination. In this paper first I set out to clarify the contributions of the striving of the different celestial spheres, then I turn to describing the interaction between the various motions of the celestial system, and I discuss whether the theory Alexander propounded could have been a fundamental revision, or rather an alternative exposition of the original, Aristotelian celestial theory deploying homocentric spheres. [Introduction, p. 190-191]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FT5oXWdKEJGehLA

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1082","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1082,"authors_free":[{"id":1637,"entry_id":1082,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":6,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M. ","free_first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M. ","free_last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","norm_person":{"id":6,"first_name":"Istv\u00e1n M.","last_name":"Bodn\u00e1r","full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031829717","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Alexander of Aphrodisias on Celestial Motions","main_title":{"title":"Alexander of Aphrodisias on Celestial Motions"},"abstract":"A number of features of the doctrine of Alexander of Aphrodisias on heavenly motions are beyond reasonable doubt. First and foremost of these is \r\nthat he identified the nature of the heavenly spheres with their soul, thereby he could entirely collapse natural motion with voluntary motion into one in their case. Moreover the celestial element, which Alexander tends to call theion s\u00f4ma, divine body is removed from the components of \r\nthe everchanging sublunary world to the extent that it can be a legitimate question whether the substrate of celestial bodies can be called matter, and Alexander can refer to perishable entities as evIua, material in contrast to this sublime element. After identifying the contribution of the nature of the celestial spheres with that of their soul, Alexander follows \r\nAristotle in setting out a celestial hierarchy, on top of which there is or there are the separate unmoved mover(s), which move(s) by being object(s) of striving and desire for the less perfect entities of the heavens. This much seems to be firmly settled. A number of further issues, however, call for detailed examination. In this paper first I set out to clarify the contributions of the striving of the different celestial spheres, then I turn to describing the interaction between the various motions of the celestial system, and I discuss whether the theory Alexander propounded could have been a fundamental revision, or rather an alternative exposition of the original, Aristotelian celestial theory deploying homocentric spheres. [Introduction, p. 190-191]","btype":3,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FT5oXWdKEJGehLA","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":6,"full_name":"Bodn\u00e1r, Istv\u00e1n M.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1082,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"42","issue":"2","pages":"190-205"}},"sort":[1997]}

Philoponus and Simplicius on Tekmeriodic Proof, 1997
By: Morrison, Donald R., Keßler, Eckhard (Ed.), Di Liscia, Daniel A. (Ed.), Methuen, Charlotte (Ed.)

Title	Philoponus and Simplicius on Tekmeriodic Proof
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1997
Published in	Method and Order in Renaissance Philosophy of Nature: The Aristotle Commentary Tradition
Pages	1-22
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Morrison, Donald R.
Editor(s)	Keßler, Eckhard , Di Liscia, Daniel A. , Methuen, Charlotte
Translator(s)

In this paper I shall concentrate on a small but crucial episode in the development of one significant issue: the method by which the physicist acquires knowledge of the principles of physical things. n his commentary on the Physics, the sixth-century Neoplatonist philosopher Simplicius puts forward sign-inference as a general method for acquiring first principles in physics: “Clearly, the grasp (gnosis) of the principles [of physical things] is through necessary signs (tekmeriodes) rather than apodeictic (apodeiktike)."... [p. 1]

Online Resources

Were Aristotle's Intentions in writing the De Anima Forgotten in Late Antiquity?, 1997
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Were Aristotle's Intentions in writing the De Anima Forgotten in Late Antiquity?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1997
Journal	Documenti e Studi sulla Tradizione Filosofica Medievale
Volume	8
Pages	143–157
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In general we have to conclude that while the whole "Philoponus” commentary may include a number of explicit references to the biological writings, and while the real Philoponus may often refer to medical and scientific issues, there is no systematic bias towards explaining the contents of the De anima in terms of them. There is, however, just as in the Ps-Simplicius commentary, enough said about such matters, and enough reference made to other parts of the biological corpus, to show that the commentators were still aware of the original intentions of the work — or, at the very least, behaved as if they were — even if they did not always feel bound by them. That awareness was to survive into the Middle Ages as well. [Conclusion, p. 157]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IJsW8b6iPwteKXr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"893","_score":null,"_source":{"id":893,"authors_free":[{"id":1316,"entry_id":893,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Were Aristotle's Intentions in writing the De Anima Forgotten in Late Antiquity?","main_title":{"title":"Were Aristotle's Intentions in writing the De Anima Forgotten in Late Antiquity?"},"abstract":"In general we have to conclude that while the whole \"Philoponus\u201d commentary may include a number of explicit references to the biological writings, and while the real Philoponus may often refer to medical and scientific issues, there is no systematic bias towards explaining the contents of the De anima in terms of them. There is, however, just as in the Ps-Simplicius commentary, enough said about such matters, and \r\nenough reference made to other parts of the biological corpus, to show that the commentators were still aware of the original intentions of the work \u2014 or, at the very least, behaved as if they were \u2014 even if they did not always feel bound by them. That awareness was to survive into the Middle Ages as well. [Conclusion, p. 157]","btype":3,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/IJsW8b6iPwteKXr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":893,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Documenti e Studi sulla Tradizione Filosofica Medievale","volume":"8","issue":"","pages":"143\u2013157"}},"sort":[1997]}

Iamblichus as a Commentator, 1997
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Iamblichus as a Commentator
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1997
Journal	Syllecta Classica
Volume	8
Pages	1–13
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Twenty-two years ago, when that growth in interest in Neoplatonism, which is a culmination of this conference, was only just getting underway, two large books appeared that will be familiar to all who are interested in Iamblichus. I am referring, of course, to J.M. Dillon's collection of the fragmentary remains of Iamblichus' commentaries on Plato's dialogues, supplied with an ample commentary to boot, and B. Dalsgaard Larsen's Jamblique de Chalcis: Exégète et Philosophe, of which some 240 pages are devoted to his role as an exegete; a collection of exegetical fragments appeared as a 130-page appendix. Larsen's book covered the interpretation of both Plato and Aristotle and pre-empted a second volume of Dillon's, which was to deal with Aristotle. I mention these books because we are, inter alia, taking stock, and it is remarkable that not much attention has been paid since then to Iamblichus' role as a commentator. Perhaps they have had the same effect on the study of this aspect of Iamblichus as Proclus' work had on the interpretation of Plato at Alexandria. Be that as it may, I intend to look, not very originally, at Iamblichus' activities as a commentator on philosophical works—and so I shall say nothing about the twenty-eight books or more of his lost commentary on the Chaldaean Oracles—and also to say something, in the manner of core samples, about how his expositions compare with those of the later commentators. Though the process can be traced back in part to Porphyry, I think it is safe to say that Iamblichus was the first Neoplatonist, at least of those about whom we are reasonably well informed, to set out systematically to write commentaries on the major works of both Plato and—in Iamblichus' case to a lesser extent—Aristotle too. The fact that he did both is noteworthy, since most of his successors seem to have specialized, more or less, in one or the other in their published works, if not in their lecture courses. We are, as ever in this area, faced with difficulties about deciding who wrote what, which often amounts to making difficult decisions about the implications of the usual imprecise references that are commonplace in ancient commentary. The best we have are those references which Simplicius, in his Physics commentary, gives to specific books or even chapters of Iamblichus' Timaeus and Categories commentaries (cf. In Aristotelis Physica Commentaria 639.23–24; in the second chapter of book 5 of the commentary on the Timaeus 786.11–12; in the first book of the commentary on the Categories). But that Iamblichus did write commentaries on both Plato and Aristotle can be regarded as firmly established. It is tempting to think, though there is no text which allows us to demonstrate this, that his doing so was connected with the fact that it seems to have been he who set up the thereafter traditional course in which certain works of Aristotle were read as propaedeutic to a selection of twelve—or rather ten plus two—Platonic dialogues, which culminated in the study of the Timaeus and Parmenides.[introduction p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3m984P11hlUhV1x

{"_index":"sire","_id":"895","_score":null,"_source":{"id":895,"authors_free":[{"id":1321,"entry_id":895,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Iamblichus as a Commentator","main_title":{"title":"Iamblichus as a Commentator"},"abstract":"Twenty-two years ago, when that growth in interest in Neoplatonism, which is a culmination of this conference, was only just getting underway, two large books appeared that will be familiar to all who are interested in Iamblichus. I am referring, of course, to J.M. Dillon's collection of the fragmentary remains of Iamblichus' commentaries on Plato's dialogues, supplied with an ample commentary to boot, and B. Dalsgaard Larsen's Jamblique de Chalcis: Ex\u00e9g\u00e8te et Philosophe, of which some 240 pages are devoted to his role as an exegete; a collection of exegetical fragments appeared as a 130-page appendix.\r\n\r\nLarsen's book covered the interpretation of both Plato and Aristotle and pre-empted a second volume of Dillon's, which was to deal with Aristotle. I mention these books because we are, inter alia, taking stock, and it is remarkable that not much attention has been paid since then to Iamblichus' role as a commentator. Perhaps they have had the same effect on the study of this aspect of Iamblichus as Proclus' work had on the interpretation of Plato at Alexandria.\r\n\r\nBe that as it may, I intend to look, not very originally, at Iamblichus' activities as a commentator on philosophical works\u2014and so I shall say nothing about the twenty-eight books or more of his lost commentary on the Chaldaean Oracles\u2014and also to say something, in the manner of core samples, about how his expositions compare with those of the later commentators.\r\n\r\nThough the process can be traced back in part to Porphyry, I think it is safe to say that Iamblichus was the first Neoplatonist, at least of those about whom we are reasonably well informed, to set out systematically to write commentaries on the major works of both Plato and\u2014in Iamblichus' case to a lesser extent\u2014Aristotle too.\r\n\r\nThe fact that he did both is noteworthy, since most of his successors seem to have specialized, more or less, in one or the other in their published works, if not in their lecture courses. We are, as ever in this area, faced with difficulties about deciding who wrote what, which often amounts to making difficult decisions about the implications of the usual imprecise references that are commonplace in ancient commentary.\r\n\r\nThe best we have are those references which Simplicius, in his Physics commentary, gives to specific books or even chapters of Iamblichus' Timaeus and Categories commentaries (cf. In Aristotelis Physica Commentaria 639.23\u201324; in the second chapter of book 5 of the commentary on the Timaeus 786.11\u201312; in the first book of the commentary on the Categories). But that Iamblichus did write commentaries on both Plato and Aristotle can be regarded as firmly established.\r\n\r\nIt is tempting to think, though there is no text which allows us to demonstrate this, that his doing so was connected with the fact that it seems to have been he who set up the thereafter traditional course in which certain works of Aristotle were read as propaedeutic to a selection of twelve\u2014or rather ten plus two\u2014Platonic dialogues, which culminated in the study of the Timaeus and Parmenides.[introduction p. 1-2]","btype":3,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3m984P11hlUhV1x","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":895,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Syllecta \tClassica","volume":"8","issue":"","pages":"1\u201313"}},"sort":[1997]}

La Νοερὰ θεωρία di Giamblico, come Chiave di Lettura delle Categorie di Aristotele: alcuni esempi, 1997
By: Cardullo, R. Loredana

Title	La Νοερὰ θεωρία di Giamblico, come Chiave di Lettura delle Categorie di Aristotele: alcuni esempi
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1997
Journal	Syllecta Classica
Volume	8
Pages	79-94
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cardullo, R. Loredana
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A conclusione di questa parziale indagine sull’esegesi giamblichea delle Categorie, possiamo affermare come proprio questo approccio più intellettivo, più noetico, che Simplicio definisce noera theoria, sia ciò che ci consente di contraddistinguere in modo emblematico l’interpretazione di Giamblico da quelle di altri commentatori. I contesti da noi esaminati ci hanno dato l’opportunità di confrontare, sia pure per sommi capi, alcuni parametri esegetici propri di Giamblico con alcune interpretazioni di Porfirio, da un lato, e di Siriano dall’altro. Certamente, un esame più completo della fonte simpliciana ci permetterebbe di formulare giudizi più precisi in proposito. Tuttavia, già dai contesti qui analizzati è emersa con evidenza l’assoluta diversità dell’esegesi giamblichea rispetto a quella porfiriana delle Categorie. Porfirio, infatti, esamina con particolare cura i lemmi del trattato commentato, sottoponendo ogni singola espressione, ogni singola parola, a un esame che è prima di tutto filologico, poi filosofico, ma sempre circoscritto all’ambito logico-linguistico nel quale esso si trova e rientra. L’esegesi di Giamblico, invece, mira a collegare in maniera inscindibile l’ambito della speculazione logico-linguistica a quello della riflessione metafisica, trasponendo i principi e le leggi dell’uno nell’altro dominio, e viceversa, al fine di rendere chiara l’analogia e la partecipazione vigente tra i vari livelli della realtà, considerati platonicamente come ordinati in senso gerarchico e strettamente collegati secondo un rapporto di immagine e modello, o di principio e principìato. Ma l’esegesi di Giamblico si distingue anche da quella di un suo successore e per molti versi seguace, Siriano di Atene, la cui esegesi si colloca comunque in larga misura sulla stessa falsariga dell’interpretazione metafisica del maestro di Siria. Nonostante i diversi punti di contatto tra Giamblico e Siriano, emerge infatti una differenza sostanziale tra i due esegeti, che dipende in larga misura dal diverso atteggiamento che ciascuno di essi manifesta nei confronti di Aristotele. Siriano, infatti, appare meno preoccupato di Giamblico dall’esigenza di conciliare aristotelismo e platonismo, e ciò lo porta a dare probabilmente un’interpretazione più obiettiva—e perciò stesso più critica e spesso polemica—delle teorie logiche di Aristotele. Giamblico, invece, utilizza espressioni e concezioni aristoteliche in chiave neoplatonica, per dimostrare in ultima analisi come l’aristotelismo, se correttamente interpretato, possa accordarsi col platonismo, anche nelle sue concezioni metafisiche. Ed è anche a questo scopo che Giamblico dà del primo trattato dell’Organon, classicamente inteso come il più antiplatonico dello Stagirita, un’esegesi più speculativa, atta a dimostrare come anche le teorie aristoteliche più squisitamente logiche possano trovare applicazione nella metafisica platonica e rappresentare per essa degli strumenti argomentativi e dimostrativi di importanza e validità fondamentali. [conclusion p. 93-94]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5dwv2YbmwwJB7OE

{"_index":"sire","_id":"938","_score":null,"_source":{"id":938,"authors_free":[{"id":1391,"entry_id":938,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":24,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","free_first_name":"R. Loredana ","free_last_name":"Cardullo","norm_person":{"id":24,"first_name":"R. Loredana ","last_name":"Cardullo","full_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139800220","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La \u039d\u03bf\u03b5\u03c1\u1f70 \u03b8\u03b5\u03c9\u03c1\u03af\u03b1 di Giamblico, come Chiave di Lettura delle Categorie di Aristotele: alcuni esempi","main_title":{"title":"La \u039d\u03bf\u03b5\u03c1\u1f70 \u03b8\u03b5\u03c9\u03c1\u03af\u03b1 di Giamblico, come Chiave di Lettura delle Categorie di Aristotele: alcuni esempi"},"abstract":"A conclusione di questa parziale indagine sull\u2019esegesi giamblichea delle Categorie, possiamo affermare come proprio questo approccio pi\u00f9 intellettivo, pi\u00f9 noetico, che Simplicio definisce noera theoria, sia ci\u00f2 che ci consente di contraddistinguere in modo emblematico l\u2019interpretazione di Giamblico da quelle di altri commentatori. I contesti da noi esaminati ci hanno dato l\u2019opportunit\u00e0 di confrontare, sia pure per sommi capi, alcuni parametri esegetici propri di Giamblico con alcune interpretazioni di Porfirio, da un lato, e di Siriano dall\u2019altro. Certamente, un esame pi\u00f9 completo della fonte simpliciana ci permetterebbe di formulare giudizi pi\u00f9 precisi in proposito. Tuttavia, gi\u00e0 dai contesti qui analizzati \u00e8 emersa con evidenza l\u2019assoluta diversit\u00e0 dell\u2019esegesi giamblichea rispetto a quella porfiriana delle Categorie.\r\n\r\nPorfirio, infatti, esamina con particolare cura i lemmi del trattato commentato, sottoponendo ogni singola espressione, ogni singola parola, a un esame che \u00e8 prima di tutto filologico, poi filosofico, ma sempre circoscritto all\u2019ambito logico-linguistico nel quale esso si trova e rientra. L\u2019esegesi di Giamblico, invece, mira a collegare in maniera inscindibile l\u2019ambito della speculazione logico-linguistica a quello della riflessione metafisica, trasponendo i principi e le leggi dell\u2019uno nell\u2019altro dominio, e viceversa, al fine di rendere chiara l\u2019analogia e la partecipazione vigente tra i vari livelli della realt\u00e0, considerati platonicamente come ordinati in senso gerarchico e strettamente collegati secondo un rapporto di immagine e modello, o di principio e princip\u00ecato.\r\n\r\nMa l\u2019esegesi di Giamblico si distingue anche da quella di un suo successore e per molti versi seguace, Siriano di Atene, la cui esegesi si colloca comunque in larga misura sulla stessa falsariga dell\u2019interpretazione metafisica del maestro di Siria. Nonostante i diversi punti di contatto tra Giamblico e Siriano, emerge infatti una differenza sostanziale tra i due esegeti, che dipende in larga misura dal diverso atteggiamento che ciascuno di essi manifesta nei confronti di Aristotele. Siriano, infatti, appare meno preoccupato di Giamblico dall\u2019esigenza di conciliare aristotelismo e platonismo, e ci\u00f2 lo porta a dare probabilmente un\u2019interpretazione pi\u00f9 obiettiva\u2014e perci\u00f2 stesso pi\u00f9 critica e spesso polemica\u2014delle teorie logiche di Aristotele. Giamblico, invece, utilizza espressioni e concezioni aristoteliche in chiave neoplatonica, per dimostrare in ultima analisi come l\u2019aristotelismo, se correttamente interpretato, possa accordarsi col platonismo, anche nelle sue concezioni metafisiche.\r\n\r\nEd \u00e8 anche a questo scopo che Giamblico d\u00e0 del primo trattato dell\u2019Organon, classicamente inteso come il pi\u00f9 antiplatonico dello Stagirita, un\u2019esegesi pi\u00f9 speculativa, atta a dimostrare come anche le teorie aristoteliche pi\u00f9 squisitamente logiche possano trovare applicazione nella metafisica platonica e rappresentare per essa degli strumenti argomentativi e dimostrativi di importanza e validit\u00e0 fondamentali. [conclusion p. 93-94]","btype":3,"date":"1997","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5dwv2YbmwwJB7OE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":24,"full_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":938,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Syllecta Classica","volume":"8","issue":"","pages":"79-94"}},"sort":[1997]}

Roman Aristotle, 1997
By: Barnes, Jonathan (Ed.), Griffin, Miriam (Ed.), Barnes, Jonathan

Title	Roman Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1997
Published in	Philosophia togata II: Plato and Aristotle at Rome
Pages	1-69
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Barnes, Jonathan
Editor(s)	Barnes, Jonathan , Griffin, Miriam
Translator(s)

When Theophrastus died, his library, which included the library of Aristotle, was carried off to the Troad. His successors found nothing much to read; the Lyceum sank into a decline; and Peripatetic ideas had little influence on the course of Hellenistic philosophy. It was only with the rediscovery of the library that Aristotelianism revived—and it revived in Italy. For the library went from the Troad to Athens—whence, as part of Sulla’s war booty, to Rome. There, Andronicus of Rhodes produced the ‘Roman edition’ of the corpus Aristotelicum. It was the first complete and systematic version of Aristotle’s works, the first publication in their full form of the technical treatises, the first genuinely critical edition of the text. Andronicus’ Roman edition caused a sensation. It revitalized the languishing Peripatetics. It set off an explosion of Aristotelian studies. It laid the foundation for all subsequent editions of Aristotle’s works, including our modern texts. When we read Aristotle, we should pour a libation to Andronicus—and to Sulla. That story is the main subject of the following pages. It is familiar enough; my argument will be laborious; I have nothing new to say about it; and my general conclusions are dispiritingly skeptical. But recent scholarship on the topic has taken to the bottle of fantasy and stumbled drunkenly from one dogmatism to the next. Another look at the pertinent texts may be forgiven—and in any event, the story is a peach. My concern (let me stress at the start) is the way in which Aristotle’s texts reached Rome—and us. I am not concerned with the general influence of Peripatetic ideas on the Roman intelligentsia—that is a vast and complex question; nor am I concerned with the specific influence of Aristotle’s ideas on the Roman intelligentsia—that is a different question, less vast and more complex. Indeed, I deal neither with the history of ideas nor with the history of philosophy: my subject is an episode in the history of books and the book trade. [introduction p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/u9wKWex3PBO13aQ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"961","_score":null,"_source":{"id":961,"authors_free":[{"id":1442,"entry_id":961,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":416,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","free_first_name":"Jonathan","free_last_name":"Barnes","norm_person":{"id":416,"first_name":"Jonathan","last_name":"Barnes","full_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134306627","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1443,"entry_id":961,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":417,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Griffin, Miriam","free_first_name":"Miriam","free_last_name":"Griffin","norm_person":{"id":417,"first_name":"Miriam","last_name":"Griffin","full_name":"Griffin, Miriam","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/121037975","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2242,"entry_id":961,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":416,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","free_first_name":"Jonathan","free_last_name":"Barnes","norm_person":{"id":416,"first_name":"Jonathan","last_name":"Barnes","full_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134306627","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Roman Aristotle","main_title":{"title":"Roman Aristotle"},"abstract":"When Theophrastus died, his library, which included the library of Aristotle, was carried off to the Troad. His successors found nothing much to read; the Lyceum sank into a decline; and Peripatetic ideas had little influence on the course of Hellenistic philosophy. It was only with the rediscovery of the library that Aristotelianism revived\u2014and it revived in Italy. For the library went from the Troad to Athens\u2014whence, as part of Sulla\u2019s war booty, to Rome. There, Andronicus of Rhodes produced the \u2018Roman edition\u2019 of the corpus Aristotelicum. It was the first complete and systematic version of Aristotle\u2019s works, the first publication in their full form of the technical treatises, the first genuinely critical edition of the text.\r\n\r\nAndronicus\u2019 Roman edition caused a sensation. It revitalized the languishing Peripatetics. It set off an explosion of Aristotelian studies. It laid the foundation for all subsequent editions of Aristotle\u2019s works, including our modern texts. When we read Aristotle, we should pour a libation to Andronicus\u2014and to Sulla.\r\n\r\nThat story is the main subject of the following pages. It is familiar enough; my argument will be laborious; I have nothing new to say about it; and my general conclusions are dispiritingly skeptical. But recent scholarship on the topic has taken to the bottle of fantasy and stumbled drunkenly from one dogmatism to the next. Another look at the pertinent texts may be forgiven\u2014and in any event, the story is a peach.\r\n\r\nMy concern (let me stress at the start) is the way in which Aristotle\u2019s texts reached Rome\u2014and us. I am not concerned with the general influence of Peripatetic ideas on the Roman intelligentsia\u2014that is a vast and complex question; nor am I concerned with the specific influence of Aristotle\u2019s ideas on the Roman intelligentsia\u2014that is a different question, less vast and more complex. Indeed, I deal neither with the history of ideas nor with the history of philosophy: my subject is an episode in the history of books and the book trade. [introduction p. 1]","btype":2,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/u9wKWex3PBO13aQ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":416,"full_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":417,"full_name":"Griffin, Miriam","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":416,"full_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":961,"section_of":283,"pages":"1-69","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":283,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Philosophia togata II: Plato and Aristotle at Rome","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Barnes\/Griffin1997","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1997","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1997","abstract":"The mutual interaction of philosophy and Roman political and cultural life has aroused more and more interest in recent years among students of classical literature, Roman history, and ancient philosophy. In this volume, which gathers together some of the papers originally delivered at a series of seminars in the University of Oxford, scholars from all three disciplines explore the role of Platonism and Aristotelianism in Roman intellectual, cultural, and political life from the second century BC to the third century AD.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/y4n6429uWaNLuD2","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":283,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Clarendon Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

Philosophia togata II: Plato and Aristotle at Rome, 1997
By: Barnes, Jonathan (Ed.), Griffin, Miriam (Ed.)

Title	Philosophia togata II: Plato and Aristotle at Rome
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Clarendon Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Barnes, Jonathan , Griffin, Miriam
Translator(s)

The mutual interaction of philosophy and Roman political and cultural life has aroused more and more interest in recent years among students of classical literature, Roman history, and ancient philosophy. In this volume, which gathers together some of the papers originally delivered at a series of seminars in the University of Oxford, scholars from all three disciplines explore the role of Platonism and Aristotelianism in Roman intellectual, cultural, and political life from the second century BC to the third century AD.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/y4n6429uWaNLuD2

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Method and Order in Renaissance Philosophy of Nature: The Aristotle Commentary Tradition, 1997
By: Di Liscia, Daniel A. (Ed.), Keßler, Eckhard (Ed.), Methuen, Charlotte (Ed.)

Title	Method and Order in Renaissance Philosophy of Nature: The Aristotle Commentary Tradition
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	Hampshire - Brookfield
Publisher	Ashgate
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Di Liscia, Daniel A. , Keßler, Eckhard , Methuen, Charlotte
Translator(s)

The volume results from a seminar sponsored by the ’Foundation for Intellectual History’ at the Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel, in 1992. Starting with the theory of regressus as displayed in its most developed form by William Wallace, these papers enter the vast field of the Renaissance discussion on method as such in its historical and systematical context. This is confined neither to the notion of method in the strict sense, nor to the Renaissance in its exact historical limits, nor yet to the Aristotelian tradition as a well defined philosophical school, but requires a new scholarly approach. Thus - besides Galileo, Zabarella and their circles, which are regarded as being crucial for the ’emergence of modern science’ in the end of the 16th century - the contributors deal with the ancient and medieval origins as well as with the early modern continuity of the Renaissance concepts of method and with ’non-regressive’ methodologies in the various approaches of Renaissance natural philosophy, including the Lutheran and Calvinist traditions.

Online Resources

Priscian: On Theophrastus on Sense-Perception with 'Simplicius': On Aristotle On the Soul 2.5-12, 1997
By: Simplicius, Priscianus

{"_index":"sire","_id":"298","_score":null,"_source":{"id":298,"authors_free":[{"id":368,"entry_id":298,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":268,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Di Liscia, Daniel A.","free_first_name":"Daniel A.","free_last_name":"Di Liscia","norm_person":{"id":268,"first_name":"Daniel A.","last_name":"Di Liscia","full_name":"Di Liscia, Daniel A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140744282","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":369,"entry_id":298,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":267,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Ke\u00dfler, Eckhard","free_first_name":"Eckhard","free_last_name":"Ke\u00dfler","norm_person":{"id":267,"first_name":"Eckhard","last_name":"Ke\u00dfler","full_name":"Ke\u00dfler, Eckhard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117756431","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":370,"entry_id":298,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":269,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Methuen, Charlotte","free_first_name":"Charlotte","free_last_name":"Methuen","norm_person":{"id":269,"first_name":"Charlotte","last_name":"Methuen","full_name":"Methuen, Charlotte","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137191812","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Method and Order in Renaissance Philosophy of Nature: The Aristotle Commentary Tradition","main_title":{"title":"Method and Order in Renaissance Philosophy of Nature: The Aristotle Commentary Tradition"},"abstract":"The volume results from a seminar sponsored by the \u2019Foundation for Intellectual History\u2019 at the Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenb\u00fcttel, in 1992. Starting with the theory of regressus as displayed in its most developed form by William Wallace, these papers enter the vast field of the Renaissance discussion on method as such in its historical and systematical context. This is confined neither to the notion of method in the strict sense, nor to the Renaissance in its exact historical limits, nor yet to the Aristotelian tradition as a well defined philosophical school, but requires a new scholarly approach. Thus - besides Galileo, Zabarella and their circles, which are regarded as being crucial for the \u2019emergence of modern science\u2019 in the end of the 16th century - the contributors deal with the ancient and medieval origins as well as with the early modern continuity of the Renaissance concepts of method and with \u2019non-regressive\u2019 methodologies in the various approaches of Renaissance natural philosophy, including the Lutheran and Calvinist traditions.","btype":4,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/zVO0hPY4wM83hSQ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":268,"full_name":"Di Liscia, Daniel A.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":267,"full_name":"Ke\u00dfler, Eckhard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":269,"full_name":"Methuen, Charlotte","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":298,"pubplace":"Hampshire - Brookfield","publisher":"Ashgate","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

Title	Priscian: On Theophrastus on Sense-Perception with 'Simplicius': On Aristotle On the Soul 2.5-12
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Priscianus
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Huby, Pamela M.(Huby, Pamela M.) , Steel, Carlos(Steel, Carlos ) ,

Simplicius and Priscian were two of the seven Neoplatonists who left Athens when the Christian Emperor Justinian closed the paganschool there in A.D. 529. The commentaries ascribed to them on works on sense-perception, one by Aristotle and one by his successor Theophrastus, are translated here in this single volume. Both commentaries give a highly Neoplatonic reading to their Aristotelian subjects and tell us much about late Neoplatonist psychology. This volume is also designed to enable readers to assess a recent major controversy: it has been argued by Carlos Steel and Fernand Bossier that the commentary ascribed to Simplicius is in fact by Priscian, and their article, hitherto only available in Dutch, is here published in revised form and in English for the first time. This book therefore contains all the evidence necessary for readers to judge this intriguing question for themselves. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hL1tgg0HzTg3lxb

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Aristotle and after, 1997
By: Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle and after
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	University of London
Publisher	Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study
Series	BICS (Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies) Supplement
Volume	68
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

A selection of papers given at the Institute of Classical Studies during 1996. They cover a variety of new work on the 900 years of philosophy from Aristotle to Simplicius. There is a strong concentration on stoicism with papers by: Michael Frede ( Euphrates of Tyre ); A. A. Long ( Property ownership and community ); Brad Inwood ( 'Why do fools fallin love?' ); Susanne Bobzein ( freedom and ethics ); Richard Gaskin ( cases, predicates and the unity of the proposition ); Richard Sorabji ( stoic philosophy and psychotherapy ); Bernard Williams ( reply to Richard Sorabji ). The other papers are by: Heinrich von Staden ( Galen and the 'Second Sophistic' ); Hans B. Gottschalk ( continuity and change in Aristotelianism ); Travis Butler ( the homonymy of signification in Aristotle ); Andrea Falcon ( Aristotle's theory of division ); Sylvia Berryman (Horror Vacui in the third century BC ); M. B. Trapp ( On the Tablet of Cebes ); Marwan Rashed ( a 'new' text of Alexander on the soul's motion ). [authors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/x8uyail9ZCl9wfr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"199","_score":null,"_source":{"id":199,"authors_free":[{"id":256,"entry_id":199,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle and after","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle and after"},"abstract":"A selection of papers given at the Institute of Classical Studies during 1996. They cover a variety of new work on the 900 years of philosophy from Aristotle to Simplicius. There is a strong concentration on stoicism with papers by: Michael Frede ( Euphrates of Tyre ); A. A. Long ( Property ownership and community ); Brad Inwood ( 'Why do fools fallin love?' ); Susanne Bobzein ( freedom and ethics ); Richard Gaskin ( cases, predicates and the unity of the proposition ); Richard Sorabji ( stoic philosophy and psychotherapy ); Bernard Williams ( reply to Richard Sorabji ). The other papers are by: Heinrich von Staden ( Galen and the 'Second Sophistic' ); Hans B. Gottschalk ( continuity and change in Aristotelianism ); Travis Butler ( the homonymy of signification in Aristotle ); Andrea Falcon ( Aristotle's theory of division ); Sylvia Berryman (Horror Vacui in the third century BC ); M. B. Trapp ( On the Tablet of Cebes ); Marwan Rashed ( a 'new' text of Alexander on the soul's motion ). [authors abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/x8uyail9ZCl9wfr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":199,"pubplace":"University of London","publisher":"Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study","series":"BICS (Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies) Supplement","volume":"68","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle's ‘Physics 5’, 1997
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle's ‘Physics 5’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Urmson, James O.(Urmson, James O.) ,

Simplicius, the greatest surviving ancient authority on Aristotle's Physics, lived in the sixth century A.D. He produced detailed commentaries on several of Aristotle's works. Those on the Physics, which alone come to over 1,300 pages in the original Greek, preserve a centuries-old tradition of ancient scholarship on Aristotle. In Physics Book 5 Aristotle lays down some of the principles of his dynamics and theory of change. What does not count as a change: change of relation? the flux of time? There is no change of change, yet acceleration is recognised. Aristotle defines 'continuous', 'contact', and 'next', and uses these definitions in discussing when we can claim that the same change or event is still going on. This volume is complemented by David Konstan's translation of Simplicius' commentary on Physics Book 6, which has already appeared in this series. It is Book 6 that gives spatial application to the terms defined in Book 5, and uses them to mount a celebrated attack on atomism. Simplicius' commentaries enrich our understanding of the Physics and of its interpretation in the ancient world.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pubEMTCazQ2ADZR

{"_index":"sire","_id":"89","_score":null,"_source":{"id":89,"authors_free":[{"id":102,"entry_id":89,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":435,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Urmson, James O.","free_first_name":"James O.","free_last_name":"Urmson","norm_person":{"id":435,"first_name":"James O.","last_name":"Urmson","full_name":"Urmson, James O.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/12972954X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2291,"entry_id":89,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius, Cilicius","free_first_name":"Cilicius","free_last_name":"Simplicius","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle's \u2018Physics 5\u2019","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle's \u2018Physics 5\u2019"},"abstract":"Simplicius, the greatest surviving ancient authority on Aristotle's Physics, lived in the sixth century A.D. He produced detailed commentaries on several of Aristotle's works. Those on the Physics, which alone come to over 1,300 pages in the original Greek, preserve a centuries-old tradition of ancient scholarship on Aristotle.\r\nIn Physics Book 5 Aristotle lays down some of the principles of his dynamics and theory of change. What does not count as a change: change of relation? the flux of time? There is no change of change, yet acceleration is recognised. Aristotle defines 'continuous', 'contact', and 'next', and uses these definitions in discussing when we can claim that the same change or event is still going on.\r\nThis volume is complemented by David Konstan's translation of Simplicius' commentary on Physics Book 6, which has already appeared in this series. It is Book 6 that gives spatial application to the terms defined in Book 5, and uses them to mount a celebrated attack on atomism. Simplicius' commentaries enrich our understanding of the Physics and of its interpretation in the ancient world.","btype":1,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/pubEMTCazQ2ADZR","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":435,"full_name":"Urmson, James O.","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":89,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Bloomsbury","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 2, 1997
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 2
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Fleet, Barrie(Fleet, Barrie) ,

Book 2 of the Physics is arguably the best introduction to Aristotle's ideas, as well as being the most interesting and representative book in the whole of his corpus. It defines nature and distinguishes natural science from mathematics. It introduces the seminal idea of four causes, or four modes of explanation. It defines chance, but rejects a theory of chance and natural selection in favour of purpose in nature. Simplicius, writing in the sixth century Ad, adds his own considerable contribution to this work. Seeing Aristotle's God as a Creator, he discusses how nature relates to soul, adds Stoic and Neoplatonist causes to Aristotle's list of four, and questions the likeness of cause to effect. He discusses missing a great evil or a great good by a hairsbreadth and considers whether animals act from reason or natural instinct. He also preserves a Posidonian discussion of mathematical astronomy. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/BqOloMedFhOyYDG

{"_index":"sire","_id":"112","_score":null,"_source":{"id":112,"authors_free":[{"id":134,"entry_id":112,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":117,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Fleet, Barrie","free_first_name":"Barrie","free_last_name":"Fleet","norm_person":{"id":117,"first_name":"Barrie","last_name":"Fleet","full_name":"Fleet, Barrie","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172866235","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2253,"entry_id":112,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 2","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 2"},"abstract":"Book 2 of the Physics is arguably the best introduction to Aristotle's ideas, as well as being the most interesting and representative book in the whole of his corpus. It defines nature and distinguishes natural science from mathematics. It introduces the seminal idea of four causes, or four modes of explanation. It defines chance, but rejects a theory of chance and natural selection in favour of purpose in nature.\r\nSimplicius, writing in the sixth century Ad, adds his own considerable contribution to this work. Seeing Aristotle's God as a Creator, he discusses how nature relates to soul, adds Stoic and Neoplatonist causes to Aristotle's list of four, and questions the likeness of cause to effect. He discusses missing a great evil or a great good by a hairsbreadth and considers whether animals act from reason or natural instinct. He also preserves a Posidonian discussion of mathematical astronomy. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/BqOloMedFhOyYDG","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":117,"full_name":"Fleet, Barrie","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":112,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

John Philoponus' new definition of prime matter : aspects of its background in Neoplatonism and the ancient commentary tradition, 1997
By: Haas, Frans A. J. de

Title	John Philoponus' new definition of prime matter : aspects of its background in Neoplatonism and the ancient commentary tradition
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	Leiden – New York - Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia Antiqua
Volume	69
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This study provides the first full discussion of Philoponus' excursus on matter in contra Proclum XI. 1-8 which sets out the innovative definition of prime matter as three-dimensional extension. The author argues that Philoponus' definition was motivated primarily by philosophical problems in Neoplatonism. Philoponus employs the explanation of growth, the interpretation of Aristotle's category theory and the notions of formlessness and potentiality to substantiate his definition. To conclude, the book offers an assessment of the significance of Philoponus' innovation. It is demonstrated for the first time that Plotinus' view of matter exerted considerable influence on both Philoponus and Simplicius. Moreover, the structure of Syrianus' and Proclus' metaphysics prepared the way for Philoponus' account of prime matter. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LYGupj7bzAhb6CC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"24","_score":null,"_source":{"id":24,"authors_free":[{"id":27,"entry_id":24,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":153,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Haas, Frans A. J. de","free_first_name":"Frans A. J. de","free_last_name":"Haas","norm_person":{"id":153,"first_name":"Frans A. J.","last_name":"de Haas","full_name":"de Haas, Frans A. J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/128837020","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"John Philoponus' new definition of prime matter : aspects of its background in Neoplatonism and the ancient commentary tradition","main_title":{"title":"John Philoponus' new definition of prime matter : aspects of its background in Neoplatonism and the ancient commentary tradition"},"abstract":"This study provides the first full discussion of Philoponus' excursus on matter in contra Proclum XI. 1-8 which sets out the innovative definition of prime matter as three-dimensional extension.\r\nThe author argues that Philoponus' definition was motivated primarily by philosophical problems in Neoplatonism. Philoponus employs the explanation of growth, the interpretation of Aristotle's category theory and the notions of formlessness and potentiality to substantiate his definition. To conclude, the book offers an assessment of the significance of Philoponus' innovation.\r\nIt is demonstrated for the first time that Plotinus' view of matter exerted considerable influence on both Philoponus and Simplicius. Moreover, the structure of Syrianus' and Proclus' metaphysics prepared the way for Philoponus' account of prime matter. [Author\u2019s abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/LYGupj7bzAhb6CC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":153,"full_name":"de Haas, Frans A. J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":24,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 New York - K\u00f6ln","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia Antiqua","volume":"69","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources, 1997
By: van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. (Ed.), Raalte, Marlein van (Ed.)

Title	Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1997
Publication Place	New Brunswick & London
Publisher	Transaction Publishers
Series	Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. , Raalte, Marlein van
Translator(s)

Theophrastus was Aristotle's pupil and second head of the Peripatetic School. Apart from two botanical works, a collection of character sketches, and several scientific opuscula, his works survive only through quotations and reports in secondary sources. Recently these quotations and reports have been collected and published, thereby making the thought of Theophrastus accessible to a wide audience. The present volume contains seventeen responses to this material. There are chapters dealing with Theophrastus' views on logic, physics, biology, ethics, politics, rhetoric, and music, as well as the life of Theophrastus. Together these writings throw considerable light on fundamental questions concerning the development and importance of the Peripatos in the early Hellenistic period. The authors consider whether Theophrastus was a systematic thinker who imposed coherence and consistency on a growing body of knowledge, or a problem-oriented thinker who foreshadowed the dissolution of Peripatetic thought into various loosely connected disciplines. Of special interest are those essays which deal with Theophrastus' intellectual position in relation to the lively philosophic scene occupied by such contemporaries as Zeno, the founder of the Stoa, and Epicurus, the founder of the Garden, as well as Xenocrates and Polemon hi the Academy, and Theophrastus' fellow Peripatetics, Eudemus and Strato. The contributors to the volume are Suzanne Amigues, Antonio Battegazzore, Tiziano Dorandi, Woldemar Gorier, John Glucker, Hans Gottschalk, Frans de Haas, Andre Laks, Anthony Long, Jorgen Mejer, Mario Mignucci, Trevor Saunders, Dirk Schenkeveld, David Sedley, Robert Sharpies, C. M. J. Sicking and Richard Sorabji. The Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities series is a forum for seminal thinking in the field of philosophy, and this volume is no exception. Theophrastus is a landmark achievement in intellectual thought. Philosophers, historians, and classicists will all find this work to be enlightening. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1SV1t3Xkh1BCyWm

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1298","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1298,"authors_free":[{"id":1891,"entry_id":1298,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":87,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. ","free_first_name":"Johannes M. ","free_last_name":"van Ophuijsen","norm_person":{"id":87,"first_name":"Johannes M. ","last_name":"van Ophuijsen","full_name":"van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/120962365","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1990,"entry_id":1298,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":154,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Raalte, Marlein van","free_first_name":"Marlein","free_last_name":"Raalte, van","norm_person":{"id":154,"first_name":"Marlein van","last_name":"Raalte","full_name":"Raalte, Marlein van","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172515270","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources","main_title":{"title":"Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources"},"abstract":"Theophrastus was Aristotle's pupil and second head of the Peripatetic School. Apart from two botanical works, a collection of character sketches, and several scientific opuscula, his works survive only through quotations and reports in secondary sources. Recently these quotations and reports have been collected and published, thereby making the thought of Theophrastus accessible to a wide audience. The present volume contains seventeen responses to this material.\r\n\r\nThere are chapters dealing with Theophrastus' views on logic, physics, biology, ethics, politics, rhetoric, and music, as well as the life of Theophrastus. Together these writings throw considerable light on fundamental questions concerning the development and importance of the Peripatos in the early Hellenistic period. The authors consider whether Theophrastus was a systematic thinker who imposed coherence and consistency on a growing body of knowledge, or a problem-oriented thinker who foreshadowed the dissolution of Peripatetic thought into various loosely connected disciplines. Of special interest are those essays which deal with Theophrastus' intellectual position in relation to the lively philosophic scene occupied by such contemporaries as Zeno, the founder of the Stoa, and Epicurus, the founder of the Garden, as well as Xenocrates and Polemon hi the Academy, and Theophrastus' fellow Peripatetics, Eudemus and Strato.\r\n\r\nThe contributors to the volume are Suzanne Amigues, Antonio Battegazzore, Tiziano Dorandi, Woldemar Gorier, John Glucker, Hans Gottschalk, Frans de Haas, Andre Laks, Anthony Long, Jorgen Mejer, Mario Mignucci, Trevor Saunders, Dirk Schenkeveld, David Sedley, Robert Sharpies, C. M. J. Sicking and Richard Sorabji. The Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities series is a forum for seminal thinking in the field of philosophy, and this volume is no exception. Theophrastus is a landmark achievement in intellectual thought. Philosophers, historians, and classicists will all find this work to be enlightening. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1997","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1SV1t3Xkh1BCyWm","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":87,"full_name":"van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":154,"full_name":"Raalte, Marlein van","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1298,"pubplace":"New Brunswick & London","publisher":"Transaction Publishers","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"8","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle 'On the Soul 2.5–12', 1997
By: Simplicius,

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle 'On the Soul 2.5–12'
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Steel, Carlos(Steel, Carlos ) .

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RDdJthQ7ArOSLv5

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1446","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1446,"authors_free":[{"id":2315,"entry_id":1446,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2316,"entry_id":1446,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle 'On the Soul 2.5\u201312'","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle 'On the Soul 2.5\u201312'"},"abstract":"This is the fourth and last volume of the translation in this series of the commentary on Aristotle On the Soul, wrongly attributed to Simplicius. Its real author, most probably Priscian of Lydia, proves in this work to be an original philosopher who deserves to be studied, not only because of his detailed explanation of an often difficult Aristotelian text, but also because of his own psychological doctrines. In chapter six the author discusses the objects of the intellect. In chapters seven to eight he sees Aristotle as moving towards practical intellect, thus preparing the way for discussing what initiates movement in chapters nine to 11. His interpretation offers a brilliant investigation of practical reasoning and of the interaction between desire and cognition from the level of perception to the intellect. In the commentator's view, Aristotle in the last chapters (12-13) investigates the different type of organic bodies corresponding to the different forms of life (vegetative and sensory, from the most basic, touch, to the most complex). [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RDdJthQ7ArOSLv5","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}}],"book":{"id":1446,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

Some Notes on the Text of Pseudo-Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's De Anima , III. 1-5, 1997
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Joyal, Mark (Ed.)

Title	Some Notes on the Text of Pseudo-Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's De Anima , III. 1-5
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1997
Published in	Studies in Plato and the Platonic Tradition. Essays Presented to John Whittaker
Pages	213-228
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Joyal, Mark
Translator(s)

As often, the title of this paper needs a word of explanation, since some readers, though not our dedicatee, might wonder who the author I call Ps-Simplicius might be. Those whose interests lie in Aristotle rather than his Neoplatonic commentators may not all be aware that there is a serious problem about the authorship of the De Anima commentary, which they know as the work of Simplicius. This is not the place to discuss this problem, which I and others have discussed elsewhere,¹ but the fact, as I think one must now take it to be, that our author is not the real Simplicius has an important implication for any study on the text of this work. That is, the substantial corpus of work by Simplicius himself cannot be used to corroborate—or undermine—readings in our work, and one cannot appeal to it for support for a conjecture. This is all the more so since one of the stronger arguments for denying authorship to the real Simplicius is that the language of the De Anima commentary is so different from his as to put it beyond the bounds of possibility that we are dealing with two different kinds of writing from one and the same hand.*² If, as some think, the author was Priscian of Lydia, author of the Metaphrasis in Theophrastum, we could occasionally appeal to that work, though it is short—a mere thirty-seven pages of Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca.³ But I think there are difficulties about that identification which are sufficient to require at least a degree of caution, and that all one can safely say is that this commentary comes from the same intellectual area as the works of Simplicius, Priscian, and Damascius, all Neoplatonists who worked in Athens at the end of the fifth century and the beginning of the sixth. Hence the label Ps-Simplicius—a counsel of prudence, if not quite despair: not quite, because a solution is possible in principle, though I suspect that we may never arrive at it. [introduction p. 213-214]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/SafBRE6SrgivoG5

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1469","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1469,"authors_free":[{"id":2543,"entry_id":1469,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2544,"entry_id":1469,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":540,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Joyal, Mark","free_first_name":"Mark","free_last_name":"Joyal","norm_person":{"id":540,"first_name":"Mark","last_name":"Joyal","full_name":"Joyal, Mark","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1162514582","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Some Notes on the Text of Pseudo-Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's De Anima , III. 1-5","main_title":{"title":"Some Notes on the Text of Pseudo-Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's De Anima , III. 1-5"},"abstract":"As often, the title of this paper needs a word of explanation, since some readers, though not our dedicatee, might wonder who the author I call Ps-Simplicius might be. Those whose interests lie in Aristotle rather than his Neoplatonic commentators may not all be aware that there is a serious problem about the authorship of the De Anima commentary, which they know as the work of Simplicius.\r\n\r\nThis is not the place to discuss this problem, which I and others have discussed elsewhere,\u00b9 but the fact, as I think one must now take it to be, that our author is not the real Simplicius has an important implication for any study on the text of this work. That is, the substantial corpus of work by Simplicius himself cannot be used to corroborate\u2014or undermine\u2014readings in our work, and one cannot appeal to it for support for a conjecture. This is all the more so since one of the stronger arguments for denying authorship to the real Simplicius is that the language of the De Anima commentary is so different from his as to put it beyond the bounds of possibility that we are dealing with two different kinds of writing from one and the same hand.*\u00b2\r\n\r\nIf, as some think, the author was Priscian of Lydia, author of the Metaphrasis in Theophrastum, we could occasionally appeal to that work, though it is short\u2014a mere thirty-seven pages of Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca.\u00b3 But I think there are difficulties about that identification which are sufficient to require at least a degree of caution, and that all one can safely say is that this commentary comes from the same intellectual area as the works of Simplicius, Priscian, and Damascius, all Neoplatonists who worked in Athens at the end of the fifth century and the beginning of the sixth.\r\n\r\nHence the label Ps-Simplicius\u2014a counsel of prudence, if not quite despair: not quite, because a solution is possible in principle, though I suspect that we may never arrive at it.\r\n[introduction p. 213-214]","btype":2,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/SafBRE6SrgivoG5","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":540,"full_name":"Joyal, Mark","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1469,"section_of":1470,"pages":"213-228","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1470,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Studies in Plato and the Platonic Tradition. Essays Presented to John Whittaker","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1997","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This book, which honours the career of a distinguished scholar, contains essays dealing with important problems in Plato, the Platonic tradition, and the texts and transmission of Plato and later Platonic writers. It ranges from the discussion of issues in individual Platonic dialogues to the examination of Platonism in the Middle Ages. The essays are written by leading scholars in the field and reflect the current state of knowledge on the various problems under discussion. The collection as a whole testifies to the importance of the Platonic writings for the history of ideas, and to the vitality that the study of these writings continues to possess.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/JhijSNjBEJlYa2C","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1470,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Routledge (2017)","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

Studies in Plato and the Platonic Tradition. Essays Presented to John Whittaker, 1997
By: Joyal, Mark (Ed.)

Title	Studies in Plato and the Platonic Tradition. Essays Presented to John Whittaker
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Routledge (2017)
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Joyal, Mark
Translator(s)

This book, which honours the career of a distinguished scholar, contains essays dealing with important problems in Plato, the Platonic tradition, and the texts and transmission of Plato and later Platonic writers. It ranges from the discussion of issues in individual Platonic dialogues to the examination of Platonism in the Middle Ages. The essays are written by leading scholars in the field and reflect the current state of knowledge on the various problems under discussion. The collection as a whole testifies to the importance of the Platonic writings for the history of ideas, and to the vitality that the study of these writings continues to possess. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/heYNc5j1qXoLFl8

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1470","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1470,"authors_free":[{"id":2545,"entry_id":1470,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":540,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Joyal, Mark","free_first_name":"Mark","free_last_name":"Joyal","norm_person":{"id":540,"first_name":"Mark","last_name":"Joyal","full_name":"Joyal, Mark","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1162514582","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Studies in Plato and the Platonic Tradition. Essays Presented to John Whittaker","main_title":{"title":"Studies in Plato and the Platonic Tradition. Essays Presented to John Whittaker"},"abstract":"This book, which honours the career of a distinguished scholar, contains essays dealing with important problems in Plato, the Platonic tradition, and the texts and transmission of Plato and later Platonic writers. It ranges from the discussion of issues in individual Platonic dialogues to the examination of Platonism in the Middle Ages. The essays are written by leading scholars in the field and reflect the current state of knowledge on the various problems under discussion. The collection as a whole testifies to the importance of the Platonic writings for the history of ideas, and to the vitality that the study of these writings continues to possess. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1997","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/heYNc5j1qXoLFl8","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":540,"full_name":"Joyal, Mark","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1470,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Routledge (2017)","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1997]}

L'arrière-plan néoplatonicien de l'École d'Athènes de Raphaël, 1996
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Hoffmann, Philippe (Ed.), Rinuy, Paul-Louis (Ed.), Farnoux, Alexandre (Coll.) (Ed.)

Title	L'arrière-plan néoplatonicien de l'École d'Athènes de Raphaël
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1996
Published in	Antiquités imaginaires. La référence antique dans l'art occidental, de la Renaissance à nos jours
Pages	143-158
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe , Rinuy, Paul-Louis , Farnoux, Alexandre (Coll.)
Translator(s)

Il est néanmoins permis d’insister, comme nous l'avons déjà dit, sur la tonalité manifestement néoplatonicienne de l’œuvre. Tout d’abord, on peut souligner une distorsion entre l’allégorie de la Philosophie et l’École d’Athènes. Il est vrai que l’allégorie est construite sur l’idée d’une dualité des parties de la Philosophie, qui sont donc des parties égales. La légende, «Causarum cognitio», est certainement inspirée par la légende de l’allégorie de la Prudence, peinte vers 1500 par Pietro Vannucci (le Pérugin) dans le Cambio de Pérouse. Le texte qui accompagne la Prudence a été rédigé par le responsable du programme – d’esprit «ficinien» –, l’érudit Francesco Maturanzio, bien connu non seulement comme «modeste auteur de la Cronaca della città di Perugia dal 1492 al 1503», mais aussi comme aristotélicien thomiste, helléniste et collectionneur de manuscrits grecs. Maturanzio exprimait dans ce programme son adhésion à l'idée d'une conciliation des mondes antique et chrétien, une idée qui devait trouver une expression plus grandiose dans la Chambre de la Signature. On relève notamment, dans la légende de la Prudence de Pérouse, l’expression «...Scrutari verum doceo causasque latentes...». Et comme Raphaël avait travaillé avec le Pérugin, en compagnie de qui il était venu à Rome, le lien entre «scrutari... causas latentes» et «causarum cognitio» est tout à fait plausible. Mais la formule a davantage d'application dans le domaine de la physique que dans celui de l'éthique, de même que l'Artémis d’Éphèse représente la Nature avec ses secrets – l’objet de la partie physique de la Philosophie –, et n’a guère de rapport avec l'éthique. La dissymétrie est plus nette dans le traitement des deux personnages de Platon et d'Aristote. Le maître est, comme il se doit, à la droite du disciple. La direction des gestes est si contrastée qu’elle ne peut signifier qu'une différence de domaine : les Idées et le Démiurge sont le domaine d'élection de Platon, tandis que le Bonheur humain – le plus grand bonheur qui puisse échoir à l’homme – est ce qu'Aristote vient offrir en un geste généreux, qui s’adresse aux spectateurs de la fresque. Comment ne pas voir dans cette structure iconographique un écho précis des conceptions néoplatoniciennes ? On retrouve des thèmes que nous avons maintes fois rencontrés et que Raphaël – ou le responsable du programme iconographique – a puisés dans la culture néoplatonicienne de l'époque, chez Marsile Ficin ou Pic de la Mirandole : L'harmonie des philosophies de Platon et d’Aristote, tout d'abord : ce sont les deux figures centrales à partir desquelles s'ordonne toute la composition. La supériorité de la philosophie de Platon (les «grands mystères» néoplatoniciens) sur celle d’Aristote (les «petits mystères»), qui est la propédeutique à la philosophie de Platon et qui succède elle-même au cycle des sept Arts Libéraux, dont on a voulu déceler la représentation parmi le savant désordre des personnages qui entourent les deux figures centrales. La différence des plans ontologiques auxquels se sont élevés les deux penseurs : Platon a décrit le Monde non pas de manière immanente, mais en recherchant ses causes – les Idées et le Démiurge. Il étudie les réalités naturelles elles-mêmes en considérant leur relation à celles qui sont au-dessus de la nature, c'est-à-dire les réalités intelligibles et divines qui en sont les causes. L’étude du Timée, œuvre platonicienne majeure pour le Moyen Âge occidental, relevait aussi dans l'Antiquité du second cycle du cursus néoplatonicien de lecture des dialogues de Platon. Quant à Aristote, il offre une pensée du bonheur qui doit permettre à l’homme, en menant la vie théorétique – qui est en grande partie une recherche des causes –, de «s’immortaliser autant qu’il est possible». Dans une note, Gombrich signale qu’à la date où Raphaël conçut l’École d’Athènes, il n’existait pas de traduction italienne en édition séparée du Timée ni des Éthiques d’Aristote. On peut ajouter que l’édition princeps de Platon en grec ne devait être publiée qu’en 1513 à Venise (édition aldine), et que Platon était lu à l’époque dans la célèbre traduction latine de Ficin imprimée en 1484. On rappellera dans ce contexte que l’édition princeps des œuvres d’Aristote en grec avait été donnée peu d'années auparavant à Venise par Alde Manuce. Précisément, la Préface grecque d’Alexandre Bondini (Agachemeros), collaborateur d’Alde, justifie l'entreprise par un éloge de la supériorité de la philosophie péripatéticienne, qui procure aux hommes le bonheur (eudaimonia). Peu après, en 1499, paraissait à Venise également l’édition princeps (incunable !) du Commentaire de Simplicius aux Catégories, œuvre dans laquelle les humanistes italiens pouvaient commodément lire le développement que nous avons étudié sur la finalité de la philosophie d’Aristote. Ces deux remarques bibliographiques ne prétendent en aucun cas assigner une source littéraire à un célèbre détail iconographique. La leçon de méthode et de prudence d’E. Gombrich est exemplaire, et il serait vain de vouloir ajouter une nouvelle hypothèse, impossible à prouver en toute rigueur, à tant d’autres. Ce que l’on peut souligner en revanche, si l’on veut bien admettre que, dans une période d’effervescence intellectuelle comme la Renaissance italienne, les livres publiés étaient lus et que les idées circulaient, c’est un écho troublant entre le thème de la Préface d’Alexandre Bondini (1495), le développement de Simplicius sur le Bonheur comme finalité de la philosophie d’Aristote (imprimé en 1499), et le principe «symphonique» néoplatonicien qui organise et unifie le programme iconographique de l’École d’Athènes (1509–1511). [conclusion p. 154-158]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KewGi1BBbx4GOnk

Anaxagoras' Other World Revisited, 1996
By: Schofield, Malcom, Algra, Keimpe A. (Ed.), Runia, David T. (Ed.)

Title	Anaxagoras' Other World Revisited
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1996
Published in	Polyhistor. Studies in the history and historiography of ancient philosophy: presented to Jaap Mansfeld on his sixtieth birthday
Pages	3-20
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schofield, Malcom
Editor(s)	Algra, Keimpe A. , Runia, David T.
Translator(s)

Very short papers are not what his readers most immediately associate with the name of Jaap Mansfeld. But his piece entitled ‘Anaxagoras’ Other World’ runs to less than three full pages of text, and the notes cover only half a page more.1 Perhaps its brevity is one of the reasons for its neglect. Schofield in his light revision of Raven’s chapter on Anaxagoras in The Presocratic Philosophers does not refer to it.2 Nor do more recent articles such as Inwood’s or Furth’s.3 The neglect is unfortunate. Of the difficult text Mansfeld takes as his topic, ‘Anaxagoras’ Other World’ seems to me much the most persuasive account available in the scholarly literature. In what follows I shall advance further considerations in favour of its interpretation of the mysterious ‘other world’, and against some of the alternatives favoured in other quarters. [p. 3]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3yCRGxvPNrTq61L

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1036","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1036,"authors_free":[{"id":1567,"entry_id":1036,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":285,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Schofield, Malcom","free_first_name":"Malcom","free_last_name":"Schofield","norm_person":{"id":285,"first_name":"Malcolm","last_name":"Schofield","full_name":"Schofield, Malcolm","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132323737","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1568,"entry_id":1036,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":28,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","free_first_name":"Keimpe A.","free_last_name":"Algra","norm_person":{"id":28,"first_name":"Keimpe A.","last_name":"Algra","full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115110992","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1570,"entry_id":1036,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":30,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Runia, David T.","free_first_name":"David T.","free_last_name":"Runia","norm_person":{"id":30,"first_name":"David T.","last_name":"Runia","full_name":"Runia, David T.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/113181515","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Anaxagoras' Other World Revisited","main_title":{"title":"Anaxagoras' Other World Revisited"},"abstract":"Very short papers are not what his readers most immediately \r\nassociate with the name of Jaap Mansfeld. But his piece entitled \r\n\u2018Anaxagoras\u2019 Other World\u2019 runs to less than three full pages of text, \r\nand the notes cover only half a page more.1 Perhaps its brevity is \r\none of the reasons for its neglect. Schofield in his light revision of \r\nRaven\u2019s chapter on Anaxagoras in The Presocratic Philosophers does \r\nnot refer to it.2 Nor do more recent articles such as Inwood\u2019s or \r\nFurth\u2019s.3 The neglect is unfortunate. Of the difficult text Mansfeld \r\ntakes as his topic, \u2018Anaxagoras\u2019 Other World\u2019 seems to me much \r\nthe most persuasive account available in the scholarly literature. In \r\nwhat follows I shall advance further considerations in favour of its \r\ninterpretation of the mysterious \u2018other world\u2019, and against some of \r\nthe alternatives favoured in other quarters. [p. 3]","btype":2,"date":"1996","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3yCRGxvPNrTq61L","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":285,"full_name":"Schofield, Malcolm","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":28,"full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":30,"full_name":"Runia, David T.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1036,"section_of":162,"pages":"3-20","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":162,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Polyhistor. Studies in the history and historiography of ancient philosophy: presented to Jaap Mansfeld on his sixtieth birthday","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Algra\/Horst\/Runia1996","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1996","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1996","abstract":"During the past three decades Jaap Mansfeld, Professor of Ancient Philosophy in Utrecht, has built up a formidable reputation as a leading scholar in his field. His work has concentrated on the Presocratics, Hellenistic Philosophy, the sources of our knowledge of ancient philosophy (esp. doxography) and the history of scholarship.\r\nIn honour of his sixtieth birthday, colleagues and friends have contributed a collection of articles which represent the state of the art in the study of the history of ancient philosophy and frequently concentrate on subjects in which the honorand has made important discoveries.\r\nThe 22 contributors include M. Baltes, J. Barnes, J. Brunschwig, W.M. Calder III, J. Dillon, P.L. Donini, J. Glucker, A.A. Long, L.M. de Rijk, D. Sedley, P. Schrijvers, and M. Vegetti. The volume concludes with a complete bibliography of Jaap Mansfeld's scholarly work so far. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/h3vavPv0hEyKsdh","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":162,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 New York","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia antiqua","volume":"72","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1996]}

Matière et résolution : Anaxagore et ses interprètes, 1996
By: Lefebvre, René

Title	Matière et résolution : Anaxagore et ses interprètes
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1996
Journal	Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume	186
Issue	1
Pages	31-54
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lefebvre, René
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Anaxagore est, dit-on, le plus difficile des présocratiques. La doctrine de la matière exerce une fascination toute particulière, ne serait-ce que pour cause d'état lacunaire des textes et sans doute de généralité de l'esquisse ; puis, par un effet d'entraînement, l'ampleur, la diversité et la qualité des réactions herméneutiques elles-mêmes génèrent un commentaire sans cesse recommencé. On entend identifier, résoudre, dissoudre des problèmes, ou des pseudo-problèmes projetés par la tradition sur une œuvre qui n'en peut mais. Anaxagore surtout fascine par la tension qu'engendrent certaines options doctrinales, l'essentiel étant sur ce point le conflit entre une conception réputée homéomérique de la matière et le principe de τὸ ὁμοῦ πάντα. La succession des interprétations a amélioré notre compréhension de la philosophie du Clazoménien ; cependant, nous ne savons plus toujours ni ce qu'il faut imputer à cette dernière, ni même ce que nous n'y comprenons pas, et il nous arrive de confondre des questions différentes : la division spatiale n'est pas la discrimination qualitative, tout élémentarisme n'est peut-être pas corpusculariste, tout corpuscularisme n'est pas nécessairement atomistique. Les réflexions qui suivent se développent sur trois niveaux : la première partie consiste en une présentation minimale de la doctrine ; les notes entendent en faire ressortir les aspects problématiques, en indiquant les principales options herméneutiques. Soucieuse de ne masquer ni les apories ni les paradoxes, la deuxième partie propose des clarifications et des distinctions qu'il faut prendre moins comme des indications matérielles sur la doctrine que comme des suggestions formelles à destination du commentaire ultérieur. La notion de résolution m'a paru la plus apte à englober dans un cadre commun les discussions sur les puissances, les parties, les semences, les homéomères, l'infiniment petit, etc. [introduction p. 31-32]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/X6EflTJBUsEaivP

{"_index":"sire","_id":"872","_score":null,"_source":{"id":872,"authors_free":[{"id":1281,"entry_id":872,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":243,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Lefebvre, Ren\u00e9 ","free_first_name":"Ren\u00e9 ","free_last_name":"Lefebvre","norm_person":{"id":243,"first_name":"Ren\u00e9","last_name":"Lefebvre","full_name":"Lefebvre, Ren\u00e9","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/136649084","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Mati\u00e8re et r\u00e9solution : Anaxagore et ses interpr\u00e8tes","main_title":{"title":"Mati\u00e8re et r\u00e9solution : Anaxagore et ses interpr\u00e8tes"},"abstract":"Anaxagore est, dit-on, le plus difficile des pr\u00e9socratiques. La doctrine de la mati\u00e8re exerce une fascination toute particuli\u00e8re, ne serait-ce que pour cause d'\u00e9tat lacunaire des textes et sans doute de g\u00e9n\u00e9ralit\u00e9 de l'esquisse ; puis, par un effet d'entra\u00eenement, l'ampleur, la diversit\u00e9 et la qualit\u00e9 des r\u00e9actions herm\u00e9neutiques elles-m\u00eames g\u00e9n\u00e8rent un commentaire sans cesse recommenc\u00e9. On entend identifier, r\u00e9soudre, dissoudre des probl\u00e8mes, ou des pseudo-probl\u00e8mes projet\u00e9s par la tradition sur une \u0153uvre qui n'en peut mais.\r\n\r\nAnaxagore surtout fascine par la tension qu'engendrent certaines options doctrinales, l'essentiel \u00e9tant sur ce point le conflit entre une conception r\u00e9put\u00e9e hom\u00e9om\u00e9rique de la mati\u00e8re et le principe de \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1. La succession des interpr\u00e9tations a am\u00e9lior\u00e9 notre compr\u00e9hension de la philosophie du Clazom\u00e9nien ; cependant, nous ne savons plus toujours ni ce qu'il faut imputer \u00e0 cette derni\u00e8re, ni m\u00eame ce que nous n'y comprenons pas, et il nous arrive de confondre des questions diff\u00e9rentes : la division spatiale n'est pas la discrimination qualitative, tout \u00e9l\u00e9mentarisme n'est peut-\u00eatre pas corpusculariste, tout corpuscularisme n'est pas n\u00e9cessairement atomistique.\r\n\r\nLes r\u00e9flexions qui suivent se d\u00e9veloppent sur trois niveaux : la premi\u00e8re partie consiste en une pr\u00e9sentation minimale de la doctrine ; les notes entendent en faire ressortir les aspects probl\u00e9matiques, en indiquant les principales options herm\u00e9neutiques. Soucieuse de ne masquer ni les apories ni les paradoxes, la deuxi\u00e8me partie propose des clarifications et des distinctions qu'il faut prendre moins comme des indications mat\u00e9rielles sur la doctrine que comme des suggestions formelles \u00e0 destination du commentaire ult\u00e9rieur.\r\n\r\nLa notion de r\u00e9solution m'a paru la plus apte \u00e0 englober dans un cadre commun les discussions sur les puissances, les parties, les semences, les hom\u00e9om\u00e8res, l'infiniment petit, etc.\r\n[introduction p. 31-32]","btype":3,"date":"1996","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/X6EflTJBUsEaivP","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":243,"full_name":"Lefebvre, Ren\u00e9","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":872,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'\u00c9tranger","volume":"186","issue":"1","pages":"31-54"}},"sort":[1996]}

The writings of the De anima commentators, 1996
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.)

Title	The writings of the De anima commentators
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1996
Published in	Aristotle and Neoplatonism in late antiquity: Interpretations of the "De Anima"
Pages	53-71
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Translator(s)

So far we have discussed the work of our commentators as if it was simply scholarship and philosophical exposition, whether of their own philosophy or that of Aristotle which most of them held to be fundamen tally the same. There is, however, another aspect of the commentaries which, while not prominent, should not be forgotten. That is the way in which doing such work was an integral part of a life aimed at the greatest possible degree of return to that higher reality from which the commenta tors saw human life as a decline and separation. It is becoming increasingly better understood that for the great majority of Greek philo sophers, philosophy was not only a way of thinking but a way of life.70 The late Neoplatonists seem to have gone even further, and regarded the production of commentaries as a kind of service to the divine, much as a Christian monk who engaged in scholarship would have seen it in that light So we find at the end of Simplicius’ commentary on the De caelo what can only be described as a prayer: ‘Oh lord and artificer of the universe and the simple bodies in it, to you and all that has been brought into being by you I offer this work as a hymn, being eager to see as a revelation the magnitude of your works and to proclaim it to those who are worthy, so that thinking no mean or mortal thoughts about you we may make obeisance to you in accordance with the high place you occupy in respect of all that is produced by you’ (731.25-9). Those who think that ancient philosophy ceased to be of interest some three and a half centuries before these words were written and who may from time to time consult Sim plicius for an opinion on the meaning of an Aristotelian text, are unlikely ever to see these words, or those that come at the end of the commentary on the Enckeiridion (138.22-3). Without them they cannot fully under stand the nature of works beyond whose surface they never penetrate, works whose very composition could be seen as an act of reverence to the gods of paganism. [Conclusion, p. 71]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OwPB7ahnasyI8P2

{"_index":"sire","_id":"927","_score":null,"_source":{"id":927,"authors_free":[{"id":1371,"entry_id":927,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2527,"entry_id":927,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The writings of the De anima commentators","main_title":{"title":"The writings of the De anima commentators"},"abstract":"So far we have discussed the work of our commentators as if it was \r\nsimply scholarship and philosophical exposition, whether of their own \r\nphilosophy or that of Aristotle which most of them held to be fundamen\u00ad\r\ntally the same. There is, however, another aspect of the commentaries \r\nwhich, while not prominent, should not be forgotten. That is the way in \r\nwhich doing such work was an integral part of a life aimed at the greatest \r\npossible degree of return to that higher reality from which the commenta\u00ad\r\ntors saw human life as a decline and separation. It is becoming \r\nincreasingly better understood that for the great majority of Greek philo\u00ad\r\nsophers, philosophy was not only a way of thinking but a way of life.70 The \r\nlate Neoplatonists seem to have gone even further, and regarded the \r\nproduction of commentaries as a kind of service to the divine, much as a \r\nChristian monk who engaged in scholarship would have seen it in that \r\nlight So we find at the end of Simplicius\u2019 commentary on the De caelo what \r\ncan only be described as a prayer: \u2018Oh lord and artificer of the universe \r\nand the simple bodies in it, to you and all that has been brought into being \r\nby you I offer this work as a hymn, being eager to see as a revelation the \r\nmagnitude of your works and to proclaim it to those who are worthy, so \r\nthat thinking no mean or mortal thoughts about you we may make \r\nobeisance to you in accordance with the high place you occupy in respect \r\nof all that is produced by you\u2019 (731.25-9). Those who think that ancient \r\nphilosophy ceased to be of interest some three and a half centuries before \r\nthese words were written and who may from time to time consult Sim\u00ad\r\nplicius for an opinion on the meaning of an Aristotelian text, are unlikely \r\never to see these words, or those that come at the end of the commentary \r\non the Enckeiridion (138.22-3). Without them they cannot fully under\u00ad\r\nstand the nature of works beyond whose surface they never penetrate, \r\nworks whose very composition could be seen as an act of reverence to the \r\ngods of paganism. [Conclusion, p. 71]","btype":2,"date":"1996","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/OwPB7ahnasyI8P2","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":927,"section_of":213,"pages":"53-71","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":213,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle and Neoplatonism in late antiquity: Interpretations of the \"De Anima\"","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Blumenthal1996a","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1996","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1996","abstract":"Steven Strange: Emory University Scholars have traditionally used the Aristotelian commentators as sources for lost philosophical works and occasionally also as aids to understanding Aristotle. In H. J. Blumenthal's view, however, the commentators often assumed that there was a Platonist philosophy to which not only they but Aristotle himself subscribed. Their expository writing usually expressed their versions of Neoplatonist philosophy. Blumenthal here places the commentators in their intellectual and historical contexts, identifies their philosophical views, and demonstrates their tendency to read Aristotle as if he were a member of their philosophical circle.This book focuses on the commentators' exposition of Aristotle's treatise De anima (On the Soul), because it is relatively well documented and because the concept of soul was so important in all Neoplatonic systems. Blumenthal explains how the Neoplatonizing of Aristotle's thought, as well as the widespread use of the commentators' works, influenced the understanding of Aristotle in both the Islamic and Judaeo-Christian traditions.H. J. Blumenthal is the author or coeditor of six previous books and is currently preparing a two-volume translation, with introduction and commentary, of Simplicius' Commentary on \"De anima\" for publication in Cornell's series Ancient Commentators on Aristotle.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VOUUZIIp0rHNG0V","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":213,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1996]}

Polyhistor. Studies in the history and historiography of ancient philosophy: presented to Jaap Mansfeld on his sixtieth birthday, 1996
By: Algra, Keimpe A. (Ed.), Runia, David T. (Ed.), Pieter W. van der Horst (Ed.)

Title	Polyhistor. Studies in the history and historiography of ancient philosophy: presented to Jaap Mansfeld on his sixtieth birthday
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1996
Publication Place	Leiden – New York
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua
Volume	72
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Algra, Keimpe A. , Runia, David T. , Pieter W. van der Horst
Translator(s)

During the past three decades Jaap Mansfeld, Professor of Ancient Philosophy in Utrecht, has built up a formidable reputation as a leading scholar in his field. His work has concentrated on the Presocratics, Hellenistic Philosophy, the sources of our knowledge of ancient philosophy (esp. doxography) and the history of scholarship. In honour of his sixtieth birthday, colleagues and friends have contributed a collection of articles which represent the state of the art in the study of the history of ancient philosophy and frequently concentrate on subjects in which the honorand has made important discoveries. The 22 contributors include M. Baltes, J. Barnes, J. Brunschwig, W.M. Calder III, J. Dillon, P.L. Donini, J. Glucker, A.A. Long, L.M. de Rijk, D. Sedley, P. Schrijvers, and M. Vegetti. The volume concludes with a complete bibliography of Jaap Mansfeld's scholarly work so far. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/h3vavPv0hEyKsdh

{"_index":"sire","_id":"162","_score":null,"_source":{"id":162,"authors_free":[{"id":2405,"entry_id":162,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":28,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","free_first_name":"Keimpe A.","free_last_name":"Algra","norm_person":{"id":28,"first_name":"Keimpe A.","last_name":"Algra","full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115110992","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2406,"entry_id":162,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":30,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Runia, David T.","free_first_name":"David T.","free_last_name":"Runia","norm_person":{"id":30,"first_name":"David T.","last_name":"Runia","full_name":"Runia, David T.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/113181515","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2764,"entry_id":162,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Pieter W. van der Horst","free_first_name":"Pieter W. ","free_last_name":"van der Horst","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Polyhistor. Studies in the history and historiography of ancient philosophy: presented to Jaap Mansfeld on his sixtieth birthday","main_title":{"title":"Polyhistor. Studies in the history and historiography of ancient philosophy: presented to Jaap Mansfeld on his sixtieth birthday"},"abstract":"During the past three decades Jaap Mansfeld, Professor of Ancient Philosophy in Utrecht, has built up a formidable reputation as a leading scholar in his field. His work has concentrated on the Presocratics, Hellenistic Philosophy, the sources of our knowledge of ancient philosophy (esp. doxography) and the history of scholarship.\r\nIn honour of his sixtieth birthday, colleagues and friends have contributed a collection of articles which represent the state of the art in the study of the history of ancient philosophy and frequently concentrate on subjects in which the honorand has made important discoveries.\r\nThe 22 contributors include M. Baltes, J. Barnes, J. Brunschwig, W.M. Calder III, J. Dillon, P.L. Donini, J. Glucker, A.A. Long, L.M. de Rijk, D. Sedley, P. Schrijvers, and M. Vegetti. The volume concludes with a complete bibliography of Jaap Mansfeld's scholarly work so far. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1996","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/h3vavPv0hEyKsdh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":28,"full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":30,"full_name":"Runia, David T.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":162,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 New York","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia antiqua","volume":"72","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1996]}

Antiquités imaginaires. La référence antique dans l'art occidental, de la Renaissance à nos jours, 1996
By: Hoffmann, Philippe (Ed.), Rinuy, Paul-Louis (Ed.), Farnoux, Alexandre (Coll.) (Ed.)

Title	Antiquités imaginaires. La référence antique dans l'art occidental, de la Renaissance à nos jours
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1996
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Presses de l’École normale supérieure
Series	Études de littérature ancienne
Volume	7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe , Rinuy, Paul-Louis , Farnoux, Alexandre (Coll.)
Translator(s)

Rassemblant quatorze contributions de spécialistes de la littérature et de l’histoire de l’art, ce livre tente de donner une série d’aperçus précis des différentes manières dont la référence à l’Antiquité a joué un rôle, capital, dans la création artistique de la Renaissance à nos jours. De Raphaël jusqu’aux actuels mouvements « post-modernes », la création a été profondément marquée en Occident par les visages successifs d’une Antiquité sans cesse réinventée et réinterprétée. Ovide, Philostrate, Platon et Aristote ont été au coeur des débats et des réflexions des écrivains et des critiques, tout comme les chefs-d’oeuvre de l’architecture et de la sculpture – le Parthénon ou le Laocoon – ont inspiré les artistes au fil de leurs redécouvertes successives de l’art antique. Héritage, influence, réinvention, Classic revival, Nachleben der Antike ? Les mots et les expressions sont nombreux pour tenter de cerner un phénomène crucial et chatoyant. Les études ici réunies par Philippe Hoffmann, Paul-Louis Rinuy et Alexandre Farnoux, au terme d’un séminaire et d’une table ronde tenus au Centre d’études anciennes de l’École normale supérieure, veulent ouvrir des pistes pour de nouvelles recherches et illustrer divers aspects de la présence de l’Antique au sein des modernités [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Al1RSBIKKbIdEE7

{"_index":"sire","_id":"165","_score":null,"_source":{"id":165,"authors_free":[{"id":216,"entry_id":165,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2020,"entry_id":165,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":186,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Rinuy, Paul-Louis ","free_first_name":"Paul-Louis ","free_last_name":"Rinuy","norm_person":{"id":186,"first_name":"Paul-Louis ","last_name":"Rinuy","full_name":"Rinuy, Paul-Louis ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/14126795X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2021,"entry_id":165,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":187,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Farnoux, Alexandre (Coll.)","free_first_name":"Alexandre","free_last_name":"Farnoux","norm_person":{"id":187,"first_name":"Alexandre ","last_name":"Farnoux","full_name":"Farnoux, Alexandre ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/188370528","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Antiquit\u00e9s imaginaires. La r\u00e9f\u00e9rence antique dans l'art occidental, de la Renaissance \u00e0 nos jours","main_title":{"title":"Antiquit\u00e9s imaginaires. La r\u00e9f\u00e9rence antique dans l'art occidental, de la Renaissance \u00e0 nos jours"},"abstract":"Rassemblant quatorze contributions de sp\u00e9cialistes de la litt\u00e9rature et de l\u2019histoire de l\u2019art, ce livre tente de donner une s\u00e9rie d\u2019aper\u00e7us pr\u00e9cis des diff\u00e9rentes mani\u00e8res dont la r\u00e9f\u00e9rence \u00e0 l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 a jou\u00e9 un r\u00f4le, capital, dans la cr\u00e9ation artistique de la Renaissance \u00e0 nos jours.\r\nDe Rapha\u00ebl jusqu\u2019aux actuels mouvements \u00ab post-modernes \u00bb, la cr\u00e9ation a \u00e9t\u00e9 profond\u00e9ment marqu\u00e9e en Occident par les visages successifs d\u2019une Antiquit\u00e9 sans cesse r\u00e9invent\u00e9e et r\u00e9interpr\u00e9t\u00e9e. Ovide, Philostrate, Platon et Aristote ont \u00e9t\u00e9 au coeur des d\u00e9bats et des r\u00e9flexions des \u00e9crivains et des critiques, tout comme les chefs-d\u2019oeuvre de l\u2019architecture et de la sculpture \u2013 le Parth\u00e9non ou le Laocoon \u2013 ont inspir\u00e9 les artistes au fil de leurs red\u00e9couvertes successives de l\u2019art antique. H\u00e9ritage, influence, r\u00e9invention, Classic revival, Nachleben der Antike ? Les mots et les expressions sont nombreux pour tenter de cerner un ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne crucial et chatoyant. Les \u00e9tudes ici r\u00e9unies par Philippe Hoffmann, Paul-Louis Rinuy et Alexandre Farnoux, au terme d\u2019un s\u00e9minaire et d\u2019une table ronde tenus au Centre d\u2019\u00e9tudes anciennes de l\u2019\u00c9cole normale sup\u00e9rieure, veulent ouvrir des pistes pour de nouvelles recherches et illustrer divers aspects de la pr\u00e9sence de l\u2019Antique au sein des modernit\u00e9s [offical abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1996","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Al1RSBIKKbIdEE7","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":186,"full_name":"Rinuy, Paul-Louis ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":187,"full_name":"Farnoux, Alexandre ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":165,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Presses de l\u2019\u00c9cole normale sup\u00e9rieure","series":"\u00c9tudes de litt\u00e9rature ancienne","volume":"7","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1996]}

Aristotle and Neoplatonism in late antiquity: Interpretations of the "De Anima", 1996
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Aristotle and Neoplatonism in late antiquity: Interpretations of the "De Anima"
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1996
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Steven Strange: Emory University Scholars have traditionally used the Aristotelian commentators as sources for lost philosophical works and occasionally also as aids to understanding Aristotle. In H. J. Blumenthal's view, however, the commentators often assumed that there was a Platonist philosophy to which not only they but Aristotle himself subscribed. Their expository writing usually expressed their versions of Neoplatonist philosophy. Blumenthal here places the commentators in their intellectual and historical contexts, identifies their philosophical views, and demonstrates their tendency to read Aristotle as if he were a member of their philosophical circle.This book focuses on the commentators' exposition of Aristotle's treatise De anima (On the Soul), because it is relatively well documented and because the concept of soul was so important in all Neoplatonic systems. Blumenthal explains how the Neoplatonizing of Aristotle's thought, as well as the widespread use of the commentators' works, influenced the understanding of Aristotle in both the Islamic and Judaeo-Christian traditions.H. J. Blumenthal is the author or coeditor of six previous books and is currently preparing a two-volume translation, with introduction and commentary, of Simplicius' Commentary on "De anima" for publication in Cornell's series Ancient Commentators on Aristotle.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VOUUZIIp0rHNG0V

{"_index":"sire","_id":"213","_score":null,"_source":{"id":213,"authors_free":[{"id":272,"entry_id":213,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle and Neoplatonism in late antiquity: Interpretations of the \"De Anima\"","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle and Neoplatonism in late antiquity: Interpretations of the \"De Anima\""},"abstract":"Steven Strange: Emory University Scholars have traditionally used the Aristotelian commentators as sources for lost philosophical works and occasionally also as aids to understanding Aristotle. In H. J. Blumenthal's view, however, the commentators often assumed that there was a Platonist philosophy to which not only they but Aristotle himself subscribed. Their expository writing usually expressed their versions of Neoplatonist philosophy. Blumenthal here places the commentators in their intellectual and historical contexts, identifies their philosophical views, and demonstrates their tendency to read Aristotle as if he were a member of their philosophical circle.This book focuses on the commentators' exposition of Aristotle's treatise De anima (On the Soul), because it is relatively well documented and because the concept of soul was so important in all Neoplatonic systems. Blumenthal explains how the Neoplatonizing of Aristotle's thought, as well as the widespread use of the commentators' works, influenced the understanding of Aristotle in both the Islamic and Judaeo-Christian traditions.H. J. Blumenthal is the author or coeditor of six previous books and is currently preparing a two-volume translation, with introduction and commentary, of Simplicius' Commentary on \"De anima\" for publication in Cornell's series Ancient Commentators on Aristotle.","btype":1,"date":"1996","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VOUUZIIp0rHNG0V","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":213,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1996]}

Aristotle's Categories in the Greek and Latin medieval exegetical tradition. The case of the argument for the non-simultaneity of relatives, 1996
By: Demetracopoulos, John A.

Title	Aristotle's Categories in the Greek and Latin medieval exegetical tradition. The case of the argument for the non-simultaneity of relatives
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1996
Journal	Cima (Cahiers de l'institut du Moyen Âge grec et latin, Université de Copenhague)
Volume	66
Pages	117-134
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Demetracopoulos, John A.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

To conclude: even if we are eager to say that in the case of Anselm’s use of the Aristotelian passage 7b38-39 we notice a medieval misconcep tion of the text of the great ancient philosopher, first we should not hasten to infer from this that the medievals couldn’t understand Aristotle or generally ancient writers; and second, we should not be at all surprised. Commentators and users of Aristotle’s works have often been exceptional men, but not super-human. Complaining about the texts’ lan guage and so implicitly apologizing for the value of his interpretive work, one commentator notes that the interpretation of many Aristotelian texts presupposes something like oracular powers of divination (Sophonias, CAG XXIII,2, 2, 8-13). Such modesty on the part of one of the Greek commentators of Aristotle ought to shake any confidence we might have in definitive interpretations of certain difficult or ambiguous Aristotelian passages, which, as often as we insist on examining them intensely, con stantly answer our exegetical anxiety with a spiteful silence. [conclusion, p. 133]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/G5FnskmvoZU1kyI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1302","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1302,"authors_free":[{"id":1925,"entry_id":1302,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":89,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Demetracopoulos, John A.","free_first_name":"John A.","free_last_name":"Demetracopoulos","norm_person":{"id":89,"first_name":"John A.","last_name":"Demetracopoulos","full_name":"Demetracopoulos, John A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130017159","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle's Categories in the Greek and Latin medieval exegetical tradition. The case of the argument for the non-simultaneity of relatives","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle's Categories in the Greek and Latin medieval exegetical tradition. The case of the argument for the non-simultaneity of relatives"},"abstract":"To conclude: even if we are eager to say that in the case of Anselm\u2019s use of the Aristotelian passage 7b38-39 we notice a medieval misconcep\u00ad\r\ntion of the text of the great ancient philosopher, first we should not hasten to infer from this that the medievals couldn\u2019t understand Aristotle \r\nor generally ancient writers; and second, we should not be at all sur\u00adprised. Commentators and users of Aristotle\u2019s works have often been \r\nexceptional men, but not super-human. Complaining about the texts\u2019 lan\u00ad\r\nguage and so implicitly apologizing for the value of his interpretive work, one commentator notes that the interpretation of many Aristotelian \r\ntexts presupposes something like oracular powers of divination (Sophonias, CAG XXIII,2, 2, 8-13). Such modesty on the part of one of the Greek \r\ncommentators of Aristotle ought to shake any confidence we might have in definitive interpretations of certain difficult or ambiguous Aristotelian \r\npassages, which, as often as we insist on examining them intensely, con\u00ad\r\nstantly answer our exegetical anxiety with a spiteful silence. [conclusion, p. 133]","btype":3,"date":"1996","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/G5FnskmvoZU1kyI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":89,"full_name":"Demetracopoulos, John A.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1302,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Cima (Cahiers de l'institut du Moyen \u00c2ge grec et latin, Universit\u00e9 de Copenhague)","volume":"66","issue":"","pages":"117-134"}},"sort":[1996]}

Empedocles' Fragment 20 DK: Some Suggestions, 1996
By: van der Ben, Nicolaas

Title	Empedocles' Fragment 20 DK: Some Suggestions
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1996
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	49
Issue	3
Pages	298-320
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	van der Ben, Nicolaas
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It may be assumed that the way in which Empedocles' fragment 20.1 DK was edited by Diels has left many a reader dissatisfied (cf. notes 8, 9, 10, and 11). However, thanks to the discovery of 53 papyrus fragments of an Empedocles text by Professor A. Martin in the University Library of Strasbourg, some light may be dawning. The collection was acquired by the library as long ago as 1905 but had gone unnoticed. Alain Martin made his find public in a lecture given at Strasbourg on April 14th, 1994. I understand that the publication of all 53 fragments will not take place before the spring of 1996. But photographs of two tiny fragments were circulated by Martin, printed on the invitation to his lecture, one of which contains remnants of 20 DK. Another line was made available in the handout distributed to his audience on that memorable occasion. Hopefully, these two texts will help solve one or two textual problems in Empedocles and shed a ray of light on the Empedocles text used by Simplicius. [introduction p. 298]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bkukUWj7zxxEZPo

{"_index":"sire","_id":"454","_score":null,"_source":{"id":454,"authors_free":[{"id":610,"entry_id":454,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":422,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"van der Ben, Nicolaas","free_first_name":"Nicolaas","free_last_name":"van der Ben","norm_person":{"id":422,"first_name":"Nicolaas","last_name":"van der Ben","full_name":"van der Ben, Nicolaas","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Empedocles' Fragment 20 DK: Some Suggestions","main_title":{"title":"Empedocles' Fragment 20 DK: Some Suggestions"},"abstract":"It may be assumed that the way in which Empedocles' fragment 20.1 DK was edited by Diels has left many a reader dissatisfied (cf. notes 8, 9, 10, and 11). However, thanks to the discovery of 53 papyrus fragments of an Empedocles text by Professor A. Martin in the University Library of Strasbourg, some light may be dawning. The collection was acquired by the library as long ago as 1905 but had gone unnoticed. Alain Martin made his find public in a lecture given at Strasbourg on April 14th, 1994. I understand that the publication of all 53 fragments will not take place before the spring of 1996. But photographs of two tiny fragments were circulated by Martin, printed on the invitation to his lecture, one of which contains remnants of 20 DK. Another line was made available in the handout distributed to his audience on that memorable occasion. Hopefully, these two texts will help solve one or two textual problems in Empedocles and shed a ray of light on the Empedocles text used by Simplicius. [introduction p. 298]","btype":3,"date":"1996","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/bkukUWj7zxxEZPo","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":422,"full_name":"van der Ben, Nicolaas","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":454,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Mnemosyne, Fourth Series","volume":"49","issue":"3","pages":"298-320"}},"sort":[1996]}

Simplicius, 1996
By: Sorabji, Richard, Spawforth, Antony (Ed.), Hornblower, Simon (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1996
Published in	The Oxford Classical Dictionary
Pages	1409-1410
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Spawforth, Antony , Hornblower, Simon
Translator(s)

Simplicius, 6th-cent. AD Neoplatonist (see Neoplatonism) and one of seven philosophers who left Athens for Ctesiphon after Justinian closed the Athenian Neoplatonist school in 529. He probably wrote all his commentaries after 532, when it was safe for the philosophers to leave Ctesiphon. Recent evidence suggests that he may have settled at Harran (ancient Carrhae) in present-day Turkey, from where Platonism was brought back in the 9th cent. to Baghdad. Simplicius was taught by Ammonius (2) in Alexandria and by Damascius, head of the Athenian school. He wrote commentaries, all extant, on Aristotle's De caelo, Physics, and Categories (in that order), and on Epictetus' Manual, among other works. A commentary on Aristotle’s De anima is of disputed authorship. His are the fullest of all Aristotle commentaries, recording debates on Aristotle from the preceding 850 years and embedding many fragments from the entire millennium. At the same time, Simplicius gave his own views on many topics, including place, time, and matter. His commentaries express the revulsion of a devout Neoplatonist for Christianity and for its arch-philosophical defender, Philoponus. Commentary in Aristotelium Graeca 7-11 (1882-1907), partly trans. in R. Sorabji (ed.), The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle (1987- ); In Ench. Epict., ed. Dübner (1840), trans. G. Stanhope (1694). I. Hadot (ed.), Simplicius, sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie (1987); M. Tardieu, Coutumes mésopotamiennes (1991); RE3A 1 (1927). R. R. K. S. [the entire entry]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vzddeyFIMrhk1Ab

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1386","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1386,"authors_free":[{"id":2139,"entry_id":1386,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2142,"entry_id":1386,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":335,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Spawforth, Antony","free_first_name":"Antony","free_last_name":"Spawforth","norm_person":{"id":335,"first_name":"Antony","last_name":"Spawforth","full_name":"Spawforth, Antony","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131894757","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2143,"entry_id":1386,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":334,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hornblower, Simon","free_first_name":"Simon","free_last_name":"Hornblower","norm_person":{"id":334,"first_name":"Simon","last_name":"Hornblower","full_name":"Hornblower, Simon","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/135771676","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius"},"abstract":"Simplicius, 6th-cent. AD Neoplatonist (see Neoplatonism) and one of seven philosophers who left Athens for Ctesiphon after Justinian closed the Athenian Neoplatonist school in 529. He probably wrote all his commentaries after 532, when it was safe for the philosophers to leave Ctesiphon. Recent evidence suggests that he may have settled at Harran (ancient Carrhae) in present-day Turkey, from where Platonism was brought back in the 9th cent. to Baghdad.\r\n\r\nSimplicius was taught by Ammonius (2) in Alexandria and by Damascius, head of the Athenian school. He wrote commentaries, all extant, on Aristotle's De caelo, Physics, and Categories (in that order), and on Epictetus' Manual, among other works. A commentary on Aristotle\u2019s De anima is of disputed authorship. His are the fullest of all Aristotle commentaries, recording debates on Aristotle from the preceding 850 years and embedding many fragments from the entire millennium.\r\n\r\nAt the same time, Simplicius gave his own views on many topics, including place, time, and matter. His commentaries express the revulsion of a devout Neoplatonist for Christianity and for its arch-philosophical defender, Philoponus.\r\n\r\nCommentary in Aristotelium Graeca 7-11 (1882-1907), partly trans. in R. Sorabji (ed.), The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle (1987- ); In Ench. Epict., ed. D\u00fcbner (1840), trans. G. Stanhope (1694). I. Hadot (ed.), Simplicius, sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie (1987); M. Tardieu, Coutumes m\u00e9sopotamiennes (1991); RE3A 1 (1927). R. R. K. S. [the entire entry]","btype":2,"date":"1996","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vzddeyFIMrhk1Ab","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":335,"full_name":"Spawforth, Antony","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":334,"full_name":"Hornblower, Simon","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1386,"section_of":1387,"pages":"1409-1410","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1387,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Oxford Classical Dictionary","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hornblower1996","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1996","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"For more than half a century, the Oxford Classical Dictionary has been the unrivaled one-volume reference work on the Greco-Roman world. Whether one is interested in literature or art, philosophy or law, mythology or science, intimate details of daily life or broad cultural and historical trends, the OCD is the first place to turn for clear, authoritative information on all aspects of ancient culture.\r\n\r\nNow comes the Fourth Edition of this redoubtable resource, thoroughly revised and updated, with numerous new entries and two new focus areas (on reception and anthropology). Here, in over six thousand entries ranging from long articles to brief identifications, readers can find information on virtually any topic of interest--athletics, bee-keeping, botany, magic, religious rites, postal service, slavery, navigation, and the reckoning of time. The Oxford Classical Dictionary profiles every major figure of Greece and Rome, from Homer and Virgil to Julius Caesar and Alexander the Great. Readers will find entries on mythological and legendary figures, on major cities, famous buildings, and important geographical landmarks, and on legal, rhetorical, literary, and political terms and concepts. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FsDwLlWXlqssLoo","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1387,"pubplace":"Oxford \u2013 New York","publisher":"Oxford University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"3","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1996]}

The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 1996
By: Hornblower, Simon (Ed.), Spawforth, Antony (Ed.)

Title	The Oxford Classical Dictionary
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1996
Publication Place	Oxford – New York
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Edition No.	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Hornblower, Simon , Spawforth, Antony
Translator(s)

For more than half a century, the Oxford Classical Dictionary has been the unrivaled one-volume reference work on the Greco-Roman world. Whether one is interested in literature or art, philosophy or law, mythology or science, intimate details of daily life or broad cultural and historical trends, the OCD is the first place to turn for clear, authoritative information on all aspects of ancient culture. Now comes the Fourth Edition of this redoubtable resource, thoroughly revised and updated, with numerous new entries and two new focus areas (on reception and anthropology). Here, in over six thousand entries ranging from long articles to brief identifications, readers can find information on virtually any topic of interest--athletics, bee-keeping, botany, magic, religious rites, postal service, slavery, navigation, and the reckoning of time. The Oxford Classical Dictionary profiles every major figure of Greece and Rome, from Homer and Virgil to Julius Caesar and Alexander the Great. Readers will find entries on mythological and legendary figures, on major cities, famous buildings, and important geographical landmarks, and on legal, rhetorical, literary, and political terms and concepts. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/uYmhfD5Rb2lFD5k

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1387","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1387,"authors_free":[{"id":2140,"entry_id":1387,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":334,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hornblower, Simon","free_first_name":"Simon","free_last_name":"Hornblower","norm_person":{"id":334,"first_name":"Simon","last_name":"Hornblower","full_name":"Hornblower, Simon","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/135771676","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2141,"entry_id":1387,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":335,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Spawforth, Antony","free_first_name":"Antony","free_last_name":"Spawforth","norm_person":{"id":335,"first_name":"Antony","last_name":"Spawforth","full_name":"Spawforth, Antony","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131894757","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Oxford Classical Dictionary","main_title":{"title":"The Oxford Classical Dictionary"},"abstract":"For more than half a century, the Oxford Classical Dictionary has been the unrivaled one-volume reference work on the Greco-Roman world. Whether one is interested in literature or art, philosophy or law, mythology or science, intimate details of daily life or broad cultural and historical trends, the OCD is the first place to turn for clear, authoritative information on all aspects of ancient culture.\r\n\r\nNow comes the Fourth Edition of this redoubtable resource, thoroughly revised and updated, with numerous new entries and two new focus areas (on reception and anthropology). Here, in over six thousand entries ranging from long articles to brief identifications, readers can find information on virtually any topic of interest--athletics, bee-keeping, botany, magic, religious rites, postal service, slavery, navigation, and the reckoning of time. The Oxford Classical Dictionary profiles every major figure of Greece and Rome, from Homer and Virgil to Julius Caesar and Alexander the Great. Readers will find entries on mythological and legendary figures, on major cities, famous buildings, and important geographical landmarks, and on legal, rhetorical, literary, and political terms and concepts. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1996","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/uYmhfD5Rb2lFD5k","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":334,"full_name":"Hornblower, Simon","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":335,"full_name":"Spawforth, Antony","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1387,"pubplace":"Oxford \u2013 New York","publisher":"Oxford University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"3","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1996]}

The commentators: their identity and their background, 1996
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.)

Title	The commentators: their identity and their background
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1996
Published in	Aristotle and Neoplatonism in late antiquity: Interpretations of the "De Anima"
Pages	35-51
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Translator(s)

While in the previous chapter we have been looking at the overall similarity of the commentators’ methods and assumptions, it is now time to try to say something about them as individuals and the work they produced. This is not an easy task. We may have lives of the most important philosophers, Plotinus and Proclus, and even of an apparent nonentity like Isidore, but for those who wrote commentaries on Aristotle, we can often do little more than establish places of activity and approximate dates. The information most consistently available is the most useless—an indication, sometimes no more than a manuscript tradition with all the doubts attaching to that, of the town or area a man came from or was known by: “Proclus the Lycian,” “Simplicius the Cilician,” “Priscian the Lydian.” Those who operated in Alexandria are usually labeled “Alexandrian,” too consistently for the label to be anything more than an indication that that was where they worked or spent an important part of their careers. Thus, all we know, in most cases, is where some of the writers we are concerned with began their lives, and then only to the extent of knowing what part of the world it was in. Nevertheless, some information on the commentators is provided by sources that tell us about them incidentally to their main aim. Damascius’ reconstructed Life of Isidore is one such source: it deals in passing with those who were either personally or historically connected with the subject of the work. Much of the information about the relation between those who worked at Athens and Alexandria in the fifth and sixth centuries is derived from that source. In particular, most of the evidence about who studied with whom and where is to be found there. Unfortunately, by far the larger of two collections of excerpts in Photius (codd. 181 and 242), by whom most of the surviving contents have been preserved, comes from a particularly scrappy part of his work, so that we often do not know which snippets should be taken together, a point that affects, among other things, an important question about Ammonius. Two works that do survive and give us some further help are Zacharias’ Life of Severus, from which, though it concentrates on Christians, we can learn something about conditions in the schools of Alexandria as well as about their students and teachers, and the same writer’s dialogue Ammonius, which provides rather less than its title might lead one to hope, being concerned primarily with matters in dispute between pagans and Christians, such as the eternity of the world and the creative activity of God. It tells us very little about Ammonius but does raise a question of some importance about his beliefs, with which we must deal below. At an earlier period, Marinus’ Life of Proclus, a document often distorted by the desire to fit biographical facts to philosophical notions, gives us some information about others who worked at Athens and are part of the story of Aristotelian commentary—namely, Plutarch and Syrianus, who, Marinus tells us, were respectively master and pupil, as well as both being teachers of Proclus. In addition, he mentions persons about whom he gives us little or no other information, such as Plutarch’s grandson Archiadas and Proclus’ contemporary Domninus. Unfortunately, the Life does not proceed in chronological order because its structure depends on a framework of the Neoplatonic scale of virtues and Proclus’ ascent to its summit. In addition to what these sources provide, we have pieces of more or less incidental information from elsewhere, some of it not unimportant. Such are the dates infrequently given en passant in the commentaries and the occasional references to philosophy in both contemporary and later historians. Some of these references are notoriously difficult to interpret or even simply unreliable. In this category are the details of the exile of 529 and the possible return from it. In addition, there are entries in or from the lexica and other compilations so popular in late Classical antiquity and early Byzantine culture; some of these overlap both with each other and with the material found in Photius. There are some figures in the tradition of Aristotelian commentary about whom we know almost nothing. Such are Asclepius, the editor of Ammonius’ Metaphysics course, at least for Books A-Z, Olympiodorus in the next generation, and his presumed pupil Elias. His—probably—contemporary David is well known in the Armenian tradition but not in the Greek. The last three, as it happens, are all later than the last surviving Life of a philosopher. One of the perversities of the distribution of information is that we are often better informed about those whose work has been lost but was clearly important in the tradition, like Plutarch, and even those whose work has been lost and may not have been important in the interpretation of either the Platonic or the Aristotelian writings in any case, like Isidore, than about the authors of considerable parts of our corpus of texts, like Ammonius and Simplicius. Let us now go back to the beginning and look at what we do know about those who contributed to the exposition of the De Anima, leaving aside Plotinus, whose contribution was the more general one of integrating Aristotelian psychology into Neoplatonic philosophy and about whose life we are reasonably well, if somewhat sporadically, informed. We can say that Iamblichus, the initiator of the organization of the Neoplatonists’ Aristotle and Plato course, and perhaps their Aristotle course as well, probably did not write a De Anima commentary, a matter we shall return to shortly, but Ps-Simplicius claims to follow the guidance he offered in his own treatise on the soul. Since, however, most of that has been lost, and Ps-Simplicius’ De Anima commentary notoriously fails to provide the extensive documentation and specific attributions found in the other Simplicius commentaries, we can assess neither the real extent nor the specific details of Iamblichus’ influence. That situation contrasts with what obtains in the case of their Categories commentaries: while in this case Iamblichus’ commentary is lost, Simplicius refers to it constantly by name. It is worth mentioning that Proclus does the same in his Timaeus commentary, showing that Iamblichus’ lead was followed by at least some—perhaps avoiding at this stage adding "Athenians"—at both ends of the combined Aristotle and Plato course. Nevertheless, the combination of Ps-Simplicius’ expression of intent in the De Anima commentary and what actually happens in other commentaries suggests that Iamblichus’ influence on the exposition of the De Anima will not have been negligible. Its extent may or may not have been greater because of his place early in the story: though his exact dates cannot be established, they fall in the second half of the third century and the beginning of the fourth, making it possible that he was actually a pupil of Porphyry, as later writers assert—an assertion that must, however, be treated with some care because of the notorious habit of ancient biographers and doxographers of arranging philosophers in chains of master-pupil relations, a habit that affects the whole history of Greek philosophy from Thales to the end. After Iamblichus, there is a gap in the history of Platonism and also of Aristotelian exposition. The latter is, however, partly filled by the anomalous figure of Themistius, partly because of the very anomaly that consists in his being a Peripatetic and standing outside the mainstream of philosophical development, which was by now almost entirely Platonist. Themistius differs from the other commentators in another respect too. Most of them were, as far as we know, the equivalent of professional philosophers today, producing philosophical research while earning their living by teaching, subsidized perhaps, in the case of those Neoplatonists working at Athens, by the Academy’s funds, from whatever source these came. Themistius, on the other hand, was a diplomat and politician whose interest in Aristotle might be thought of as loosely analogous to Gladstone’s in Homer. The commentaries were written early in his life, and there is no evidence that he ever returned to actual study of Aristotle, nor that he ever taught philosophy. Nor is there any evidence that will withstand scrutiny that he ever wrote on Plato, great as his admiration for him was. [introduction p. 35-38]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GBYzMZ4X3Nt0hsI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1449","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1449,"authors_free":[{"id":2431,"entry_id":1449,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2444,"entry_id":1449,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The commentators: their identity and their background","main_title":{"title":"The commentators: their identity and their background"},"abstract":"While in the previous chapter we have been looking at the overall similarity of the commentators\u2019 methods and assumptions, it is now time to try to say something about them as individuals and the work they produced. This is not an easy task. We may have lives of the most important philosophers, Plotinus and Proclus, and even of an apparent nonentity like Isidore, but for those who wrote commentaries on Aristotle, we can often do little more than establish places of activity and approximate dates.\r\n\r\nThe information most consistently available is the most useless\u2014an indication, sometimes no more than a manuscript tradition with all the doubts attaching to that, of the town or area a man came from or was known by: \u201cProclus the Lycian,\u201d \u201cSimplicius the Cilician,\u201d \u201cPriscian the Lydian.\u201d Those who operated in Alexandria are usually labeled \u201cAlexandrian,\u201d too consistently for the label to be anything more than an indication that that was where they worked or spent an important part of their careers. Thus, all we know, in most cases, is where some of the writers we are concerned with began their lives, and then only to the extent of knowing what part of the world it was in.\r\n\r\nNevertheless, some information on the commentators is provided by sources that tell us about them incidentally to their main aim. Damascius\u2019 reconstructed Life of Isidore is one such source: it deals in passing with those who were either personally or historically connected with the subject of the work. Much of the information about the relation between those who worked at Athens and Alexandria in the fifth and sixth centuries is derived from that source. In particular, most of the evidence about who studied with whom and where is to be found there.\r\n\r\nUnfortunately, by far the larger of two collections of excerpts in Photius (codd. 181 and 242), by whom most of the surviving contents have been preserved, comes from a particularly scrappy part of his work, so that we often do not know which snippets should be taken together, a point that affects, among other things, an important question about Ammonius.\r\n\r\nTwo works that do survive and give us some further help are Zacharias\u2019 Life of Severus, from which, though it concentrates on Christians, we can learn something about conditions in the schools of Alexandria as well as about their students and teachers, and the same writer\u2019s dialogue Ammonius, which provides rather less than its title might lead one to hope, being concerned primarily with matters in dispute between pagans and Christians, such as the eternity of the world and the creative activity of God. It tells us very little about Ammonius but does raise a question of some importance about his beliefs, with which we must deal below.\r\n\r\nAt an earlier period, Marinus\u2019 Life of Proclus, a document often distorted by the desire to fit biographical facts to philosophical notions, gives us some information about others who worked at Athens and are part of the story of Aristotelian commentary\u2014namely, Plutarch and Syrianus, who, Marinus tells us, were respectively master and pupil, as well as both being teachers of Proclus. In addition, he mentions persons about whom he gives us little or no other information, such as Plutarch\u2019s grandson Archiadas and Proclus\u2019 contemporary Domninus. Unfortunately, the Life does not proceed in chronological order because its structure depends on a framework of the Neoplatonic scale of virtues and Proclus\u2019 ascent to its summit.\r\n\r\nIn addition to what these sources provide, we have pieces of more or less incidental information from elsewhere, some of it not unimportant. Such are the dates infrequently given en passant in the commentaries and the occasional references to philosophy in both contemporary and later historians. Some of these references are notoriously difficult to interpret or even simply unreliable. In this category are the details of the exile of 529 and the possible return from it. In addition, there are entries in or from the lexica and other compilations so popular in late Classical antiquity and early Byzantine culture; some of these overlap both with each other and with the material found in Photius.\r\n\r\nThere are some figures in the tradition of Aristotelian commentary about whom we know almost nothing. Such are Asclepius, the editor of Ammonius\u2019 Metaphysics course, at least for Books A-Z, Olympiodorus in the next generation, and his presumed pupil Elias. His\u2014probably\u2014contemporary David is well known in the Armenian tradition but not in the Greek. The last three, as it happens, are all later than the last surviving Life of a philosopher.\r\n\r\nOne of the perversities of the distribution of information is that we are often better informed about those whose work has been lost but was clearly important in the tradition, like Plutarch, and even those whose work has been lost and may not have been important in the interpretation of either the Platonic or the Aristotelian writings in any case, like Isidore, than about the authors of considerable parts of our corpus of texts, like Ammonius and Simplicius.\r\n\r\nLet us now go back to the beginning and look at what we do know about those who contributed to the exposition of the De Anima, leaving aside Plotinus, whose contribution was the more general one of integrating Aristotelian psychology into Neoplatonic philosophy and about whose life we are reasonably well, if somewhat sporadically, informed.\r\n\r\nWe can say that Iamblichus, the initiator of the organization of the Neoplatonists\u2019 Aristotle and Plato course, and perhaps their Aristotle course as well, probably did not write a De Anima commentary, a matter we shall return to shortly, but Ps-Simplicius claims to follow the guidance he offered in his own treatise on the soul.\r\n\r\nSince, however, most of that has been lost, and Ps-Simplicius\u2019 De Anima commentary notoriously fails to provide the extensive documentation and specific attributions found in the other Simplicius commentaries, we can assess neither the real extent nor the specific details of Iamblichus\u2019 influence. That situation contrasts with what obtains in the case of their Categories commentaries: while in this case Iamblichus\u2019 commentary is lost, Simplicius refers to it constantly by name.\r\n\r\nIt is worth mentioning that Proclus does the same in his Timaeus commentary, showing that Iamblichus\u2019 lead was followed by at least some\u2014perhaps avoiding at this stage adding \"Athenians\"\u2014at both ends of the combined Aristotle and Plato course. Nevertheless, the combination of Ps-Simplicius\u2019 expression of intent in the De Anima commentary and what actually happens in other commentaries suggests that Iamblichus\u2019 influence on the exposition of the De Anima will not have been negligible.\r\n\r\nIts extent may or may not have been greater because of his place early in the story: though his exact dates cannot be established, they fall in the second half of the third century and the beginning of the fourth, making it possible that he was actually a pupil of Porphyry, as later writers assert\u2014an assertion that must, however, be treated with some care because of the notorious habit of ancient biographers and doxographers of arranging philosophers in chains of master-pupil relations, a habit that affects the whole history of Greek philosophy from Thales to the end.\r\n\r\nAfter Iamblichus, there is a gap in the history of Platonism and also of Aristotelian exposition. The latter is, however, partly filled by the anomalous figure of Themistius, partly because of the very anomaly that consists in his being a Peripatetic and standing outside the mainstream of philosophical development, which was by now almost entirely Platonist.\r\n\r\nThemistius differs from the other commentators in another respect too. Most of them were, as far as we know, the equivalent of professional philosophers today, producing philosophical research while earning their living by teaching, subsidized perhaps, in the case of those Neoplatonists working at Athens, by the Academy\u2019s funds, from whatever source these came.\r\n\r\nThemistius, on the other hand, was a diplomat and politician whose interest in Aristotle might be thought of as loosely analogous to Gladstone\u2019s in Homer. The commentaries were written early in his life, and there is no evidence that he ever returned to actual study of Aristotle, nor that he ever taught philosophy. Nor is there any evidence that will withstand scrutiny that he ever wrote on Plato, great as his admiration for him was. [introduction p. 35-38]","btype":2,"date":"1996","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GBYzMZ4X3Nt0hsI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1449,"section_of":213,"pages":"35-51","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":213,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle and Neoplatonism in late antiquity: Interpretations of the \"De Anima\"","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Blumenthal1996a","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1996","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1996","abstract":"Steven Strange: Emory University Scholars have traditionally used the Aristotelian commentators as sources for lost philosophical works and occasionally also as aids to understanding Aristotle. In H. J. Blumenthal's view, however, the commentators often assumed that there was a Platonist philosophy to which not only they but Aristotle himself subscribed. Their expository writing usually expressed their versions of Neoplatonist philosophy. Blumenthal here places the commentators in their intellectual and historical contexts, identifies their philosophical views, and demonstrates their tendency to read Aristotle as if he were a member of their philosophical circle.This book focuses on the commentators' exposition of Aristotle's treatise De anima (On the Soul), because it is relatively well documented and because the concept of soul was so important in all Neoplatonic systems. Blumenthal explains how the Neoplatonizing of Aristotle's thought, as well as the widespread use of the commentators' works, influenced the understanding of Aristotle in both the Islamic and Judaeo-Christian traditions.H. J. Blumenthal is the author or coeditor of six previous books and is currently preparing a two-volume translation, with introduction and commentary, of Simplicius' Commentary on \"De anima\" for publication in Cornell's series Ancient Commentators on Aristotle.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VOUUZIIp0rHNG0V","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":213,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1996]}

Uno stoico di età giustinianea: Simplicio interprete di Epitteto, 1996
By: Conca, Fabrizio (Ed.), Cortassa, Guido

Title	Uno stoico di età giustinianea: Simplicio interprete di Epitteto
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	1996
Published in	Byzantina Mediolanensia, Atti del V Congresso Nazionale di Studi Bizantini (Milano, 19- 22 ottobre 1994)
Pages	107-116
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cortassa, Guido
Editor(s)	Conca, Fabrizio
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8BwDS59793lFKd2

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1472","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1472,"authors_free":[{"id":2547,"entry_id":1472,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":541,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Conca, Fabrizio","free_first_name":"Fabrizio","free_last_name":"Conca","norm_person":{"id":541,"first_name":"Fabrizio","last_name":"Conca","full_name":"Conca, Fabrizio","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1157349595","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2548,"entry_id":1472,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":542,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cortassa, Guido","free_first_name":"Guido","free_last_name":"Cortassa","norm_person":{"id":542,"first_name":"Guido","last_name":"Cortassa","full_name":"Cortassa, Guido","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Uno stoico di et\u00e0 giustinianea: Simplicio interprete di Epitteto","main_title":{"title":"Uno stoico di et\u00e0 giustinianea: Simplicio interprete di Epitteto"},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"1996","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/8BwDS59793lFKd2","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":541,"full_name":"Conca, Fabrizio","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":542,"full_name":"Cortassa, Guido","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1472,"section_of":1471,"pages":"107-116","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1471,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"it","title":"Byzantina Mediolanensia, Atti del V Congresso Nazionale di Studi Bizantini (Milano, 19- 22 ottobre 1994)","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Conca1996","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1996","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/4FIpP1ncE8R5FJL","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1471,"pubplace":"Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro)","publisher":"","series":"Medioevo romanzo e orientale. Colloqui","volume":"3","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1996]}

Byzantina Mediolanensia, Atti del V Congresso Nazionale di Studi Bizantini (Milano, 19- 22 ottobre 1994), 1996
By: Conca, Fabrizio (Ed.)

Title	Byzantina Mediolanensia, Atti del V Congresso Nazionale di Studi Bizantini (Milano, 19- 22 ottobre 1994)
Type	Edited Book
Language	Italian
Date	1996
Publication Place	Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro)
Series	Medioevo romanzo e orientale. Colloqui
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Conca, Fabrizio
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4FIpP1ncE8R5FJL

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1471","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1471,"authors_free":[{"id":2546,"entry_id":1471,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":541,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Conca, Fabrizio","free_first_name":"Fabrizio","free_last_name":"Conca","norm_person":{"id":541,"first_name":"Fabrizio","last_name":"Conca","full_name":"Conca, Fabrizio","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1157349595","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Byzantina Mediolanensia, Atti del V Congresso Nazionale di Studi Bizantini (Milano, 19- 22 ottobre 1994)","main_title":{"title":"Byzantina Mediolanensia, Atti del V Congresso Nazionale di Studi Bizantini (Milano, 19- 22 ottobre 1994)"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"1996","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/4FIpP1ncE8R5FJL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":541,"full_name":"Conca, Fabrizio","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1471,"pubplace":"Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro)","publisher":"","series":"Medioevo romanzo e orientale. Colloqui","volume":"3","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1996]}

Dunamis in "Simplicius", 1996
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Cardullo, R. Loredana (Ed.), Romano, Francesco (Ed.)

Title	Dunamis in "Simplicius"
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1996
Published in	Dunamis nel Neoplatonismo: atti del II Colloquio internazionale del Centro di Ricerca sul Neoplatonismo, Università degli studi di Catania, 6-8 ottobre 1994
Pages	149-172
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Cardullo, R. Loredana , Romano, Francesco
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/abLTBIirPsa77f4

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1495","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1495,"authors_free":[{"id":2593,"entry_id":1495,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2594,"entry_id":1495,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":24,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana","free_first_name":"R. Loredana","free_last_name":"Cardullo","norm_person":{"id":24,"first_name":"R. Loredana ","last_name":"Cardullo","full_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139800220","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2595,"entry_id":1495,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":305,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Romano, Francesco","free_first_name":"Francesco","free_last_name":"Romano","norm_person":{"id":305,"first_name":"Francesco","last_name":"Romano","full_name":"Romano, Francesco","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1028249454","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Dunamis in \"Simplicius\"","main_title":{"title":"Dunamis in \"Simplicius\""},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"1996","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/abLTBIirPsa77f4","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":24,"full_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":305,"full_name":"Romano, Francesco","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1495,"section_of":1494,"pages":"149-172","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1494,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"it","title":"Dunamis nel Neoplatonismo: atti del II Colloquio internazionale del Centro di Ricerca sul Neoplatonismo, Universit\u00e0 degli studi di Catania, 6-8 ottobre 1994","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Romano_Cardullo_1996","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1996","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PQyCtyKJxkHvx2E","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1494,"pubplace":"Firenze","publisher":"La nuova Italia","series":"Symbolon. Studi e testi di filosofia antica e medievale","volume":"16","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1996]}

Dunamis nel Neoplatonismo: atti del II Colloquio internazionale del Centro di Ricerca sul Neoplatonismo, Università degli studi di Catania, 6-8 ottobre 1994, 1996
By: Romano, Francesco (Ed.), Cardullo, R. Loredana (Ed.)

Title	Dunamis nel Neoplatonismo: atti del II Colloquio internazionale del Centro di Ricerca sul Neoplatonismo, Università degli studi di Catania, 6-8 ottobre 1994
Type	Edited Book
Language	Italian
Date	1996
Publication Place	Firenze
Publisher	La nuova Italia
Series	Symbolon. Studi e testi di filosofia antica e medievale
Volume	16
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Romano, Francesco , Cardullo, R. Loredana
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PQyCtyKJxkHvx2E

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1494","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1494,"authors_free":[{"id":2591,"entry_id":1494,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":305,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Romano, Francesco","free_first_name":"Romano","free_last_name":"Francesco","norm_person":{"id":305,"first_name":"Francesco","last_name":"Romano","full_name":"Romano, Francesco","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1028249454","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2592,"entry_id":1494,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":24,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana","free_first_name":"R. Loredana","free_last_name":"Cardullo","norm_person":{"id":24,"first_name":"R. Loredana ","last_name":"Cardullo","full_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139800220","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Dunamis nel Neoplatonismo: atti del II Colloquio internazionale del Centro di Ricerca sul Neoplatonismo, Universit\u00e0 degli studi di Catania, 6-8 ottobre 1994","main_title":{"title":"Dunamis nel Neoplatonismo: atti del II Colloquio internazionale del Centro di Ricerca sul Neoplatonismo, Universit\u00e0 degli studi di Catania, 6-8 ottobre 1994"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"1996","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PQyCtyKJxkHvx2E","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":305,"full_name":"Romano, Francesco","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":24,"full_name":"Cardullo, R. Loredana ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1494,"pubplace":"Firenze","publisher":"La nuova Italia","series":"Symbolon. Studi e testi di filosofia antica e medievale","volume":"16","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1996]}

Conceptions of Topos in Aristotle, 1995
By: Algra, Keimpe A., Algra, Keimpe A. (Ed.)

Title	Conceptions of Topos in Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1995
Published in	Concepts of space in Greek thought
Pages	121-191
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Algra, Keimpe A.
Editor(s)	Algra, Keimpe A.
Translator(s)

The investigations of the present chapter took the different concepts of place (topos) as they appear in the Corpus Aristotelicum as their starting point. First, in sections 4.1-4.3, I discussed the relationship between the concept of topos which appears in the course of the discussion of the category poson in the Cat. and the famous definition of topos established in Phys. A. Though scholars like Duhem and Jammer, and more recently, King and Mendell have taken these passages seriously as containing an unambiguous account of physical place¹⁵¹—and have consequently tried their hardest to establish in what way these passages were related to the account in Phys. A—I concluded that they present enough problems of their own to invalidate such claims. If we take the now more or less universally accepted relative chronology of the surviving school works as established—and I have not been able to find reasons for not doing so—and if we may thus assume that the Cat. was written some five or ten years earlier than Phys. A, we may conclude that insofar as we might speak of a development of Aristotle’s philosophy of place between the Cat. and Phys. A, this development should not be described as the substitution of one articulate view by another, but rather as a growing awareness of the problems inherent in the common-sense notions of place and space. This seemed to be confirmed by the findings of section 4.4. There I investigated Aristotle’s dialectical method in general and in Phys. A in particular. Against Owen on the one hand, and Morsink on the other, I argued that the data from which Aristotle’s dialectical procedure in Phys. A took its start were for the most part what might be called the ‘theoretical terms’ of the ‘physical system’ of everyday thought. Concerning such a theoretical physical term as topos, which is not directly linked to experience, Aristotle took apparent facts, i.e., views endorsed by the world at large or by some individual philosophers, as his starting point. We might call this, with Morsink¹⁵², a process of ‘conjectures and refutations,’ as long as it is kept in mind that in Aristotelian dialectic such ‘conjectures’ usually do not spring forth from the genius of the individual physicist, but are largely determined by the conventions of everyday thought and common parlance¹⁵³. We saw that the whole further process boiled down to the scrutinizing and refining of these ‘apparent features.’ A number of them were rejected for involving insoluble aporiai. Those features that survived the dialectical investigation were incorporated in Aristotle’s eventual ‘physical’ concept of place. All this involved the recognition that ordinary thought and common parlance did not use the term topos in a very coherent manner and that the actual task of the physicist was to eliminate those connotations of the term which, for all their prima facie plausibility, turned out to be of no use in the context of physical theory as a whole. Thus, the relation between the account of topos in the Cat. and that of Phys. A could be explained. In the Cat., Aristotle was using topos in one of the at-first-sight plausible senses of common parlance, which were reviewed and rejected in Phys. A. On the other hand, as section 4.5 showed, this unorthodox concept of topos as a three-dimensional self-subsistent extension crops up in a number of passages in the more sophisticated physical writings as well, probably because, as an inveterate façon de parler, it was still hard to banish altogether, and probably also because Aristotle’s own orthodox concept did not prove to be useful in all circumstances. As a whole, the present chapter seems to corroborate our thesis of chapter 1, viz., that Greek philosophical theories of space and place were closely linked to—and indeed started off from—the ways in which spatial terms might be used in ordinary language. As I concluded in chapter 3, it was a more or less unreflective use of some of the ambiguities of common parlance which was partly responsible for the obscurities in Plato’s receptacle account. In the present chapter, we noticed that in the course of his philosophical career, Aristotle did develop an awareness of the ambiguities and equivocations of everyday thinking and speaking and that for him, the conventions of ordinary language and the difficulties they involved constituted the raw material for his dialectical inquiries into the nature of such theoretical entities as place and space. [conclusion p. 189-191]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Vx1GYydMNj4awhc

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1158","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1158,"authors_free":[{"id":1731,"entry_id":1158,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":28,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","free_first_name":"Keimpe A.","free_last_name":"Algra","norm_person":{"id":28,"first_name":"Keimpe A.","last_name":"Algra","full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115110992","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2348,"entry_id":1158,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":28,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","free_first_name":"Keimpe A.","free_last_name":"Algra","norm_person":{"id":28,"first_name":"Keimpe A.","last_name":"Algra","full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115110992","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Conceptions of Topos in Aristotle","main_title":{"title":"Conceptions of Topos in Aristotle"},"abstract":"The investigations of the present chapter took the different concepts of place (topos) as they appear in the Corpus Aristotelicum as their starting point. First, in sections 4.1-4.3, I discussed the relationship between the concept of topos which appears in the course of the discussion of the category poson in the Cat. and the famous definition of topos established in Phys. A. Though scholars like Duhem and Jammer, and more recently, King and Mendell have taken these passages seriously as containing an unambiguous account of physical place\u00b9\u2075\u00b9\u2014and have consequently tried their hardest to establish in what way these passages were related to the account in Phys. A\u2014I concluded that they present enough problems of their own to invalidate such claims.\r\n\r\nIf we take the now more or less universally accepted relative chronology of the surviving school works as established\u2014and I have not been able to find reasons for not doing so\u2014and if we may thus assume that the Cat. was written some five or ten years earlier than Phys. A, we may conclude that insofar as we might speak of a development of Aristotle\u2019s philosophy of place between the Cat. and Phys. A, this development should not be described as the substitution of one articulate view by another, but rather as a growing awareness of the problems inherent in the common-sense notions of place and space. This seemed to be confirmed by the findings of section 4.4.\r\n\r\nThere I investigated Aristotle\u2019s dialectical method in general and in Phys. A in particular. Against Owen on the one hand, and Morsink on the other, I argued that the data from which Aristotle\u2019s dialectical procedure in Phys. A took its start were for the most part what might be called the \u2018theoretical terms\u2019 of the \u2018physical system\u2019 of everyday thought. Concerning such a theoretical physical term as topos, which is not directly linked to experience, Aristotle took apparent facts, i.e., views endorsed by the world at large or by some individual philosophers, as his starting point.\r\n\r\nWe might call this, with Morsink\u00b9\u2075\u00b2, a process of \u2018conjectures and refutations,\u2019 as long as it is kept in mind that in Aristotelian dialectic such \u2018conjectures\u2019 usually do not spring forth from the genius of the individual physicist, but are largely determined by the conventions of everyday thought and common parlance\u00b9\u2075\u00b3. We saw that the whole further process boiled down to the scrutinizing and refining of these \u2018apparent features.\u2019 A number of them were rejected for involving insoluble aporiai. Those features that survived the dialectical investigation were incorporated in Aristotle\u2019s eventual \u2018physical\u2019 concept of place.\r\n\r\nAll this involved the recognition that ordinary thought and common parlance did not use the term topos in a very coherent manner and that the actual task of the physicist was to eliminate those connotations of the term which, for all their prima facie plausibility, turned out to be of no use in the context of physical theory as a whole. Thus, the relation between the account of topos in the Cat. and that of Phys. A could be explained. In the Cat., Aristotle was using topos in one of the at-first-sight plausible senses of common parlance, which were reviewed and rejected in Phys. A.\r\n\r\nOn the other hand, as section 4.5 showed, this unorthodox concept of topos as a three-dimensional self-subsistent extension crops up in a number of passages in the more sophisticated physical writings as well, probably because, as an inveterate fa\u00e7on de parler, it was still hard to banish altogether, and probably also because Aristotle\u2019s own orthodox concept did not prove to be useful in all circumstances.\r\n\r\nAs a whole, the present chapter seems to corroborate our thesis of chapter 1, viz., that Greek philosophical theories of space and place were closely linked to\u2014and indeed started off from\u2014the ways in which spatial terms might be used in ordinary language. As I concluded in chapter 3, it was a more or less unreflective use of some of the ambiguities of common parlance which was partly responsible for the obscurities in Plato\u2019s receptacle account. In the present chapter, we noticed that in the course of his philosophical career, Aristotle did develop an awareness of the ambiguities and equivocations of everyday thinking and speaking and that for him, the conventions of ordinary language and the difficulties they involved constituted the raw material for his dialectical inquiries into the nature of such theoretical entities as place and space. [conclusion p. 189-191]","btype":2,"date":"1995","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Vx1GYydMNj4awhc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":28,"full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":28,"full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1158,"section_of":232,"pages":"121-191","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":232,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"en","title":"Concepts of space in Greek thought","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Algra1995c","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1995","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1995","abstract":"Concepts of Space in Greek Thought studies ancient Greek theories of physical space and place, in particular those of the classical and Hellenistic period. These theories are explained primarily with reference to the general philosophical or methodological framework within which they took shape. Special attention is paid to the nature and status of the sources. Two introductory chapters deal with the interrelations between various concepts of space and with Greek spatial terminology (including case studies of the Eleatics, Democritus and Epicurus). The remaining chapters contain detailed studies on the theories of space of Plato, Aristotle, the early Peripatetics and the Stoics.\r\nThe book is especially useful for historians of ancient physics, but may also be of interest to students of Aristotelian dialectic, ancient metaphysics, doxography, and medieval and early modern physics.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Goiwos39VOpY6H9","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":232,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 New York \u2013 K\u00f6ln","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia Antiqua","volume":"65","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1995]}

Problems in Aristotle's Theory of Place and Early Peripatetic Reactions, 1995
By: Algra, Keimpe A., Algra, Keimpe A. (Ed.)

Title	Problems in Aristotle's Theory of Place and Early Peripatetic Reactions
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1995
Published in	Concepts of space in Greek thought
Pages	192-260
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Algra, Keimpe A.
Editor(s)	Algra, Keimpe A.
Translator(s)

In the present chapter, I have discussed several early Peripatetic attempts to come to terms with Aristotle’s theory of place. These were studied against the background of Aristotle’s theory of place itself and the obscurities and problems it involved. As was already noted in the previous chapter, Aristotle’s dialectical discussion in Phys. A exhibited a number of rough edges and loose ends. Thus, he nowhere explicitly reconciled his own two claims that place should have some power and that it should not be counted as one of the four familiar causes. In section 5.1, it was shown, or so I hope, that it is possible to reconstruct his position by a closer study of the dialectical structure of the discussion of topos in Phys. A and by adducing a number of other relevant passages from elsewhere in the Physics and the De Caelo. In the course of this chapter, it became clear that the resulting picture of the non-dynamic character of Aristotelian place was confirmed by the few remarks on this issue that have come down to us from Theophrastus and Eudemus. Two other problems left open by Aristotle—viz., the interrelated problems of the immobility of place and its ontological status—seem to have been more difficult to solve, as I have tried to show in section 5.2. They were discussed—together with a number of other problems, such as the problem of the emplacement of the heavens—by both Eudemus and Theophrastus. It appears—if we are allowed to draw some general conclusions from the scanty fragments that have come down to us—that each of these two pupils of Aristotle continued his master’s work in his own way: Theophrastus by continuing Aristotle’s critical dialectical approach, which involved his feeling free to sometimes add some rather radically alternative suggestions, and Eudemus by mainly filling out Aristotle’s own suggestions by adducing material from elsewhere in his work or by rephrasing Aristotle’s arguments in clearer terms. But even if Eudemus appears to have been the more ‘orthodox’ of the two, we should not overestimate the strength and the extent of Theophrastus’ dissent from Aristotle. It appears to have consisted mainly in his leaving the aporia of fr. 146 unanswered while putting forward the contents of fr. 149 as hardly more than a suggested alternative. Moreover, it is worth noting that, in a way, the conception of place as a relation between bodies—suggested in fr. 149—may be regarded as constituting a sensible elaboration rather than a complete rejection of the Aristotelian position. For insofar as it still defines the place of a thing in terms of its surroundings rather than in terms of a SidaxTijxa (whether in the Platonic or in the atomist sense), it remains on the Aristotelian side of the line drawn by Aristotle himself at Phys. A 209b1-7.¹⁴⁴ And unlike the alternative proposed by Strato, this conception of place could, in principle, be taken over ceteris paribus, leaving the rest of the system of Aristotelian physics intact. At the same time, it should be clear that Theophrastus’ solution, however hesitantly put forward, is far superior from a systematic point of view. It might even be claimed that it transforms Aristotle’s (and Eudemus’) rather naïve theory of place (focusing on the location of individual substances) into what we might call a theory of space (in principle allowing an account of the sum total of spatial relations within the cosmos).¹⁴⁵ This brings us to the curious fact that this novel conception of place did not have a wider appeal. As we saw, we actually have to wait for Damascius to take up Theophrastus’ suggestion. This is probably partly due to the fact that Theophrastus omitted to elaborate his point and that, as a consequence, it did not become widely known. In addition, the relational conception of place suggested by Theophrastus, if worked out properly, was much more technical and much farther removed from everyday usage and ordinary experience than its contemporary rivals. We need only look at Aristotle’s theory of topos and the way in which it was taken seriously in antiquity (and beyond) to see to what extent lack of technicality and closeness to common thinking and speaking were commonly counted as virtues. This, in turn, leads us to the question of the influence of (Eudemus and) Theophrastus in general. To some extent, the doubts, criticisms, and refinements of Aristotle’s theory put forward by Eudemus and Theophrastus may have proved seminal. At any rate, later critics of the Aristotelian position, such as Simplicius, found it worthwhile to refer to their ideas or to add quotations from their work. And the mere fact that Aristotle’s theory of place had come under attack within the Peripatos and that even a relatively faithful pupil like Eudemus had felt obliged to advocate some changes may have encouraged the much bolder dissent of a philosopher like Strato of Lampsacus. Yet, it should be stressed that the precise extent of the influence of these early Peripatetics is impossible to determine.¹⁴⁶ At any rate, there is no positive evidence that any of the later critics of Aristotle was directly influenced by Theophrastus or Eudemus, and it should be kept in mind that these critics probably did not even need their examples. Indeed, Aristotle himself provided enough ammunition—for example, by failing to answer the question of the ontological status of place, by failing to provide a more technical account of immobility,¹⁴⁷ and by attacking the most obvious rival view (place as a three-dimensional extension) with very unsatisfactory arguments. [conclusion p. 258-260]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JNlEob1OVl4sohO

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1159","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1159,"authors_free":[{"id":1735,"entry_id":1159,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":28,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","free_first_name":"Keimpe A.","free_last_name":"Algra","norm_person":{"id":28,"first_name":"Keimpe A.","last_name":"Algra","full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115110992","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2347,"entry_id":1159,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":28,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","free_first_name":"Keimpe A.","free_last_name":"Algra","norm_person":{"id":28,"first_name":"Keimpe A.","last_name":"Algra","full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115110992","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Problems in Aristotle's Theory of Place and Early Peripatetic Reactions","main_title":{"title":"Problems in Aristotle's Theory of Place and Early Peripatetic Reactions"},"abstract":"In the present chapter, I have discussed several early Peripatetic attempts to come to terms with Aristotle\u2019s theory of place. These were studied against the background of Aristotle\u2019s theory of place itself and the obscurities and problems it involved. As was already noted in the previous chapter, Aristotle\u2019s dialectical discussion in Phys. A exhibited a number of rough edges and loose ends. Thus, he nowhere explicitly reconciled his own two claims that place should have some power and that it should not be counted as one of the four familiar causes.\r\n\r\nIn section 5.1, it was shown, or so I hope, that it is possible to reconstruct his position by a closer study of the dialectical structure of the discussion of topos in Phys. A and by adducing a number of other relevant passages from elsewhere in the Physics and the De Caelo. In the course of this chapter, it became clear that the resulting picture of the non-dynamic character of Aristotelian place was confirmed by the few remarks on this issue that have come down to us from Theophrastus and Eudemus.\r\n\r\nTwo other problems left open by Aristotle\u2014viz., the interrelated problems of the immobility of place and its ontological status\u2014seem to have been more difficult to solve, as I have tried to show in section 5.2. They were discussed\u2014together with a number of other problems, such as the problem of the emplacement of the heavens\u2014by both Eudemus and Theophrastus.\r\n\r\nIt appears\u2014if we are allowed to draw some general conclusions from the scanty fragments that have come down to us\u2014that each of these two pupils of Aristotle continued his master\u2019s work in his own way: Theophrastus by continuing Aristotle\u2019s critical dialectical approach, which involved his feeling free to sometimes add some rather radically alternative suggestions, and Eudemus by mainly filling out Aristotle\u2019s own suggestions by adducing material from elsewhere in his work or by rephrasing Aristotle\u2019s arguments in clearer terms.\r\n\r\nBut even if Eudemus appears to have been the more \u2018orthodox\u2019 of the two, we should not overestimate the strength and the extent of Theophrastus\u2019 dissent from Aristotle. It appears to have consisted mainly in his leaving the aporia of fr. 146 unanswered while putting forward the contents of fr. 149 as hardly more than a suggested alternative. Moreover, it is worth noting that, in a way, the conception of place as a relation between bodies\u2014suggested in fr. 149\u2014may be regarded as constituting a sensible elaboration rather than a complete rejection of the Aristotelian position.\r\n\r\nFor insofar as it still defines the place of a thing in terms of its surroundings rather than in terms of a SidaxTijxa (whether in the Platonic or in the atomist sense), it remains on the Aristotelian side of the line drawn by Aristotle himself at Phys. A 209b1-7.\u00b9\u2074\u2074 And unlike the alternative proposed by Strato, this conception of place could, in principle, be taken over ceteris paribus, leaving the rest of the system of Aristotelian physics intact.\r\n\r\nAt the same time, it should be clear that Theophrastus\u2019 solution, however hesitantly put forward, is far superior from a systematic point of view. It might even be claimed that it transforms Aristotle\u2019s (and Eudemus\u2019) rather na\u00efve theory of place (focusing on the location of individual substances) into what we might call a theory of space (in principle allowing an account of the sum total of spatial relations within the cosmos).\u00b9\u2074\u2075\r\n\r\nThis brings us to the curious fact that this novel conception of place did not have a wider appeal. As we saw, we actually have to wait for Damascius to take up Theophrastus\u2019 suggestion. This is probably partly due to the fact that Theophrastus omitted to elaborate his point and that, as a consequence, it did not become widely known. In addition, the relational conception of place suggested by Theophrastus, if worked out properly, was much more technical and much farther removed from everyday usage and ordinary experience than its contemporary rivals.\r\n\r\nWe need only look at Aristotle\u2019s theory of topos and the way in which it was taken seriously in antiquity (and beyond) to see to what extent lack of technicality and closeness to common thinking and speaking were commonly counted as virtues.\r\n\r\nThis, in turn, leads us to the question of the influence of (Eudemus and) Theophrastus in general. To some extent, the doubts, criticisms, and refinements of Aristotle\u2019s theory put forward by Eudemus and Theophrastus may have proved seminal. At any rate, later critics of the Aristotelian position, such as Simplicius, found it worthwhile to refer to their ideas or to add quotations from their work.\r\n\r\nAnd the mere fact that Aristotle\u2019s theory of place had come under attack within the Peripatos and that even a relatively faithful pupil like Eudemus had felt obliged to advocate some changes may have encouraged the much bolder dissent of a philosopher like Strato of Lampsacus. Yet, it should be stressed that the precise extent of the influence of these early Peripatetics is impossible to determine.\u00b9\u2074\u2076\r\n\r\nAt any rate, there is no positive evidence that any of the later critics of Aristotle was directly influenced by Theophrastus or Eudemus, and it should be kept in mind that these critics probably did not even need their examples. Indeed, Aristotle himself provided enough ammunition\u2014for example, by failing to answer the question of the ontological status of place, by failing to provide a more technical account of immobility,\u00b9\u2074\u2077 and by attacking the most obvious rival view (place as a three-dimensional extension) with very unsatisfactory arguments. [conclusion p. 258-260]","btype":2,"date":"1995","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/JNlEob1OVl4sohO","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":28,"full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":28,"full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1159,"section_of":232,"pages":"192-260","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":232,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"en","title":"Concepts of space in Greek thought","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Algra1995c","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1995","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1995","abstract":"Concepts of Space in Greek Thought studies ancient Greek theories of physical space and place, in particular those of the classical and Hellenistic period. These theories are explained primarily with reference to the general philosophical or methodological framework within which they took shape. Special attention is paid to the nature and status of the sources. Two introductory chapters deal with the interrelations between various concepts of space and with Greek spatial terminology (including case studies of the Eleatics, Democritus and Epicurus). The remaining chapters contain detailed studies on the theories of space of Plato, Aristotle, the early Peripatetics and the Stoics.\r\nThe book is especially useful for historians of ancient physics, but may also be of interest to students of Aristotelian dialectic, ancient metaphysics, doxography, and medieval and early modern physics.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Goiwos39VOpY6H9","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":232,"pubplace":"Leiden \u2013 New York \u2013 K\u00f6ln","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia Antiqua","volume":"65","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1995]}

Counting Plato's Principles, 1995
By: Sharples, Robert W., Ayres, Lewis (Ed.)

Title	Counting Plato's Principles
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1995
Published in	The Passionate Intellect. Essays on the Transformation of Classical Tradition
Pages	67-82
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sharples, Robert W.
Editor(s)	Ayres, Lewis
Translator(s)

The classification of physical theories by the number of principles involved goes back to Aristotle (Physics 1.2), in a less formal way to Plato (Sophist 242c-d), and perhaps even further to the period of the Sophists. It is still echoed in modern textbooks on the Presocratics. What is perhaps less familiar is that, naturally enough, this approach was not, in antiquity, confined to the Presocratics. The present paper is concerned with ancient attempts to apply such an analysis to one notable successor of the Presocratics, namely Plato. It is greatly indebted to the work of scholars expert in the field, notably John Dillon and Harold Tarrant. However, I hope that it may present familiar material in a new perspective and, even if its main conclusion is highly speculative, stimulate further thought and debate on a period of the history of philosophy which, with some notable exceptions, has been too little studied in English-speaking countries. In his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics 1.2, Simplicius, dealing with those who postulated a limited plurality of principles, mentions those who asserted two (Parmenides in the Way of Seeming and the Stoics), three (Aristotle himself, later in Physics 1), and four (Empedocles). He then deals with Plato and concludes with the Pythagoreans, who, he says, recognized ten principles—the numbers of the decad, or the ten pairs in the Table of Opposites. Where Plato is concerned, Simplicius first states his own view: that Plato postulated three causes (kurias) in the strict sense and three auxiliary causes (sunaitia). The causes in the strict sense are “the maker, the paradigm, and the end,” while the three auxiliary causes are “the matter, the form, and the instrument.” (Here, “form” must refer to the Aristotelian immanent form as opposed to the transcendent Platonic paradigm.) But Simplicius then goes on to cite two other views. Theophrastus, he says, assigned only two principles to Plato: matter, called “receptive of all things” (clearly the Receptacle of Timaeus 51A, generally equated with matter by later interpreters), and the cause and source of movement, which Theophrastus says Plato “attaches to the power of god and of the good.” Alexander of Aphrodisias, however, attributed to Plato three principles: “the matter, the maker, and the paradigm.” This seems a reasonable interpretation of the Timaeus, the “maker” being the Demiurge. For if a principle is that which is primary, not preceded by anything else, then, on a literal interpretation of the Timaeus, the Demiurge, the Forms (which he uses as his model), and the Receptacle each seem to be ultimates, not derived from any further principle. Nothing is said in the Timaeus about the derivation of the Forms from the One or the Good; and the Receptacle does not derive from another principle in the way Neoplatonist Matter derives from the One. Indeed, Dorrie contrasts the “paratactic” nature of this three-principles interpretation—treating the principles as equal and co-ordinate—with the “hierarchic” views of Xenocrates, and sees the former as holding back the development of transcendence in Platonism. Certain passages of the Timaeus suggest rather a two-principles interpretation, but here the principles would be the Receptacle and the Forms, rather than the Demiurge. [introduction p. 67-70]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/puTtXSWDrrAPkL9

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1026","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1026,"authors_free":[{"id":1549,"entry_id":1026,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":42,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","free_first_name":"Robert W.","free_last_name":"Sharples","norm_person":{"id":42,"first_name":"Robert W.","last_name":"Sharples","full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/114269505","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1550,"entry_id":1026,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":466,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Ayres, Lewis","free_first_name":"Lewis","free_last_name":"Ayres","norm_person":{"id":466,"first_name":"Lewis","last_name":"Ayres,","full_name":"Ayres, Lewis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/138237336","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Counting Plato's Principles","main_title":{"title":"Counting Plato's Principles"},"abstract":"The classification of physical theories by the number of principles involved goes back to Aristotle (Physics 1.2), in a less formal way to Plato (Sophist 242c-d), and perhaps even further to the period of the Sophists. It is still echoed in modern textbooks on the Presocratics. What is perhaps less familiar is that, naturally enough, this approach was not, in antiquity, confined to the Presocratics. The present paper is concerned with ancient attempts to apply such an analysis to one notable successor of the Presocratics, namely Plato. It is greatly indebted to the work of scholars expert in the field, notably John Dillon and Harold Tarrant. However, I hope that it may present familiar material in a new perspective and, even if its main conclusion is highly speculative, stimulate further thought and debate on a period of the history of philosophy which, with some notable exceptions, has been too little studied in English-speaking countries.\r\n\r\nIn his commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics 1.2, Simplicius, dealing with those who postulated a limited plurality of principles, mentions those who asserted two (Parmenides in the Way of Seeming and the Stoics), three (Aristotle himself, later in Physics 1), and four (Empedocles). He then deals with Plato and concludes with the Pythagoreans, who, he says, recognized ten principles\u2014the numbers of the decad, or the ten pairs in the Table of Opposites.\r\n\r\nWhere Plato is concerned, Simplicius first states his own view: that Plato postulated three causes (kurias) in the strict sense and three auxiliary causes (sunaitia). The causes in the strict sense are \u201cthe maker, the paradigm, and the end,\u201d while the three auxiliary causes are \u201cthe matter, the form, and the instrument.\u201d (Here, \u201cform\u201d must refer to the Aristotelian immanent form as opposed to the transcendent Platonic paradigm.) But Simplicius then goes on to cite two other views.\r\n\r\nTheophrastus, he says, assigned only two principles to Plato: matter, called \u201creceptive of all things\u201d (clearly the Receptacle of Timaeus 51A, generally equated with matter by later interpreters), and the cause and source of movement, which Theophrastus says Plato \u201cattaches to the power of god and of the good.\u201d Alexander of Aphrodisias, however, attributed to Plato three principles: \u201cthe matter, the maker, and the paradigm.\u201d This seems a reasonable interpretation of the Timaeus, the \u201cmaker\u201d being the Demiurge. For if a principle is that which is primary, not preceded by anything else, then, on a literal interpretation of the Timaeus, the Demiurge, the Forms (which he uses as his model), and the Receptacle each seem to be ultimates, not derived from any further principle.\r\n\r\nNothing is said in the Timaeus about the derivation of the Forms from the One or the Good; and the Receptacle does not derive from another principle in the way Neoplatonist Matter derives from the One. Indeed, Dorrie contrasts the \u201cparatactic\u201d nature of this three-principles interpretation\u2014treating the principles as equal and co-ordinate\u2014with the \u201chierarchic\u201d views of Xenocrates, and sees the former as holding back the development of transcendence in Platonism. Certain passages of the Timaeus suggest rather a two-principles interpretation, but here the principles would be the Receptacle and the Forms, rather than the Demiurge. [introduction p. 67-70]","btype":2,"date":"1995","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/puTtXSWDrrAPkL9","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":42,"full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":466,"full_name":"Ayres, Lewis","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1026,"section_of":318,"pages":"67-82","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":318,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Passionate Intellect. Essays on the Transformation of Classical Tradition","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Ayres1995","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1995","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1995","abstract":"Ian Kidd, of the University of St. Andrews, Scotland, has long been known as a world-class scholar of ancient philosophy and of Posidonius, in particular. Through his long struggle with the fragments of Posidonius, Kidd has done more than any other scholar of ancient philosophy to dispel the myth of \"Pan-Posidonianism.\" He has presented a clearer picture of the Posidonius to whom we may have access. The Passionate Intellect is both a Festschrift offered to Professor Kidd and an important collection of essays on the transformation of classical traditions.\r\n\r\nThe bulk of this volume is built around the theme of Kidd's own inaugural lecture at St. Andrews, \"The Passionate Intellect.\" Many of the contributions follow this theme through by examining how individual people and texts influenced the direction of various traditions. The chapters cover the whole of the classical and late antique periods, including the main genres of classical literature and history, and the gradual emergence of Christian literature and themes in late antiquity.\r\n\r\nMany of the papers naturally concentrate on ancient philosophy and its legacy. Others deal with ancient literary theory, history, poetry, and drama. Most of the papers deal with their subjects at some length and are significant contributions in their own right. The contributors to this collection include key figures hi contemporary classical scholarship, including: C. Carey (London); C. J. Classen (Gottingen); J. Dillon (Dublin); K. J. Dover (St. Andrews); W. W. Fortenbaugh (Rutgers); H. M. Hine (St. Andrews); J. Mansfeld (Utrecht); R. Janko and R. Sharpies (London); and J. S. Richardson (Edinburgh). This book will be invaluable to philosophers, classicists, and cultural historians. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2DA4PTzcMdBrmHR","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":318,"pubplace":"New Brunswick \u2013 London","publisher":"Transaction Publishers","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1995]}

Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la « magna quaestio ». Rôle et indépendance des scholies dans la tradition byzantine du corpus aristotélicien, 1995
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la « magna quaestio ». Rôle et indépendance des scholies dans la tradition byzantine du corpus aristotélicien
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1995
Journal	Les Études Classiques
Volume	63
Pages	295–351
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Sur le problème du lieu du Tout et de la sphère des fixes, on assiste ainsi, au sein même de la tradition aristotélicienne, à un débat qui, d’Eudème à Ibn Ruschd, en passant, comme on pense l’avoir découvert, par les premiers commentateurs péripatéticiens, puis Alexandre et ses successeurs grecs et arabes, fut le premier à révéler l’antagonisme, voire la contradiction, entre cosmologie et physique aristotéliciennes. Il est peu d’apories, dans l’histoire de l’aristotélisme, qui aient autant mis à mal le système du Maître. Elle n’est cependant pas la seule, et bien d’autres points nous demanderont une étude attentive et difficile ; aussi, au terme de ce travail, voudrions-nous souligner l’importance du chemin restant à parcourir : les résultats acquis devront être discutés, affinés et, surtout, interprétés à la lumière d’études ponctuelles et précises sur la tradition aristotélicienne en général et alexandrine en particulier. Si l’on a choisi de traiter d'un cas restreint et bien déterminé, le problème cosmologique du lieu aristotélicien interprété par Alexandre, c’était autant pour éclairer la profonde originalité de pensée de l’Exégète et l’importance capitale, dans l’histoire de l’aristotélisme, de son commentaire partiellement retrouvé à la Physique, que pour montrer qu’il n’y a pas, en la matière, d’histoire partielle : l’aristotélisme fit plus que se survivre au contact des doctrines stoïciennes, et l’hellénisme arabe eut tôt fait d’atteindre et de dépasser les horizons de sa jeunesse attique. Est-il dès lors besoin d’insister sur l’idée de tradition aristotélicienne qui semble se dégager ? Celle-ci ne se reconnaît pas à l’acceptation servile de la lettre du Maître, mais à une façon commune de questionner l'ensemble de son œuvre. Interprétée par cette lignée, la véracité d’Aristote dépasse l’immédiateté de son texte pour devenir, limite et condition de la philosophie, l’assurance d’un sens « où tous les sens s’accordent ». [conclusion p. 350-351]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/m86rWMBz7g2Vnfn

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1062","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1062,"authors_free":[{"id":1612,"entry_id":1062,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":194,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rashed, Marwan","free_first_name":"Marwan","free_last_name":"Rashed","norm_person":{"id":194,"first_name":"Marwan","last_name":"Rashed","full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1054568634","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la \u00ab magna quaestio \u00bb. R\u00f4le et ind\u00e9pendance des scholies dans la tradition byzantine du corpus aristot\u00e9licien","main_title":{"title":"Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la \u00ab magna quaestio \u00bb. R\u00f4le et ind\u00e9pendance des scholies dans la tradition byzantine du corpus aristot\u00e9licien"},"abstract":"Sur le probl\u00e8me du lieu du Tout et de la sph\u00e8re des fixes, on assiste ainsi, au sein m\u00eame de la tradition aristot\u00e9licienne, \u00e0 un d\u00e9bat qui, d\u2019Eud\u00e8me \u00e0 Ibn Ruschd, en passant, comme on pense l\u2019avoir d\u00e9couvert, par les premiers commentateurs p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticiens, puis Alexandre et ses successeurs grecs et arabes, fut le premier \u00e0 r\u00e9v\u00e9ler l\u2019antagonisme, voire la contradiction, entre cosmologie et physique aristot\u00e9liciennes.\r\n\r\nIl est peu d\u2019apories, dans l\u2019histoire de l\u2019aristot\u00e9lisme, qui aient autant mis \u00e0 mal le syst\u00e8me du Ma\u00eetre. Elle n\u2019est cependant pas la seule, et bien d\u2019autres points nous demanderont une \u00e9tude attentive et difficile ; aussi, au terme de ce travail, voudrions-nous souligner l\u2019importance du chemin restant \u00e0 parcourir : les r\u00e9sultats acquis devront \u00eatre discut\u00e9s, affin\u00e9s et, surtout, interpr\u00e9t\u00e9s \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re d\u2019\u00e9tudes ponctuelles et pr\u00e9cises sur la tradition aristot\u00e9licienne en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral et alexandrine en particulier.\r\n\r\nSi l\u2019on a choisi de traiter d'un cas restreint et bien d\u00e9termin\u00e9, le probl\u00e8me cosmologique du lieu aristot\u00e9licien interpr\u00e9t\u00e9 par Alexandre, c\u2019\u00e9tait autant pour \u00e9clairer la profonde originalit\u00e9 de pens\u00e9e de l\u2019Ex\u00e9g\u00e8te et l\u2019importance capitale, dans l\u2019histoire de l\u2019aristot\u00e9lisme, de son commentaire partiellement retrouv\u00e9 \u00e0 la Physique, que pour montrer qu\u2019il n\u2019y a pas, en la mati\u00e8re, d\u2019histoire partielle : l\u2019aristot\u00e9lisme fit plus que se survivre au contact des doctrines sto\u00efciennes, et l\u2019hell\u00e9nisme arabe eut t\u00f4t fait d\u2019atteindre et de d\u00e9passer les horizons de sa jeunesse attique.\r\n\r\nEst-il d\u00e8s lors besoin d\u2019insister sur l\u2019id\u00e9e de tradition aristot\u00e9licienne qui semble se d\u00e9gager ? Celle-ci ne se reconna\u00eet pas \u00e0 l\u2019acceptation servile de la lettre du Ma\u00eetre, mais \u00e0 une fa\u00e7on commune de questionner l'ensemble de son \u0153uvre. Interpr\u00e9t\u00e9e par cette lign\u00e9e, la v\u00e9racit\u00e9 d\u2019Aristote d\u00e9passe l\u2019imm\u00e9diatet\u00e9 de son texte pour devenir, limite et condition de la philosophie, l\u2019assurance d\u2019un sens \u00ab o\u00f9 tous les sens s\u2019accordent \u00bb. [conclusion p. 350-351]","btype":3,"date":"1995","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/m86rWMBz7g2Vnfn","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":194,"full_name":"Rashed, Marwan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1062,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes Classiques","volume":"63","issue":"","pages":"295\u2013351"}},"sort":[1995]}

Review of Hagen, C. (tr.): Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 7, 1995
By: Smith, Andrew

Title	Review of Hagen, C. (tr.): Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 7
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1995
Journal	The Classical Review, New Series
Volume	45
Issue	2
Pages	464-465
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Smith, Andrew
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The seventh book of Aristotle's Physics was as problematic in antiquity as it is today. Modern scholars have found its place and role in the Physics as a whole difficult to define. Its content seems to be superseded by the apparently more cogent arguments of Book Eight for an unmoved mover. Eudemus seems to have rejected it as spurious, as his version of the Physics omitted this book, and Themistius omits the first chapter and skims over the rest. Alexander thought the arguments were rather formal, while Simplicius finds them weak. The latter, to whom we are indebted for much of our information about ancient attitudes toward the book, thought it was written earlier than Book Eight, which then replaced it. None of this is simplified by the existence of two versions for at least the first three chapters. Nevertheless, Simplicius took the book seriously enough to write an 85-page commentary on it. Simplicius, in fact, frequently suggests the important contribution of the arguments in Book Seven to their continuation in Book Eight (cf. H., p. 103 n. 16, who also notes how Simplicius elsewhere refers to Book Seven rather than to Book Eight for the important theme of the mover). In this, Simplicius anticipates, in a way, the important recent work of Robert Wardy (The Chain of Change: A Study of Aristotle's Physics VII, Cambridge, 1990), who has reinstated the independent value of Book Seven as a preparation for the later book and not infrequently alludes to Simplicius. Not the least merit of H.'s notes is the full use he makes of Wardy's work. H.'s translation is marked by the care and clarity we have come to expect from this series. There are frequent pointers in the text to clarify the occurrence of Greek technical terms. This is aided by a full English-Greek glossary and a Greek-English index, in addition to a 16-page subject index. The notes, which are gathered in some 30 pages at the end rather than printed at the foot of the page as in earlier volumes, seem more extensive, while the new format allows for longer individual notes. Space is not squandered, and much useful material and insightful commentary can be found in these pages. In addition to helping relate Simplicius' interpretations to the text of Aristotle, H. is also attentive to Simplicius' Neoplatonic concerns. Simplicius, for example, is clearly puzzled as to what entities in the Neoplatonic world Aristotle's concepts might apply. Initially, he interprets Aristotle's analysis of "internal movement" as soul moving body, where something is seen to move but we cannot point to the mover (1038, 1f.). Later, he restricts this to the soul alone, citing Phaedrus 245c8, but finally decides to use the common Neoplatonic strategy of restricting Aristotle's analysis to the sublunar world. In fact, Simplicius is groping toward an understanding of the contribution of the argument in Book Seven to the unmoved mover of Book Eight. He points to the connection by narrowing the meaning of Aristotle's "first moved mover" to "something first imparting motion which is no longer being moved itself by another" (1047, 15). (Aristotle's first mover in Book Seven, though not moved by another, is nevertheless in motion.) At the same time, Simplicius is quite clear that Aristotle is not referring to a cosmic mover here. Thus, at 1048, 15f., he distinguishes "the very first, unmoved cause of motion" and the "proximate mover," which he thinks Aristotle is referring to in Book Seven. H.'s notes not only clarify Simplicius' interpretation of the Aristotelian text but also aid our understanding of Simplicius' creative philosophical concerns. This translation, therefore, will be of use to those with Neoplatonic as well as Aristotelian interests. [the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qOElwVrkx2iCYIO

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The Passionate Intellect. Essays on the Transformation of Classical Tradition, 1995
By: Ayres, Lewis (Ed.), Fortenbaugh, William (Ed.)

Title	The Passionate Intellect. Essays on the Transformation of Classical Tradition
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1995
Publication Place	New Brunswick – London
Publisher	Transaction Publishers
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Ayres, Lewis , Fortenbaugh, William
Translator(s)

Ian Kidd, of the University of St. Andrews, Scotland, has long been known as a world-class scholar of ancient philosophy and of Posidonius, in particular. Through his long struggle with the fragments of Posidonius, Kidd has done more than any other scholar of ancient philosophy to dispel the myth of "Pan-Posidonianism." He has presented a clearer picture of the Posidonius to whom we may have access. The Passionate Intellect is both a Festschrift offered to Professor Kidd and an important collection of essays on the transformation of classical traditions. The bulk of this volume is built around the theme of Kidd's own inaugural lecture at St. Andrews, "The Passionate Intellect." Many of the contributions follow this theme through by examining how individual people and texts influenced the direction of various traditions. The chapters cover the whole of the classical and late antique periods, including the main genres of classical literature and history, and the gradual emergence of Christian literature and themes in late antiquity. Many of the papers naturally concentrate on ancient philosophy and its legacy. Others deal with ancient literary theory, history, poetry, and drama. Most of the papers deal with their subjects at some length and are significant contributions in their own right. The contributors to this collection include key figures hi contemporary classical scholarship, including: C. Carey (London); C. J. Classen (Gottingen); J. Dillon (Dublin); K. J. Dover (St. Andrews); W. W. Fortenbaugh (Rutgers); H. M. Hine (St. Andrews); J. Mansfeld (Utrecht); R. Janko and R. Sharpies (London); and J. S. Richardson (Edinburgh). This book will be invaluable to philosophers, classicists, and cultural historians. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2DA4PTzcMdBrmHR

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Simplicius - Commentaire sur le "Manuel" d'Épictète, 1995
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius - Commentaire sur le "Manuel" d'Épictète
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1995
Publication Place	Leiden – New York – Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua
Volume	66
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

The significance of Simplicius' commentary lies in the fact that it is a Neoplatonist interpretation of a Stoic text. This volume presents the first critical edition based on all the known manuscripts of this work and offers, in contrast to the edition of Schweighäuser (1800) and the recapitulation of this edition by Dübner (1840), a text which is more complete and improved. A long introduction places the work in the philosophical and historical context of its time and characterises it as a spiritual exercise. The edition is preceded by a summary of the history of the text. [authors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EkcAbzO7PVRNnwx

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Concepts of space in Greek thought, 1995
By: Algra, Keimpe A.

Title	Concepts of space in Greek thought
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1995
Publication Place	Leiden – New York – Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia Antiqua
Volume	65
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Algra, Keimpe A.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Concepts of Space in Greek Thought studies ancient Greek theories of physical space and place, in particular those of the classical and Hellenistic period. These theories are explained primarily with reference to the general philosophical or methodological framework within which they took shape. Special attention is paid to the nature and status of the sources. Two introductory chapters deal with the interrelations between various concepts of space and with Greek spatial terminology (including case studies of the Eleatics, Democritus and Epicurus). The remaining chapters contain detailed studies on the theories of space of Plato, Aristotle, the early Peripatetics and the Stoics. The book is especially useful for historians of ancient physics, but may also be of interest to students of Aristotelian dialectic, ancient metaphysics, doxography, and medieval and early modern physics.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Goiwos39VOpY6H9

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Quotation in Greco-Roman contexts, 1995
By: Lloyd, Geoffrey

Title	Quotation in Greco-Roman contexts
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1995
Journal	Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident
Volume	17
Pages	141-153
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lloyd, Geoffrey
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The papers in this collection raise a variety of important issues and illustrate the complexity of the phenomena that "quotation" may cover. But for anyone attempting to bring to bear some of the ancient Greek and Latin data on this topic, one immediate problem must be confronted at the outset, namely the difference that different degrees of orality and literacy may make. The idea that there is a polar opposition between oral and literate societies (as a whole) has long ago been exploded (Jack Goody, The Domestication of the Savage Mind, Cambridge 1977). Rather, there is a wide spectrum of degrees of orality and literacy. But in the comparative absence of writing and of written texts, what passes as a quotation, and the manner in which quotations are used, may well differ very markedly from the norms and uses practiced within communities of listeners and readers who are in a position to refer to written records. The myth of the Bagre, as Goody explained, is represented by the LoDagaa themselves as invariant: it is always, they insist, the same. Yet actual performances vary widely, as Goody's own transcriptions, carried out over a period of several decades and using different methods, prove conclusively. The most recent versions of the myth have been known to incorporate references to Goody and his tape recorder themselves. The development of literacy in ancient Greece is as controversial as the question of the role of oral performance in or behind the creation of the Homeric epics. The work of Milman Parry and A. B. Lord, comparing Greek and oral Balkan epic, accepted as orthodoxy in the 1960s, is nowadays problematized as often as it is cited as authoritative. For every Greek scholar who accepts that Homeric formulae have a mnemonic function in oral performance, there is another who insists not just on the literary, but the literate, craftsmanship of the Homeric use of repetition. Again, just how literate were those who lived at Athens in the 5th or 4th centuries BCE—the male citizens, their wives, let alone their slaves? Learning to read and write was represented, often with some pride, it seems, as part of the traditional education of well-born children, but how fluent in those two skills they were expected to become, or normally became, is another matter. The institution of ostracism seemingly implies the assumption that all citizens could write the name of the person they wanted to send into exile. But not everyone "wrote" their own ostrakon, as we can tell from the archaeological record, for some were evidently "mass-produced" for others' use. Yet while these and other issues are no closer to resolution now than they were when the literacy debate began in earnest, one feature of classical Greek culture that is generally agreed upon, and that is important for our purposes, is that, even when written texts were available for consultation, the usual mode of communication was oral. In Plato's Parmenides 127c-e, when Socrates meets Parmenides and Zeno on a visit to Athens and hears that Zeno has brought his book with him, Socrates asks him not to lend him the text but to read it out. The relevance of this to quotation is twofold. First, the criteria of accuracy in quotation are affected, and secondly, following on from that, we have to question whether what may look like a report of what someone "says" is indeed that, or merely, at most, an attribution of an idea or an opinion. Thus, when we find Plato "misquoting" Homer, there may be no fewer than four (by no means all mutually exclusive) reasons for this, over and above the possibility that our text of Plato is "corrupt": (1) Plato has misremembered: he is quoting from memory, but that is at fault. (2) He is deliberately misquoting and expects his readers/listeners to spot this immediately and to catch his drift—to understand the game that he, Plato, is playing with Homer. (3) He is deliberately misquoting but does not expect that to be picked up: he does not expect to be "caught out." I shall return to this third possibility later with the example of Galen. (4) He has a different text of Homer from ours. [introduction p. 141-142]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nlUVMDS4ArBBIez

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But for anyone attempting to bring to bear some of the ancient Greek and Latin data on this topic, one immediate problem must be confronted at the outset, namely the difference that different degrees of orality and literacy may make.\r\n\r\nThe idea that there is a polar opposition between oral and literate societies (as a whole) has long ago been exploded (Jack Goody, The Domestication of the Savage Mind, Cambridge 1977). Rather, there is a wide spectrum of degrees of orality and literacy. But in the comparative absence of writing and of written texts, what passes as a quotation, and the manner in which quotations are used, may well differ very markedly from the norms and uses practiced within communities of listeners and readers who are in a position to refer to written records. The myth of the Bagre, as Goody explained, is represented by the LoDagaa themselves as invariant: it is always, they insist, the same. Yet actual performances vary widely, as Goody's own transcriptions, carried out over a period of several decades and using different methods, prove conclusively. The most recent versions of the myth have been known to incorporate references to Goody and his tape recorder themselves.\r\n\r\nThe development of literacy in ancient Greece is as controversial as the question of the role of oral performance in or behind the creation of the Homeric epics. The work of Milman Parry and A. B. Lord, comparing Greek and oral Balkan epic, accepted as orthodoxy in the 1960s, is nowadays problematized as often as it is cited as authoritative. For every Greek scholar who accepts that Homeric formulae have a mnemonic function in oral performance, there is another who insists not just on the literary, but the literate, craftsmanship of the Homeric use of repetition.\r\n\r\nAgain, just how literate were those who lived at Athens in the 5th or 4th centuries BCE\u2014the male citizens, their wives, let alone their slaves? Learning to read and write was represented, often with some pride, it seems, as part of the traditional education of well-born children, but how fluent in those two skills they were expected to become, or normally became, is another matter. The institution of ostracism seemingly implies the assumption that all citizens could write the name of the person they wanted to send into exile. But not everyone \"wrote\" their own ostrakon, as we can tell from the archaeological record, for some were evidently \"mass-produced\" for others' use.\r\n\r\nYet while these and other issues are no closer to resolution now than they were when the literacy debate began in earnest, one feature of classical Greek culture that is generally agreed upon, and that is important for our purposes, is that, even when written texts were available for consultation, the usual mode of communication was oral. In Plato's Parmenides 127c-e, when Socrates meets Parmenides and Zeno on a visit to Athens and hears that Zeno has brought his book with him, Socrates asks him not to lend him the text but to read it out.\r\n\r\nThe relevance of this to quotation is twofold. First, the criteria of accuracy in quotation are affected, and secondly, following on from that, we have to question whether what may look like a report of what someone \"says\" is indeed that, or merely, at most, an attribution of an idea or an opinion.\r\n\r\nThus, when we find Plato \"misquoting\" Homer, there may be no fewer than four (by no means all mutually exclusive) reasons for this, over and above the possibility that our text of Plato is \"corrupt\":\r\n(1) Plato has misremembered: he is quoting from memory, but that is at fault.\r\n(2) He is deliberately misquoting and expects his readers\/listeners to spot this immediately and to catch his drift\u2014to understand the game that he, Plato, is playing with Homer.\r\n(3) He is deliberately misquoting but does not expect that to be picked up: he does not expect to be \"caught out.\" I shall return to this third possibility later with the example of Galen.\r\n(4) He has a different text of Homer from ours. [introduction p. 141-142]","btype":3,"date":"1995","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nlUVMDS4ArBBIez","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":234,"full_name":"Lloyd, Geoffrey","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1369,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Extr\u00eame-Orient Extr\u00eame-Occident","volume":"17","issue":"","pages":"141-153"}},"sort":[1995]}

Le Commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d’Epictete comme Exercice Spirituel, 1995
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Moreschini, Claudio (Ed.)

Title	Le Commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d’Epictete comme Exercice Spirituel
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1995
Published in	Esegesi, parafrasi e compilazione in età tardoantica: atti del terzo Convegno dell'Associazione di studi tardoantichi
Pages	175-185
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Moreschini, Claudio
Translator(s)

Dans mon livre Le problème du néoplatonisme alexandrin : Hiéroclès et Simplicius¹, j’ai expliqué d’une manière détaillée la place que tenait le commentaire sur le Manuel d’Épictète dans l’enseignement néoplatonicien. Il s’agissait de répondre à la question suivante : comment le néoplatonicien Simplicius pouvait-il se sentir la vocation de commenter le Manuel du stoïcien Épictète, et, qui plus est, dans la perspective de la métripathie aristotélicienne ? Je ne peux reprendre l’argumentation développée que j’ai donnée dans mon livre et je me borne à en résumer ici les principaux résultats. Les néoplatoniciens étaient persuadés qu’il fallait, pour pouvoir commencer avec profit les études de philosophie proprement dites, avoir acquis auparavant certaines dispositions morales et avoir de cette manière purifié son âme, au moins dans une certaine mesure. C’est ce que nous expliquent Simplicius, Ammonius, Philopon, Olympiodore et David (Élias) dans les introductions à leurs commentaires sur les Catégories d’Aristote, dans un chapitre traitant des qualités requises du bon auditeur (ou étudiant)². Mais pour cette formation morale pré-philosophique, il fallait, comme Simplicius et les autres commentateurs des Catégories l’expliquent dans un autre chapitre introductif³, une instruction qui soit une catéchèse purement parénétique, sans démonstrations logiques. Comme le disent Simplicius et Ammonius⁴, une telle instruction ne se trouve pas dans l’œuvre d’Aristote, par laquelle commençaient les études philosophiques des néoplatoniciens. Les traités d’Aristote sont remplis de divisions et de démonstrations, dont la compréhension présuppose la maîtrise de la méthode apodictique, que le débutant en philosophie ne possède pas. Ce ne sont donc pas les Éthiques d’Aristote qui peuvent fournir une instruction éthique préparatoire, continue Simplicius, mais des exhortations non techniques sous forme écrite ou non écrite, comme on en trouve beaucoup chez les pythagoriciens. La dernière allusion de Simplicius vise certainement les sentences pythagoriciennes et le célèbre Carmen aureum, qui a effectivement été commenté par les néoplatoniciens Hiéroclès, Jamblique⁵ et Proclus⁶. David (Élias), pour sa part, nomme les parénèses d’Isocrate⁷, visant de toute évidence les discours À Démonicos et À Nicoclès. Or, au début de son commentaire sur le Manuel d’Épictète⁸, Simplicius précise que le genre littéraire de cet ouvrage est celui des « courtes sentences » et des « maximes morales », et il ajoute que ce genre littéraire est analogue à celui que les pythagoriciens appellent préceptes (προστακτικαί). Nous pouvons donc être assurés de tenir là le motif du choix que Simplicius avait fait du Manuel d’Épictète. [introduction p. 51-52]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/uXmnTeKsGQf7VkO

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Je ne peux reprendre l\u2019argumentation d\u00e9velopp\u00e9e que j\u2019ai donn\u00e9e dans mon livre et je me borne \u00e0 en r\u00e9sumer ici les principaux r\u00e9sultats.\r\n\r\nLes n\u00e9oplatoniciens \u00e9taient persuad\u00e9s qu\u2019il fallait, pour pouvoir commencer avec profit les \u00e9tudes de philosophie proprement dites, avoir acquis auparavant certaines dispositions morales et avoir de cette mani\u00e8re purifi\u00e9 son \u00e2me, au moins dans une certaine mesure. C\u2019est ce que nous expliquent Simplicius, Ammonius, Philopon, Olympiodore et David (\u00c9lias) dans les introductions \u00e0 leurs commentaires sur les Cat\u00e9gories d\u2019Aristote, dans un chapitre traitant des qualit\u00e9s requises du bon auditeur (ou \u00e9tudiant)\u00b2.\r\n\r\nMais pour cette formation morale pr\u00e9-philosophique, il fallait, comme Simplicius et les autres commentateurs des Cat\u00e9gories l\u2019expliquent dans un autre chapitre introductif\u00b3, une instruction qui soit une cat\u00e9ch\u00e8se purement par\u00e9n\u00e9tique, sans d\u00e9monstrations logiques. Comme le disent Simplicius et Ammonius\u2074, une telle instruction ne se trouve pas dans l\u2019\u0153uvre d\u2019Aristote, par laquelle commen\u00e7aient les \u00e9tudes philosophiques des n\u00e9oplatoniciens.\r\n\r\nLes trait\u00e9s d\u2019Aristote sont remplis de divisions et de d\u00e9monstrations, dont la compr\u00e9hension pr\u00e9suppose la ma\u00eetrise de la m\u00e9thode apodictique, que le d\u00e9butant en philosophie ne poss\u00e8de pas. Ce ne sont donc pas les \u00c9thiques d\u2019Aristote qui peuvent fournir une instruction \u00e9thique pr\u00e9paratoire, continue Simplicius, mais des exhortations non techniques sous forme \u00e9crite ou non \u00e9crite, comme on en trouve beaucoup chez les pythagoriciens.\r\n\r\nLa derni\u00e8re allusion de Simplicius vise certainement les sentences pythagoriciennes et le c\u00e9l\u00e8bre Carmen aureum, qui a effectivement \u00e9t\u00e9 comment\u00e9 par les n\u00e9oplatoniciens Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s, Jamblique\u2075 et Proclus\u2076. David (\u00c9lias), pour sa part, nomme les par\u00e9n\u00e8ses d\u2019Isocrate\u2077, visant de toute \u00e9vidence les discours \u00c0 D\u00e9monicos et \u00c0 Nicocl\u00e8s.\r\n\r\nOr, au d\u00e9but de son commentaire sur le Manuel d\u2019\u00c9pict\u00e8te\u2078, Simplicius pr\u00e9cise que le genre litt\u00e9raire de cet ouvrage est celui des \u00ab courtes sentences \u00bb et des \u00ab maximes morales \u00bb, et il ajoute que ce genre litt\u00e9raire est analogue \u00e0 celui que les pythagoriciens appellent pr\u00e9ceptes (\u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03ba\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1\u03af).\r\n\r\nNous pouvons donc \u00eatre assur\u00e9s de tenir l\u00e0 le motif du choix que Simplicius avait fait du Manuel d\u2019\u00c9pict\u00e8te. [introduction p. 51-52]","btype":2,"date":"1995","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/uXmnTeKsGQf7VkO","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":556,"full_name":"Moreschini, Claudio","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1498,"section_of":1497,"pages":"175-185","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1497,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"it","title":"Esegesi, parafrasi e compilazione in et\u00e0 tardoantica: atti del terzo Convegno dell'Associazione di studi tardoantichi","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Moreschini1995","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1995","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9TdVasyOFO7lHMY","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1497,"pubplace":"Napoli","publisher":"M. D'Auria","series":"Collectanea (D'Auria)","volume":"9","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1995]}

Esegesi, parafrasi e compilazione in età tardoantica: atti del terzo Convegno dell'Associazione di studi tardoantichi, 1995
By: Moreschini, Claudio (Ed.)

Title	Esegesi, parafrasi e compilazione in età tardoantica: atti del terzo Convegno dell'Associazione di studi tardoantichi
Type	Edited Book
Language	Italian
Date	1995
Publication Place	Napoli
Publisher	M. D'Auria
Series	Collectanea (D'Auria)
Volume	9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Moreschini, Claudio
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9TdVasyOFO7lHMY

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1497","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1497,"authors_free":[{"id":2597,"entry_id":1497,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":556,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Moreschini, Claudio","free_first_name":"Claudio","free_last_name":"Moreschini","norm_person":{"id":556,"first_name":"Claudio","last_name":"Moreschini","full_name":"Moreschini, Claudio","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1028672292","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Esegesi, parafrasi e compilazione in et\u00e0 tardoantica: atti del terzo Convegno dell'Associazione di studi tardoantichi","main_title":{"title":"Esegesi, parafrasi e compilazione in et\u00e0 tardoantica: atti del terzo Convegno dell'Associazione di studi tardoantichi"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"1995","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9TdVasyOFO7lHMY","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":556,"full_name":"Moreschini, Claudio","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1497,"pubplace":"Napoli","publisher":"M. D'Auria","series":"Collectanea (D'Auria)","volume":"9","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1995]}

Sur les pas d'un pèlerin païen à travers la Syrie chrétienne: À propos du livre de Michel Tardieu, 1994
By: Bauzou, Thomas

Title	Sur les pas d'un pèlerin païen à travers la Syrie chrétienne: À propos du livre de Michel Tardieu
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1994
Journal	Syria
Volume	71
Issue	1/2
Pages	217-226
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bauzou, Thomas
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This à propos to the book Les paysages reliques. Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore à Simplicius by Michel Tardieu discusses how Tardieu's book collects and comments on previously unknown fragments by Damascius and Simplicius, the last pagan intellectuals of a region that was in the process of complete Christianisation. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tBLkmMKD3Nol362

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1121","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1121,"authors_free":[{"id":1695,"entry_id":1121,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":419,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bauzou, Thomas","free_first_name":"Thomas","free_last_name":"Bauzou","norm_person":{"id":419,"first_name":"Thomas","last_name":"Bauzou","full_name":"Bauzou, Thomas","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1137532572","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Sur les pas d'un p\u00e8lerin pa\u00efen \u00e0 travers la Syrie chr\u00e9tienne: \u00c0 propos du livre de Michel Tardieu","main_title":{"title":"Sur les pas d'un p\u00e8lerin pa\u00efen \u00e0 travers la Syrie chr\u00e9tienne: \u00c0 propos du livre de Michel Tardieu"},"abstract":"This \u00e0 propos to the book Les paysages reliques. Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore \u00e0 Simplicius by Michel Tardieu discusses how Tardieu's book collects and comments on previously unknown fragments by Damascius and Simplicius, the last pagan intellectuals of a region that was in the process of complete Christianisation. [introduction]","btype":3,"date":"1994","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tBLkmMKD3Nol362","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":419,"full_name":"Bauzou, Thomas","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1121,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Syria","volume":"71","issue":"1\/2","pages":"217-226"}},"sort":[1994]}

Proclus on Corporeal Space, 1994
By: Schrenk, Lawrence P.

Title	Proclus on Corporeal Space
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1994
Journal	Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume	76
Pages	151 –167
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schrenk, Lawrence P.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In his survey of ancient theories of space1 the Aristotelian commen- tator Simplicius considers the rather peculiar account offered by the Neoplatonic philosopher, Proclus.2 This philosopher's analysis of space3 is unique in that it contains the unusual claim that space is corporeal.4 In this paper, I shall explore this claim and argue that it is by no means as absurd as might at first appear. It results from a rea- soned attempt to develop a theory of space which meets the needs of Proclus' ontology of emanation. We shall begin by seeking a precise understanding of the assertion that space is a body (through an analysis of two detailed proofs Proclus offers in its support5) and then investi- gate the philosophical motives compelling him to make the claim by inquiring about the function of space in his comprehensive ontology. [Introduction, p. 151-152]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/es6VRskBGAHA2p5

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1033","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1033,"authors_free":[{"id":1564,"entry_id":1033,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":287,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Schrenk, Lawrence P.","free_first_name":"Lawrence P.","free_last_name":"Schrenk","norm_person":{"id":287,"first_name":"Lawrence P.","last_name":"Schrenk","full_name":"Schrenk, Lawrence P.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/114719551X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Proclus on Corporeal Space","main_title":{"title":"Proclus on Corporeal Space"},"abstract":"In his survey of ancient theories of space1 the Aristotelian commen-\r\ntator Simplicius considers the rather peculiar account offered by the\r\nNeoplatonic philosopher, Proclus.2 This philosopher's analysis of\r\nspace3 is unique in that it contains the unusual claim that space is corporeal.4 In this paper, I shall explore this claim and argue that it is\r\nby no means as absurd as might at first appear. It results from a rea-\r\nsoned attempt to develop a theory of space which meets the needs of\r\nProclus' ontology of emanation. We shall begin by seeking a precise\r\nunderstanding of the assertion that space is a body (through an analysis\r\nof two detailed proofs Proclus offers in its support5) and then investi-\r\ngate the philosophical motives compelling him to make the claim by\r\ninquiring about the function of space in his comprehensive ontology. [Introduction, p. 151-152]","btype":3,"date":"1994","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/es6VRskBGAHA2p5","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":287,"full_name":"Schrenk, Lawrence P.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1033,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archiv f\u00fcr Geschichte der Philosophie","volume":"76","issue":"","pages":"151 \u2013167"}},"sort":[1994]}

Plural Worlds in Anaximander, 1994
By: Finkelberg, Aryeh

Title	Plural Worlds in Anaximander
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1994
Journal	The American Journal of Philology
Volume	115
Issue	4
Pages	485-506
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Finkelberg, Aryeh
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The ancients ascribed to Anaximander a belief in plural worlds, but the state of the evidence does not make it immediately clear whether these worlds are coexistent or successive. Zeller argued that they could not be coexistent, but his view was challenged by Burnet; yet Cornford, as Kirk puts it, "demonstrated that Burnet's argument . . . rested on a false assessment of the doxographic evidence on this point, as well as on the misinterpretation of several later Presocratics." So far so good, but Kirk goes further and contends not only that coexis- tent worlds have been wrongly assigned to Anaximander, as Zeller and Cornford have shown, but that successive worlds are also a doxo- graphic error; a similar view is argued by Kahn. In this essay I propose to scrutinize our evidence on Anaximander's plural worlds and to exam- ine, systematically and exhaustively, Kirk's and Kahn's criticism of this evidence-both as against the doxographic testimony and on its own merits. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kNyOiUMQDhQWBYi

{"_index":"sire","_id":"596","_score":null,"_source":{"id":596,"authors_free":[{"id":847,"entry_id":596,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":113,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","free_first_name":"Aryeh","free_last_name":"Finkelberg","norm_person":{"id":113,"first_name":"Aryeh","last_name":"Finkelberg","full_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1124815007","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Plural Worlds in Anaximander","main_title":{"title":"Plural Worlds in Anaximander"},"abstract":"The ancients ascribed to Anaximander a belief in plural worlds, but the state of the evidence does not make it immediately clear whether these worlds are coexistent or successive. Zeller argued that they could not be coexistent, but his view was challenged by Burnet; yet Cornford, as Kirk puts it, \"demonstrated that Burnet's argument . . . rested on a false assessment of the doxographic evidence on this point, as well as on the misinterpretation of several later Presocratics.\" So far so good, but Kirk goes further and contends not only that coexis- tent worlds have been wrongly assigned to Anaximander, as Zeller and Cornford have shown, but that successive worlds are also a doxo- graphic error; a similar view is argued by Kahn. In this essay I propose to scrutinize our evidence on Anaximander's plural worlds and to exam- ine, systematically and exhaustively, Kirk's and Kahn's criticism of this evidence-both as against the doxographic testimony and on its own merits. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1994","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kNyOiUMQDhQWBYi","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":113,"full_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":596,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The American Journal of Philology","volume":"115","issue":"4","pages":"485-506"}},"sort":[1994]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 7, 1994
By: Simplicius, Cilicius,

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 7
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1994
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Hagen, Charles(Hagen, Charles) .

There has recently been considerable renewed interest in Book 7 of the Physics of Aristotle, once regarded as merely an undeveloped forerunner to Book 8. The debate surrounding the importance of the text is not new to modern scholarship: for example, in the fourth century BC Eudemus, the Peripatetic philosopher associate of Aristotle, left it out of his treatment of the Physics. Now, for the first time, Charles Hagen's lucid translation gives the English reader access to Simplicius' commentary on Book 7, an indispensable tool for the understanding of the text. Its particular interest lies in its explanation of how the chapters of Book 7 fit together and its reference to a more extensive second version of Aristotle's text than the one which survives today. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/v97a503Zq1Rl8yr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1428","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1428,"authors_free":[{"id":2243,"entry_id":1428,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius, Cilicius","free_first_name":"Cilicius","free_last_name":"Simplicius","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2244,"entry_id":1428,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":423,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Hagen, Charles","free_first_name":"Charles","free_last_name":"Hagen","norm_person":{"id":423,"first_name":"Charles","last_name":"Hagen","full_name":"Hagen, Charles","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1058604678","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 7","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 7"},"abstract":"There has recently been considerable renewed interest in Book 7 of the Physics of Aristotle, once regarded as merely an undeveloped forerunner to Book 8. The debate surrounding the importance of the text is not new to modern scholarship: for example, in the fourth century BC Eudemus, the Peripatetic philosopher associate of Aristotle, left it out of his treatment of the Physics. Now, for the first time, Charles Hagen's lucid translation gives the English reader access to Simplicius' commentary on Book 7, an indispensable tool for the understanding of the text. Its particular interest lies in its explanation of how the chapters of Book 7 fit together and its reference to a more extensive second version of Aristotle's text than the one which survives today. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1994","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/v97a503Zq1Rl8yr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":423,"full_name":"Hagen, Charles","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}}],"book":{"id":1428,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1994]}

The School of Ammonius, Son of Hermias, on Knowledge of the Divine, 1994
By: Tempelis, Elias

Title	The School of Ammonius, Son of Hermias, on Knowledge of the Divine
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1994
Publication Place	Athen
Publisher	Parnassos Literary Society
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tempelis, Elias
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The thesis undertakes a reconstruction and critical assessment of the theory of the Neoplatonic school of Ammonius, son of Hermias, on the presuppositions for the acquisition of knowledge of the divine and also on the contents and the purpose of this knowledge. The metaphysical position of the human soul between the intelligible and the sensible worlds allows it to know the intelligible world and the divine, in particular, provided that the cognitive reasonprinciples in the human intellect are activated. The purpose of such knowledge is the assimilation to the divine and is achieved by means of a personal struggle with the help of theoretical and practical philosophy. The school of Ammonius compared its philosophical attempt at knowledge of the divine to previous similar methods. Since the One is unknowable, the members of this school believed that man can know to some extent the Demiurge, who belongs to the second level of the intelligible world. The members of the school had different views on affirmative and negative theology. The intelligible ante rem universals, the most fundamental of which is Substance, constitute the cognitive and creative reason-principles of the demiurgic Intellect. The eternal activation of these principles result in the Demiurge's omniscience and the creation of the world, which is coetemal with the Demiurge. The Demiurge is incorporeal and exercises providence for what He has created, but He is not omnipotent. The theory of the school of Ammonius on knowledge of the divine is shown to be broadly consistent, though not necessarily convincing. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/a710mA942k0fNNF

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1438","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1438,"authors_free":[{"id":2288,"entry_id":1438,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":433,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tempelis, Elias","free_first_name":"Elias","free_last_name":"Tempelis","norm_person":{"id":433,"first_name":"Elias","last_name":"Tempelis","full_name":"Tempelis, Elias","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The School of Ammonius, Son of Hermias, on Knowledge of the Divine","main_title":{"title":"The School of Ammonius, Son of Hermias, on Knowledge of the Divine"},"abstract":"The thesis undertakes a reconstruction and critical assessment of\r\nthe theory of the Neoplatonic school of Ammonius, son of Hermias, on the\r\npresuppositions for the acquisition of knowledge of the divine and also\r\non the contents and the purpose of this knowledge.\r\nThe metaphysical position of the human soul between the\r\nintelligible and the sensible worlds allows it to know the intelligible\r\nworld and the divine, in particular, provided that the cognitive reasonprinciples\r\nin the human intellect are activated. The purpose of such\r\nknowledge is the assimilation to the divine and is achieved by means of\r\na personal struggle with the help of theoretical and practical\r\nphilosophy. The school of Ammonius compared its philosophical attempt at\r\nknowledge of the divine to previous similar methods.\r\nSince the One is unknowable, the members of this school believed\r\nthat man can know to some extent the Demiurge, who belongs to the second\r\nlevel of the intelligible world. The members of the school had different\r\nviews on affirmative and negative theology. The intelligible ante rem\r\nuniversals, the most fundamental of which is Substance, constitute the\r\ncognitive and creative reason-principles of the demiurgic Intellect. The\r\neternal activation of these principles result in the Demiurge's\r\nomniscience and the creation of the world, which is coetemal with the\r\nDemiurge. The Demiurge is incorporeal and exercises providence for what\r\nHe has created, but He is not omnipotent.\r\nThe theory of the school of Ammonius on knowledge of the divine is\r\nshown to be broadly consistent, though not necessarily convincing. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1994","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/a710mA942k0fNNF","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":433,"full_name":"Tempelis, Elias","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1438,"pubplace":"Athen","publisher":"Parnassos Literary Society","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1994]}

Prolegomena: Questions to Be Settled Before the Study of an Author, or a Text, 1994
By: Mansfeld, Jaap

Title	Prolegomena: Questions to Be Settled Before the Study of an Author, or a Text
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1994
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia Antiqua
Volume	61
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Prolegomena deals with the introductory and hermeuneutic sections of a wide range of commentaries and studies on philosophical, scientific, biblical and other ancient authors. Special attention is given to unclearness as a stimulus for interpretation. New light is shed on the Life of an author (e.g. Plotinus') as a preliminary to the study of his works, and on the part played by the idea that life and doctrine should agree with each other. The results obtained by the study of the practices as well as the avowed principles of ancient scholars and commentators among other things further the understanding of the interrelated philosophical, literary, medical and patristic exegetical traditions, of the book of Diogenes Laertius, of Galen's autobibliographies and of Thrasyllus' Before the Reading of the Dialogues of Plato. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/scCA9LVAgPDr4xM

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1440","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1440,"authors_free":[{"id":2299,"entry_id":1440,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":29,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","free_first_name":"Jaap","free_last_name":"Mansfeld","norm_person":{"id":29,"first_name":"Jaap","last_name":"Mansfeld","full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119383217","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Prolegomena: Questions to Be Settled Before the Study of an Author, or a Text","main_title":{"title":"Prolegomena: Questions to Be Settled Before the Study of an Author, or a Text"},"abstract":"Prolegomena deals with the introductory and hermeuneutic sections of a wide range of commentaries and studies on philosophical, scientific, biblical and other ancient authors.\r\nSpecial attention is given to unclearness as a stimulus for interpretation. New light is shed on the Life of an author (e.g. Plotinus') as a preliminary to the study of his works, and on the part played by the idea that life and doctrine should agree with each other.\r\nThe results obtained by the study of the practices as well as the avowed principles of ancient scholars and commentators among other things further the understanding of the interrelated philosophical, literary, medical and patristic exegetical traditions, of the book of Diogenes Laertius, of Galen's autobibliographies and of Thrasyllus' Before the Reading of the Dialogues of Plato. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1994","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/scCA9LVAgPDr4xM","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":29,"full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1440,"pubplace":"Leiden","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia Antiqua","volume":"61","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1994]}

Platonism in late antiquity, 1993
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.)

Title	Platonism in late antiquity
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1993
Published in	Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism
Pages	1-27
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Translator(s)

The Platonism of late antiquity is, of course, what we now call Neoplatonism. That term is a modern one. ‘Neoplatonist’ and ‘Neoplatonic’ first appeared in English and French in the 1830s. All the philosophers whose work comes under this heading thought of themselves simply as Platonists, and the doctrine they were expounding as the Platonic philosophy. For Plotinus, the man normally thought of as the founder of this type of philosophy, all that he might have to say had been said before, though it might not have been set out explicitly, and could be found in the text of Plato (cf. V 1.8.10-14). For Proclus in the 5th century, after two hundred years of this kind of thinking, the same view of what he was doing still stood, as it did for Simplicius and Damascius into the 6th. Thus, Proclus, in the preface to his Platonic Theology, could write of his whole enterprise, and that of his Neoplatonic predecessors, as the understanding and exposition of the truths in Plato. Given our modern views of Plato and Aristotle, as working philosophers whose views developed and whose answers to questions were not always the same, it is important to realize that their ancient interpreters looked at them as creators of fixed systems: though they might recognize that they did not always say the same things about the same questions, they saw such apparent inconsistencies as problems about the relation of disparate statements to an assumed single doctrine rather than about how one different doctrine might relate to another. Before going on, I should perhaps offer some explanations and an apology. The apology is to those who know a great deal, or even a little, about Neoplatonism to whom some of what I shall say is basic common knowledge. The explanations are two. First, that I am taking late antiquity to start in the 3rd century A.D., following an old Cambridge custom of taking ancient Greek philosophy to have ended with the death of Marcus Aurelius. The second is to say what I am going to do here. It relates to the first. When this view of the limits of classical antiquity still held, the study of Neoplatonism was regarded as rather disreputable, in the English-speaking world at least, and the few apparent exceptions—Elements of Theology, still one of the great achievements of Neoplatonic scholarship, and the first modern commentary on a Neoplatonic work—was seen not so much as evidence that there was here a rich field for new scholarly endeavor as an indication of that scholar’s eccentricity. The common attitude found its expression in the preface to the first volume of W.K.C. Guthrie’s History of Greek Philosophy, where he relegated Neoplatonism to the realms of the unphilosophical and the un-Greek: "With Plotinus and his followers, as well as with their Christian contemporaries, there does seem to enter a new religious spirit which is not fundamentally Greek..." That was in 1962. What I want to do is to look at some of the characteristics of Neoplatonism and to see how the picture of this philosophy, or rather group of philosophies, has changed during the last three decades. I think most would now agree it is basically Greek. As to the importance of the religious and soteriological elements in it, which for many of its adherents was rather small in any case, that is arguable, and its significance depends on the extent to which one regards other forms of ancient philosophy as enquiries into how one should live the best life either in relation to one’s own society or to the gods which that society recognized. What is important is that most of the Neoplatonic writings we have are clearly philosophical rather than religious or otherwise concerned with the supernatural. I shall therefore take it for granted that we are talking about philosophy, and not any of the other things with which Neoplatonism has sometimes been associated, and which may undoubtedly be found in some of its products. [introduction p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/A5Y90b8NYMkY9Vs

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1126","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1126,"authors_free":[{"id":1701,"entry_id":1126,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2440,"entry_id":1126,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Platonism in late antiquity","main_title":{"title":"Platonism in late antiquity"},"abstract":"The Platonism of late antiquity is, of course, what we now call Neoplatonism. That term is a modern one. \u2018Neoplatonist\u2019 and \u2018Neoplatonic\u2019 first appeared in English and French in the 1830s. All the philosophers whose work comes under this heading thought of themselves simply as Platonists, and the doctrine they were expounding as the Platonic philosophy. For Plotinus, the man normally thought of as the founder of this type of philosophy, all that he might have to say had been said before, though it might not have been set out explicitly, and could be found in the text of Plato (cf. V 1.8.10-14). For Proclus in the 5th century, after two hundred years of this kind of thinking, the same view of what he was doing still stood, as it did for Simplicius and Damascius into the 6th. Thus, Proclus, in the preface to his Platonic Theology, could write of his whole enterprise, and that of his Neoplatonic predecessors, as the understanding and exposition of the truths in Plato.\r\n\r\nGiven our modern views of Plato and Aristotle, as working philosophers whose views developed and whose answers to questions were not always the same, it is important to realize that their ancient interpreters looked at them as creators of fixed systems: though they might recognize that they did not always say the same things about the same questions, they saw such apparent inconsistencies as problems about the relation of disparate statements to an assumed single doctrine rather than about how one different doctrine might relate to another.\r\n\r\nBefore going on, I should perhaps offer some explanations and an apology. The apology is to those who know a great deal, or even a little, about Neoplatonism to whom some of what I shall say is basic common knowledge. The explanations are two.\r\n\r\nFirst, that I am taking late antiquity to start in the 3rd century A.D., following an old Cambridge custom of taking ancient Greek philosophy to have ended with the death of Marcus Aurelius. The second is to say what I am going to do here. It relates to the first. When this view of the limits of classical antiquity still held, the study of Neoplatonism was regarded as rather disreputable, in the English-speaking world at least, and the few apparent exceptions\u2014Elements of Theology, still one of the great achievements of Neoplatonic scholarship, and the first modern commentary on a Neoplatonic work\u2014was seen not so much as evidence that there was here a rich field for new scholarly endeavor as an indication of that scholar\u2019s eccentricity. The common attitude found its expression in the preface to the first volume of W.K.C. Guthrie\u2019s History of Greek Philosophy, where he relegated Neoplatonism to the realms of the unphilosophical and the un-Greek:\r\n\r\n\"With Plotinus and his followers, as well as with their Christian contemporaries, there does seem to enter a new religious spirit which is not fundamentally Greek...\"\r\n\r\nThat was in 1962.\r\n\r\nWhat I want to do is to look at some of the characteristics of Neoplatonism and to see how the picture of this philosophy, or rather group of philosophies, has changed during the last three decades. I think most would now agree it is basically Greek. As to the importance of the religious and soteriological elements in it, which for many of its adherents was rather small in any case, that is arguable, and its significance depends on the extent to which one regards other forms of ancient philosophy as enquiries into how one should live the best life either in relation to one\u2019s own society or to the gods which that society recognized. What is important is that most of the Neoplatonic writings we have are clearly philosophical rather than religious or otherwise concerned with the supernatural. I shall therefore take it for granted that we are talking about philosophy, and not any of the other things with which Neoplatonism has sometimes been associated, and which may undoubtedly be found in some of its products.\r\n[introduction p. 1-2]","btype":2,"date":"1993","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/A5Y90b8NYMkY9Vs","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1126,"section_of":214,"pages":"1-27","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":214,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"en","title":"Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Blumenthal1993c","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1993","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1993","abstract":"This book presents a series of Dr. Blumenthal\u2019s studies on the history of Neoplatonism, from its founder Plotinus to the end of Classical Antiquity, relating especially to the Neoplatonists\u2019 doctrines about the soul. The work falls into two parts. The first deals with Plotinus and considers the soul both as part of the structure of the universe and in its capacity as the basis of the individual\u2019s vital and cognitive functions. The second part is concerned with the later history of Neoplatonism, including its end. Its main focus is the investigation of how Neoplatonic psychology was modified and developed by later philosophers, in particular the commentators on Aristotle, and used as the starting point for their Platonizing interpretations of his philosophy.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Hj2vOznXoMqSzco","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":214,"pubplace":"Aldershot (Hampshire)","publisher":"Variorum","series":"Variorum collected studies series","volume":"426","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1993]}

Simplicius und das Zitat. Zur Überlieferung des Anführungszeichens, 1993
By: Wildberg, Christian, Berger, Friederike (Ed.), Brockmann, Christian (Ed.), De Gregorio, Giuseppe (Ed.), Ghisu, Maria Irene (Ed.), Kotzabassi, Sofia (Ed.), Noack, Beate (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius und das Zitat. Zur Überlieferung des Anführungszeichens
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1993
Published in	Symbolae Berolinenses. Für Dieter Harlfinger
Pages	187-199
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)	Berger, Friederike , Brockmann, Christian , De Gregorio, Giuseppe , Ghisu, Maria Irene , Kotzabassi, Sofia , Noack, Beate
Translator(s)

Gewiss, ein lückenloser Beweis der Ursprünglichkeit der Anführungszeichen im Mardanus 226, geschweige denn für die Zeichensetzung im Allgemeinen, ist hiermit nicht gelungen und war in Anbetracht der Quellenlage auch gar nicht möglich. Dennoch, die aus diesen Beobachtungen zu ziehende Schlussfolgerung ist, dass die in mittelalterlichen Handschriften so häufigen und eindeutigen Anführungszeichen keineswegs im Namen der Textkritik ignoriert werden sollten. Möglicherweise ließe sich dieselbe Forderung mit ähnlicher Berechtigung auch für andere Zeichen geltend machen. Jedenfalls sollte man ernsthaft in Betracht ziehen, dass gerade in Abschriften aus Texten spätantiker Zeit Zeichen überliefert sein können, die nicht nur für das korrekte Verständnis eines Textes unverzichtbar sind, sondern auch dem Autor selbst, und nicht irgendeinem gelehrten Schreiber viel späterer Zeit, zu verdanken sind. Es sei daher abschließend an dieser Stelle und achtzig Jahre nach dem Erscheinen der Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde an einen ganz ähnlichen Hinweis Ulrich Wilckens erinnert: "Einige Interpunktionszeichen wird man in den Urkunden selten finden ... Dagegen war es von den frühesten Zeiten an eine weitverbreitete Sitte, Sätze oder Satzteile oder gar Wörter durch größere oder kleinere Spatien zu trennen. Auf diese in den Editionen noch viel zu wenig zum Ausdruck kommende Interpunktion möchte ich die Papyrusleser ganz besonders aufmerksam machen, da durch sie uns oft die authentische Interpretation des Schreibers an die Hand gegeben wird." [conclusion p. 196-197]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cjMqjU5dghJg6Mi

Review of: Place, Void, and Eternity. Philoponus: Corollaries on Place and Void. Simplicius: Against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World. By Philoponus and Simplicius, 1993
By: Ide, Harry A.

Title	Review of: Place, Void, and Eternity. Philoponus: Corollaries on Place and Void. Simplicius: Against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World. By Philoponus and Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	The Philosophical Review
Volume	102
Issue	1
Pages	89-91
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ide, Harry A.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This volume is one of a series of translations of later ancient philosophy, edited by Richard Sorabji. These works have never been translated into modern European languages, although there are Renaissance Latin editions of many of them. Earlier volumes in the series include other works by Simplicius and Philoponus, as well as Alexander of Aphrodisias and Dexippus. These names are not now household names among philosophers, but work prompted and generated by this series will probably result in their receiving the increased attention and respect they deserve. John Philoponus, a sixth-century Christian, may be the best known of these authors among the general philosophical community. For more than a century, historians of science have known that he was an important influence on Galileo. This volume makes some of his important texts available in English. The first part comprises two selections from Philoponus's commentary on Aristotle's Physics, which are self-contained essays on place and void. The second part consists of selections from an attack against Philoponus by Simplicius, a non-Christian Neoplatonist contemporary with Philoponus. In these selections, Simplicius reports and responds to Philoponus's arguments that the world can perish. Simplicius took these arguments from a treatise of Philoponus's that no longer exists. The volume includes the extensive subject and word indices that are standard in this series, and brief introductions to each of the parts. In Physics 4, Aristotle argues that a body's place cannot be the three-dimensional extension within its boundaries, but must be the two-dimensional boundaries. Philoponus argues against Aristotle that place must be three-dimensional. He argues, for example, from wine's bursting a wineskin when it ferments: if there were no three-dimensional extension, it would not need a larger one. This is connected to the existence of void, since Aristotle argues against void because it relies on three-dimensional place. Philoponus correspondingly claims that void is in some sense possible (although it can't occur). His Corollary on Void attempts to prove against Aristotle that motion is possible even if there is a void, and that motion in fact requires void. Aristotle suggests that an object moving in a void would move instantaneously, which is impossible. Philoponus responds that bodies' speed is determined not only by external resistance, but also by their internal impetus. Even in an actually existing vacuum, the internal impetus would still cause only a finite speed. And void is required for motion, since bodies can move only if they have a three-dimensional extension to move into. So, although a three-dimensional extension without any body never actually occurs, there must be a three-dimensional extension separate from body. In the arguments of Simplicius translated in the second part, Philoponus is represented as first arguing for the Aristotelian conclusion that no finite body has an infinite capacity (dunamis), and then inferring that no finite body, including the universe, can exist forever. Simplicius responds that Philoponus overlooks an option—the universe might be able to be moved forever without having an infinite capacity to move itself—and that Philoponus wrongly assumes that something must have an infinite capacity to be infinite, while infinity simply involves a never-ending series of finite steps. In a further series of arguments, Simplicius has Philoponus argue that the capacity of the world must be finite in its own nature, although God apparently could keep the world in existence forever. Sorabji argues in his introduction that Simplicius misses the point of the qualification and thereby misdirects his criticisms. Philoponus, Sorabji suggests, rightly insists that the world's own nature would still be finite. This volume is well translated and well produced. It contains material that is historically important. Anyone interested in the history of science or the development of our understanding of place, void, and eternity will find it interesting and useful. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6Z4EGDinHRCTNE1

{"_index":"sire","_id":"740","_score":null,"_source":{"id":740,"authors_free":[{"id":1103,"entry_id":740,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":230,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Ide, Harry A.","free_first_name":"Harry A.","free_last_name":"Ide","norm_person":{"id":230,"first_name":"Harry A.","last_name":"Ide","full_name":"Ide, Harry A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of: Place, Void, and Eternity. Philoponus: Corollaries on Place and Void. Simplicius: Against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World. By Philoponus and Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Review of: Place, Void, and Eternity. Philoponus: Corollaries on Place and Void. Simplicius: Against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World. By Philoponus and Simplicius"},"abstract":"This volume is one of a series of translations of later ancient philosophy, edited by Richard Sorabji. These works have never been translated into modern European languages, although there are Renaissance Latin editions of many of them. Earlier volumes in the series include other works by Simplicius and Philoponus, as well as Alexander of Aphrodisias and Dexippus. These names are not now household names among philosophers, but work prompted and generated by this series will probably result in their receiving the increased attention and respect they deserve.\r\n\r\nJohn Philoponus, a sixth-century Christian, may be the best known of these authors among the general philosophical community. For more than a century, historians of science have known that he was an important influence on Galileo. This volume makes some of his important texts available in English.\r\n\r\nThe first part comprises two selections from Philoponus's commentary on Aristotle's Physics, which are self-contained essays on place and void. The second part consists of selections from an attack against Philoponus by Simplicius, a non-Christian Neoplatonist contemporary with Philoponus. In these selections, Simplicius reports and responds to Philoponus's arguments that the world can perish. Simplicius took these arguments from a treatise of Philoponus's that no longer exists. The volume includes the extensive subject and word indices that are standard in this series, and brief introductions to each of the parts.\r\n\r\nIn Physics 4, Aristotle argues that a body's place cannot be the three-dimensional extension within its boundaries, but must be the two-dimensional boundaries. Philoponus argues against Aristotle that place must be three-dimensional. He argues, for example, from wine's bursting a wineskin when it ferments: if there were no three-dimensional extension, it would not need a larger one. This is connected to the existence of void, since Aristotle argues against void because it relies on three-dimensional place. Philoponus correspondingly claims that void is in some sense possible (although it can't occur). His Corollary on Void attempts to prove against Aristotle that motion is possible even if there is a void, and that motion in fact requires void. Aristotle suggests that an object moving in a void would move instantaneously, which is impossible. Philoponus responds that bodies' speed is determined not only by external resistance, but also by their internal impetus. Even in an actually existing vacuum, the internal impetus would still cause only a finite speed. And void is required for motion, since bodies can move only if they have a three-dimensional extension to move into. So, although a three-dimensional extension without any body never actually occurs, there must be a three-dimensional extension separate from body.\r\n\r\nIn the arguments of Simplicius translated in the second part, Philoponus is represented as first arguing for the Aristotelian conclusion that no finite body has an infinite capacity (dunamis), and then inferring that no finite body, including the universe, can exist forever. Simplicius responds that Philoponus overlooks an option\u2014the universe might be able to be moved forever without having an infinite capacity to move itself\u2014and that Philoponus wrongly assumes that something must have an infinite capacity to be infinite, while infinity simply involves a never-ending series of finite steps.\r\n\r\nIn a further series of arguments, Simplicius has Philoponus argue that the capacity of the world must be finite in its own nature, although God apparently could keep the world in existence forever. Sorabji argues in his introduction that Simplicius misses the point of the qualification and thereby misdirects his criticisms. Philoponus, Sorabji suggests, rightly insists that the world's own nature would still be finite.\r\n\r\nThis volume is well translated and well produced. It contains material that is historically important. Anyone interested in the history of science or the development of our understanding of place, void, and eternity will find it interesting and useful. [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"1993","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6Z4EGDinHRCTNE1","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":230,"full_name":"Ide, Harry A.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":740,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Philosophical Review","volume":"102","issue":"1","pages":"89-91"}},"sort":[1993]}

Anaximander's Conception of the "Apeiron", 1993
By: Finkelberg, Aryeh

Title	Anaximander's Conception of the "Apeiron"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	38
Issue	3
Pages	229-256
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Finkelberg, Aryeh
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Anaximander's Apeiron is perhaps the most obscure notion in Greek philosophy. Aristotle was puzzled by it, suggesting various and greatly differing interpretations of the concept. But while Aristotle's construals were, in a sense, predominantly ad hoc and exempli gratia, Theophrastus committed himself, at least in the expository sections of his Physical Opinions, to a concise presentation—with attention to their authentic setting and idiom—of the teachings of the earlier thinkers. Theophrastus' statement concerning the Apeiron has come down to us in the following three versions: Simpl. Phys. 24, 13 (DK 12 A 9): Anaximander... said that the arche and the element of existing things was the Apeiron... and he says that it is neither water nor any other of the so-called elements, but some other infinite nature... Diog. ii 1 (DK 12 A 1): Anaximander... said that the arche and the element is the Apeiron, not determining whether it is air or water or something else. Aet. 1 3, 3 (DK 12 A 14): Anaximander... says that the arche of existing things is the Apeiron... but he errs in that he does not say what the Apeiron is, whether it is air, or water, or earth, or some other body. The question of whether Simplicius or Diogenes and Aetius are true to Theophrastus' genuine wording is not of purely philological interest. As Barnes notes, "the view that Anaximander's principle was qualitatively indeterminate loses in plausibility if he did not positively distinguish it from the elements." Kahn adds, "here again the words of Simplicius must closely reflect the text of Theophrastus. The parallels [in Aetius and Diogenes] prove this, even if they are not precise enough to establish the original wording." However, Barnes also admits that "we cannot tell whether Simplicius or Diogenes better represents Theophrastus' judgment." A decisive answer, however, has already been provided by Hölscher, who assessed Simplicius' words as "clearly a distortion; the correct phrase is in Diogenes, ob ὀρθῶς," and this not merely because Simplicius is in a minority, but for the simple reason that "otherwise there could have been no discussion about it [i.e., the Apeiron] at all." Thus, what Theophrastus actually said is that Anaximander did not determine his arche and element in respect of qualities. It is one thing to say that Anaximander did not determine his arche qualitatively and quite another to say that he posited a qualitatively indeterminate body as the arche; concluding from the former to the latter is not an inference that logicians would approve. That being said, it is not to imply that Anaximander provided his arche with no qualification at all—he called it to Apeiron. The Greek word may mean "boundless, infinite, countless" or "endless" in the sense of "circular" (see LSJ, s.v.). However, the third meaning—"without outlet"—is surely irrelevant to Anaximander. Gottschalk correctly pointed out that the widely accepted idea that under to Apeiron Anaximander meant "that which is without internal boundaries or distinctions," effectively "qualitatively indeterminate," has no linguistic justification. In calling his principle to Apeiron, Anaximander may have meant to specify it as spatially infinite (or, more plausibly historically, indefinitely large), temporally infinite (i.e., eternal), or most probably both; he may even have intended to denote it as spherical. However, qualitative indefiniteness was certainly not what he intended to express by this term. The scholarly belief that Anaximander posited a qualitatively indefinite body as the principle is thus, at best, a speculative conjecture and, at worst, a confusion which has neither doxographical nor linguistic support and, moreover, strictly speaking, goes against our evidence. [introduction p. 229-231]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KFH07EnbKOSrtwC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"749","_score":null,"_source":{"id":749,"authors_free":[{"id":1114,"entry_id":749,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":113,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","free_first_name":"Aryeh","free_last_name":"Finkelberg","norm_person":{"id":113,"first_name":"Aryeh","last_name":"Finkelberg","full_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1124815007","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Anaximander's Conception of the \"Apeiron\"","main_title":{"title":"Anaximander's Conception of the \"Apeiron\""},"abstract":"Anaximander's Apeiron is perhaps the most obscure notion in Greek philosophy. Aristotle was puzzled by it, suggesting various and greatly differing interpretations of the concept. But while Aristotle's construals were, in a sense, predominantly ad hoc and exempli gratia, Theophrastus committed himself, at least in the expository sections of his Physical Opinions, to a concise presentation\u2014with attention to their authentic setting and idiom\u2014of the teachings of the earlier thinkers. Theophrastus' statement concerning the Apeiron has come down to us in the following three versions:\r\n\r\n Simpl. Phys. 24, 13 (DK 12 A 9): Anaximander... said that the arche and the element of existing things was the Apeiron... and he says that it is neither water nor any other of the so-called elements, but some other infinite nature...\r\n Diog. ii 1 (DK 12 A 1): Anaximander... said that the arche and the element is the Apeiron, not determining whether it is air or water or something else.\r\n Aet. 1 3, 3 (DK 12 A 14): Anaximander... says that the arche of existing things is the Apeiron... but he errs in that he does not say what the Apeiron is, whether it is air, or water, or earth, or some other body.\r\n\r\nThe question of whether Simplicius or Diogenes and Aetius are true to Theophrastus' genuine wording is not of purely philological interest. As Barnes notes, \"the view that Anaximander's principle was qualitatively indeterminate loses in plausibility if he did not positively distinguish it from the elements.\" Kahn adds, \"here again the words of Simplicius must closely reflect the text of Theophrastus. The parallels [in Aetius and Diogenes] prove this, even if they are not precise enough to establish the original wording.\" However, Barnes also admits that \"we cannot tell whether Simplicius or Diogenes better represents Theophrastus' judgment.\"\r\n\r\nA decisive answer, however, has already been provided by H\u00f6lscher, who assessed Simplicius' words as \"clearly a distortion; the correct phrase is in Diogenes, ob \u1f40\u03c1\u03b8\u1ff6\u03c2,\" and this not merely because Simplicius is in a minority, but for the simple reason that \"otherwise there could have been no discussion about it [i.e., the Apeiron] at all.\" Thus, what Theophrastus actually said is that Anaximander did not determine his arche and element in respect of qualities.\r\n\r\nIt is one thing to say that Anaximander did not determine his arche qualitatively and quite another to say that he posited a qualitatively indeterminate body as the arche; concluding from the former to the latter is not an inference that logicians would approve.\r\n\r\nThat being said, it is not to imply that Anaximander provided his arche with no qualification at all\u2014he called it to Apeiron. The Greek word may mean \"boundless, infinite, countless\" or \"endless\" in the sense of \"circular\" (see LSJ, s.v.). However, the third meaning\u2014\"without outlet\"\u2014is surely irrelevant to Anaximander. Gottschalk correctly pointed out that the widely accepted idea that under to Apeiron Anaximander meant \"that which is without internal boundaries or distinctions,\" effectively \"qualitatively indeterminate,\" has no linguistic justification.\r\n\r\nIn calling his principle to Apeiron, Anaximander may have meant to specify it as spatially infinite (or, more plausibly historically, indefinitely large), temporally infinite (i.e., eternal), or most probably both; he may even have intended to denote it as spherical. However, qualitative indefiniteness was certainly not what he intended to express by this term.\r\n\r\nThe scholarly belief that Anaximander posited a qualitatively indefinite body as the principle is thus, at best, a speculative conjecture and, at worst, a confusion which has neither doxographical nor linguistic support and, moreover, strictly speaking, goes against our evidence. [introduction p. 229-231]","btype":3,"date":"1993","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KFH07EnbKOSrtwC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":113,"full_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":749,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"38","issue":"3","pages":"229-256"}},"sort":[1993]}

Persecution and Response in Late Paganism: The Evidence of Damascius, 1993
By: Athanasiadē, Polymnia Nik.

Title	Persecution and Response in Late Paganism: The Evidence of Damascius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	The Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume	113
Pages	1-29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Athanasiadē, Polymnia Nik.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The theme of this paper is intolerance: its manifestation in late antiquity towards the pagans of the Eastern Mediterranean, and the immediate reactions and long-term attitudes that it provoked in them. The reasons why, in spite of copious evidence, the persecution of the traditional cults and their adepts in the Roman Empire has never been viewed as such are obvious: on the one hand, no pagan church emerged out of the turmoil to canonize its dead and expound a theology of martyrdom, and on the other, whatever their conscious religious beliefs, late antique scholars, in their overwhelming majority, were formed in societies whose ethical foundations and logic are irreversibly Christian. Admittedly, a few facets of this complex subject, such as the closing of the Athenian Academy and the demolition of temples or their conversion into churches, have occasionally been touched upon; but pagan persecution in itself, in all its physical, artistic, social, political, intellectual, and psychological dimensions, has not yet formed the object of scholarly research. To illustrate the pressures wrought by intolerance upon late antique society, I have chosen a period of one hundred years spanning the life, testimony, and initiatives of Damascius. In the 460s, Neoplatonism, as a fairly standardized expression of pagan piety, still formed—despite occasional persecution—a generally accepted way of thinking and living in the Eastern Mediterranean; moreover, as epitomized by Proclus and Athens, it was a recognizably Greek way. By 560, on the other hand, as a result of Justinian's decree prohibiting the official propagation of the doctrine in Athens, its exponents, after various vicissitudes, had ended up in a frontier town, where their philosophy had become contaminated by local forms of thought and worship and was on the way to losing its Graeco-Roman relevance. The interaction and the resulting changes in late antiquity of a sociological force—intolerance—and of a Weltanschauung—Neoplatonism—is a complex phenomenon in which causes and effects are never clearly defined. In an attempt at clarifying this development (which lies at the heart of the transformation of the ancient into the medieval world), I have in what follows set the focus of the action against two contrasting backgrounds. The first consists of a selective study of violence in Alexandria between the fourth and the sixth centuries; the second is represented by an equally impressionistic account of the evolution of Neoplatonism at Harran between the sixth and the tenth centuries and its increasing relevance to the world. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mXGv9inyCKfn393

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1002","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1002,"authors_free":[{"id":1507,"entry_id":1002,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":520,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Athanasiad\u0113, Polymnia Nik.","free_first_name":"Polymnia Nik.","free_last_name":"Athanasiad\u0113","norm_person":{"id":520,"first_name":"Polymnia Nik.","last_name":"Athanasiad\u0113","full_name":"Athanasiad\u0113, Polymnia Nik.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131721933","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Persecution and Response in Late Paganism: The Evidence of Damascius","main_title":{"title":"Persecution and Response in Late Paganism: The Evidence of Damascius"},"abstract":"The theme of this paper is intolerance: its manifestation in late antiquity towards the pagans of the Eastern Mediterranean, and the immediate reactions and long-term attitudes that it provoked in them. The reasons why, in spite of copious evidence, the persecution of the traditional cults and their adepts in the Roman Empire has never been viewed as such are obvious: on the one hand, no pagan church emerged out of the turmoil to canonize its dead and expound a theology of martyrdom, and on the other, whatever their conscious religious beliefs, late antique scholars, in their overwhelming majority, were formed in societies whose ethical foundations and logic are irreversibly Christian. Admittedly, a few facets of this complex subject, such as the closing of the Athenian Academy and the demolition of temples or their conversion into churches, have occasionally been touched upon; but pagan persecution in itself, in all its physical, artistic, social, political, intellectual, and psychological dimensions, has not yet formed the object of scholarly research.\r\n\r\nTo illustrate the pressures wrought by intolerance upon late antique society, I have chosen a period of one hundred years spanning the life, testimony, and initiatives of Damascius. In the 460s, Neoplatonism, as a fairly standardized expression of pagan piety, still formed\u2014despite occasional persecution\u2014a generally accepted way of thinking and living in the Eastern Mediterranean; moreover, as epitomized by Proclus and Athens, it was a recognizably Greek way. By 560, on the other hand, as a result of Justinian's decree prohibiting the official propagation of the doctrine in Athens, its exponents, after various vicissitudes, had ended up in a frontier town, where their philosophy had become contaminated by local forms of thought and worship and was on the way to losing its Graeco-Roman relevance. The interaction and the resulting changes in late antiquity of a sociological force\u2014intolerance\u2014and of a Weltanschauung\u2014Neoplatonism\u2014is a complex phenomenon in which causes and effects are never clearly defined.\r\n\r\nIn an attempt at clarifying this development (which lies at the heart of the transformation of the ancient into the medieval world), I have in what follows set the focus of the action against two contrasting backgrounds. The first consists of a selective study of violence in Alexandria between the fourth and the sixth centuries; the second is represented by an equally impressionistic account of the evolution of Neoplatonism at Harran between the sixth and the tenth centuries and its increasing relevance to the world. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1993","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mXGv9inyCKfn393","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":520,"full_name":"Athanasiad\u0113, Polymnia Nik.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1002,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Journal of Hellenic Studies","volume":"113","issue":"","pages":"1-29"}},"sort":[1993]}

Review of: Tardieu 1990: Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore à Simplicius, 1993
By: Mansfeld, Jaap

Title	Review of: Tardieu 1990: Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore à Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	Mnemosyne
Volume	46
Issue	4
Pages	572–575
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A learned book that reads like a novel. It contains fascinating new information on the late Neoplatonists. "Paysages reliques" refers to exceptionally rare landscapes or, rather, sites in an otherwise overwhelmingly Christianized world where pagan divinities are still present. In the first chapter, T. reconstructs the pilgrimage of Isidorus and Damascius to Bostra, and from Bostra to a site in Syria east of Gadara, where they believed the waters of Styx could be seen. These waters were still venerated by the local population in the old pagan way. Commenting on the fragments of Damascius' Life of Isidorus pertaining to this trip, T., among other things, shows in what ways the description of the numinous site was idealized and how it echoes descriptions in Homer, Plato, and others of similar entrances to the netherworld. In the second chapter, T. offers a marvelous history of navigation on the Tigris, from Assyrian times until just before World War II, by means of the so-called kālek, a wooden construction kept afloat by inflated animal skins (e.g., sheep skins). He does so because an absolutely unique reference to this means of transport is found in Simplicius’ In De Caelo 525.10–3 Heiberg, who, explaining a point made by Aristotle, tells us that inflated skins are capable of supporting heavy loads (... ?? ?pe?????? ?a? ??? ?at? t?? ????a? p?ta???). This is the Habur, a tributary of the Euphrates. In chapter 3, T. attempts to ferret out the implications of this statement. Several of the numerous sources of this river, mentioned by the elder Pliny and Aelianus, were believed to be sacred to the Syrian goddess and venerated by the local population; the Syrian goddess, in turn, was supposed to be the equivalent of Hera. T. also reproduces descriptions of these sites by later visitors who wrote in Arabic. In antiquity, travel on the Habur was possible by means of small kāleks. T. hypothesizes (without direct evidence) that Simplicius visited these sources for religious and philosophical reasons and that, in fact, his trip was a pilgrimage comparable to that of Isidorus and Damascius one century earlier. After his visit to the sources, Simplicius could have traveled downstream by kālek himself. T. argues (pp. 130 ff.) that this journey has nothing to do with the famous story of the sojourn of the seven philosophers in Persia after the closing of the Academy by Julian. He assumes that not the whole group of seven philosophers mentioned by Agathias (Hist. II c. 30–31 Keydell), but only Damascius, "métaphysicien globe-trotter au service du paganisme," went to Persia in 531, was received by the king of kings, and secured the inclusion of the famous clause in the peace treaty permitting pagan philosophers to live according to their own ways. T.’s argument seems to be that Agathias (our only source, however) was biased and that Simplicius would have mentioned the kāleks of the Tigris if he had made the journey downriver to the Persian capital himself. The sources of the Habur are three days by foot to the east of Harran (better known to classicists as Carrhae), an important city near the Persian frontier and perhaps the last stronghold of paganism in the Greco-Roman world. In a paper published in 1986, T. convincingly argued that the so-called Sabians of Harran, who were visited by al-Mas‘udi around 940 and whose main doctrine is described in a fragment of al-Kindi, were (Neo-)Platonists. He assumed that Harran was the safe haven granted to the philosophers after the treaty of 532 and that it was there, not in Athens, that Simplicius wrote his great commentaries on Aristotle. In a second paper published the following year, T. proved that of the four calendars mentioned in Simpl. In Phys. 875.19 ff. Diels, three were actually used simultaneously in Harran and only there, whereas the first listed (the Athenian) must have been observed in the Platonic school. In chapter 4 of the present book ("D'un commentaire à l'autre"), T. is able to add to the circumstantial evidence supporting the hypothesis that Simplicius lived and wrote in Harran after 532. First, at In Phys. 684.35 ff., he points out that many people crossed rivers using inflated animal skins, as indeed they did in the regions of the Habur and the Tigris (typically one skin per person). Secondly, at In Cat. 358.12 ff. Busse, his examples of compound nouns with a single meaning are Hierapolis and Agathodaimon; these are unparalleled elsewhere. T. plausibly argues (pp. 153 ff.) that the city in question is Hierapolis in Syria, two days by foot west of Harran. Agathodaimon is Hermes' divine teacher in the Corpus Hermeticum. T. points out (pp. 158 ff.) that the pagans of Harran, according to a fragment of al-Kindi, possessed Hermetic writings. Al-Sarahsi, who transmits this information, adds that they venerated Agathodaimon. Thirdly, a passage at In Phys. 641.33 ff. allows T. to argue that Simplicius refers here to a Hermetic identification of the Syrian goddess Atargatis with Isis. T.'s main argument, presented with admirable clarity, is on the whole convincing. That we are now much better informed about the ways in which Greek philosophy reached the Arabs is a major step forward. Yet one should keep in mind that nothing so far is known of a Neoplatonist school or tradition at Harran before Simplicius, and that there is a considerable gap between him and the Platonists visited by al-Mas‘udi several centuries later. Though continuity is plausible, evidence is lacking. Perhaps T. could have said more about Hermetism at Harran, which was presumably incorporated into Neoplatonism. M. Grignaschi has argued that what he calls a late Greek "epistolary novel" (5th century), containing an exchange of letters between Alexander and Aristotle, was amplified and revised by what he terms (on what appears to be thin evidence) a follower of Hermes who wrote in Arabic in the 7th–8th century at Harran. An investigation by a qualified Orientalist (why not T. himself?) into the relation between the traditions studied by Grignaschi and the facts unearthed by T. may produce surprising results—or so one surmises. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fu8N5kakur5o7NI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1010","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1010,"authors_free":[{"id":1524,"entry_id":1010,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":29,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","free_first_name":"Jaap","free_last_name":"Mansfeld","norm_person":{"id":29,"first_name":"Jaap","last_name":"Mansfeld","full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119383217","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of: Tardieu 1990: Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore \u00e0 Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Review of: Tardieu 1990: Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore \u00e0 Simplicius"},"abstract":"A learned book that reads like a novel. It contains fascinating new information on the late Neoplatonists. \"Paysages reliques\" refers to exceptionally rare landscapes or, rather, sites in an otherwise overwhelmingly Christianized world where pagan divinities are still present. In the first chapter, T. reconstructs the pilgrimage of Isidorus and Damascius to Bostra, and from Bostra to a site in Syria east of Gadara, where they believed the waters of Styx could be seen. These waters were still venerated by the local population in the old pagan way. Commenting on the fragments of Damascius' Life of Isidorus pertaining to this trip, T., among other things, shows in what ways the description of the numinous site was idealized and how it echoes descriptions in Homer, Plato, and others of similar entrances to the netherworld.\r\n\r\nIn the second chapter, T. offers a marvelous history of navigation on the Tigris, from Assyrian times until just before World War II, by means of the so-called k\u0101lek, a wooden construction kept afloat by inflated animal skins (e.g., sheep skins). He does so because an absolutely unique reference to this means of transport is found in Simplicius\u2019 In De Caelo 525.10\u20133 Heiberg, who, explaining a point made by Aristotle, tells us that inflated skins are capable of supporting heavy loads (... ?? ?pe?????? ?a? ??? ?at? t?? ????a? p?ta???). This is the Habur, a tributary of the Euphrates. In chapter 3, T. attempts to ferret out the implications of this statement. Several of the numerous sources of this river, mentioned by the elder Pliny and Aelianus, were believed to be sacred to the Syrian goddess and venerated by the local population; the Syrian goddess, in turn, was supposed to be the equivalent of Hera. T. also reproduces descriptions of these sites by later visitors who wrote in Arabic. In antiquity, travel on the Habur was possible by means of small k\u0101leks. T. hypothesizes (without direct evidence) that Simplicius visited these sources for religious and philosophical reasons and that, in fact, his trip was a pilgrimage comparable to that of Isidorus and Damascius one century earlier. After his visit to the sources, Simplicius could have traveled downstream by k\u0101lek himself.\r\n\r\nT. argues (pp. 130 ff.) that this journey has nothing to do with the famous story of the sojourn of the seven philosophers in Persia after the closing of the Academy by Julian. He assumes that not the whole group of seven philosophers mentioned by Agathias (Hist. II c. 30\u201331 Keydell), but only Damascius, \"m\u00e9taphysicien globe-trotter au service du paganisme,\" went to Persia in 531, was received by the king of kings, and secured the inclusion of the famous clause in the peace treaty permitting pagan philosophers to live according to their own ways. T.\u2019s argument seems to be that Agathias (our only source, however) was biased and that Simplicius would have mentioned the k\u0101leks of the Tigris if he had made the journey downriver to the Persian capital himself.\r\n\r\nThe sources of the Habur are three days by foot to the east of Harran (better known to classicists as Carrhae), an important city near the Persian frontier and perhaps the last stronghold of paganism in the Greco-Roman world. In a paper published in 1986, T. convincingly argued that the so-called Sabians of Harran, who were visited by al-Mas\u2018udi around 940 and whose main doctrine is described in a fragment of al-Kindi, were (Neo-)Platonists. He assumed that Harran was the safe haven granted to the philosophers after the treaty of 532 and that it was there, not in Athens, that Simplicius wrote his great commentaries on Aristotle. In a second paper published the following year, T. proved that of the four calendars mentioned in Simpl. In Phys. 875.19 ff. Diels, three were actually used simultaneously in Harran and only there, whereas the first listed (the Athenian) must have been observed in the Platonic school.\r\n\r\nIn chapter 4 of the present book (\"D'un commentaire \u00e0 l'autre\"), T. is able to add to the circumstantial evidence supporting the hypothesis that Simplicius lived and wrote in Harran after 532. First, at In Phys. 684.35 ff., he points out that many people crossed rivers using inflated animal skins, as indeed they did in the regions of the Habur and the Tigris (typically one skin per person). Secondly, at In Cat. 358.12 ff. Busse, his examples of compound nouns with a single meaning are Hierapolis and Agathodaimon; these are unparalleled elsewhere. T. plausibly argues (pp. 153 ff.) that the city in question is Hierapolis in Syria, two days by foot west of Harran. Agathodaimon is Hermes' divine teacher in the Corpus Hermeticum. T. points out (pp. 158 ff.) that the pagans of Harran, according to a fragment of al-Kindi, possessed Hermetic writings. Al-Sarahsi, who transmits this information, adds that they venerated Agathodaimon. Thirdly, a passage at In Phys. 641.33 ff. allows T. to argue that Simplicius refers here to a Hermetic identification of the Syrian goddess Atargatis with Isis.\r\n\r\nT.'s main argument, presented with admirable clarity, is on the whole convincing. That we are now much better informed about the ways in which Greek philosophy reached the Arabs is a major step forward. Yet one should keep in mind that nothing so far is known of a Neoplatonist school or tradition at Harran before Simplicius, and that there is a considerable gap between him and the Platonists visited by al-Mas\u2018udi several centuries later. Though continuity is plausible, evidence is lacking. Perhaps T. could have said more about Hermetism at Harran, which was presumably incorporated into Neoplatonism. M. Grignaschi has argued that what he calls a late Greek \"epistolary novel\" (5th century), containing an exchange of letters between Alexander and Aristotle, was amplified and revised by what he terms (on what appears to be thin evidence) a follower of Hermes who wrote in Arabic in the 7th\u20138th century at Harran. An investigation by a qualified Orientalist (why not T. himself?) into the relation between the traditions studied by Grignaschi and the facts unearthed by T. may produce surprising results\u2014or so one surmises. [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"1993","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/fu8N5kakur5o7NI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":29,"full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1010,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Mnemosyne","volume":"46","issue":"4","pages":"572\u2013575"}},"sort":[1993]}

La défense de Platon contre Aristote par les néoplatoniciens, 1993
By: Romano, Francesco, Dixsaut, Monique (Ed.)

Title	La défense de Platon contre Aristote par les néoplatoniciens
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1993
Published in	Contre Platon. Tome I: Le Platonisme Dévoilé
Pages	175-195
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Romano, Francesco
Editor(s)	Dixsaut, Monique
Translator(s)

Pour aborder le problème de la défense de Platon contre Aristote par les Néoplatoniciens, il est nécessaire d’opérer des distinctions à la fois historiques et théoriques ; il faut en effet tenir compte tant du développement chronologique de la pensée néoplatonicienne que des différences pouvant exister d’une école néoplatonicienne à l’autre. Il semble, par exemple, que Jamblique et Proclus aient adopté des positions sensiblement divergentes sur le problème de savoir si Aristote avait attaqué la théorie des Idées dans sa formulation platonicienne ou dans la fausse interprétation que certains Platoniciens en avaient donnée. D’après ce que nous disent David [Elias], d’une part : Δεῖ αὐτὸν μὴ συμπάσχειν τῷ Πλάτωνι· συνδιδοῖσι τῷ πεπονθέν· Ἰάμβλιχος· οὗτος γὰρ προσπάσχων τῷ Πλάτωνι συνδιδοῖσι τῷ Ἀριστοτέλει ὅτι οὐκ ἀντιλέγει τῷ Πλάτωνι διὰ τὰς ἰδέας (« L’exégète ne doit pas sympathiser avec une quelconque secte philosophique à la manière de Jamblique. Celui-ci, en effet, prévenu en faveur de Platon, concéda également à Aristote de ne pas avoir contredit Platon au sujet des Idées »), et Étienne d’Alexandrie [Ps. Philopon], d’autre part, Jamblique aurait soutenu qu’Aristote n’avait pas réfuté Platon à propos des Idées. Tandis que Proclus – si l’on en croit Philopon (De aetern. mundi, 31), faisant allusion au livre, perdu, par lequel Proclus réfutait les objections d’Aristote contre le Timée (mais Syrianus aurait fait de même avant Proclus, d’après le témoignage d’Asclepius de Tralle) – aurait, pour sa part, été convaincu qu’Aristote avait combattu et réfuté Platon également sur ce point. Comme nous allons le voir (texte 2), Proclus parle des Péripatéticiens en général, mais il n’est pas possible d’exclure Aristote. Cela dit, il faut toutefois se hâter d’ajouter que, malgré leurs divergences, presque tous les Néoplatoniciens s’accordent à considérer comme leur tâche propre de défendre Platon contre les attaques d’Aristote et des Péripatéticiens, afin au moins d’éliminer les malentendus et les interprétations perverses que ceux-ci exploitent souvent pour opposer les deux philosophes. Autrement dit, les différentes positions prises tour à tour par l’un ou l’autre des Néoplatoniciens, ou mieux par l’un ou l’autre des courants scolastiques néoplatoniciens, tiennent à des nuances argumentatives. Elles cherchent davantage à démontrer la concordance entre Platon et Aristote qu’à viser l’objectif principal commandant n’importe quelle exégèse néoplatonicienne du texte d’Aristote : la faire, d’une façon institutionnelle, servir le plus possible à la lecture et à l’étude des textes platoniciens. Si nous voulons comprendre l’esprit de certaines positions, aussi bien théoriques qu’historiques, adoptées par les Néoplatoniciens, il nous faut donc partir d’une distinction préliminaire entre, d’une part, l’attitude polémique de ceux qui tendent à souligner les divergences plus ou moins substantielles entre Platon et Aristote – donc s’efforcent de réfuter explicitement et sans équivoque les objections d’Aristote et des Péripatéticiens contre Platon – et, d’autre part, l’attitude critique (mais peu ou guère critique en apparence) de ceux qui cherchent surtout à minimiser la « puissance destructrice » des objections aristotéliciennes et péripatéticiennes, au point de ramener la position réelle d’Aristote à celle de Platon. En d’autres termes, il s’agit ou bien de défendre Platon contre les contradictions ou absurdités présumées dont on veut le rendre coupable, ou bien d’interpréter d’une façon compatible avec la « vérité » platonicienne ses apparentes discordances avec ce qu’on suppose être la « vérité » aristotélicienne. Mais en aucun cas Aristote ne doit et ne peut l’emporter sur Platon, soit parce que sa critique de Platon n’atteint pas sa cible ou pousse à mal le comprendre, soit parce que le sens que l’on accorde à cette critique n’est pas celui qu’elle possède effectivement ou n’est pas le seul qu’elle puisse posséder. L’exégète néoplatonicien, donc, peut obtenir le même résultat en suivant deux voies différentes : l’important est de montrer que l’opposition présumée d’Aristote à Platon peut être dépassée et que l’étude du texte d’Aristote peut servir à faciliter la compréhension du texte de Platon (pour atteindre ce but, on doit parfois sacrifier les anciens Académiciens, tenus pour être la cible des objections d’Aristote : en ce cas, ce sont les anciens disciples de Platon qui auront mal compris le maître commun). Tout cela signifie que n’importe quelle exégèse du texte aristotélicien (de n’importe quel texte aristotélicien) fait partie de l’exégèse plus générale du texte platonicien. C’était là une des règles de l’enseignement néoplatonicien, donc un élément doctrinal commun à tous les Néoplatoniciens. On pourrait faire, peut-être, une exception pour Damascius, qui, on le sait, contestait souvent la légitimité de l’exégèse prédominante (à cette époque, celle de Proclus) des textes platoniciens et aristotéliciens. Mais il est temps d’entrer dans le vif du sujet. Nous allons examiner six textes tirés respectivement l’un de Simplicius, quatre de Proclus, et un autre d’Ammonius ; après en avoir donné la traduction (la mienne, en l’absence d’indication contraire), j’en viendrai aux conséquences de mon interprétation. [introduction p. 175-177]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LVbezb3omxhQNRC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1057","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1057,"authors_free":[{"id":1605,"entry_id":1057,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":305,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Romano, Francesco","free_first_name":"Francesco","free_last_name":"Romano","norm_person":{"id":305,"first_name":"Francesco","last_name":"Romano","full_name":"Romano, Francesco","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1028249454","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1606,"entry_id":1057,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":306,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Dixsaut, Monique","free_first_name":"Monique","free_last_name":"Dixsaut","norm_person":{"id":306,"first_name":"Monique","last_name":"Dixsaut","full_name":"Dixsaut, Monique","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/114771979","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La d\u00e9fense de Platon contre Aristote par les n\u00e9oplatoniciens","main_title":{"title":"La d\u00e9fense de Platon contre Aristote par les n\u00e9oplatoniciens"},"abstract":"Pour aborder le probl\u00e8me de la d\u00e9fense de Platon contre Aristote par les N\u00e9oplatoniciens, il est n\u00e9cessaire d\u2019op\u00e9rer des distinctions \u00e0 la fois historiques et th\u00e9oriques ; il faut en effet tenir compte tant du d\u00e9veloppement chronologique de la pens\u00e9e n\u00e9oplatonicienne que des diff\u00e9rences pouvant exister d\u2019une \u00e9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne \u00e0 l\u2019autre. Il semble, par exemple, que Jamblique et Proclus aient adopt\u00e9 des positions sensiblement divergentes sur le probl\u00e8me de savoir si Aristote avait attaqu\u00e9 la th\u00e9orie des Id\u00e9es dans sa formulation platonicienne ou dans la fausse interpr\u00e9tation que certains Platoniciens en avaient donn\u00e9e.\r\nD\u2019apr\u00e8s ce que nous disent David [Elias], d\u2019une part :\r\n\u0394\u03b5\u1fd6 \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03bc\u1f74 \u03c3\u03c5\u03bc\u03c0\u03ac\u03c3\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03a0\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9\u00b7 \u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b4\u03b9\u03b4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd\u03b8\u03ad\u03bd\u00b7 \u1f38\u03ac\u03bc\u03b2\u03bb\u03b9\u03c7\u03bf\u03c2\u00b7 \u03bf\u1f57\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03c0\u03ac\u03c3\u03c7\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03a0\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9 \u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03b4\u03b9\u03b4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f08\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9 \u1f45\u03c4\u03b9 \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u1f00\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9\u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03a0\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd\u03b9 \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u1f30\u03b4\u03ad\u03b1\u03c2\r\n(\u00ab L\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8te ne doit pas sympathiser avec une quelconque secte philosophique \u00e0 la mani\u00e8re de Jamblique. Celui-ci, en effet, pr\u00e9venu en faveur de Platon, conc\u00e9da \u00e9galement \u00e0 Aristote de ne pas avoir contredit Platon au sujet des Id\u00e9es \u00bb), et \u00c9tienne d\u2019Alexandrie [Ps. Philopon], d\u2019autre part, Jamblique aurait soutenu qu\u2019Aristote n\u2019avait pas r\u00e9fut\u00e9 Platon \u00e0 propos des Id\u00e9es. Tandis que Proclus \u2013 si l\u2019on en croit Philopon (De aetern. mundi, 31), faisant allusion au livre, perdu, par lequel Proclus r\u00e9futait les objections d\u2019Aristote contre le Tim\u00e9e (mais Syrianus aurait fait de m\u00eame avant Proclus, d\u2019apr\u00e8s le t\u00e9moignage d\u2019Asclepius de Tralle) \u2013 aurait, pour sa part, \u00e9t\u00e9 convaincu qu\u2019Aristote avait combattu et r\u00e9fut\u00e9 Platon \u00e9galement sur ce point.\r\nComme nous allons le voir (texte 2), Proclus parle des P\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticiens en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, mais il n\u2019est pas possible d\u2019exclure Aristote. Cela dit, il faut toutefois se h\u00e2ter d\u2019ajouter que, malgr\u00e9 leurs divergences, presque tous les N\u00e9oplatoniciens s\u2019accordent \u00e0 consid\u00e9rer comme leur t\u00e2che propre de d\u00e9fendre Platon contre les attaques d\u2019Aristote et des P\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticiens, afin au moins d\u2019\u00e9liminer les malentendus et les interpr\u00e9tations perverses que ceux-ci exploitent souvent pour opposer les deux philosophes. Autrement dit, les diff\u00e9rentes positions prises tour \u00e0 tour par l\u2019un ou l\u2019autre des N\u00e9oplatoniciens, ou mieux par l\u2019un ou l\u2019autre des courants scolastiques n\u00e9oplatoniciens, tiennent \u00e0 des nuances argumentatives. Elles cherchent davantage \u00e0 d\u00e9montrer la concordance entre Platon et Aristote qu\u2019\u00e0 viser l\u2019objectif principal commandant n\u2019importe quelle ex\u00e9g\u00e8se n\u00e9oplatonicienne du texte d\u2019Aristote : la faire, d\u2019une fa\u00e7on institutionnelle, servir le plus possible \u00e0 la lecture et \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9tude des textes platoniciens.\r\nSi nous voulons comprendre l\u2019esprit de certaines positions, aussi bien th\u00e9oriques qu\u2019historiques, adopt\u00e9es par les N\u00e9oplatoniciens, il nous faut donc partir d\u2019une distinction pr\u00e9liminaire entre, d\u2019une part, l\u2019attitude pol\u00e9mique de ceux qui tendent \u00e0 souligner les divergences plus ou moins substantielles entre Platon et Aristote \u2013 donc s\u2019efforcent de r\u00e9futer explicitement et sans \u00e9quivoque les objections d\u2019Aristote et des P\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticiens contre Platon \u2013 et, d\u2019autre part, l\u2019attitude critique (mais peu ou gu\u00e8re critique en apparence) de ceux qui cherchent surtout \u00e0 minimiser la \u00ab puissance destructrice \u00bb des objections aristot\u00e9liciennes et p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticiennes, au point de ramener la position r\u00e9elle d\u2019Aristote \u00e0 celle de Platon.\r\nEn d\u2019autres termes, il s\u2019agit ou bien de d\u00e9fendre Platon contre les contradictions ou absurdit\u00e9s pr\u00e9sum\u00e9es dont on veut le rendre coupable, ou bien d\u2019interpr\u00e9ter d\u2019une fa\u00e7on compatible avec la \u00ab v\u00e9rit\u00e9 \u00bb platonicienne ses apparentes discordances avec ce qu\u2019on suppose \u00eatre la \u00ab v\u00e9rit\u00e9 \u00bb aristot\u00e9licienne. Mais en aucun cas Aristote ne doit et ne peut l\u2019emporter sur Platon, soit parce que sa critique de Platon n\u2019atteint pas sa cible ou pousse \u00e0 mal le comprendre, soit parce que le sens que l\u2019on accorde \u00e0 cette critique n\u2019est pas celui qu\u2019elle poss\u00e8de effectivement ou n\u2019est pas le seul qu\u2019elle puisse poss\u00e9der.\r\nL\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8te n\u00e9oplatonicien, donc, peut obtenir le m\u00eame r\u00e9sultat en suivant deux voies diff\u00e9rentes : l\u2019important est de montrer que l\u2019opposition pr\u00e9sum\u00e9e d\u2019Aristote \u00e0 Platon peut \u00eatre d\u00e9pass\u00e9e et que l\u2019\u00e9tude du texte d\u2019Aristote peut servir \u00e0 faciliter la compr\u00e9hension du texte de Platon (pour atteindre ce but, on doit parfois sacrifier les anciens Acad\u00e9miciens, tenus pour \u00eatre la cible des objections d\u2019Aristote : en ce cas, ce sont les anciens disciples de Platon qui auront mal compris le ma\u00eetre commun). Tout cela signifie que n\u2019importe quelle ex\u00e9g\u00e8se du texte aristot\u00e9licien (de n\u2019importe quel texte aristot\u00e9licien) fait partie de l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se plus g\u00e9n\u00e9rale du texte platonicien.\r\nC\u2019\u00e9tait l\u00e0 une des r\u00e8gles de l\u2019enseignement n\u00e9oplatonicien, donc un \u00e9l\u00e9ment doctrinal commun \u00e0 tous les N\u00e9oplatoniciens. On pourrait faire, peut-\u00eatre, une exception pour Damascius, qui, on le sait, contestait souvent la l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 de l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se pr\u00e9dominante (\u00e0 cette \u00e9poque, celle de Proclus) des textes platoniciens et aristot\u00e9liciens. Mais il est temps d\u2019entrer dans le vif du sujet.\r\nNous allons examiner six textes tir\u00e9s respectivement l\u2019un de Simplicius, quatre de Proclus, et un autre d\u2019Ammonius ; apr\u00e8s en avoir donn\u00e9 la traduction (la mienne, en l\u2019absence d\u2019indication contraire), j\u2019en viendrai aux cons\u00e9quences de mon interpr\u00e9tation. [introduction p. 175-177]","btype":2,"date":"1993","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/LVbezb3omxhQNRC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":305,"full_name":"Romano, Francesco","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":306,"full_name":"Dixsaut, Monique","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1057,"section_of":310,"pages":"175-195","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":310,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Contre Platon. Tome I: Le Platonisme D\u00e9voil\u00e9","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Dixsaut1993","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1993","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1993","abstract":"Pourquoi, comment, devient-on antiplatonicien ? A l'\u00e9vidence, en s'opposant au platonisme, d'embl\u00e9e le probl\u00e8me se complique, car il n'est pas certain apr\u00e8s tout que Platon, si obstin\u00e9ment absent de ses propres dialogues, si d\u00e9lib\u00e9r\u00e9ment anonyme, ait \u00e9t\u00e9 platonicien. Comment s'opposer \u00e0 qui ne parle jamais en son nom, pourquoi r\u00e9futer une doctrine que son auteur n'a jamais pr\u00e9sent\u00e9e comme telle ni revendiqu\u00e9e comme sienne et dont le sens semble pouvoir \u00eatre librement \u00e9labor\u00e9 par les adversaires du moment et pour les besoins de leur cause ? En quoi le platonisme autorise-t-il ces attaques globales et parfois \u00e9trangement violentes ? Peut-\u00eatre est-ce parce que chaque \u00e9poque croit y d\u00e9celer ce qu'elle tient pour la forme extr\u00eame de la d\u00e9mesure et de l'orgueil philosophiques, indiquant du m\u00eame coup les probl\u00e8mes et les attitudes jug\u00e9s par elle tol\u00e9rables en philosophie. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9zfyHBZbSdr0Iyv","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":310,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Tradition de la pens\u00e9e classique","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1993]}

Boethius as a Transmitter of Greek Logic to the Latin West: The Categories, 1993
By: Asztalos, Monika

Title	Boethius as a Transmitter of Greek Logic to the Latin West: The Categories
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
Volume	95
Pages	367-407
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Asztalos, Monika
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Gradually, Boethius has been disrobed and divested of many titles to fame in the history of philosophy. It all began with Bidez, a great admirer of Porphyry, who judged Boethius severely: Boethius took almost everything in the Commentarii Categorias (CC) from Porphyry, and Porphyry gained nothing in the process. Shiel showed that Porphyry was by no means the only Greek commentator who had left his imprint on the CC, but this did not help much, since he also claimed that Boethius had not read a complete Greek commentary, not even the short Kleine Prolegomena (K.p.). Finally, the interpretations of two passages in De Interpretatione 2 given by Shiel and Chadwick respectively led John Dillon to conclude that Boethius tried to cover up his lack of familiarity with the primary sources. This made Boethius not only unoriginal and ill-read but, on top of it, dishonest. I am not trying to do the impossible—namely, present Boethius as an expert on Aristotle's Categories and De Interpretatione. And I am not in a position to judge whether or not Boethius displays real originality in his later, more mature works. But I think it would be unfair to expect novel interpretations in commentaries like the Isagoge 1 and CC, which, if my assumptions in the first sections of this paper are correct, are not only the earliest of Boethius' works on Greek philosophy but also the context in which he first encountered Aristotle. He seems to have come quite unprepared to both the Isagoge and the Categories, unarmed with proper translations and unfamiliar with the work he was commenting on. Boethius is indeed an epitome of the expression docendo discimus ("we learn by teaching"). [conclusion p. 405-407]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qf1EQ49UxPsJC4F

{"_index":"sire","_id":"773","_score":null,"_source":{"id":773,"authors_free":[{"id":1137,"entry_id":773,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":37,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Asztalos, Monika","free_first_name":"Monika","free_last_name":"Asztalos","norm_person":{"id":37,"first_name":"Asztalos","last_name":"Monika","full_name":"Asztalos, Monika","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Boethius as a Transmitter of Greek Logic to the Latin West: The Categories","main_title":{"title":"Boethius as a Transmitter of Greek Logic to the Latin West: The Categories"},"abstract":"Gradually, Boethius has been disrobed and divested of many titles to fame in the history of philosophy. It all began with Bidez, a great admirer of Porphyry, who judged Boethius severely: Boethius took almost everything in the Commentarii Categorias (CC) from Porphyry, and Porphyry gained nothing in the process. Shiel showed that Porphyry was by no means the only Greek commentator who had left his imprint on the CC, but this did not help much, since he also claimed that Boethius had not read a complete Greek commentary, not even the short Kleine Prolegomena (K.p.).\r\n\r\nFinally, the interpretations of two passages in De Interpretatione 2 given by Shiel and Chadwick respectively led John Dillon to conclude that Boethius tried to cover up his lack of familiarity with the primary sources. This made Boethius not only unoriginal and ill-read but, on top of it, dishonest.\r\n\r\nI am not trying to do the impossible\u2014namely, present Boethius as an expert on Aristotle's Categories and De Interpretatione. And I am not in a position to judge whether or not Boethius displays real originality in his later, more mature works. But I think it would be unfair to expect novel interpretations in commentaries like the Isagoge 1 and CC, which, if my assumptions in the first sections of this paper are correct, are not only the earliest of Boethius' works on Greek philosophy but also the context in which he first encountered Aristotle.\r\n\r\nHe seems to have come quite unprepared to both the Isagoge and the Categories, unarmed with proper translations and unfamiliar with the work he was commenting on. Boethius is indeed an epitome of the expression docendo discimus (\"we learn by teaching\"). [conclusion p. 405-407]","btype":3,"date":"1993","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qf1EQ49UxPsJC4F","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":37,"full_name":"Asztalos, Monika","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":773,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Harvard Studies in Classical Philology","volume":"95","issue":"","pages":"367-407"}},"sort":[1993]}

Simplicius(?) on the first book of Aristotle’s De Anima, 1993
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius(?) on the first book of Aristotle’s De Anima
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1993
Published in	Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism
Pages	91-112
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Translator(s)

Neoplatonic exposition of classical Greek philosophy includes two kinds of reinterpretation. The first and most basic is, of course, the reading of Plato himself as a Neoplatonist. This is, it goes without saying, to be found primarily in all the independent works of Neopla tonism, as well as in commentaries on works of Plato. The other, with which readers of the Aristotelian commentators are more often concerned, is the Platonization of Aristotle. The latter is crucial to our understanding of any Neoplatonist commentator, both in himself and also as an authority on Aristotle. And since we are dealing with a text at least superficially based on Aristotle, I shall devote most of this paper to some of the somewhat strange interpretations of him to be found in Book 1 of the De anima commentary. At the same time this particular book also offers an opportunity, which the commentary on what will have seemed to him the more obviously philosophically in teresting parts of the De anima does not1, to see how Simplicius works in the area of Plato interpretation, and we shall look at the way in which Plato and Aristotle are both subjected to similar tech niques of interpretation. [p. 91]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/b0MGk7ACSQL6CCE

{"_index":"sire","_id":"795","_score":null,"_source":{"id":795,"authors_free":[{"id":1173,"entry_id":795,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2441,"entry_id":795,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius(?) on the first book of Aristotle\u2019s De Anima","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius(?) on the first book of Aristotle\u2019s De Anima"},"abstract":"Neoplatonic exposition of classical Greek philosophy includes \r\ntwo kinds of reinterpretation. The first and most basic is, of course, \r\nthe reading of Plato himself as a Neoplatonist. This is, it goes without \r\nsaying, to be found primarily in all the independent works of Neopla\u00ad\r\ntonism, as well as in commentaries on works of Plato. The other, \r\nwith which readers of the Aristotelian commentators are more often \r\nconcerned, is the Platonization of Aristotle. The latter is crucial to \r\nour understanding of any Neoplatonist commentator, both in himself \r\nand also as an authority on Aristotle. And since we are dealing with a \r\ntext at least superficially based on Aristotle, I shall devote most of this \r\npaper to some of the somewhat strange interpretations of him to be \r\nfound in Book 1 of the De anima commentary. At the same time this \r\nparticular book also offers an opportunity, which the commentary on \r\nwhat will have seemed to him the more obviously philosophically in\u00ad\r\nteresting parts of the De anima does not1, to see how Simplicius \r\nworks in the area of Plato interpretation, and we shall look at the \r\nway in which Plato and Aristotle are both subjected to similar tech\u00ad\r\nniques of interpretation. [p. 91]","btype":2,"date":"1993","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/b0MGk7ACSQL6CCE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":795,"section_of":214,"pages":"91-112","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":214,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"en","title":"Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Blumenthal1993c","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1993","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1993","abstract":"This book presents a series of Dr. Blumenthal\u2019s studies on the history of Neoplatonism, from its founder Plotinus to the end of Classical Antiquity, relating especially to the Neoplatonists\u2019 doctrines about the soul. The work falls into two parts. The first deals with Plotinus and considers the soul both as part of the structure of the universe and in its capacity as the basis of the individual\u2019s vital and cognitive functions. The second part is concerned with the later history of Neoplatonism, including its end. Its main focus is the investigation of how Neoplatonic psychology was modified and developed by later philosophers, in particular the commentators on Aristotle, and used as the starting point for their Platonizing interpretations of his philosophy.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Hj2vOznXoMqSzco","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":214,"pubplace":"Aldershot (Hampshire)","publisher":"Variorum","series":"Variorum collected studies series","volume":"426","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1993]}

Soul Vehicles in Simplicius, 1993
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.)

Title	Soul Vehicles in Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1993
Published in	Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism
Pages	173-188
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Translator(s)

There has been a not inconsiderable amount of discussion of the nature and function of the ochêma—or ochêmata—the body or bodies made of not quite bodily substance, which served as an intermediary between body and soul in various Neoplatonisms from Porphyry, or even arguably Plotinus, down to and including Proclus. Rather less attention, and in Simplicius’ case virtually none, has been paid to the nature and role of such intermediary vehicles in the Neoplatonist commentators on Aristotle. The purpose of the following pages will be to examine the use of the concept in Simplicius. In particular, it will seek to establish: How many such vehicles there were. What they were made of. What was their function, and, related to this: What was their life expectancy. Were they simply such as one would expect to find in the work of a Neoplatonist at this time, or are they in some way modified by the commentary context? In considering these matters, special attention will be paid to the vocabulary used to discuss them. It should not, however, come as a surprise to discover that it is not significantly, if at all, different from that of those Neoplatonists who did not concentrate their endeavors on the exposition of Aristotle. [introduction p. 173]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iFGbdffl8v5SpA9

{"_index":"sire","_id":"896","_score":null,"_source":{"id":896,"authors_free":[{"id":1322,"entry_id":896,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2442,"entry_id":896,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Soul Vehicles in Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Soul Vehicles in Simplicius"},"abstract":"There has been a not inconsiderable amount of discussion of the nature and function of the och\u00eama\u2014or och\u00eamata\u2014the body or bodies made of not quite bodily substance, which served as an intermediary between body and soul in various Neoplatonisms from Porphyry, or even arguably Plotinus, down to and including Proclus. Rather less attention, and in Simplicius\u2019 case virtually none, has been paid to the nature and role of such intermediary vehicles in the Neoplatonist commentators on Aristotle.\r\n\r\nThe purpose of the following pages will be to examine the use of the concept in Simplicius. In particular, it will seek to establish:\r\n\r\n How many such vehicles there were.\r\n What they were made of.\r\n What was their function, and, related to this:\r\n What was their life expectancy.\r\n Were they simply such as one would expect to find in the work of a Neoplatonist at this time, or are they in some way modified by the commentary context?\r\n\r\nIn considering these matters, special attention will be paid to the vocabulary used to discuss them. It should not, however, come as a surprise to discover that it is not significantly, if at all, different from that of those Neoplatonists who did not concentrate their endeavors on the exposition of Aristotle. [introduction p. 173]","btype":2,"date":"1993","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/iFGbdffl8v5SpA9","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":896,"section_of":214,"pages":"173-188","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":214,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"en","title":"Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Blumenthal1993c","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1993","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1993","abstract":"This book presents a series of Dr. Blumenthal\u2019s studies on the history of Neoplatonism, from its founder Plotinus to the end of Classical Antiquity, relating especially to the Neoplatonists\u2019 doctrines about the soul. The work falls into two parts. The first deals with Plotinus and considers the soul both as part of the structure of the universe and in its capacity as the basis of the individual\u2019s vital and cognitive functions. The second part is concerned with the later history of Neoplatonism, including its end. Its main focus is the investigation of how Neoplatonic psychology was modified and developed by later philosophers, in particular the commentators on Aristotle, and used as the starting point for their Platonizing interpretations of his philosophy.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Hj2vOznXoMqSzco","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":214,"pubplace":"Aldershot (Hampshire)","publisher":"Variorum","series":"Variorum collected studies series","volume":"426","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1993]}

Alexandria as a Center of Greek Philosophy in Later Classical Antiquity, 1993
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Alexandria as a Center of Greek Philosophy in Later Classical Antiquity
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	Illinois Classical Studies
Volume	18
Pages	307-325
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Any discussion of Greek Alexandria may properly take its starting point from the work of P. M. Fraser, even if only to dissent from it. In the preface to Ptolemaic Alexandria Fraser observes that philosophy was one of the “items” that “were not effectively transplanted to Alexandria.”1 In his chapter on philosophy, talking of the establishment of the main philosophical schools at Athens, Fraser writes that it “remained the centre of philosophical studies down to the closing of the schools by Justinian in A.D. 563.”2 The first of these statements is near enough the truth, since the Alexandria of the Ptolemies was not distinguished in philosophy as ifwas in literature or science, though even then some important things happened during that period too. But the implication that this situation continued during the Roman and early Byzantine periods is misleading, and by the end of the period simply false.3 The purpose of this paper is to examine some aspects of the considerable contribution that Alexandria made to the philosophical tradition that continued into the Islamic and Christian middle ages and beyond, and to show that it may lay claim to have been at least equal to that of Athens itself. [Introduction, p. 307]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MGb8ujHWfXvghPD

{"_index":"sire","_id":"898","_score":null,"_source":{"id":898,"authors_free":[{"id":1326,"entry_id":898,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Alexandria as a Center of Greek Philosophy in Later Classical Antiquity","main_title":{"title":"Alexandria as a Center of Greek Philosophy in Later Classical Antiquity"},"abstract":"Any discussion of Greek Alexandria may properly take its starting point \r\nfrom the work of P. M. Fraser, even if only to dissent from it. In the preface \r\nto Ptolemaic Alexandria Fraser observes that philosophy was one of the \r\n\u201citems\u201d that \u201cwere not effectively transplanted to Alexandria.\u201d1 In his \r\nchapter on philosophy, talking of the establishment of the main \r\nphilosophical schools at Athens, Fraser writes that it \u201cremained the centre of \r\nphilosophical studies down to the closing of the schools by Justinian in A.D. \r\n563.\u201d2 The first of these statements is near enough the truth, since the \r\nAlexandria of the Ptolemies was not distinguished in philosophy as ifwas in \r\nliterature or science, though even then some important things happened \r\nduring that period too. But the implication that this situation continued \r\nduring the Roman and early Byzantine periods is misleading, and by the end \r\nof the period simply false.3 The purpose of this paper is to examine some \r\naspects of the considerable contribution that Alexandria made to the \r\nphilosophical tradition that continued into the Islamic and Christian middle \r\nages and beyond, and to show that it may lay claim to have been at least \r\nequal to that of Athens itself. [Introduction, p. 307]","btype":3,"date":"1993","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/MGb8ujHWfXvghPD","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":898,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Illinois Classical Studies","volume":"18","issue":"","pages":"307-325"}},"sort":[1993]}

Review: Urmson, trans. Simplicius: On Aristotle's Physics 4.1-5,10-14, 1993
By: Keyser, Paul T.

Title	Review: Urmson, trans. Simplicius: On Aristotle's Physics 4.1-5,10-14
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	Canadian Philosophical Reviews
Volume	13
Issue	5
Pages	277-279
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Keyser, Paul T.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

J. O. Urmson, trans. Simplicius: On Aristotle's Physics 4.1-5, 10-14. Ithaca: Cornell University Press 1992. Pp. 225,US $47.95 (cloth: ISBN 0-8014-2817-3).This latest addition to the series of translations of Late Antique philosophy edited by Sorabji is a companion to Urmson’s translation of Simplicius’ Corollaries on Place and Time and so includes only Simplicius on Aristotle on Place and Time. Thus, an important gap, Simplicius on Aristotle’s Physics 4.6-9 (the void), which one hopes will soon be filled. Urmson departs rarely and moderately from the text of H. Diels CAG 9 (1882) and supplies few notes (some by Sorabji), in keeping with the aim of the series to make the philoso phy accessible in a modem language (191-200). A brief bibliography (188-90) is provided, an English-Greek glossary (201-3), and a more useful Greek-Eng- lish glossary and index (204-220), though unfonmately the Greek is tran scribed. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/98eQM267fD6P4f9

{"_index":"sire","_id":"254","_score":null,"_source":{"id":254,"authors_free":[{"id":323,"entry_id":254,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":45,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Keyser, Paul T. ","free_first_name":"Paul T.","free_last_name":"Keyser","norm_person":{"id":45,"first_name":"Paul T. ","last_name":"Keyser","full_name":"Keyser, Paul T. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1050677153","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review: Urmson, trans. Simplicius: On Aristotle's Physics 4.1-5,10-14","main_title":{"title":"Review: Urmson, trans. Simplicius: On Aristotle's Physics 4.1-5,10-14"},"abstract":"J. O. Urmson, trans.\r\nSimplicius: On Aristotle's Physics 4.1-5, 10-14.\r\nIthaca: Cornell University Press 1992. Pp. 225,US $47.95 (cloth: ISBN 0-8014-2817-3).This latest addition to the series of translations of Late Antique philosophy \r\nedited by Sorabji is a companion to Urmson\u2019s translation of Simplicius\u2019 \r\nCorollaries on Place and Time and so includes only Simplicius on Aristotle \r\non Place and Time. Thus, an important gap, Simplicius on Aristotle\u2019s Physics \r\n4.6-9 (the void), which one hopes will soon be filled. Urmson departs rarely \r\nand moderately from the text of H. Diels CAG 9 (1882) and supplies few notes \r\n(some by Sorabji), in keeping with the aim of the series to make the philoso\u00ad\r\nphy accessible in a modem language (191-200). A brief bibliography (188-90) \r\nis provided, an English-Greek glossary (201-3), and a more useful Greek-Eng- \r\nlish glossary and index (204-220), though unfonmately the Greek is tran\u00ad\r\nscribed. [introduction]","btype":3,"date":"1993","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/98eQM267fD6P4f9","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":45,"full_name":"Keyser, Paul T. ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":254,"pubplace":"","publisher":"Cornell University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":{"id":254,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Canadian Philosophical Reviews","volume":"13","issue":"5","pages":"277-279"}},"sort":[1993]}

Contre Platon. Tome I: Le Platonisme Dévoilé, 1993
By: Dixsaut, Monique (Ed.)

Title	Contre Platon. Tome I: Le Platonisme Dévoilé
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1993
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Tradition de la pensée classique
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Dixsaut, Monique
Translator(s)

Pourquoi, comment, devient-on antiplatonicien ? A l'évidence, en s'opposant au platonisme, d'emblée le problème se complique, car il n'est pas certain après tout que Platon, si obstinément absent de ses propres dialogues, si délibérément anonyme, ait été platonicien. Comment s'opposer à qui ne parle jamais en son nom, pourquoi réfuter une doctrine que son auteur n'a jamais présentée comme telle ni revendiquée comme sienne et dont le sens semble pouvoir être librement élaboré par les adversaires du moment et pour les besoins de leur cause ? En quoi le platonisme autorise-t-il ces attaques globales et parfois étrangement violentes ? Peut-être est-ce parce que chaque époque croit y déceler ce qu'elle tient pour la forme extrême de la démesure et de l'orgueil philosophiques, indiquant du même coup les problèmes et les attitudes jugés par elle tolérables en philosophie. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9zfyHBZbSdr0Iyv

{"_index":"sire","_id":"310","_score":null,"_source":{"id":310,"authors_free":[{"id":388,"entry_id":310,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":306,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Dixsaut, Monique","free_first_name":"Monique","free_last_name":"Dixsaut","norm_person":{"id":306,"first_name":"Monique","last_name":"Dixsaut","full_name":"Dixsaut, Monique","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/114771979","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Contre Platon. Tome I: Le Platonisme D\u00e9voil\u00e9","main_title":{"title":"Contre Platon. Tome I: Le Platonisme D\u00e9voil\u00e9"},"abstract":"Pourquoi, comment, devient-on antiplatonicien ? A l'\u00e9vidence, en s'opposant au platonisme, d'embl\u00e9e le probl\u00e8me se complique, car il n'est pas certain apr\u00e8s tout que Platon, si obstin\u00e9ment absent de ses propres dialogues, si d\u00e9lib\u00e9r\u00e9ment anonyme, ait \u00e9t\u00e9 platonicien. Comment s'opposer \u00e0 qui ne parle jamais en son nom, pourquoi r\u00e9futer une doctrine que son auteur n'a jamais pr\u00e9sent\u00e9e comme telle ni revendiqu\u00e9e comme sienne et dont le sens semble pouvoir \u00eatre librement \u00e9labor\u00e9 par les adversaires du moment et pour les besoins de leur cause ? En quoi le platonisme autorise-t-il ces attaques globales et parfois \u00e9trangement violentes ? Peut-\u00eatre est-ce parce que chaque \u00e9poque croit y d\u00e9celer ce qu'elle tient pour la forme extr\u00eame de la d\u00e9mesure et de l'orgueil philosophiques, indiquant du m\u00eame coup les probl\u00e8mes et les attitudes jug\u00e9s par elle tol\u00e9rables en philosophie. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1993","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9zfyHBZbSdr0Iyv","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":306,"full_name":"Dixsaut, Monique","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":310,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Tradition de la pens\u00e9e classique","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1993]}

Symbolae Berolinenses. Für Dieter Harlfinger, 1993
By: Berger, Friederike (Ed.), Brockmann, Christian (Ed.), De Gregorio, Giuseppe (Ed.), Ghisu, Maria Irene (Ed.), Kotzabassi, Sofia (Ed.), Noack, Beate (Ed.)

Title	Symbolae Berolinenses. Für Dieter Harlfinger
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1993
Publication Place	Amsterdam
Publisher	Hakkert
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Berger, Friederike , Brockmann, Christian , De Gregorio, Giuseppe , Ghisu, Maria Irene , Kotzabassi, Sofia , Noack, Beate
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WynC9SYoNF55LD8

{"_index":"sire","_id":"353","_score":null,"_source":{"id":353,"authors_free":[{"id":458,"entry_id":353,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":361,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Berger, Friederike","free_first_name":"Friederike","free_last_name":"Berger","norm_person":{"id":361,"first_name":"Friederike","last_name":"Berger","full_name":"Berger, Friederike","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1216192375","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2414,"entry_id":353,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":473,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Brockmann, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Brockmann","norm_person":{"id":473,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Brockmann","full_name":"Brockmann, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137576218","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2416,"entry_id":353,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":474,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"De Gregorio, Giuseppe","free_first_name":"Giuseppe","free_last_name":"De Gregorio","norm_person":{"id":474,"first_name":"Giuseppe","last_name":"De Gregorio","full_name":"De Gregorio, Giuseppe","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1056147482","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2418,"entry_id":353,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":475,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Ghisu, Maria Irene","free_first_name":"Maria Irene","free_last_name":"Ghisu","norm_person":{"id":475,"first_name":"Maria Irene","last_name":"Ghisu","full_name":"Ghisu, Maria Irene","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2420,"entry_id":353,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":476,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Kotzabassi, Sofia","free_first_name":"Sofia","free_last_name":"Kotzabassi","norm_person":{"id":476,"first_name":"Sofia","last_name":"Kotzabassi","full_name":"Kotzabassi, Sofia","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1030288763","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2422,"entry_id":353,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":477,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Noack, Beate","free_first_name":"Beate","free_last_name":"Noack","norm_person":{"id":477,"first_name":"Beate","last_name":"Noack","full_name":"Noack, Beate","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1223988120","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Symbolae Berolinenses. F\u00fcr Dieter Harlfinger","main_title":{"title":"Symbolae Berolinenses. F\u00fcr Dieter Harlfinger"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"1993","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/WynC9SYoNF55LD8","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":361,"full_name":"Berger, Friederike","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":473,"full_name":"Brockmann, Christian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":474,"full_name":"De Gregorio, Giuseppe","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":475,"full_name":"Ghisu, Maria Irene","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":476,"full_name":"Kotzabassi, Sofia","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":477,"full_name":"Noack, Beate","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":353,"pubplace":"Amsterdam","publisher":"Hakkert","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1993]}

Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism, 1993
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1993
Publication Place	Aldershot (Hampshire)
Publisher	Variorum
Series	Variorum collected studies series
Volume	426
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This book presents a series of Dr. Blumenthal’s studies on the history of Neoplatonism, from its founder Plotinus to the end of Classical Antiquity, relating especially to the Neoplatonists’ doctrines about the soul. The work falls into two parts. The first deals with Plotinus and considers the soul both as part of the structure of the universe and in its capacity as the basis of the individual’s vital and cognitive functions. The second part is concerned with the later history of Neoplatonism, including its end. Its main focus is the investigation of how Neoplatonic psychology was modified and developed by later philosophers, in particular the commentators on Aristotle, and used as the starting point for their Platonizing interpretations of his philosophy.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Hj2vOznXoMqSzco

{"_index":"sire","_id":"214","_score":null,"_source":{"id":214,"authors_free":[{"id":273,"entry_id":214,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism","main_title":{"title":"Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism"},"abstract":"This book presents a series of Dr. Blumenthal\u2019s studies on the history of Neoplatonism, from its founder Plotinus to the end of Classical Antiquity, relating especially to the Neoplatonists\u2019 doctrines about the soul. The work falls into two parts. The first deals with Plotinus and considers the soul both as part of the structure of the universe and in its capacity as the basis of the individual\u2019s vital and cognitive functions. The second part is concerned with the later history of Neoplatonism, including its end. Its main focus is the investigation of how Neoplatonic psychology was modified and developed by later philosophers, in particular the commentators on Aristotle, and used as the starting point for their Platonizing interpretations of his philosophy.","btype":1,"date":"1993","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Hj2vOznXoMqSzco","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":214,"pubplace":"Aldershot (Hampshire)","publisher":"Variorum","series":"Variorum collected studies series","volume":"426","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1993]}

Plato and Aristotle in Agreement: The Neoplatonist Commentaries on Aristotle’s Categories (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Texas at Austin), 1993
By: Bole, Thomas James

Title	Plato and Aristotle in Agreement: The Neoplatonist Commentaries on Aristotle’s Categories (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Texas at Austin)
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1993
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bole, Thomas James
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The dissertation is a case study of the thesis of the Neoplatonist commentators that Aristotle's philosophy was in basic harmony with Plato's. The cases examined are the surviving Greek commentaries on Aristotle's Categories authored by Porphyry, Dexippus, Ammonius, Simplicius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus, and David. The Categories was the traditional introduction to a systematic reading of Aristotle's works; it is also blatantly anti-Platonist: if it could be shown to be harmonious with Plato's philosophy, Aristotle's other works could more easily be accommodated. ;The crucial move in the commentators' harmonization is set out in the dissertation's introductory chapter: how their determination of the intended theme of the Categories permits them to construe Aristotle's listed categories not as ontological, and so in competition with Platonist summa genera, but as semantic of the derivatively real material world. The second chapter notes that the commentators' conceptions of homonymy includes a relationship between intelligibles and sensibles according to which terms for sensibles receive their meaning because they signify that which derives both ontological determination and meaning from intelligible exemplars. It then takes up the commentators' treatment of issues of ontological dependence: how form is in matter; whether accidents are separable from one particular subject; and whether the last six categories are derivative from relationships among the first four. The third chapter shows that only Dexippus and Porphyry apud Dexippum demonstrate that the emanation of the sensible from the intelligible is parallel in Platonism and in Aristotle. Our other commentators either claim a looser parallelism between Plato and Aristotle or simply presume this parallelism. The fourth, fifth, and sixth chapters investigate how, and with what consistency, each of the commentators views each of the three categories of quantity, relatives, and quality as the building blocks of the sensible world. The fifth chapter also confirms Conti's thesis, not taken seriously since Luna's objections, that the commentators anticipate the modern notion of relation as a polyadic function. A final chapter examines the appropriateness of stopping the survey of the commentaries on the ninth chapter of a fifteen-chapter work. [autor's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RRFj09L0aVZ7NHb

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1432","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1432,"authors_free":[{"id":2261,"entry_id":1432,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":425,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bole, Thomas James","free_first_name":"Thomas James","free_last_name":"Bole","norm_person":{"id":425,"first_name":"Thomas James","last_name":"Bole","full_name":"Bole, Thomas James","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Plato and Aristotle in Agreement: The Neoplatonist Commentaries on Aristotle\u2019s Categories (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Texas at Austin)","main_title":{"title":"Plato and Aristotle in Agreement: The Neoplatonist Commentaries on Aristotle\u2019s Categories (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Texas at Austin)"},"abstract":"The dissertation is a case study of the thesis of the Neoplatonist commentators that Aristotle's philosophy was in basic harmony with Plato's. The cases examined are the surviving Greek commentaries on Aristotle's Categories authored by Porphyry, Dexippus, Ammonius, Simplicius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus, and David. The Categories was the traditional introduction to a systematic reading of Aristotle's works; it is also blatantly anti-Platonist: if it could be shown to be harmonious with Plato's philosophy, Aristotle's other works could more easily be accommodated. ;The crucial move in the commentators' harmonization is set out in the dissertation's introductory chapter: how their determination of the intended theme of the Categories permits them to construe Aristotle's listed categories not as ontological, and so in competition with Platonist summa genera, but as semantic of the derivatively real material world. The second chapter notes that the commentators' conceptions of homonymy includes a relationship between intelligibles and sensibles according to which terms for sensibles receive their meaning because they signify that which derives both ontological determination and meaning from intelligible exemplars. It then takes up the commentators' treatment of issues of ontological dependence: how form is in matter; whether accidents are separable from one particular subject; and whether the last six categories are derivative from relationships among the first four. The third chapter shows that only Dexippus and Porphyry apud Dexippum demonstrate that the emanation of the sensible from the intelligible is parallel in Platonism and in Aristotle. Our other commentators either claim a looser parallelism between Plato and Aristotle or simply presume this parallelism. The fourth, fifth, and sixth chapters investigate how, and with what consistency, each of the commentators views each of the three categories of quantity, relatives, and quality as the building blocks of the sensible world. The fifth chapter also confirms Conti's thesis, not taken seriously since Luna's objections, that the commentators anticipate the modern notion of relation as a polyadic function. A final chapter examines the appropriateness of stopping the survey of the commentaries on the ninth chapter of a fifteen-chapter work. [autor's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1993","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RRFj09L0aVZ7NHb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":425,"full_name":"Bole, Thomas James","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1432,"pubplace":"","publisher":"","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1993]}

Metacommentary, 1992
By: Barnes, Jonathan, Annas, Julia (Ed.)

Title	Metacommentary
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1992
Published in	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Pages	267-281
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Barnes, Jonathan
Editor(s)	Annas, Julia
Translator(s)

Simplicius is in the scholarly news; the Neoplatonists are making a comeback; and the Greek commentaries on Aristotle are submitting to renewed scholarly scrutiny and enjoying some little publicity. Students of Greek philosophy have always referred to Simplicius and his fellows; but they have usually read a page here and a paragraph there, and their primary interest in the works has been in their value as sources for earlier thought (for the Presocratics, for the Stoics). This approach to a text has its dangers; and it is an unqualified good that Simplicius’ works are now being studied hard for themselves and as wholes. The French metacommentary may be regarded, and should be welcomed, as a part of this enterprise. But I am, I suspect, not alone in hoping that the next nine fascicles may prove a touch more sprightly and a touch more lithe. [conclusion p. 280-281]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FBuj9EwgXQZ5fXT

{"_index":"sire","_id":"646","_score":null,"_source":{"id":646,"authors_free":[{"id":924,"entry_id":646,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":416,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","free_first_name":"Jonathan","free_last_name":"Barnes","norm_person":{"id":416,"first_name":"Jonathan","last_name":"Barnes","full_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134306627","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":925,"entry_id":646,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":415,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Annas, Julia","free_first_name":"Julia","free_last_name":"Annas","norm_person":{"id":415,"first_name":"Julia","last_name":"Annas","full_name":"Annas, Julia","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/112065120","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Metacommentary","main_title":{"title":"Metacommentary"},"abstract":"Simplicius is in the scholarly news; the Neoplatonists are making a comeback; and the Greek commentaries on Aristotle are submitting to renewed scholarly scrutiny and enjoying some little publicity. Students of Greek philosophy have always referred to Simplicius and his fellows; but they have usually read a page here and a paragraph there, and their primary interest in the works has been in their value as sources for earlier thought (for the Presocratics, for the Stoics). This approach to a text has its dangers; and it is an unqualified good that Simplicius\u2019 works are now being studied hard for themselves and as wholes. The French metacommentary may be regarded, and should be welcomed, as a part of this enterprise. But I am, I suspect, not alone in hoping that the next nine fascicles may prove a touch more sprightly and a touch more lithe. [conclusion p. 280-281]","btype":2,"date":"1992","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FBuj9EwgXQZ5fXT","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":416,"full_name":"Barnes, Jonathan","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":415,"full_name":"Annas, Julia","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":646,"section_of":285,"pages":"267-281","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":285,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Annas1992","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1992","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1992","abstract":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy is an annual publication which includes original articles on a wide range of topics in ancient philosophy, and review articles of major books. In this supplementary volume, a number of renowned scholars of Plato reflect upon their interpretative methods. Topics covered include the use of ancient authorities in interpreting Plato's dialogues, Plato's literary and rhetorical style, his arguments and characters, and his use of the dialogue form. The collection is not intended as a comprehensive survey of methodological approaches; rather it offers a number of different perspectives and clearly articulated interpretations by leading scholars in the field. [offical abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dS81MCQI85uHYdS","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":285,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Clarendon Press","series":"","volume":"X","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1992]}

Aristote dans l'enseignement philosophique néoplatonicien : les préfaces descommentaires sur les Catégories, 1992
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Aristote dans l'enseignement philosophique néoplatonicien : les préfaces descommentaires sur les Catégories
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1992
Journal	Revue de théologie et de philosophie
Volume	124
Issue	4
Pages	407–425
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Cet article représente une contribution de plus à ma critique générale des thèses de Praechter selon lesquelles l'école néoplatonicienne dite «d'Alexandrie» se distinguerait, non seulement par le lieu de son enseignement, de celle dite «d'Athènes», mais encore et surtout par ses doctrines philosophiques et par son attitude envers T œuvre d'Aristote. La comparaison entre elles des préfaces des cinq commentaires néoplatoniciens des Catégories d'Aristote. dont l'un, celui de Simplicius, appartiendrait, selon Praechter, à l'école d'Athènes, et ceux des quatre autres à l'école d'Alexandrie, fait apparaître la concordance fondamentale de la philosophie néoplatonicienne qui était enseignée à Athènes avec celle qui était enseignée à Alexandrie: toutes deux interprètent la philosophie d'Aristote dans la même perspective néoplatonicienne et la même volonté d'harmoniser Platon et Aristote. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/7tyvPpwgQ6rj4sJ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"668","_score":null,"_source":{"id":668,"authors_free":[{"id":979,"entry_id":668,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristote dans l'enseignement philosophique n\u00e9oplatonicien : les pr\u00e9faces descommentaires sur les Cat\u00e9gories","main_title":{"title":"Aristote dans l'enseignement philosophique n\u00e9oplatonicien : les pr\u00e9faces descommentaires sur les Cat\u00e9gories"},"abstract":"Cet article repr\u00e9sente une contribution de plus \u00e0 ma critique g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des th\u00e8ses de Praechter selon lesquelles l'\u00e9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne dite \u00abd'Alexandrie\u00bb se distinguerait, non seulement par le lieu de son enseignement, de celle dite \u00abd'Ath\u00e8nes\u00bb, mais encore et surtout par ses\r\ndoctrines philosophiques et par son attitude envers T \u0153uvre d'Aristote. La comparaison entre elles des pr\u00e9faces des cinq commentaires n\u00e9oplatoniciens des Cat\u00e9gories d'Aristote. dont l'un, celui de Simplicius, appartiendrait, selon Praechter, \u00e0 l'\u00e9cole d'Ath\u00e8nes, et ceux des quatre autres \u00e0 l'\u00e9cole d'Alexandrie, fait appara\u00eetre la concordance fondamentale de la philosophie n\u00e9oplatonicienne qui \u00e9tait enseign\u00e9e \u00e0 Ath\u00e8nes avec celle qui \u00e9tait enseign\u00e9e \u00e0 Alexandrie: toutes deux interpr\u00e8tent la philosophie d'Aristote dans la m\u00eame perspective n\u00e9oplatonicienne et la m\u00eame volont\u00e9 d'harmoniser Platon et Aristote. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1992","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/7tyvPpwgQ6rj4sJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":668,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue de th\u00e9ologie et de philosophie","volume":"124","issue":"4","pages":"407\u2013425"}},"sort":[1992]}

Simplicius, 1992
By: Caujolle-Zaslawsky, Françoise , Jacob, André (Ed.), Mattéi, Jean-François (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1992
Published in	Encyclopédie philosophique universelle: Les oeuvres philosophiques
Pages	319-321
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Caujolle-Zaslawsky, Françoise
Editor(s)	Jacob, André , Mattéi, Jean-François
Translator(s)

Ce néoplatonicien est le dernier grand philosophe païen de l’Antiquité tardive. Ses grands commentaires sur Aristote et sur le Manuel d'Épictète ont été largement exploités comme une mine de renseignements sur l’histoire de la philosophie antique, par exemple sur les œuvres des présocratiques, des péripatéticiens et des stoïciens. Toutefois, à l’exception du commentaire sur le Manuel d'Épictète, ces œuvres n’ont pas, jusqu’ici, été étudiées dans leur ensemble d’une manière permettant de connaître le système philosophique de Simplicius lui-même dans ses détails. Des recherches récentes ont montré que, contrairement à ce que pensait encore K. Praechter, Simplicius est, dans l’ensemble de son œuvre, largement tributaire des doctrines philosophiques de son maître Damascius. Ce dernier, en critiquant Proclus, avait développé le plus riche des systèmes néoplatoniciens, marqué par une différenciation ontologique poussée à l’extrême. Simplicius ne nous a laissé aucune indication concernant sa patrie, le lieu ou la date de sa naissance. Il nous informe seulement qu’il a suivi à Alexandrie l’enseignement d’Ammonius, fils d’Hermias et disciple de Proclus, et, à un lieu ou des lieux non spécifiés, l’enseignement de Damascius. Grâce à un ensemble d’autres sources, grecques et arabes, ainsi qu’à quelques indices contenus dans ses propres œuvres, nous pouvons compléter sa biographie comme suit : Simplicius est né en Cilicie, en Asie Mineure. Il a été élève d’Ammonius à Alexandrie avant 517 de notre ère et s’est retrouvé en Perse en 532 avec les philosophes Damascius (son maître), Eulamios, Priscien, Hermias, Diogène et Isidore de Gaza, à une date difficile à déterminer. On peut supposer un lien entre le séjour des philosophes grecs en Perse et l’interdiction, édictée par Justinien en 529, d’enseigner la philosophie et le droit à Athènes, bien qu’aucune source ne le précise. Simplicius quitta la Perse en 532, en compagnie des autres philosophes, pour s’installer à Harrân (Carrhae) et y enseigner dans l’école néoplatonicienne de cette ville, située en territoire byzantin. C’est là qu’il composa tous ses commentaires. Notons enfin que l’authenticité du Commentaire sur le traité De l'âme d’Aristote a été mise en doute par F. Bossier et C. Steel (cf. compte rendu de P. Hadot). Le Commentaire sur le traité de Jamblique « Sur la secte de Pythagore » est perdu, et il ne reste que quelques fragments des commentaires sur la Métaphysique d’Aristote et sur le premier livre des Éléments d’Euclide. Œuvres principales de Simplicius : Commentaire sur le traité Du ciel d'Aristote (Eis to proton tou Aristotelous Peri ouranou), vers 533. Commentaire sur la Physique d'Aristote (Eis to proton tes Aristotelous Phusikes akroaseos), vers 538. Commentaire aux Catégories d'Aristote (Hupomnema eis tas Kategorias tou Aristotelous), vers 538. Commentaire sur le traité De l'âme d'Aristote (Eis to proton tou Peri psuches Aristotelous hupomnema), vers 538. Étant impossible de donner, en quelques lignes, un résumé pertinent pour chacun de ces volumineux commentaires, il est instructif de fournir quelques explications générales sur leur fonction, leur structure et leur tendance philosophique. Ces commentaires combinent des applications concrètes de la sképsis aux thèses de la logique, de la physique et de l’éthique. [the entire article]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QFpZ6wLm1XbKKRr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"694","_score":null,"_source":{"id":694,"authors_free":[{"id":1032,"entry_id":694,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":141,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Caujolle-Zaslawsky, Franc\u0327oise ","free_first_name":"Franc\u0327oise ","free_last_name":"Caujolle-Zaslawsky","norm_person":{"id":141,"first_name":"Francoise ","last_name":"Caujolle-Zaslawsky","full_name":"Caujolle-Zaslawsky, Francoise ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1033,"entry_id":694,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":140,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Jacob, Andr\u00e9","free_first_name":"Andr\u00e9","free_last_name":"Jacob","norm_person":{"id":140,"first_name":"Jacob","last_name":"Andr\u00e9 ","full_name":"Jacob, Andr\u00e9 ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1024554724","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1978,"entry_id":694,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":142,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Matt\u00e9i, Jean-Fran\u00e7ois","free_first_name":"Jean-Fran\u00e7ois","free_last_name":"Matt\u00e9i","norm_person":{"id":142,"first_name":"Jean-Fran\u00e7ois ","last_name":"Matt\u00e9i","full_name":"Matt\u00e9i, Jean-Fran\u00e7ois ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/13666606X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius"},"abstract":"Ce n\u00e9oplatonicien est le dernier grand philosophe pa\u00efen de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive. Ses grands commentaires sur Aristote et sur le Manuel d'\u00c9pict\u00e8te ont \u00e9t\u00e9 largement exploit\u00e9s comme une mine de renseignements sur l\u2019histoire de la philosophie antique, par exemple sur les \u0153uvres des pr\u00e9socratiques, des p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticiens et des sto\u00efciens. Toutefois, \u00e0 l\u2019exception du commentaire sur le Manuel d'\u00c9pict\u00e8te, ces \u0153uvres n\u2019ont pas, jusqu\u2019ici, \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9tudi\u00e9es dans leur ensemble d\u2019une mani\u00e8re permettant de conna\u00eetre le syst\u00e8me philosophique de Simplicius lui-m\u00eame dans ses d\u00e9tails.\r\n\r\nDes recherches r\u00e9centes ont montr\u00e9 que, contrairement \u00e0 ce que pensait encore K. Praechter, Simplicius est, dans l\u2019ensemble de son \u0153uvre, largement tributaire des doctrines philosophiques de son ma\u00eetre Damascius. Ce dernier, en critiquant Proclus, avait d\u00e9velopp\u00e9 le plus riche des syst\u00e8mes n\u00e9oplatoniciens, marqu\u00e9 par une diff\u00e9renciation ontologique pouss\u00e9e \u00e0 l\u2019extr\u00eame.\r\n\r\nSimplicius ne nous a laiss\u00e9 aucune indication concernant sa patrie, le lieu ou la date de sa naissance. Il nous informe seulement qu\u2019il a suivi \u00e0 Alexandrie l\u2019enseignement d\u2019Ammonius, fils d\u2019Hermias et disciple de Proclus, et, \u00e0 un lieu ou des lieux non sp\u00e9cifi\u00e9s, l\u2019enseignement de Damascius. Gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 un ensemble d\u2019autres sources, grecques et arabes, ainsi qu\u2019\u00e0 quelques indices contenus dans ses propres \u0153uvres, nous pouvons compl\u00e9ter sa biographie comme suit : Simplicius est n\u00e9 en Cilicie, en Asie Mineure. Il a \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9l\u00e8ve d\u2019Ammonius \u00e0 Alexandrie avant 517 de notre \u00e8re et s\u2019est retrouv\u00e9 en Perse en 532 avec les philosophes Damascius (son ma\u00eetre), Eulamios, Priscien, Hermias, Diog\u00e8ne et Isidore de Gaza, \u00e0 une date difficile \u00e0 d\u00e9terminer.\r\n\r\nOn peut supposer un lien entre le s\u00e9jour des philosophes grecs en Perse et l\u2019interdiction, \u00e9dict\u00e9e par Justinien en 529, d\u2019enseigner la philosophie et le droit \u00e0 Ath\u00e8nes, bien qu\u2019aucune source ne le pr\u00e9cise. Simplicius quitta la Perse en 532, en compagnie des autres philosophes, pour s\u2019installer \u00e0 Harr\u00e2n (Carrhae) et y enseigner dans l\u2019\u00e9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne de cette ville, situ\u00e9e en territoire byzantin. C\u2019est l\u00e0 qu\u2019il composa tous ses commentaires.\r\n\r\nNotons enfin que l\u2019authenticit\u00e9 du Commentaire sur le trait\u00e9 De l'\u00e2me d\u2019Aristote a \u00e9t\u00e9 mise en doute par F. Bossier et C. Steel (cf. compte rendu de P. Hadot). Le Commentaire sur le trait\u00e9 de Jamblique \u00ab Sur la secte de Pythagore \u00bb est perdu, et il ne reste que quelques fragments des commentaires sur la M\u00e9taphysique d\u2019Aristote et sur le premier livre des \u00c9l\u00e9ments d\u2019Euclide.\r\n\r\n\u0152uvres principales de Simplicius :\r\n\r\n Commentaire sur le trait\u00e9 Du ciel d'Aristote (Eis to proton tou Aristotelous Peri ouranou), vers 533.\r\n Commentaire sur la Physique d'Aristote (Eis to proton tes Aristotelous Phusikes akroaseos), vers 538.\r\n Commentaire aux Cat\u00e9gories d'Aristote (Hupomnema eis tas Kategorias tou Aristotelous), vers 538.\r\n Commentaire sur le trait\u00e9 De l'\u00e2me d'Aristote (Eis to proton tou Peri psuches Aristotelous hupomnema), vers 538.\r\n\r\n\u00c9tant impossible de donner, en quelques lignes, un r\u00e9sum\u00e9 pertinent pour chacun de ces volumineux commentaires, il est instructif de fournir quelques explications g\u00e9n\u00e9rales sur leur fonction, leur structure et leur tendance philosophique. Ces commentaires combinent des applications concr\u00e8tes de la sk\u00e9psis aux th\u00e8ses de la logique, de la physique et de l\u2019\u00e9thique. [the entire article]","btype":2,"date":"1992","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/QFpZ6wLm1XbKKRr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":141,"full_name":"Caujolle-Zaslawsky, Francoise ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":140,"full_name":"Jacob, Andr\u00e9 ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":142,"full_name":"Matt\u00e9i, Jean-Fran\u00e7ois ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":694,"section_of":361,"pages":"319-321","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":361,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Encyclop\u00e9die philosophique universelle: Les oeuvres philosophiques","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Mattei1992","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1992","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1992","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/OwmYyz8HeXbVYFD","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":361,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Presses Universitaires de France","series":"","volume":"3","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1992]}

'Place' in Context: On Theophrastus Fr. 21 et 22 Wimmer, 1992
By: Algra, Keimpe A., Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Gutas, Dimitri (Ed.)

Title	'Place' in Context: On Theophrastus Fr. 21 et 22 Wimmer
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1992
Published in	Theophrastus. His Psychological, Doxographical and Scientific Writings
Pages	141-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Algra, Keimpe A.
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Gutas, Dimitri
Translator(s)

Fr. 21 and fr. 22 Wimmer—two passages in Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics—constitute virtually all the available information concerning Theophrastus’ ideas about place. Fr. 21 (Simpl., In Phys., Corollarium de loco [CAG vol. 9 p. 604.5–11 Diels]) contains a relatively straightforward enumeration of what Simplicius describes as a set of aporiai put forward by Theophrastus in connection with Aristotle’s famous final definition of place as the "inner boundary of the surrounding body." As to fr. 22, an allegedly verbatim quotation (Simpl., In Phys., Corollarium de loco [CAG vol. 9 p. 639.13–22 Diels]), the situation is more complicated. In the first place, it is not immediately clear what exactly Theophrastus was trying to convey in these rather condensed phrases. As a result, opinions differ as to how the contents of this fragment relate to the aporiai of fr. 21 and to Aristotle’s theory of place. Secondly, it may well be asked to what extent Theophrastus was himself positively committed to the ideas expressed in fr. 22. Thirdly, a careful assessment of the context in which Simplicius quotes this passage is needed, for it is not immediately clear what position Simplicius assigns to Theophrastus’ conception of place in his Corollarium de loco. The existing scholarly literature on Theophrastus’ conception of place is not extensive. As to the problem of the interpretation of the more crucial fr. 22, the status quaestionis is, roughly, as follows. According to what I shall refer to as the "traditional" view—a view defended by Jammer and Sambursky—fr. 22 testifies to Theophrastus having developed a "relational" theory of place as a full-blown alternative to Aristotle’s defective theory. Sambursky characteristically compared the view expressed in Theophrastus fr. 22 with Leibniz’s theory of place. Pierre Duhem, on the other hand, saw fr. 22 as dealing with the primacy of natural place and, more or less following Simplicius, assumed a close resemblance between this view and Damascius’ theory of "essential place" (topos ousiodes). Unfortunately, however, these scholars offered little beyond a categorical statement of their position. Hence, they left room for a more detailed analysis of both fr. 21 and 22. Such an analysis has now been provided by Richard Sorabji in his challenging paper "Theophrastus on Place" and in the two relevant chapters of his book Matter, Space and Motion. As a result, any attempt to study Theophrastus’ fragments on place should come to terms with Sorabji’s interpretation, the more so since this interpretation is rather radically opposed to the traditional view. According to Sorabji, fr. 22 should not be read as representing anything like a fully developed concept of place. Rather, it is best understood as an argument (or rather an objection) with a much more limited scope, specifically directed against Aristotle’s conception of (the dynamic character of) natural place. The aim of the present study is to determine what position should be assigned to Theophrastus’ ideas about place in general, and to fr. 22 in particular, in the Rezeptionsgeschichte of Aristotelian physics. To this purpose, we shall concentrate on the three main items already referred to, viz. (1) the interpretation of fr. 22 in relation to fr. 21 and to Aristotle’s theory of topos as found in the Physics, (2) the problem of Theophrastus’ commitment, and (3) the question as to how our source Simplicius interprets, or misinterprets, Theophrastus’ position. The structure of the present study, accordingly, is as follows. Section (I) contains some observations on the systematic difficulties inherent in Aristotle’s theory of topos, which may plausibly be regarded as providing the background of Theophrastus’ aporiai in fr. 21. I shall argue that at least four out of these five aporiai (including the one dealing with the immobility of place) concern problems arising from Aristotle’s reified conception of place. This, I argue, is one prima facie reason to believe—pace Sorabji—that Theophrastus fr. 22, which explicitly swaps the conception of topos-as-a-thing for topos-as-a-relation, should be regarded as providing an alternative to Aristotle’s conception of place in general, rather than a mere alternative conception of natural place. This stance will be further defended in Section (II), which studies the role of natural place in Aristotle’s physics and in Theophrastus fr. 22 in some more detail. Section (III) deals with the problem of Theophrastus’ commitment to the contents of fr. 22. Section (IV), finally, attempts to determine what position Simplicius assigns to Theophrastus fr. 22 in his historical survey of concepts of place in the Corollarium de loco. It will be shown that Simplicius groups together Theophrastus, Iamblichus, and Damascius on the basis of a rather limited common ground between their theories. This is done in the context of an elaborate (and allegedly complete) division (diaeresis) of conceptions of place. I shall attempt to show that a closer study of the structure of this diaeresis reveals how Simplicius interpreted the text of our Theophrastus fr. 22. Since Simplicius apparently had first-hand knowledge of Theophrastus’ Physics and since, on the other hand, there are hardly any reasons to assume that Simplicius misrepresents or misunderstands Theophrastus’ position, the way he interprets fr. 22 himself is of great interest. Our conclusions are summarized in Section (V). The resulting interpretation of Theophrastus’ position differs both from the traditional one and from that put forward by Sorabji. I shall argue, against the "traditional" view, that the evidence does not indicate that Theophrastus ever worked out the suggestions of fr. 22 into a detailed and coherent alternative theory of place. Even if the fragment represents ideas endorsed by Theophrastus in propria persona, as I believe it does, we should take into account that its phrasing points to a dialectical context. At the same time, I dissent from Sorabji’s interpretation in that I do not believe that the argument has Aristotle’s concept of natural place as its exclusive, or even primary, target. The present study should therefore be regarded as an attempt to defend a qualified version of the traditional view by means of a closer study of the preserved evidence. [introduction p. 141-143]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0oHBoWr21Bfhamu

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1005","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1005,"authors_free":[{"id":1511,"entry_id":1005,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":28,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","free_first_name":"Keimpe A.","free_last_name":"Algra","norm_person":{"id":28,"first_name":"Keimpe A.","last_name":"Algra","full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115110992","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1512,"entry_id":1005,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":7,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W.","free_first_name":"William W.","free_last_name":"Fortenbaugh","norm_person":{"id":7,"first_name":"William W. ","last_name":"Fortenbaugh","full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/110233700","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1513,"entry_id":1005,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":379,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gutas, Dimitri","free_first_name":"Dimitri","free_last_name":"Gutas","norm_person":{"id":379,"first_name":"Dimitri","last_name":"Gutas","full_name":"Gutas, Dimitri","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122946243","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"'Place' in Context: On Theophrastus Fr. 21 et 22 Wimmer","main_title":{"title":"'Place' in Context: On Theophrastus Fr. 21 et 22 Wimmer"},"abstract":"Fr. 21 and fr. 22 Wimmer\u2014two passages in Simplicius\u2019 commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics\u2014constitute virtually all the available information concerning Theophrastus\u2019 ideas about place. Fr. 21 (Simpl., In Phys., Corollarium de loco [CAG vol. 9 p. 604.5\u201311 Diels]) contains a relatively straightforward enumeration of what Simplicius describes as a set of aporiai put forward by Theophrastus in connection with Aristotle\u2019s famous final definition of place as the \"inner boundary of the surrounding body.\" As to fr. 22, an allegedly verbatim quotation (Simpl., In Phys., Corollarium de loco [CAG vol. 9 p. 639.13\u201322 Diels]), the situation is more complicated. In the first place, it is not immediately clear what exactly Theophrastus was trying to convey in these rather condensed phrases. As a result, opinions differ as to how the contents of this fragment relate to the aporiai of fr. 21 and to Aristotle\u2019s theory of place. Secondly, it may well be asked to what extent Theophrastus was himself positively committed to the ideas expressed in fr. 22. Thirdly, a careful assessment of the context in which Simplicius quotes this passage is needed, for it is not immediately clear what position Simplicius assigns to Theophrastus\u2019 conception of place in his Corollarium de loco.\r\n\r\nThe existing scholarly literature on Theophrastus\u2019 conception of place is not extensive. As to the problem of the interpretation of the more crucial fr. 22, the status quaestionis is, roughly, as follows. According to what I shall refer to as the \"traditional\" view\u2014a view defended by Jammer and Sambursky\u2014fr. 22 testifies to Theophrastus having developed a \"relational\" theory of place as a full-blown alternative to Aristotle\u2019s defective theory. Sambursky characteristically compared the view expressed in Theophrastus fr. 22 with Leibniz\u2019s theory of place. Pierre Duhem, on the other hand, saw fr. 22 as dealing with the primacy of natural place and, more or less following Simplicius, assumed a close resemblance between this view and Damascius\u2019 theory of \"essential place\" (topos ousiodes). Unfortunately, however, these scholars offered little beyond a categorical statement of their position. Hence, they left room for a more detailed analysis of both fr. 21 and 22.\r\n\r\nSuch an analysis has now been provided by Richard Sorabji in his challenging paper \"Theophrastus on Place\" and in the two relevant chapters of his book Matter, Space and Motion. As a result, any attempt to study Theophrastus\u2019 fragments on place should come to terms with Sorabji\u2019s interpretation, the more so since this interpretation is rather radically opposed to the traditional view. According to Sorabji, fr. 22 should not be read as representing anything like a fully developed concept of place. Rather, it is best understood as an argument (or rather an objection) with a much more limited scope, specifically directed against Aristotle\u2019s conception of (the dynamic character of) natural place.\r\n\r\nThe aim of the present study is to determine what position should be assigned to Theophrastus\u2019 ideas about place in general, and to fr. 22 in particular, in the Rezeptionsgeschichte of Aristotelian physics. To this purpose, we shall concentrate on the three main items already referred to, viz. (1) the interpretation of fr. 22 in relation to fr. 21 and to Aristotle\u2019s theory of topos as found in the Physics, (2) the problem of Theophrastus\u2019 commitment, and (3) the question as to how our source Simplicius interprets, or misinterprets, Theophrastus\u2019 position.\r\n\r\nThe structure of the present study, accordingly, is as follows. Section (I) contains some observations on the systematic difficulties inherent in Aristotle\u2019s theory of topos, which may plausibly be regarded as providing the background of Theophrastus\u2019 aporiai in fr. 21. I shall argue that at least four out of these five aporiai (including the one dealing with the immobility of place) concern problems arising from Aristotle\u2019s reified conception of place. This, I argue, is one prima facie reason to believe\u2014pace Sorabji\u2014that Theophrastus fr. 22, which explicitly swaps the conception of topos-as-a-thing for topos-as-a-relation, should be regarded as providing an alternative to Aristotle\u2019s conception of place in general, rather than a mere alternative conception of natural place. This stance will be further defended in Section (II), which studies the role of natural place in Aristotle\u2019s physics and in Theophrastus fr. 22 in some more detail. Section (III) deals with the problem of Theophrastus\u2019 commitment to the contents of fr. 22. Section (IV), finally, attempts to determine what position Simplicius assigns to Theophrastus fr. 22 in his historical survey of concepts of place in the Corollarium de loco. It will be shown that Simplicius groups together Theophrastus, Iamblichus, and Damascius on the basis of a rather limited common ground between their theories. This is done in the context of an elaborate (and allegedly complete) division (diaeresis) of conceptions of place. I shall attempt to show that a closer study of the structure of this diaeresis reveals how Simplicius interpreted the text of our Theophrastus fr. 22. Since Simplicius apparently had first-hand knowledge of Theophrastus\u2019 Physics and since, on the other hand, there are hardly any reasons to assume that Simplicius misrepresents or misunderstands Theophrastus\u2019 position, the way he interprets fr. 22 himself is of great interest. Our conclusions are summarized in Section (V).\r\n\r\nThe resulting interpretation of Theophrastus\u2019 position differs both from the traditional one and from that put forward by Sorabji. I shall argue, against the \"traditional\" view, that the evidence does not indicate that Theophrastus ever worked out the suggestions of fr. 22 into a detailed and coherent alternative theory of place. Even if the fragment represents ideas endorsed by Theophrastus in propria persona, as I believe it does, we should take into account that its phrasing points to a dialectical context. At the same time, I dissent from Sorabji\u2019s interpretation in that I do not believe that the argument has Aristotle\u2019s concept of natural place as its exclusive, or even primary, target. The present study should therefore be regarded as an attempt to defend a qualified version of the traditional view by means of a closer study of the preserved evidence. [introduction p. 141-143]","btype":2,"date":"1992","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/0oHBoWr21Bfhamu","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":28,"full_name":"Algra, Keimpe A.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":7,"full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":379,"full_name":"Gutas, Dimitri","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1005,"section_of":294,"pages":"141-165","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":294,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Theophrastus. His Psychological, Doxographical and Scientific Writings","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Fortenbaugh1992","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1992","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1992","abstract":"Theophrastus of Eresus was Aristotle's pupil and successor as head of the Peripatetic School. He is best known as the author of the amusing Characters and two ground-breaking works in botany, but his writings extend over the entire range of Hellenistic philosophic studies. Volume 5 of Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities focuses on his scientific work. The volume contains new editions of two brief scientific essays-On Fish and Afeteoro\/o^y-accompanied by translations and commentary.\r\n\r\nAmong the contributions are: \"Peripatetic Dialectic in the De sensibus,\" Han Baltussen; \"Empedocles\" Theory of Vision and Theophrastus' De sensibus,\" David N. Sedley; \"Theophrastus on the Intellect,\" Daniel Devereux; \"Theophrastus and Aristotle on Animal Intelligence,\" Eve Browning Cole; \"Physikai doxai and Problemata physika from Aristotle to Agtius (and Beyond),\" Jap Mansfield; \"Xenophanes or Theophrastus? An Aetian Doxographicum on the Sun,\" David Runia; \"Place1 in Context: On Theophrastus, Fr. 21 and 22 Wimmer,\" Keimpe Algra; \"The Meteorology of Theophrastus in Syriac and Arabic Translation,\" Hans Daiber; \"Theophrastus' Meteorology, Aristotle and Posidonius,\" Ian G. Kidd; \"The Authorship and Sources of the Peri Semeion Ascribed to Theophrastus,\" Patrick Cronin; \"Theophrastus, On Fish\" Robert W. Sharpies.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CJh1bdWfrxsEkZy","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":294,"pubplace":"New Brunswick","publisher":"Transaction Publers","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"5","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1992]}

Physikai doxai and Problēmata physika from Aristotle to Aëtius (and Beyond), 1992
By: Mansfeld, Jaap, Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Gutas, Dimitri (Ed.)

Title	Physikai doxai and Problēmata physika from Aristotle to Aëtius (and Beyond)
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1992
Published in	Theophrastus. His Psychological, Doxographical and Scientific Writings
Pages	63-111
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Gutas, Dimitri
Translator(s)

In Theophrastus’ bibliography at Diog. Laërt. V 48 the title is given in the genitive, Φυσικών δοξών, which means that the intended nominative may have been either Φυσικών δόξαι (The Tenets of the Philosophers of Nature) or Φυσικαί δόξαι (The Tenets in Natural Philosophy). Scholars have been divided over this issue; although the majority have followed Usener and Diels, there are a number of noteworthy exceptions.8 What we have here is by no means a minor problem, because the precise meaning of the title is influential in determining our impression of what the book was about. In the present paper, I shall try to demonstrate, in various ways, that the book-title has to be Φυσικάι δόξαι. [p. 64]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/va3DLcPD91tJsO7

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1011","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1011,"authors_free":[{"id":1525,"entry_id":1011,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":29,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","free_first_name":"Jaap","free_last_name":"Mansfeld","norm_person":{"id":29,"first_name":"Jaap","last_name":"Mansfeld","full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119383217","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1526,"entry_id":1011,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":7,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W.","free_first_name":"William W.","free_last_name":"Fortenbaugh","norm_person":{"id":7,"first_name":"William W. ","last_name":"Fortenbaugh","full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/110233700","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1527,"entry_id":1011,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":379,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gutas, Dimitri","free_first_name":"Dimitri","free_last_name":"Gutas","norm_person":{"id":379,"first_name":"Dimitri","last_name":"Gutas","full_name":"Gutas, Dimitri","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122946243","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Physikai doxai and Probl\u0113mata physika from Aristotle to A\u00ebtius (and Beyond)","main_title":{"title":"Physikai doxai and Probl\u0113mata physika from Aristotle to A\u00ebtius (and Beyond)"},"abstract":"In Theophrastus\u2019 bibliography at Diog. La\u00ebrt. V 48 the title is given in the \r\ngenitive, \u03a6\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03ba\u03ce\u03bd \u03b4\u03bf\u03be\u03ce\u03bd, which means that the intended nominative may have \r\nbeen either \u03a6\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03ba\u03ce\u03bd \u03b4\u03cc\u03be\u03b1\u03b9 (The Tenets of the Philosophers of Nature) or \r\n\u03a6\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1\u03af \u03b4\u03cc\u03be\u03b1\u03b9 (The Tenets in Natural Philosophy). Scholars have been divided \r\nover this issue; although the majority have followed Usener and Diels, there are \r\na number of noteworthy exceptions.8 What we have here is by no means a \r\nminor problem, because the precise meaning of the title is influential in \r\ndetermining our impression of what the book was about. In the present paper, \r\nI shall try to demonstrate, in various ways, that the book-title has to be \u03a6\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03ba\u03ac\u03b9\r\n\u03b4\u03cc\u03be\u03b1\u03b9. [p. 64]","btype":2,"date":"1992","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/va3DLcPD91tJsO7","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":29,"full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":7,"full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":379,"full_name":"Gutas, Dimitri","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1011,"section_of":294,"pages":"63-111","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":294,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Theophrastus. His Psychological, Doxographical and Scientific Writings","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Fortenbaugh1992","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1992","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1992","abstract":"Theophrastus of Eresus was Aristotle's pupil and successor as head of the Peripatetic School. He is best known as the author of the amusing Characters and two ground-breaking works in botany, but his writings extend over the entire range of Hellenistic philosophic studies. Volume 5 of Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities focuses on his scientific work. The volume contains new editions of two brief scientific essays-On Fish and Afeteoro\/o^y-accompanied by translations and commentary.\r\n\r\nAmong the contributions are: \"Peripatetic Dialectic in the De sensibus,\" Han Baltussen; \"Empedocles\" Theory of Vision and Theophrastus' De sensibus,\" David N. Sedley; \"Theophrastus on the Intellect,\" Daniel Devereux; \"Theophrastus and Aristotle on Animal Intelligence,\" Eve Browning Cole; \"Physikai doxai and Problemata physika from Aristotle to Agtius (and Beyond),\" Jap Mansfield; \"Xenophanes or Theophrastus? An Aetian Doxographicum on the Sun,\" David Runia; \"Place1 in Context: On Theophrastus, Fr. 21 and 22 Wimmer,\" Keimpe Algra; \"The Meteorology of Theophrastus in Syriac and Arabic Translation,\" Hans Daiber; \"Theophrastus' Meteorology, Aristotle and Posidonius,\" Ian G. Kidd; \"The Authorship and Sources of the Peri Semeion Ascribed to Theophrastus,\" Patrick Cronin; \"Theophrastus, On Fish\" Robert W. Sharpies.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CJh1bdWfrxsEkZy","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":294,"pubplace":"New Brunswick","publisher":"Transaction Publers","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"5","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1992]}

Epictetus, "Encheiridion" 27, 1992
By: Boter, Gerard

Title	Epictetus, "Encheiridion" 27
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1992
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	45
Issue	4
Pages	473-481
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Boter, Gerard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

"Obscuras et dubius locus," is Wolf's comment on chapter 27 of Epictetus' Encheiridion, and rightly so. The comparison employed by Epictetus in this chapter has been interpreted in several different ways, none of which, however, is entirely or even approximately satisfactory. The statement made by Epictetus is rather plain in itself: evil has no autonomous natural existence in the world, and one can hardly doubt that Simplicius is correct in his contention that good is a ὑπόστασις, whereas evil is a παρυπόστασις, i.e., something which exists only as a counterpart of good but has no independent existence of its own. The problem lies in the comparison: in which way can the statement σκοπὸς πρὸς τὸ ἀποτυχεῖν οὐ τίθεται be applied to the notion that ἡ φύσις κακοῦ does not exist in the cosmos? Moreover, the situation is further complicated by the fact that the part of the Diatribes from which Arrianus took Ench. 27 is not extant, so that we cannot tell whether Epictetus gave a fuller exposition of the comparison. Before discussing a number of interpretations proposed by commentators, ancient and modern, I would like to stress that in principle, preference should be given to an interpretation that stays as close to the text as possible (i.e., one that does not have to adduce notions which are not expressed explicitly), and in which the parallelism between image and application is seen most directly. [introduction p. 473-474]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/eKcNERBrRo5RK9q

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1074","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1074,"authors_free":[{"id":1628,"entry_id":1074,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":15,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Boter, Gerard","free_first_name":"Gerard","free_last_name":"Boter","norm_person":{"id":15,"first_name":"Gerard ","last_name":"Boter","full_name":"Boter, Gerard ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1089766114","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Epictetus, \"Encheiridion\" 27","main_title":{"title":"Epictetus, \"Encheiridion\" 27"},"abstract":"\"Obscuras et dubius locus,\" is Wolf's comment on chapter 27 of Epictetus' Encheiridion, and rightly so. The comparison employed by Epictetus in this chapter has been interpreted in several different ways, none of which, however, is entirely or even approximately satisfactory. The statement made by Epictetus is rather plain in itself: evil has no autonomous natural existence in the world, and one can hardly doubt that Simplicius is correct in his contention that good is a \u1f51\u03c0\u03cc\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2, whereas evil is a \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03c5\u03c0\u03cc\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2, i.e., something which exists only as a counterpart of good but has no independent existence of its own.\r\n\r\nThe problem lies in the comparison: in which way can the statement \u03c3\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50 \u03c4\u03af\u03b8\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 be applied to the notion that \u1f21 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u1fe6 does not exist in the cosmos? Moreover, the situation is further complicated by the fact that the part of the Diatribes from which Arrianus took Ench. 27 is not extant, so that we cannot tell whether Epictetus gave a fuller exposition of the comparison.\r\n\r\nBefore discussing a number of interpretations proposed by commentators, ancient and modern, I would like to stress that in principle, preference should be given to an interpretation that stays as close to the text as possible (i.e., one that does not have to adduce notions which are not expressed explicitly), and in which the parallelism between image and application is seen most directly. [introduction p. 473-474]","btype":3,"date":"1992","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/eKcNERBrRo5RK9q","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":15,"full_name":"Boter, Gerard ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1074,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Mnemosyne, Fourth Series","volume":"45","issue":"4","pages":"473-481"}},"sort":[1992]}

Le problème des lemmes du De caelo dans la traduction latine du commentaire In De Caelo de Simplicius, 1992
By: Bossier, Fernand, Hamesse, Jacqueline (Ed.)

Title	Le problème des lemmes du De caelo dans la traduction latine du commentaire In De Caelo de Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1992
Published in	Les problèmes posés par l'édition critique des textes anciens et médiévaux
Pages	361-397
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bossier, Fernand
Editor(s)	Hamesse, Jacqueline
Translator(s)

Un des problèmes qui peuvent encombrer l’édition critique des commentaires anciens et médiévaux sur les grands traités qui ont fait autorité dans les écoles (traités d’Aristote, de Galien, de Ptolémée, etc.) concerne la manière dont les lemmes ou références au texte commenté doivent être présentés ; car bien qu’en règle générale on aperçoive assez vite si l’auteur a effectivement inséré des références pareilles, les informations concernant leur forme et leur texte sont plus d’une fois peu concordantes, voire très confuses. La forme des lemmes peut varier pour la raison qu’en tête d’un commentaire on peut citer in extenso toute la section commentée ou recourir à un système de lemmes abrégés, dont les principaux types seront énumérés ci-après. Mais ce qu’il importe de remarquer avant tout, c’est qu’en raison même de leur fonction de référence, les lemmes doivent être bien distingués des commentaires eux-mêmes ; le commentateur, s’il est attentif, prendra soin de les souligner ou de les écrire en caractères un peu plus gros, ou il chargera son secrétaire ou son éditeur de les écrire en rouge. Placés en tête des commentaires pour en faciliter l’étude et bien distingués de ceux-ci, les lemmes, par contrecoup, sont très exposés aux tentatives de remaniement et d’adaptation de la part des utilisateurs ultérieurs. Il peut paraître utile à un savant ou à un éditeur d’avoir ou de mettre sous les yeux le passage commenté tout entier, en remplaçant ou complétant les lemmes abrégés écrits par l’auteur, ou d’assurer au moins un usage plus facile et mieux organisé du commentaire, en ajoutant après les premiers mots du passage commenté, écrits par l’auteur, la formule jusqu’à, suivie des derniers mots de celui-ci. Inversement, les lemmes complets peuvent être abrégés par un copiste, par exemple si le savant qui a passé la commande possède déjà le traité commenté. Ainsi donc, la forme des lemmes varie très souvent d’un manuscrit à l’autre, voire d’une partie à l’autre à l’intérieur d’un même manuscrit, et l’éditeur d’un commentaire devra se mettre à la recherche de la forme que l’auteur lui-même leur a donnée. Cette préoccupation de retrouver la forme primitive ne mérite pas d’être considérée comme une sorte de surenchère critique. Il se peut, en effet, que la question de la forme des lemmes soit intimement liée à une autre, bien plus importante, à savoir celle de la valeur des lemmes comme témoins indirects du texte commenté. Si l’étude critique révèle que les lemmes sous telle ou telle forme ont été refaits, on ne sera plus tenté de penser que leur texte reflète l’état du texte commenté à l’époque du commentateur, du moins pas dans les parties remaniées ou ajoutées ; seules les parties primitives seront jugées à même de nous informer sur le texte lu et cité par le commentateur, bien que là encore la facilité d’une adaptation ultérieure doive nous inciter à la prudence. De toute évidence, l’étude des lemmes ne présente pas partout une pareille importance pour la critique textuelle du traité commenté, mais seulement dans les cas où le commentateur est reconnu à juste titre comme un témoin très précieux (par exemple les commentateurs Alexandre d’Aphrodise, Ammonius, Jean Philopon, Simplicius pour le texte d’Aristote) ou tout à fait privilégié du texte commenté. Mais même en dehors de cette perspective, l’étude des lemmes se révèle plus d’une fois très fructueuse : la recherche de la forme primitive peut nous instruire non pas seulement sur la méthode utilisée par le commentateur, mais encore sur la manière dont les commentaires ont été préparés et organisés pour en faciliter la lecture et la consultation, et de cette sorte, elle nous mène de temps à autre à des découvertes tout à fait inattendues. Le but du présent article est de montrer comment une analyse minutieuse des lemmes latins du De caelo, contenus dans la traduction latine du commentaire In De caelo de Simplicius, nous a mis sur la voie de trois recensions du De caelo, dont deux étaient complètement inconnues auparavant. [introduction p. 361-362]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Db9PyA6a27u1SM5

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1076","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1076,"authors_free":[{"id":1630,"entry_id":1076,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":12,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bossier, Fernand","free_first_name":"Fernand","free_last_name":"Bossier","norm_person":{"id":12,"first_name":"Fernand ","last_name":"Bossier","full_name":"Bossier, Fernand ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1017981663","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1631,"entry_id":1076,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":13,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hamesse, Jacqueline ","free_first_name":"Jacqueline ","free_last_name":"Hamesse","norm_person":{"id":13,"first_name":"Jacqueline ","last_name":"Hamesse","full_name":"Hamesse, Jacqueline ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132262746","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le probl\u00e8me des lemmes du De caelo dans la traduction latine du commentaire In De Caelo de Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Le probl\u00e8me des lemmes du De caelo dans la traduction latine du commentaire In De Caelo de Simplicius"},"abstract":"Un des probl\u00e8mes qui peuvent encombrer l\u2019\u00e9dition critique des commentaires anciens et m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux sur les grands trait\u00e9s qui ont fait autorit\u00e9 dans les \u00e9coles (trait\u00e9s d\u2019Aristote, de Galien, de Ptol\u00e9m\u00e9e, etc.) concerne la mani\u00e8re dont les lemmes ou r\u00e9f\u00e9rences au texte comment\u00e9 doivent \u00eatre pr\u00e9sent\u00e9s ; car bien qu\u2019en r\u00e8gle g\u00e9n\u00e9rale on aper\u00e7oive assez vite si l\u2019auteur a effectivement ins\u00e9r\u00e9 des r\u00e9f\u00e9rences pareilles, les informations concernant leur forme et leur texte sont plus d\u2019une fois peu concordantes, voire tr\u00e8s confuses.\r\n\r\nLa forme des lemmes peut varier pour la raison qu\u2019en t\u00eate d\u2019un commentaire on peut citer in extenso toute la section comment\u00e9e ou recourir \u00e0 un syst\u00e8me de lemmes abr\u00e9g\u00e9s, dont les principaux types seront \u00e9num\u00e9r\u00e9s ci-apr\u00e8s. Mais ce qu\u2019il importe de remarquer avant tout, c\u2019est qu\u2019en raison m\u00eame de leur fonction de r\u00e9f\u00e9rence, les lemmes doivent \u00eatre bien distingu\u00e9s des commentaires eux-m\u00eames ; le commentateur, s\u2019il est attentif, prendra soin de les souligner ou de les \u00e9crire en caract\u00e8res un peu plus gros, ou il chargera son secr\u00e9taire ou son \u00e9diteur de les \u00e9crire en rouge.\r\n\r\nPlac\u00e9s en t\u00eate des commentaires pour en faciliter l\u2019\u00e9tude et bien distingu\u00e9s de ceux-ci, les lemmes, par contrecoup, sont tr\u00e8s expos\u00e9s aux tentatives de remaniement et d\u2019adaptation de la part des utilisateurs ult\u00e9rieurs. Il peut para\u00eetre utile \u00e0 un savant ou \u00e0 un \u00e9diteur d\u2019avoir ou de mettre sous les yeux le passage comment\u00e9 tout entier, en rempla\u00e7ant ou compl\u00e9tant les lemmes abr\u00e9g\u00e9s \u00e9crits par l\u2019auteur, ou d\u2019assurer au moins un usage plus facile et mieux organis\u00e9 du commentaire, en ajoutant apr\u00e8s les premiers mots du passage comment\u00e9, \u00e9crits par l\u2019auteur, la formule jusqu\u2019\u00e0, suivie des derniers mots de celui-ci. Inversement, les lemmes complets peuvent \u00eatre abr\u00e9g\u00e9s par un copiste, par exemple si le savant qui a pass\u00e9 la commande poss\u00e8de d\u00e9j\u00e0 le trait\u00e9 comment\u00e9.\r\n\r\nAinsi donc, la forme des lemmes varie tr\u00e8s souvent d\u2019un manuscrit \u00e0 l\u2019autre, voire d\u2019une partie \u00e0 l\u2019autre \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur d\u2019un m\u00eame manuscrit, et l\u2019\u00e9diteur d\u2019un commentaire devra se mettre \u00e0 la recherche de la forme que l\u2019auteur lui-m\u00eame leur a donn\u00e9e. Cette pr\u00e9occupation de retrouver la forme primitive ne m\u00e9rite pas d\u2019\u00eatre consid\u00e9r\u00e9e comme une sorte de surench\u00e8re critique. Il se peut, en effet, que la question de la forme des lemmes soit intimement li\u00e9e \u00e0 une autre, bien plus importante, \u00e0 savoir celle de la valeur des lemmes comme t\u00e9moins indirects du texte comment\u00e9. Si l\u2019\u00e9tude critique r\u00e9v\u00e8le que les lemmes sous telle ou telle forme ont \u00e9t\u00e9 refaits, on ne sera plus tent\u00e9 de penser que leur texte refl\u00e8te l\u2019\u00e9tat du texte comment\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9poque du commentateur, du moins pas dans les parties remani\u00e9es ou ajout\u00e9es ; seules les parties primitives seront jug\u00e9es \u00e0 m\u00eame de nous informer sur le texte lu et cit\u00e9 par le commentateur, bien que l\u00e0 encore la facilit\u00e9 d\u2019une adaptation ult\u00e9rieure doive nous inciter \u00e0 la prudence.\r\n\r\nDe toute \u00e9vidence, l\u2019\u00e9tude des lemmes ne pr\u00e9sente pas partout une pareille importance pour la critique textuelle du trait\u00e9 comment\u00e9, mais seulement dans les cas o\u00f9 le commentateur est reconnu \u00e0 juste titre comme un t\u00e9moin tr\u00e8s pr\u00e9cieux (par exemple les commentateurs Alexandre d\u2019Aphrodise, Ammonius, Jean Philopon, Simplicius pour le texte d\u2019Aristote) ou tout \u00e0 fait privil\u00e9gi\u00e9 du texte comment\u00e9. Mais m\u00eame en dehors de cette perspective, l\u2019\u00e9tude des lemmes se r\u00e9v\u00e8le plus d\u2019une fois tr\u00e8s fructueuse : la recherche de la forme primitive peut nous instruire non pas seulement sur la m\u00e9thode utilis\u00e9e par le commentateur, mais encore sur la mani\u00e8re dont les commentaires ont \u00e9t\u00e9 pr\u00e9par\u00e9s et organis\u00e9s pour en faciliter la lecture et la consultation, et de cette sorte, elle nous m\u00e8ne de temps \u00e0 autre \u00e0 des d\u00e9couvertes tout \u00e0 fait inattendues.\r\n\r\nLe but du pr\u00e9sent article est de montrer comment une analyse minutieuse des lemmes latins du De caelo, contenus dans la traduction latine du commentaire In De caelo de Simplicius, nous a mis sur la voie de trois recensions du De caelo, dont deux \u00e9taient compl\u00e8tement inconnues auparavant. [introduction p. 361-362]","btype":2,"date":"1992","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Db9PyA6a27u1SM5","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":12,"full_name":"Bossier, Fernand ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":13,"full_name":"Hamesse, Jacqueline ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1076,"section_of":278,"pages":"361-397","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":278,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Les probl\u00e8mes pos\u00e9s par l'\u00e9dition critique des textes anciens et m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hamesse1992","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1992","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1992","abstract":"La meilleure mani\u00e8re d'introduire aux probl\u00e8mes pos\u00e9s par l'\u00e9dition critique des textes anciens et m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux est de pr\u00e9senter une s\u00e9rie de cas concrets illustrant les difficult\u00e9s inh\u00e9rentes \u00e0 ce type de travail et la complexit\u00e9 des \u00e9l\u00e9ments \u00e0 prendre en consid\u00e9ration. Les aspects \u00e0 traiter sont multiples. L'accent a \u00e9t\u00e9 mis sur la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de tenir compte du contexte historique qui a conditionn\u00e9 la transmission de l'oeuvre et des facteurs mat\u00e9riels qui sont intervenus dans la tradition. Appel a \u00e9t\u00e9 fait \u00e0 diff\u00e9rents sp\u00e9cialistes ayant rencontr\u00e9 des probl\u00e8mes sp\u00e9cifiques dans leurs travaux. Le volume contient des articles qui pr\u00e9sentent l'exp\u00e9rience de chercheurs qualifi\u00e9s dans des domaines pr\u00e9cis et qui mettent l'accent sur le point de vue m\u00e9thodologique.","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1sNOomXw6buIlXz","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":278,"pubplace":"Louvain-la-Neuve","publisher":"Institute d'Etudes M\u00e9di\u00e9vales","series":"Textes, \u00c9tudes, Congr\u00e8s","volume":"13","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1992]}

Where was Simplicius?, 1992
By: Foulkes, Paul

Title	Where was Simplicius?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1992
Journal	The Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume	112
Pages	143
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Foulkes, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In Simplicius: sa vie, son oeuvre, sa survie (Berlin 1987, reviewed in JHS cx [1990] 244–45), the editor, Mme I. Hadot, in the first part of the biographical introduction, cites Agathias Hist. ii 31.4. This is usually taken to show that the Neoplatonists, who had fled to the Persian court when Justinian closed down the Academy in 529, went back to Athens after 532. That view, she holds, rests on a misreading of the text. However, she herself misconstrues kath’ heautous as "selon leur choix": that is, on returning from exile to their own accustomed places, these men should henceforth live without fear as they might choose. To yield that version, the Greek would have to be kath’ autous. The actual expression means "amongst themselves": they might philosophize, but not in public. That a touch of private heterodoxy amongst the learned few is harmless if it does not stir up the ignorant many was well understood, indeed explicitly so later, in Islam and medieval Christianity. Where, then, did the returned exiles settle? We do not know. That the Persian king sought to ensure protection for them in their previous habitat neither shows nor refutes that they went back there or to any other nameable place. Mme Hadot certainly cannot well enlist M. Tardieu’s inference, in the second part of the introduction, from Simplicius on the four calendars (Comm. in Arist. Graeca x 875.19–22). Simplicius there states that "we posit the beginning of the year" (hêmeis de hêmeras poioumetha archês eniautou) to fall at four times, namely the summer solstice, as at Athens; the autumnal equinox, as in the then province of Asia; the winter solstice, as with the Romans; or the vernal equinox, as with the Arabs and Damascenes. In context, Simplicius here contrasts beginnings that are natural (physei) and imposed (thesei). Adding the sentence before and after the one on the four types of year, the passage runs thus: "As regards time, flow, or becoming, the natural beginning comes first. We ourselves put the beginning of the year at (1) or (2) or (3) or (4). Likewise, those who say that a month begins at full moon or new moon will be imposing this." The passage figures in his comments on Arist. Ph. 226b34–227a10, on consecutiveness. Simplicius never says that all four types of year were in use at one place, nor does his text imply it. Of the two solstitial years, Academics would use the summer one from tradition, while the winter one is Roman imperial. The equinoctial years were used in the areas stated. If the equinoctial and Roman calendars existed together in some place where the Neoplatonists did settle, then in that place there must have been four calendars. Clearly, though, the reverse inference is invalid: that the four calendars co-existed does not prove the presence of Neoplatonists. The Athenian calendar may have existed there for other reasons: its being there is necessary, but not sufficient, for the Neoplatonists’ presence. As to Harran (Carrhae), which Tardieu argues is where Simplicius settled, Arab sources confirm that the equinoctial calendars and the Roman one did exist there. We have no independent evidence that the Athenian one did. We have only Simplicius’ statement, if he was at Harran. That, however, is precisely what must be established. To cite the four-calendar passage as proof that he was, begs the question and ignores the context. Where Simplicius wrote his commentaries thus remains unclear, for lack of evidence. [the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YllEyDkwMYgJ7Wa

{"_index":"sire","_id":"901","_score":null,"_source":{"id":901,"authors_free":[{"id":1330,"entry_id":901,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":121,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Foulkes, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Foulkes","norm_person":{"id":121,"first_name":"Paul","last_name":"Foulkes","full_name":"Foulkes, Paul","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/127222294","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Where was Simplicius?","main_title":{"title":"Where was Simplicius?"},"abstract":"In Simplicius: sa vie, son oeuvre, sa survie (Berlin 1987, reviewed in JHS cx [1990] 244\u201345), the editor, Mme I. Hadot, in the first part of the biographical introduction, cites Agathias Hist. ii 31.4. This is usually taken to show that the Neoplatonists, who had fled to the Persian court when Justinian closed down the Academy in 529, went back to Athens after 532. That view, she holds, rests on a misreading of the text. However, she herself misconstrues kath\u2019 heautous as \"selon leur choix\": that is, on returning from exile to their own accustomed places, these men should henceforth live without fear as they might choose. To yield that version, the Greek would have to be kath\u2019 autous. The actual expression means \"amongst themselves\": they might philosophize, but not in public.\r\n\r\nThat a touch of private heterodoxy amongst the learned few is harmless if it does not stir up the ignorant many was well understood, indeed explicitly so later, in Islam and medieval Christianity.\r\n\r\nWhere, then, did the returned exiles settle? We do not know. That the Persian king sought to ensure protection for them in their previous habitat neither shows nor refutes that they went back there or to any other nameable place.\r\n\r\nMme Hadot certainly cannot well enlist M. Tardieu\u2019s inference, in the second part of the introduction, from Simplicius on the four calendars (Comm. in Arist. Graeca x 875.19\u201322). Simplicius there states that \"we <humans> posit the beginning of the year\" (h\u00eameis de h\u00eameras poioumetha arch\u00eas eniautou) to fall at four times, namely the summer solstice, as at Athens; the autumnal equinox, as in the then province of Asia; the winter solstice, as with the Romans; or the vernal equinox, as with the Arabs and Damascenes.\r\n\r\nIn context, Simplicius here contrasts beginnings that are natural (physei) and imposed (thesei). Adding the sentence before and after the one on the four types of year, the passage runs thus: \"As regards time, flow, or becoming, the natural beginning comes first. We ourselves put the beginning of the year at (1) or (2) or (3) or (4). Likewise, those who say that a month begins at full moon or new moon will be imposing this.\" The passage figures in his comments on Arist. Ph. 226b34\u2013227a10, on consecutiveness.\r\n\r\nSimplicius never says that all four types of year were in use at one place, nor does his text imply it. Of the two solstitial years, Academics would use the summer one from tradition, while the winter one is Roman imperial. The equinoctial years were used in the areas stated.\r\n\r\nIf the equinoctial and Roman calendars existed together in some place where the Neoplatonists did settle, then in that place there must have been four calendars. Clearly, though, the reverse inference is invalid: that the four calendars co-existed does not prove the presence of Neoplatonists. The Athenian calendar may have existed there for other reasons: its being there is necessary, but not sufficient, for the Neoplatonists\u2019 presence.\r\n\r\nAs to Harran (Carrhae), which Tardieu argues is where Simplicius settled, Arab sources confirm that the equinoctial calendars and the Roman one did exist there. We have no independent evidence that the Athenian one did. We have only Simplicius\u2019 statement, if he was at Harran. That, however, is precisely what must be established. To cite the four-calendar passage as proof that he was, begs the question and ignores the context.\r\n\r\nWhere Simplicius wrote his commentaries thus remains unclear, for lack of evidence. [the entire text]","btype":3,"date":"1992","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YllEyDkwMYgJ7Wa","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":121,"full_name":"Foulkes, Paul","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":901,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Journal of Hellenic Studies","volume":"112","issue":"","pages":"143"}},"sort":[1992]}

Les problèmes posés par l'édition critique des textes anciens et médiévaux, 1992
By: Hamesse, Jacqueline (Ed.)

Title	Les problèmes posés par l'édition critique des textes anciens et médiévaux
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1992
Publication Place	Louvain-la-Neuve
Publisher	Institute d'Etudes Médiévales
Series	Textes, Études, Congrès
Volume	13
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Hamesse, Jacqueline
Translator(s)

La meilleure manière d'introduire aux problèmes posés par l'édition critique des textes anciens et médiévaux est de présenter une série de cas concrets illustrant les difficultés inhérentes à ce type de travail et la complexité des éléments à prendre en considération. Les aspects à traiter sont multiples. L'accent a été mis sur la nécessité de tenir compte du contexte historique qui a conditionné la transmission de l'oeuvre et des facteurs matériels qui sont intervenus dans la tradition. Appel a été fait à différents spécialistes ayant rencontré des problèmes spécifiques dans leurs travaux. Le volume contient des articles qui présentent l'expérience de chercheurs qualifiés dans des domaines précis et qui mettent l'accent sur le point de vue méthodologique.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1sNOomXw6buIlXz

{"_index":"sire","_id":"278","_score":null,"_source":{"id":278,"authors_free":[{"id":348,"entry_id":278,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":13,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hamesse, Jacqueline ","free_first_name":"Jacqueline","free_last_name":"Hamesse","norm_person":{"id":13,"first_name":"Jacqueline ","last_name":"Hamesse","full_name":"Hamesse, Jacqueline ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132262746","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les probl\u00e8mes pos\u00e9s par l'\u00e9dition critique des textes anciens et m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux","main_title":{"title":"Les probl\u00e8mes pos\u00e9s par l'\u00e9dition critique des textes anciens et m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux"},"abstract":"La meilleure mani\u00e8re d'introduire aux probl\u00e8mes pos\u00e9s par l'\u00e9dition critique des textes anciens et m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux est de pr\u00e9senter une s\u00e9rie de cas concrets illustrant les difficult\u00e9s inh\u00e9rentes \u00e0 ce type de travail et la complexit\u00e9 des \u00e9l\u00e9ments \u00e0 prendre en consid\u00e9ration. Les aspects \u00e0 traiter sont multiples. L'accent a \u00e9t\u00e9 mis sur la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de tenir compte du contexte historique qui a conditionn\u00e9 la transmission de l'oeuvre et des facteurs mat\u00e9riels qui sont intervenus dans la tradition. Appel a \u00e9t\u00e9 fait \u00e0 diff\u00e9rents sp\u00e9cialistes ayant rencontr\u00e9 des probl\u00e8mes sp\u00e9cifiques dans leurs travaux. Le volume contient des articles qui pr\u00e9sentent l'exp\u00e9rience de chercheurs qualifi\u00e9s dans des domaines pr\u00e9cis et qui mettent l'accent sur le point de vue m\u00e9thodologique.","btype":4,"date":"1992","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1sNOomXw6buIlXz","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":13,"full_name":"Hamesse, Jacqueline ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":278,"pubplace":"Louvain-la-Neuve","publisher":"Institute d'Etudes M\u00e9di\u00e9vales","series":"Textes, \u00c9tudes, Congr\u00e8s","volume":"13","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1992]}

Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, 1992
By: Annas, Julia (Ed.)

Title	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1992
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Clarendon Press
Volume	X
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Annas, Julia
Translator(s)

Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy is an annual publication which includes original articles on a wide range of topics in ancient philosophy, and review articles of major books. In this supplementary volume, a number of renowned scholars of Plato reflect upon their interpretative methods. Topics covered include the use of ancient authorities in interpreting Plato's dialogues, Plato's literary and rhetorical style, his arguments and characters, and his use of the dialogue form. The collection is not intended as a comprehensive survey of methodological approaches; rather it offers a number of different perspectives and clearly articulated interpretations by leading scholars in the field. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dS81MCQI85uHYdS

{"_index":"sire","_id":"285","_score":null,"_source":{"id":285,"authors_free":[{"id":2239,"entry_id":285,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":415,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Annas, Julia","free_first_name":"Julia","free_last_name":"Annas","norm_person":{"id":415,"first_name":"Julia","last_name":"Annas","full_name":"Annas, Julia","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/112065120","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy","main_title":{"title":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy"},"abstract":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy is an annual publication which includes original articles on a wide range of topics in ancient philosophy, and review articles of major books. In this supplementary volume, a number of renowned scholars of Plato reflect upon their interpretative methods. Topics covered include the use of ancient authorities in interpreting Plato's dialogues, Plato's literary and rhetorical style, his arguments and characters, and his use of the dialogue form. The collection is not intended as a comprehensive survey of methodological approaches; rather it offers a number of different perspectives and clearly articulated interpretations by leading scholars in the field. [offical abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1992","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dS81MCQI85uHYdS","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":415,"full_name":"Annas, Julia","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":285,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Clarendon Press","series":"","volume":"X","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1992]}

Theophrastus. His Psychological, Doxographical and Scientific Writings, 1992
By: Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Gutas, Dimitri (Ed.)

Title	Theophrastus. His Psychological, Doxographical and Scientific Writings
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1992
Publication Place	New Brunswick
Publisher	Transaction Publers
Series	Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Gutas, Dimitri
Translator(s)

Theophrastus of Eresus was Aristotle's pupil and successor as head of the Peripatetic School. He is best known as the author of the amusing Characters and two ground-breaking works in botany, but his writings extend over the entire range of Hellenistic philosophic studies. Volume 5 of Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities focuses on his scientific work. The volume contains new editions of two brief scientific essays-On Fish and Afeteoro/o^y-accompanied by translations and commentary. Among the contributions are: "Peripatetic Dialectic in the De sensibus," Han Baltussen; "Empedocles" Theory of Vision and Theophrastus' De sensibus," David N. Sedley; "Theophrastus on the Intellect," Daniel Devereux; "Theophrastus and Aristotle on Animal Intelligence," Eve Browning Cole; "Physikai doxai and Problemata physika from Aristotle to Agtius (and Beyond)," Jap Mansfield; "Xenophanes or Theophrastus? An Aetian Doxographicum on the Sun," David Runia; "Place1 in Context: On Theophrastus, Fr. 21 and 22 Wimmer," Keimpe Algra; "The Meteorology of Theophrastus in Syriac and Arabic Translation," Hans Daiber; "Theophrastus' Meteorology, Aristotle and Posidonius," Ian G. Kidd; "The Authorship and Sources of the Peri Semeion Ascribed to Theophrastus," Patrick Cronin; "Theophrastus, On Fish" Robert W. Sharpies.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CJh1bdWfrxsEkZy

{"_index":"sire","_id":"294","_score":null,"_source":{"id":294,"authors_free":[{"id":363,"entry_id":294,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":7,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W.","free_first_name":"William W.","free_last_name":"Fortenbaugh","norm_person":{"id":7,"first_name":"William W. ","last_name":"Fortenbaugh","full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/110233700","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2187,"entry_id":294,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":379,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Gutas, Dimitri","free_first_name":"Dimitri","free_last_name":"Gutas","norm_person":{"id":379,"first_name":"Dimitri","last_name":"Gutas","full_name":"Gutas, Dimitri","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122946243","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Theophrastus. His Psychological, Doxographical and Scientific Writings","main_title":{"title":"Theophrastus. His Psychological, Doxographical and Scientific Writings"},"abstract":"Theophrastus of Eresus was Aristotle's pupil and successor as head of the Peripatetic School. He is best known as the author of the amusing Characters and two ground-breaking works in botany, but his writings extend over the entire range of Hellenistic philosophic studies. Volume 5 of Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities focuses on his scientific work. The volume contains new editions of two brief scientific essays-On Fish and Afeteoro\/o^y-accompanied by translations and commentary.\r\n\r\nAmong the contributions are: \"Peripatetic Dialectic in the De sensibus,\" Han Baltussen; \"Empedocles\" Theory of Vision and Theophrastus' De sensibus,\" David N. Sedley; \"Theophrastus on the Intellect,\" Daniel Devereux; \"Theophrastus and Aristotle on Animal Intelligence,\" Eve Browning Cole; \"Physikai doxai and Problemata physika from Aristotle to Agtius (and Beyond),\" Jap Mansfield; \"Xenophanes or Theophrastus? An Aetian Doxographicum on the Sun,\" David Runia; \"Place1 in Context: On Theophrastus, Fr. 21 and 22 Wimmer,\" Keimpe Algra; \"The Meteorology of Theophrastus in Syriac and Arabic Translation,\" Hans Daiber; \"Theophrastus' Meteorology, Aristotle and Posidonius,\" Ian G. Kidd; \"The Authorship and Sources of the Peri Semeion Ascribed to Theophrastus,\" Patrick Cronin; \"Theophrastus, On Fish\" Robert W. Sharpies.","btype":4,"date":"1992","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CJh1bdWfrxsEkZy","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":7,"full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":379,"full_name":"Gutas, Dimitri","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":294,"pubplace":"New Brunswick","publisher":"Transaction Publers","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"5","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1992]}

Encyclopédie philosophique universelle: Les oeuvres philosophiques, 1992
By: Mattéi, Jean-François (Ed.)

Title	Encyclopédie philosophique universelle: Les oeuvres philosophiques
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1992
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Presses Universitaires de France
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Mattéi, Jean-François
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OwmYyz8HeXbVYFD

{"_index":"sire","_id":"361","_score":null,"_source":{"id":361,"authors_free":[{"id":1977,"entry_id":361,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":142,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Matt\u00e9i, Jean-Fran\u00e7ois ","free_first_name":"Jean-Fran\u00e7ois ","free_last_name":"Matt\u00e9i","norm_person":{"id":142,"first_name":"Jean-Fran\u00e7ois ","last_name":"Matt\u00e9i","full_name":"Matt\u00e9i, Jean-Fran\u00e7ois ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/13666606X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Encyclop\u00e9die philosophique universelle: Les oeuvres philosophiques","main_title":{"title":"Encyclop\u00e9die philosophique universelle: Les oeuvres philosophiques"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"1992","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/OwmYyz8HeXbVYFD","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":142,"full_name":"Matt\u00e9i, Jean-Fran\u00e7ois ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":361,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Presses Universitaires de France","series":"","volume":"3","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1992]}

Review of Stevens: Postérité de l'être: Simplicius interprète de Parménide, 1992
By: Wright, M.R.

Title	Review of Stevens: Postérité de l'être: Simplicius interprète de Parménide
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1992
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	42
Issue	2
Pages	454
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wright, M.R.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The Review: Stevens sets out to clarify Parmenides' philosophy with an analysis of Simplicius' presentation of his fragments and the related contextual exposition. This is a complex task, for twelve centuries separate Simplicius from the Presocratics, and, although generous beyond his needs in the length of Eleatic quotation, Simplicius is only too ready to enlist Parmenides as an earlier witness to the Platonic and Neoplatonic interpretations that pervade his commentary on Aristotelian texts. A further complication is that the order imposed by Aristotle's Physics and De Caelo is at variance with the sequence of Eleatic argument. S.'s cahier is much too brief for the subject matter involved. He has one chapter each on Parmenides' Aletheia and Doxa, sandwiched between a brief introduction and conclusion. There is an Appendix, more than half the length of what has preceded, which consists of a translation into French (without the Greek text but with some annotation) of relevant sections from Simplicius' Phys. 28-180, 243-244, and DC 556-560. An Index of the fragments of Parmenides cited in these two works is added, along with a short bibliography. Interspersed in the text are tables giving Greek words from Simplicius, their French translation, and a brief justification. The point of these is obscure, and, since they are hard to follow in the absence of a continuous text, the result may appear arbitrary, e.g., τελέον at Phys. 29.10 as "parfait," τέλος in the next line as "accomplissement," but τέλειον further down as "fin." Translation of Eleatic texts in general looks easier in French than English, with "il" conveniently ambiguous for Greek masculine, neuter, or impersonal subjects, and "l’Etant" and "l’être" (with and without capitals) for ontological terminology. The main problem with S.'s study is the level of scholarship involved and consequently the readership targeted. There are a number of ways of tackling the subject, none of which S. holds to consistently. One is a straightforward introduction to reading Parmenides' lines in their Simplicius context, and sometimes S. is writing in this way. The first chapter, for example, starts with a straightforward narrative of the "signs" for the Aletheia, and the second with the usual listing of different views on the status of the Doxa. Simplicius' position on both these topics is given, but without any explanation of the Neoplatonic terms (like "Étante-Un") that are used. Secondly, there is a scholarly monograph struggling to emerge. The reader can suddenly be involved in a sophisticated comparison of Parmenides' concept of τελέον with ἄπειρον in Melissus, or in textual exegesis, or in studying the relevance of the first two hypotheses of Plato's Parmenides, or the exact meaning of ἀπατήλων in B 8.52. But thirdly, what is needed, as S. indicates in the subtitle, is a full and detailed discussion of Simplicius as an interpreter of Parmenides. This could usefully tackle Simplicius' reasons for finding Parmenides compatible with both Plato and Aristotle, the particular readings (or re-readings) of all four ancient authors that might be involved in the exercise, what traps might thereby be set in the path of those who are tracking the original Parmenides, and what implications would then arise for Simplicius' treatment of other Presocratics. All this is yet to be done.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6R2tnf8PGMB9Dbj

{"_index":"sire","_id":"421","_score":null,"_source":{"id":421,"authors_free":[{"id":564,"entry_id":421,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":365,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wright, M.R.","free_first_name":"M.R.","free_last_name":"Wright","norm_person":{"id":365,"first_name":"M. R.","last_name":"Wright","full_name":"Wright, M. R.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/174111304","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of Stevens: Post\u00e9rit\u00e9 de l'\u00eatre: Simplicius interpr\u00e8te de Parm\u00e9nide","main_title":{"title":"Review of Stevens: Post\u00e9rit\u00e9 de l'\u00eatre: Simplicius interpr\u00e8te de Parm\u00e9nide"},"abstract":"The Review: Stevens sets out to clarify Parmenides' philosophy with an analysis of Simplicius' presentation of his fragments and the related contextual exposition. This is a complex task, for twelve centuries separate Simplicius from the Presocratics, and, although generous beyond his needs in the length of Eleatic quotation, Simplicius is only too ready to enlist Parmenides as an earlier witness to the Platonic and Neoplatonic interpretations that pervade his commentary on Aristotelian texts.\r\n\r\nA further complication is that the order imposed by Aristotle's Physics and De Caelo is at variance with the sequence of Eleatic argument. S.'s cahier is much too brief for the subject matter involved. He has one chapter each on Parmenides' Aletheia and Doxa, sandwiched between a brief introduction and conclusion. There is an Appendix, more than half the length of what has preceded, which consists of a translation into French (without the Greek text but with some annotation) of relevant sections from Simplicius' Phys. 28-180, 243-244, and DC 556-560. An Index of the fragments of Parmenides cited in these two works is added, along with a short bibliography. Interspersed in the text are tables giving Greek words from Simplicius, their French translation, and a brief justification. The point of these is obscure, and, since they are hard to follow in the absence of a continuous text, the result may appear arbitrary, e.g., \u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03ad\u03bf\u03bd at Phys. 29.10 as \"parfait,\" \u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2 in the next line as \"accomplissement,\" but \u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd further down as \"fin.\"\r\n\r\nTranslation of Eleatic texts in general looks easier in French than English, with \"il\" conveniently ambiguous for Greek masculine, neuter, or impersonal subjects, and \"l\u2019Etant\" and \"l\u2019\u00eatre\" (with and without capitals) for ontological terminology.\r\n\r\nThe main problem with S.'s study is the level of scholarship involved and consequently the readership targeted. There are a number of ways of tackling the subject, none of which S. holds to consistently. One is a straightforward introduction to reading Parmenides' lines in their Simplicius context, and sometimes S. is writing in this way. The first chapter, for example, starts with a straightforward narrative of the \"signs\" for the Aletheia, and the second with the usual listing of different views on the status of the Doxa. Simplicius' position on both these topics is given, but without any explanation of the Neoplatonic terms (like \"\u00c9tante-Un\") that are used.\r\n\r\nSecondly, there is a scholarly monograph struggling to emerge. The reader can suddenly be involved in a sophisticated comparison of Parmenides' concept of \u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03ad\u03bf\u03bd with \u1f04\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd in Melissus, or in textual exegesis, or in studying the relevance of the first two hypotheses of Plato's Parmenides, or the exact meaning of \u1f00\u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03ae\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd in B 8.52. But thirdly, what is needed, as S. indicates in the subtitle, is a full and detailed discussion of Simplicius as an interpreter of Parmenides. This could usefully tackle Simplicius' reasons for finding Parmenides compatible with both Plato and Aristotle, the particular readings (or re-readings) of all four ancient authors that might be involved in the exercise, what traps might thereby be set in the path of those who are tracking the original Parmenides, and what implications would then arise for Simplicius' treatment of other Presocratics. All this is yet to be done.","btype":3,"date":"1992","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6R2tnf8PGMB9Dbj","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":365,"full_name":"Wright, M. R.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":421,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"42","issue":"2","pages":"454"}},"sort":[1992]}

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 4.1-5 and 10-14’, 1992
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 4.1-5 and 10-14’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1992
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Urmson, J. O.() ,

This companion to J. O. Urmson's translation in the same series of Simplicius' Corollaries on Place and Time contains Simplicius' commentary on the chapters on place and time in Aristotle's Physics book 4. It is a rich source for the preceding 800 years' discussion of Aristotle's views. Simplicius records attacks on Aristotle's claim that time requires change, or consciousness. He reports a rebuttal of the Pythagorean theory that history will repeat itself exactly. He evaluates Aristotle's treatment of Zeno's paradox concerning place. Throughout he elucidates the structure and meaning of Aristotle's argument, and all the more clearly for having separated off his own views into the Corollaries.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bA4EW9K8tgaBezs

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Simplicio, Isnardi, la logica e il contesto, 1991
By: Mignucci, Mario

Title	Simplicio, Isnardi, la logica e il contesto
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1991
Journal	Rivista di storia della filosofia
Volume	46
Issue	4
Pages	737-751
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mignucci, Mario
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Mi sia consentita un’ultima osservazione prima di concludere. M.I.P. ritiene che non ci sia ombra di dubbio sul fatto che i dogmatici menzionati nel passo di Sesto siano gli Stoici. Nel mio lavoro ero molto più cauto e devo dire che lo sono ancora, dato che l’argomento terminologico addotto da M.I.P. in favore dell’identificazione è tutt’altro che convincente. Dalla semplice presenza di espressioni quali pros ti pôs echonta e hyparxis non si può inferire che il contenuto delle proposizioni in cui compaiono sia da attribuire agli Stoici. Ciò non tanto perché non è escluso che queste espressioni si trovassero già nella letteratura precedente, ma perché ai tempi di Sesto esse erano probabilmente entrate nella koine terminologica delle scuole e costituivano un patrimonio comune del linguaggio della filosofia. In effetti, Sesto non esita in [a] ad usare la contrapposizione stoica mentale-esistente per esprimere la sua tesi sulla natura della dimostrazione, una tesi che nessuno Stoico avrebbe potuto condividere. La stessa definizione di relativo attribuita da Sesto ai dogmatici potrebbe essere stata una versione della definizione peripatetica più o meno accettata da tutti. Quello che forse fa pensare che i dogmatici siano gli Stoici è che l’argomentazione di Sesto contro la dimostrazione di cui il passo che stiamo discutendo è una parte sembra essere prevalentemente diretta contro questa scuola. Ma anche se riconosciamo che i dogmatici in questione sono gli Stoici, ben poco si può ricavare dal testo di Sesto e non certo tutto quello che M.I.P. crede di scorgervi. Che cosa devo dire a conclusione? M.I.P. è una seria e profonda studiosa della filosofia antica. Dai suoi libri ho imparato moltissimo e le sono sinceramente grato per quei tesori di sapere che ella vi ha profuso e dei quali io e molti altri abbiamo potuto approfittare. Come tutti gli studiosi che lavorano e si impegnano attivamente nella ricerca, ella commette talvolta errori interpretativi. Perché si ostina a difenderli quando sono insostenibili? [conclusion p. 750-751]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YEvGYWS60aSUdHT

{"_index":"sire","_id":"619","_score":null,"_source":{"id":619,"authors_free":[{"id":875,"entry_id":619,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":259,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mignucci, Mario","free_first_name":"Mario","free_last_name":"Mignucci","norm_person":{"id":259,"first_name":"Mignucci","last_name":"Mario","full_name":"Mignucci, Mario","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1194188885","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicio, Isnardi, la logica e il contesto","main_title":{"title":"Simplicio, Isnardi, la logica e il contesto"},"abstract":"Mi sia consentita un\u2019ultima osservazione prima di concludere. M.I.P. ritiene che non ci sia ombra di dubbio sul fatto che i dogmatici menzionati nel passo di Sesto siano gli Stoici. Nel mio lavoro ero molto pi\u00f9 cauto e devo dire che lo sono ancora, dato che l\u2019argomento terminologico addotto da M.I.P. in favore dell\u2019identificazione \u00e8 tutt\u2019altro che convincente.\r\n\r\nDalla semplice presenza di espressioni quali pros ti p\u00f4s echonta e hyparxis non si pu\u00f2 inferire che il contenuto delle proposizioni in cui compaiono sia da attribuire agli Stoici. Ci\u00f2 non tanto perch\u00e9 non \u00e8 escluso che queste espressioni si trovassero gi\u00e0 nella letteratura precedente, ma perch\u00e9 ai tempi di Sesto esse erano probabilmente entrate nella koine terminologica delle scuole e costituivano un patrimonio comune del linguaggio della filosofia.\r\n\r\nIn effetti, Sesto non esita in [a] ad usare la contrapposizione stoica mentale-esistente per esprimere la sua tesi sulla natura della dimostrazione, una tesi che nessuno Stoico avrebbe potuto condividere. La stessa definizione di relativo attribuita da Sesto ai dogmatici potrebbe essere stata una versione della definizione peripatetica pi\u00f9 o meno accettata da tutti.\r\n\r\nQuello che forse fa pensare che i dogmatici siano gli Stoici \u00e8 che l\u2019argomentazione di Sesto contro la dimostrazione di cui il passo che stiamo discutendo \u00e8 una parte sembra essere prevalentemente diretta contro questa scuola. Ma anche se riconosciamo che i dogmatici in questione sono gli Stoici, ben poco si pu\u00f2 ricavare dal testo di Sesto e non certo tutto quello che M.I.P. crede di scorgervi.\r\n\r\nChe cosa devo dire a conclusione? M.I.P. \u00e8 una seria e profonda studiosa della filosofia antica. Dai suoi libri ho imparato moltissimo e le sono sinceramente grato per quei tesori di sapere che ella vi ha profuso e dei quali io e molti altri abbiamo potuto approfittare. Come tutti gli studiosi che lavorano e si impegnano attivamente nella ricerca, ella commette talvolta errori interpretativi. Perch\u00e9 si ostina a difenderli quando sono insostenibili? [conclusion p. 750-751]","btype":3,"date":"1991","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YEvGYWS60aSUdHT","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":259,"full_name":"Mignucci, Mario","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":619,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rivista di storia della filosofia","volume":"46","issue":"4","pages":"737-751"}},"sort":[1991]}

The Role of the Commentaries on Aristotle in the Teaching of Philosophy according to the Prefaces of the Neoplatonic Commentaries on the Categories, 1991
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Robinson, Howard (Ed.)

Title	The Role of the Commentaries on Aristotle in the Teaching of Philosophy according to the Prefaces of the Neoplatonic Commentaries on the Categories
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1991
Published in	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition
Pages	175-189
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Robinson, Howard
Translator(s)

This brief comparison between Plato and Aristotle reveals once again the attitude of our Alexandrian commentators—Philoponus, Olympiodorus, and Elias in the case I have just discussed—towards the philosophers: for them, the two philosophers are mutually complementary, but the genius of the divine Plato is superior to Aristotle. Aristotle only knows how to establish logical rules, which he discovers by analyzing the logical elements in Plato’s work, whereas Plato practiced logical proof spontaneously and intuitively without formulating the rules for it. Here again, we meet the principle of Aristotle’s inferiority to Plato, which determines the harmonizing trend as well as its limitations. Thanks to Marinus’ Life of Proclus and Damascius’ Life of Isidore, we know the role of the study of the works of Aristotle with commentary in the teaching of the School of Athens at the time when Syrianus, then Proclus, then Isidore ran the School. Syrianus initiated Proclus into Plato’s mystical doctrine after Proclus had been adequately prepared by studying the works of Aristotle, as if, so to speak, by way of preparatory or ‘minor’ mysteries. So, in directing Proclus’ studies, Syrianus proceeds in due order, as Marinus emphasizes, and ‘does not leap over the threshold’; in other words, Proclus proceeds in the set order and does not miss out any step in the teaching. Isidore, too, came to Plato’s philosophy after studying Aristotle. I hope to have shown in this paper that the part played by the study of and commentary on Aristotle’s works remained the same up to the end of Neoplatonism. Aristotle was never studied for his own sake by the Neoplatonists, but always as a necessary preparation for the philosophy of Plato. [conclusion p. 188-189]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mXkoXV2wq7SgBs3

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Here again, we meet the principle of Aristotle\u2019s inferiority to Plato, which determines the harmonizing trend as well as its limitations.\r\n\r\nThanks to Marinus\u2019 Life of Proclus and Damascius\u2019 Life of Isidore, we know the role of the study of the works of Aristotle with commentary in the teaching of the School of Athens at the time when Syrianus, then Proclus, then Isidore ran the School. Syrianus initiated Proclus into Plato\u2019s mystical doctrine after Proclus had been adequately prepared by studying the works of Aristotle, as if, so to speak, by way of preparatory or \u2018minor\u2019 mysteries.\r\n\r\nSo, in directing Proclus\u2019 studies, Syrianus proceeds in due order, as Marinus emphasizes, and \u2018does not leap over the threshold\u2019; in other words, Proclus proceeds in the set order and does not miss out any step in the teaching. Isidore, too, came to Plato\u2019s philosophy after studying Aristotle.\r\n\r\nI hope to have shown in this paper that the part played by the study of and commentary on Aristotle\u2019s works remained the same up to the end of Neoplatonism. Aristotle was never studied for his own sake by the Neoplatonists, but always as a necessary preparation for the philosophy of Plato. [conclusion p. 188-189]","btype":2,"date":"1991","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/mXkoXV2wq7SgBs3","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":139,"full_name":"Robinson, Howard ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":640,"section_of":354,"pages":"175-189","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":354,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Blumenthal\/Robinson1991","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1991","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1991","abstract":"This volume contains papers by a group of leading experts on Aristotle and the later Aristotelian tradition of Neoplatonism. The discussion ranges from Aristotle's treatment of Parmenides, the most important pre-Socratic Greek philosopher, to Neoplatonic and medieval use of Aristotle, for which Aristotle himself set guidelines in his discussions of his predecessors. Traces of these guidelines can be seen in the work of Plotinus, and that of the later Greek commentators on Aristotle. The study of these commentators, and the recognition of the philosophical interest and importance of the ideas which they expressed in their commentaries, is an exciting new development in ancient philosophy to which this book makes a unique and distinguished contribution.[official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/jxVlK6YghFkMcPK","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":354,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Clarendon Press","series":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1991]}

Phantasia and Mental Images: Neoplatonist Interpretations of De Anima, 3.3, 1991
By: Sheppard, Anne D., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Robinson, Howard (Ed.)

Title	Phantasia and Mental Images: Neoplatonist Interpretations of De Anima, 3.3
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1991
Published in	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition
Pages	165-173
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sheppard, Anne D.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Robinson, Howard
Translator(s)

Aristotle’s treatment of phantasia in De anima 3.3 is both suggestive and tantalizing: suggestive because Aristotle seems to be trying to describe a capacity of the mind that cannot be identified either with sense-perception or with rational thought—a capacity which, if it is not the same as what we call "imagination," at least has much in common with it. It is tantalizing because the chapter flits from one point to another and is difficult to interpret as a consistent whole. There have been several recent attempts to make sense of the chapter and relate it to Aristotle’s other remarks about phantasia elsewhere. I shall briefly discuss three of these, which all make some use of modern discussions of imagination. In all three cases, the way they interpret Aristotle’s position is influenced by the account of imagination they themselves favor. It used to be taken for granted that imagination involves having mental images, but this assumption was among the many challenged in the works of Wittgenstein and in Gilbert Ryle’s The Concept of Mind. It is now more fashionable to analyze propositions of the form "I imagine that P" than to inquire into hypothetical pictures in the mind. Accordingly, some current interpreters of Aristotle claim that he is interested in the logic of the verb phainesthai, or in a power that interprets the data of perception, rather than in mental images. For example, Malcolm Schofield claims that Aristotle is concerned with the verb phainesthai and the sense in which it expresses a non-committal attitude toward the veridical character of sensory or quasi-sensory experiences. According to Schofield, Aristotle is concerned with "non-paradigmatic sensory experiences"—phenomena that make one say cautiously phainetai ("It looks like an X"). Mental imagery is only one type of such experience and is not Aristotle’s main concern. Martha Nussbaum also emphasizes the connection with the verb phainesthai and explicitly attacks the view that mental images are central to either Aristotelian phantasia or our notion of imagination. Nussbaum claims that Aristotle has a very general interest in how things appear to living creatures. She examines Aristotle’s account of the role of phantasia in animal movement and its relationship to aisthesis and argues that, for Aristotle, aisthesis is simply the passive reception of sense-impressions, while the role of phantasia is to interpret such impressions. More recently, Deborah Modrak has argued for an interpretation of Aristotelian phantasia that once again makes mental images important. She argues against Nussbaum’s interpretation of aisthesis as purely passive and describes phantasia as "the awareness of a sensory content under conditions that are not conducive to veridical perception." Such awareness, she argues, can perfectly well take the form of a mental image. My concern here is not so much to adjudicate among these rival modern interpretations of Aristotle as to inquire what light the Neoplatonist commentators on the De anima throw on the issues raised. It might be thought that this is a futile enterprise, given the very different presuppositions with which the ancient commentators approached Aristotle. Henry Blumenthal has demonstrated in a number of articles that these commentators read Aristotle through Platonizing spectacles and that their interpretation of his psychology is colored by their Platonist assumptions. Nevertheless, if we examine the discussions of De anima 3.3 by the Neoplatonists, some interesting light is cast on the question of whether phantasia involves mental images. In this paper, I shall confine myself to the two Neoplatonist commentaries on the De anima—those attributed to Simplicius and Philoponus. (Themistius, who was not a Neoplatonist, would require separate discussion.) Both commentaries raise problems of authorship, although these do not significantly affect the present inquiry. F. Bossier and C. Steel have argued that the commentary ascribed to Simplicius is not by him but by his contemporary Priscianus Lydus. Whether this is correct or not, the commentary is a product of sixth-century Athenian Neoplatonism. Book 3 of the Greek version of Philoponus’ commentary has been much more conclusively demonstrated to be by the later Alexandrian commentator Stephanus. Part of a Latin translation of Philoponus’ own work on De anima 3 survives, but his comments on 3.3 are not preserved. Those I shall be discussing are by Stephanus. (Where it is possible to compare the two commentators, the views of Stephanus are sometimes quite close to those of Philoponus, so it is likely that Philoponus’ views on 3.3 were not very different from those we find in Stephanus.) [introduction p. 165-167]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lzX0JUImw1D2csY

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","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1539,"entry_id":1021,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":139,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Robinson, Howard","free_first_name":"Howard","free_last_name":"Robinson","norm_person":{"id":139,"first_name":"Robinson","last_name":"Howard ","full_name":"Robinson, Howard ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172347122","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Phantasia and Mental Images: Neoplatonist Interpretations of De Anima, 3.3","main_title":{"title":"Phantasia and Mental Images: Neoplatonist Interpretations of De Anima, 3.3"},"abstract":"Aristotle\u2019s treatment of phantasia in De anima 3.3 is both suggestive and tantalizing: suggestive because Aristotle seems to be trying to describe a capacity of the mind that cannot be identified either with sense-perception or with rational thought\u2014a capacity which, if it is not the same as what we call \"imagination,\" at least has much in common with it. It is tantalizing because the chapter flits from one point to another and is difficult to interpret as a consistent whole. There have been several recent attempts to make sense of the chapter and relate it to Aristotle\u2019s other remarks about phantasia elsewhere. I shall briefly discuss three of these, which all make some use of modern discussions of imagination. In all three cases, the way they interpret Aristotle\u2019s position is influenced by the account of imagination they themselves favor.\r\n\r\nIt used to be taken for granted that imagination involves having mental images, but this assumption was among the many challenged in the works of Wittgenstein and in Gilbert Ryle\u2019s The Concept of Mind. It is now more fashionable to analyze propositions of the form \"I imagine that P\" than to inquire into hypothetical pictures in the mind. Accordingly, some current interpreters of Aristotle claim that he is interested in the logic of the verb phainesthai, or in a power that interprets the data of perception, rather than in mental images.\r\n\r\nFor example, Malcolm Schofield claims that Aristotle is concerned with the verb phainesthai and the sense in which it expresses a non-committal attitude toward the veridical character of sensory or quasi-sensory experiences. According to Schofield, Aristotle is concerned with \"non-paradigmatic sensory experiences\"\u2014phenomena that make one say cautiously phainetai (\"It looks like an X\"). Mental imagery is only one type of such experience and is not Aristotle\u2019s main concern. Martha Nussbaum also emphasizes the connection with the verb phainesthai and explicitly attacks the view that mental images are central to either Aristotelian phantasia or our notion of imagination. Nussbaum claims that Aristotle has a very general interest in how things appear to living creatures. She examines Aristotle\u2019s account of the role of phantasia in animal movement and its relationship to aisthesis and argues that, for Aristotle, aisthesis is simply the passive reception of sense-impressions, while the role of phantasia is to interpret such impressions.\r\n\r\nMore recently, Deborah Modrak has argued for an interpretation of Aristotelian phantasia that once again makes mental images important. She argues against Nussbaum\u2019s interpretation of aisthesis as purely passive and describes phantasia as \"the awareness of a sensory content under conditions that are not conducive to veridical perception.\" Such awareness, she argues, can perfectly well take the form of a mental image.\r\n\r\nMy concern here is not so much to adjudicate among these rival modern interpretations of Aristotle as to inquire what light the Neoplatonist commentators on the De anima throw on the issues raised. It might be thought that this is a futile enterprise, given the very different presuppositions with which the ancient commentators approached Aristotle. Henry Blumenthal has demonstrated in a number of articles that these commentators read Aristotle through Platonizing spectacles and that their interpretation of his psychology is colored by their Platonist assumptions. Nevertheless, if we examine the discussions of De anima 3.3 by the Neoplatonists, some interesting light is cast on the question of whether phantasia involves mental images.\r\n\r\nIn this paper, I shall confine myself to the two Neoplatonist commentaries on the De anima\u2014those attributed to Simplicius and Philoponus. (Themistius, who was not a Neoplatonist, would require separate discussion.) Both commentaries raise problems of authorship, although these do not significantly affect the present inquiry. F. Bossier and C. Steel have argued that the commentary ascribed to Simplicius is not by him but by his contemporary Priscianus Lydus. Whether this is correct or not, the commentary is a product of sixth-century Athenian Neoplatonism. Book 3 of the Greek version of Philoponus\u2019 commentary has been much more conclusively demonstrated to be by the later Alexandrian commentator Stephanus. Part of a Latin translation of Philoponus\u2019 own work on De anima 3 survives, but his comments on 3.3 are not preserved. Those I shall be discussing are by Stephanus. (Where it is possible to compare the two commentators, the views of Stephanus are sometimes quite close to those of Philoponus, so it is likely that Philoponus\u2019 views on 3.3 were not very different from those we find in Stephanus.) [introduction p. 165-167]","btype":2,"date":"1991","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lzX0JUImw1D2csY","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":43,"full_name":"Sheppard, Anne D.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":139,"full_name":"Robinson, Howard ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1021,"section_of":354,"pages":"165-173","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":354,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Blumenthal\/Robinson1991","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1991","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1991","abstract":"This volume contains papers by a group of leading experts on Aristotle and the later Aristotelian tradition of Neoplatonism. The discussion ranges from Aristotle's treatment of Parmenides, the most important pre-Socratic Greek philosopher, to Neoplatonic and medieval use of Aristotle, for which Aristotle himself set guidelines in his discussions of his predecessors. Traces of these guidelines can be seen in the work of Plotinus, and that of the later Greek commentators on Aristotle. The study of these commentators, and the recognition of the philosophical interest and importance of the ideas which they expressed in their commentaries, is an exciting new development in ancient philosophy to which this book makes a unique and distinguished contribution.[official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/jxVlK6YghFkMcPK","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":354,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Clarendon Press","series":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1991]}

Aristotle’s Treatment of the Doctrine of Parmenides, 1991
By: Kerferd, George B., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Robinson, Howard (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle’s Treatment of the Doctrine of Parmenides
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1991
Published in	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition
Pages	1-7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kerferd, George B.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Robinson, Howard
Translator(s)

In his De caelo (3.1, 298b 14–24 — 28 A 25 DK), Aristotle makes a strange and puzzling statement about Parmenides and the Eleatics. But before we discuss this in detail, it will be best first to give a translation of the context as a whole, with the relevant statement italicized, and to consider the way in which he is there classifying earlier thinkers. The passage reads as follows: "Perhaps the first question for consideration is whether generation is a fact or not. Earlier searchers after wisdom concerning reality differed both from the accounts which we are now offering and from one another. Some of them abolished generation and destruction completely. Nothing that is, they declare, is either generated or destroyed; it merely seems to us that it is so. Such were Melissus and Parmenides and their followers, and these men, although in other respects their doctrines are excellent, are not to be regarded as speaking from the point of view of natural science. For the existence of certain entities that are neither generated nor subject to any kind of change is a matter not for natural science but for a different and higher study. These men, however, since they supposed there was nothing else at all apart from the existence of things perceived and on the other hand were the first to contemplate some such (unchanging) entities as a prerequisite for any knowledge or understanding (gnôseôs ê phronêseôs) as a result transferred to sensible objects those accounts which come from the other (higher) source (tôn ekei then logous). Others again, as if from set purpose, came to hold the opposite opinion to that held by these men. For there are some who say that nothing in the world is ungenerated, but all things are subject to generation, and that when generated some things remain indestructible and others are again destroyed. This view was held above all by Hesiod and his followers, and thereafter by the first natural philosophers. These say that all other things are in process of being generated and flow, and nothing is stable. But there is one thing only which persists, from which all these other things are produced by natural transformations. This seems to be the meaning intended by Heraclitus of Ephesus and many others. But there are some who suppose that all body also is generated, combining it out of plane surfaces and separating it again into such planes." Aristotle’s classification here would seem at first sight to be threefold: Those who deny all generation and destruction as mere illusions. Those who say nothing is ungenerated but everything comes to be, although once generated, some things are exempt from destruction while others are again destroyed. Those who would generate all solids from geometrical shapes or planes. But there is an obscurity about the second group, said to be led by Hesiod and his followers, with whom are to be associated "the earliest natural philosophers." The reference to Hesiod must surely be to his doctrine of Chaos, which was the first to come into existence (Theogony 116) and from which, in due course, all other things arose. Grouped with him are the earliest natural philosophers (hoi prôtoi physiologêsantes), which suggests to us at first reading the Ionians. But in this case, Aristotle would be saying, for example, that the water of Thales itself came into existence before other things were generated from it. This seems in conflict both with the usual view of the Ionians in antiquity and also with what seems to be their characterization in the following two sentences, which describe a doctrine according to which there is a single substance persisting through the various transmutations that produce phenomena. A resolution of this problem is propounded by Simplicius in his commentary on the passage. He takes the words hoi prôtoi physiologêsantes to refer to those whom Aristotle elsewhere calls hoi prôtoi physiologêsantes (Metaphysics 983b28), namely Orpheus and Musaeus. This opens the way to the view that the Ionians are first referred to in the sentence following next after hoi prôtoi physiologêsantes, which begins with the words hoi de. The result is to divide Aristotle’s second class into two, producing a total of four, not three, classifications. This was indeed what Simplicius intended, as can be seen in his statement tetrachê dieile tas peri geneseôs doxas (In De caelo, 556.3). These will then be: No generation at all. All things are generated, and some of these things then persist permanently. Most things are generated but not the primary substances. All bodily things are generated from ungenerated geometrical entities. Whatever may be the correct analysis of what Aristotle is saying here, there can be no doubt that he places the Eleatics in category (1)—no generation at all. But a major difficulty arises from his statement that for the Eleatics there is nothing else apart from things perceived and that they applied to things perceived the concepts appropriate to unchanging entities, which belong to a different field altogether. On the whole, this statement seems to have provoked irritation rather than interest or respect, and it is commonly dismissed as mistaken. Harold Chemiss, writing in 1935, says that here: "The Eleatic doctrine is rejected as unphysical. But the origin is differently explained. The Eleatics were the first to see that knowledge requires the existence of immutable substances; but, thinking that sensible objects alone existed, they applied to them the arguments concerning objects of thought. Aristotle derives this account by a literal interpretation of Plato, Parmenides 135b-c. But cf. Sophist 249b-d." [introduction p. 1-3]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8A6Irhi7CRu4EpE

{"_index":"sire","_id":"889","_score":null,"_source":{"id":889,"authors_free":[{"id":1309,"entry_id":889,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":215,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kerferd, George B.","free_first_name":"George B.","free_last_name":"Kerferd","norm_person":{"id":215,"first_name":" George B.","last_name":"Kerferd","full_name":"Kerferd, George B.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1158138547","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1310,"entry_id":889,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1311,"entry_id":889,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":139,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Robinson, Howard","free_first_name":"Howard","free_last_name":"Robinson","norm_person":{"id":139,"first_name":"Robinson","last_name":"Howard ","full_name":"Robinson, Howard ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172347122","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle\u2019s Treatment of the Doctrine of Parmenides","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle\u2019s Treatment of the Doctrine of Parmenides"},"abstract":"In his De caelo (3.1, 298b 14\u201324 \u2014 28 A 25 DK), Aristotle makes a strange and puzzling statement about Parmenides and the Eleatics. But before we discuss this in detail, it will be best first to give a translation of the context as a whole, with the relevant statement italicized, and to consider the way in which he is there classifying earlier thinkers. The passage reads as follows:\r\n\r\n\"Perhaps the first question for consideration is whether generation is a fact or not. Earlier searchers after wisdom concerning reality differed both from the accounts which we are now offering and from one another. Some of them abolished generation and destruction completely. Nothing that is, they declare, is either generated or destroyed; it merely seems to us that it is so. Such were Melissus and Parmenides and their followers, and these men, although in other respects their doctrines are excellent, are not to be regarded as speaking from the point of view of natural science. For the existence of certain entities that are neither generated nor subject to any kind of change is a matter not for natural science but for a different and higher study. These men, however, since they supposed there was nothing else at all apart from the existence of things perceived and on the other hand were the first to contemplate some such (unchanging) entities as a prerequisite for any knowledge or understanding (gn\u00f4se\u00f4s \u00ea phron\u00ease\u00f4s) as a result transferred to sensible objects those accounts which come from the other (higher) source (t\u00f4n ekei then logous). Others again, as if from set purpose, came to hold the opposite opinion to that held by these men. For there are some who say that nothing in the world is ungenerated, but all things are subject to generation, and that when generated some things remain indestructible and others are again destroyed. This view was held above all by Hesiod and his followers, and thereafter by the first natural philosophers. These say that all other things are in process of being generated and flow, and nothing is stable. But there is one thing only which persists, from which all these other things are produced by natural transformations. This seems to be the meaning intended by Heraclitus of Ephesus and many others. But there are some who suppose that all body also is generated, combining it out of plane surfaces and separating it again into such planes.\"\r\n\r\nAristotle\u2019s classification here would seem at first sight to be threefold:\r\n\r\n Those who deny all generation and destruction as mere illusions.\r\n Those who say nothing is ungenerated but everything comes to be, although once generated, some things are exempt from destruction while others are again destroyed.\r\n Those who would generate all solids from geometrical shapes or planes.\r\n\r\nBut there is an obscurity about the second group, said to be led by Hesiod and his followers, with whom are to be associated \"the earliest natural philosophers.\" The reference to Hesiod must surely be to his doctrine of Chaos, which was the first to come into existence (Theogony 116) and from which, in due course, all other things arose. Grouped with him are the earliest natural philosophers (hoi pr\u00f4toi physiolog\u00easantes), which suggests to us at first reading the Ionians. But in this case, Aristotle would be saying, for example, that the water of Thales itself came into existence before other things were generated from it. This seems in conflict both with the usual view of the Ionians in antiquity and also with what seems to be their characterization in the following two sentences, which describe a doctrine according to which there is a single substance persisting through the various transmutations that produce phenomena.\r\n\r\nA resolution of this problem is propounded by Simplicius in his commentary on the passage. He takes the words hoi pr\u00f4toi physiolog\u00easantes to refer to those whom Aristotle elsewhere calls hoi pr\u00f4toi physiolog\u00easantes (Metaphysics 983b28), namely Orpheus and Musaeus. This opens the way to the view that the Ionians are first referred to in the sentence following next after hoi pr\u00f4toi physiolog\u00easantes, which begins with the words hoi de. The result is to divide Aristotle\u2019s second class into two, producing a total of four, not three, classifications. This was indeed what Simplicius intended, as can be seen in his statement tetrach\u00ea dieile tas peri genese\u00f4s doxas (In De caelo, 556.3). These will then be:\r\n\r\n No generation at all.\r\n All things are generated, and some of these things then persist permanently.\r\n Most things are generated but not the primary substances.\r\n All bodily things are generated from ungenerated geometrical entities.\r\n\r\nWhatever may be the correct analysis of what Aristotle is saying here, there can be no doubt that he places the Eleatics in category (1)\u2014no generation at all. But a major difficulty arises from his statement that for the Eleatics there is nothing else apart from things perceived and that they applied to things perceived the concepts appropriate to unchanging entities, which belong to a different field altogether.\r\n\r\nOn the whole, this statement seems to have provoked irritation rather than interest or respect, and it is commonly dismissed as mistaken. Harold Chemiss, writing in 1935, says that here:\r\n\r\n\"The Eleatic doctrine is rejected as unphysical. But the origin is differently explained. The Eleatics were the first to see that knowledge requires the existence of immutable substances; but, thinking that sensible objects alone existed, they applied to them the arguments concerning objects of thought. Aristotle derives this account by a literal interpretation of Plato, Parmenides 135b-c. But cf. Sophist 249b-d.\" [introduction p. 1-3]","btype":2,"date":"1991","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/8A6Irhi7CRu4EpE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":215,"full_name":"Kerferd, George B.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":139,"full_name":"Robinson, Howard ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":889,"section_of":354,"pages":"1-7","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":354,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Blumenthal\/Robinson1991","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1991","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1991","abstract":"This volume contains papers by a group of leading experts on Aristotle and the later Aristotelian tradition of Neoplatonism. The discussion ranges from Aristotle's treatment of Parmenides, the most important pre-Socratic Greek philosopher, to Neoplatonic and medieval use of Aristotle, for which Aristotle himself set guidelines in his discussions of his predecessors. Traces of these guidelines can be seen in the work of Plotinus, and that of the later Greek commentators on Aristotle. The study of these commentators, and the recognition of the philosophical interest and importance of the ideas which they expressed in their commentaries, is an exciting new development in ancient philosophy to which this book makes a unique and distinguished contribution.[official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/jxVlK6YghFkMcPK","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":354,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Clarendon Press","series":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1991]}

Nous pathêtikos in later Greek philosophy, 1991
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Robinson, Howard (Ed.)

Title	Nous pathêtikos in later Greek philosophy
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1991
Published in	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition
Pages	191-205
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Robinson, Howard
Translator(s)

In 1911 H. Kurfess obtained a doctorate from the University of Tübingen with a dissertation on the history of the interpretation of nous poietikos and nous pathetikos} Notoriously the expression nous poietikos never occurs in the text of Aristotle, but its derivation from De mim. 430*11-12 is an easy step, and when philosophers and commentators subsequently discuss it, we know what it is that they are talking about, even if its nature and status remained, and remain, controversial. Similarly nouspathetikos, or rather ho pathetikos nous, occurs only once in the pages of Aristotle, but appears often, if less frequently than nous poietikos, in the texts of his successors and interpreters. In its case, however, though the expression occurs in Aristotle’s De anima, its reference is unclear. To aggravate matters, nous pathetikos quite often appears in his successors in contexts which seem to have nothing to do with the intellect. Yet while nous poietikos has generated an enormous literature from the ancient world up until today, the phrase nous pathetikos has received nothing like the attention of its partner. This paper will examine some of its uses in both commentators and Neo- platonist philosophers in the hope of explaining its appearance and clarifying its meaning. [Introduction, p. 191]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Di0rd034eeOOHeY

{"_index":"sire","_id":"894","_score":null,"_source":{"id":894,"authors_free":[{"id":1317,"entry_id":894,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1319,"entry_id":894,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1320,"entry_id":894,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":139,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Robinson, Howard","free_first_name":"Howard","free_last_name":"Robinson","norm_person":{"id":139,"first_name":"Robinson","last_name":"Howard ","full_name":"Robinson, Howard ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172347122","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Nous path\u00eatikos in later Greek philosophy","main_title":{"title":"Nous path\u00eatikos in later Greek philosophy"},"abstract":"In 1911 H. Kurfess obtained a doctorate from the University of \r\nT\u00fcbingen with a dissertation on the history of the interpretation of nous \r\npoietikos and nous pathetikos} Notoriously the expression nous poietikos \r\nnever occurs in the text of Aristotle, but its derivation from De mim. \r\n430*11-12 is an easy step, and when philosophers and commentators \r\nsubsequently discuss it, we know what it is that they are talking about, \r\neven if its nature and status remained, and remain, controversial. \r\nSimilarly nouspathetikos, or rather ho pathetikos nous, occurs only once in \r\nthe pages of Aristotle, but appears often, if less frequently than nous \r\npoietikos, in the texts of his successors and interpreters. In its case, \r\nhowever, though the expression occurs in Aristotle\u2019s De anima, its \r\nreference is unclear. To aggravate matters, nous pathetikos quite often \r\nappears in his successors in contexts which seem to have nothing to do \r\nwith the intellect. Yet while nous poietikos has generated an enormous \r\nliterature from the ancient world up until today, the phrase nous \r\npathetikos has received nothing like the attention of its partner. This \r\npaper will examine some of its uses in both commentators and Neo- \r\nplatonist philosophers in the hope of explaining its appearance and \r\nclarifying its meaning. [Introduction, p. 191]","btype":2,"date":"1991","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Di0rd034eeOOHeY","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":139,"full_name":"Robinson, Howard ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":894,"section_of":354,"pages":"191-205","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":354,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Blumenthal\/Robinson1991","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1991","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1991","abstract":"This volume contains papers by a group of leading experts on Aristotle and the later Aristotelian tradition of Neoplatonism. The discussion ranges from Aristotle's treatment of Parmenides, the most important pre-Socratic Greek philosopher, to Neoplatonic and medieval use of Aristotle, for which Aristotle himself set guidelines in his discussions of his predecessors. Traces of these guidelines can be seen in the work of Plotinus, and that of the later Greek commentators on Aristotle. The study of these commentators, and the recognition of the philosophical interest and importance of the ideas which they expressed in their commentaries, is an exciting new development in ancient philosophy to which this book makes a unique and distinguished contribution.[official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/jxVlK6YghFkMcPK","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":354,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Clarendon Press","series":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1991]}

Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition, 1991
By: Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Robinson, Howard (Ed.)

Title	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1991
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Clarendon Press
Series	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Robinson, Howard
Translator(s)

This volume contains papers by a group of leading experts on Aristotle and the later Aristotelian tradition of Neoplatonism. The discussion ranges from Aristotle's treatment of Parmenides, the most important pre-Socratic Greek philosopher, to Neoplatonic and medieval use of Aristotle, for which Aristotle himself set guidelines in his discussions of his predecessors. Traces of these guidelines can be seen in the work of Plotinus, and that of the later Greek commentators on Aristotle. The study of these commentators, and the recognition of the philosophical interest and importance of the ideas which they expressed in their commentaries, is an exciting new development in ancient philosophy to which this book makes a unique and distinguished contribution.[official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/jxVlK6YghFkMcPK

{"_index":"sire","_id":"354","_score":null,"_source":{"id":354,"authors_free":[{"id":460,"entry_id":354,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":461,"entry_id":354,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":139,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Robinson, Howard","free_first_name":"Howard","free_last_name":"Robinson","norm_person":{"id":139,"first_name":"Robinson","last_name":"Howard ","full_name":"Robinson, Howard ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172347122","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition","main_title":{"title":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition"},"abstract":"This volume contains papers by a group of leading experts on Aristotle and the later Aristotelian tradition of Neoplatonism. The discussion ranges from Aristotle's treatment of Parmenides, the most important pre-Socratic Greek philosopher, to Neoplatonic and medieval use of Aristotle, for which Aristotle himself set guidelines in his discussions of his predecessors. Traces of these guidelines can be seen in the work of Plotinus, and that of the later Greek commentators on Aristotle. The study of these commentators, and the recognition of the philosophical interest and importance of the ideas which they expressed in their commentaries, is an exciting new development in ancient philosophy to which this book makes a unique and distinguished contribution.[official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1991","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/jxVlK6YghFkMcPK","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":139,"full_name":"Robinson, Howard ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":354,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Clarendon Press","series":"Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1991]}

Platon et Plotin sur la doctrine des parties de l'autre, 1991
By: O'Brien, Denis

Title	Platon et Plotin sur la doctrine des parties de l'autre
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1991
Journal	Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume	181
Issue	4
Pages	501-512
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

La matière est-elle identique à V alterile ? » Plotin se pose cette question au commencement du dernier chapitre de son traité Sur la matière (Enn., II 4 [12] 16). « Plutôt non », répond-il. « Elle est en revanche identique à cette partie de Valtérité qui s'oppose aux êtres proprement dits. » En s'exprimant de la sorte, Plotin fait allusion à un passage du Sophiste (258 E 2-3). Son allusion suppose pourtant l'existence d'un texte qui n'est pas attesté dans les manuscrits. Cette différence textuelle implique un changement fonda- mental de doctrine, dont les éditeurs modernes ne se sont pas avisés. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pBX2hcvJiK520pk

{"_index":"sire","_id":"418","_score":null,"_source":{"id":418,"authors_free":[{"id":558,"entry_id":418,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":144,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"O'Brien, Denis","free_first_name":"Denis","free_last_name":"O'Brien","norm_person":{"id":144,"first_name":"Denis","last_name":"O'Brien","full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134134079","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Platon et Plotin sur la doctrine des parties de l'autre","main_title":{"title":"Platon et Plotin sur la doctrine des parties de l'autre"},"abstract":"La mati\u00e8re est-elle identique \u00e0 V alterile ? \u00bb Plotin se pose cette question au commencement du dernier chapitre de son trait\u00e9 Sur la mati\u00e8re (Enn., II 4 [12] 16). \u00ab Plut\u00f4t non \u00bb, r\u00e9pond-il. \u00ab Elle est en revanche identique \u00e0 cette partie de Valt\u00e9rit\u00e9 qui s'oppose aux \u00eatres proprement dits. \u00bb En s'exprimant de la sorte, Plotin fait allusion \u00e0 un passage du Sophiste (258 E 2-3). Son allusion suppose pourtant l'existence d'un texte qui n'est pas attest\u00e9 dans les manuscrits. Cette diff\u00e9rence textuelle implique un changement fonda- mental de doctrine, dont les \u00e9diteurs modernes ne se sont pas avis\u00e9s. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1991","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/pBX2hcvJiK520pk","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":144,"full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":418,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'\u00c9tranger","volume":"181","issue":"4","pages":"501-512"}},"sort":[1991]}

Philoponus : corollaries on place and void ; with Simplicius against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World, 1991
By: Simplicius, Philoponus

Title	Philoponus : corollaries on place and void ; with Simplicius against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1991
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Philoponus
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Furley, David J.(Furley, David J. ) , Wildberg, Christian(Wildberg, Christian) ,

In the Corollaries on Place and Void, Philoponus attacks Aristotle's conception of place as two-dimensional, adopting instead the view more familiar to us that it is three-dimensional, inert and conceivable as void. Philoponus' denial that velocity in the void would be infinite anticipated Galileo, as did his denial that speed of fall is proportionate to weight, which Galileo greatly developed. In the second document Simplicius attacks a lost treatise of Philoponus which argued for the Christians against the eternity of the world. He exploits Aristotle's concession that the world contains only finite power. Simplicius' presentation of Philoponus' arguments (which may well be tendentious), together with his replies, tell us a good deal about both Philosophers. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VXsnYcvbcBQqcVL

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Postérité de l’être. Simplicius interprète de Parménide, 1991
By: Stevens, Annick

Title	Postérité de l’être. Simplicius interprète de Parménide
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1991
Publication Place	Bruxelles
Publisher	Ousia
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Stevens, Annick
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Stevens sets out to clarify Parmenides' philosophy with an analysis of Simplicius' presentation of his fragments and the related contextual exposition. This is a complex task, as twelve centuries separate Simplicius from the Presocratics, and, although generous beyond his needs in the length of Eleatic quotations, Simplicius is only too ready to enlist Parmenides as an earlier witness to the Platonic and Neoplatonic interpretations that pervade his commentary on Aristotelian texts. A further complication is that the order imposed by Aristotle's Physics and De Caelo is at variance with the sequence of Eleatic argument. S.'s cahier is much too brief for the subject-matter involved. He has one chapter each on Parmenides' Aletheia and Doxa, sandwiched between a brief introduction and conclusion. Additionally, there is an Appendix, more than half the length of what has preceded, which consists of a translation into French (without the Greek text but with some annotation) of relevant sections from Simplicius' Phys. 28-180, 243-4, and DC 556-60. An Index of the fragments of Parmenides cited in these two works is added, as well as a short bibliography. Interspersed in the text are tables giving Greek words from Simplicius, their French translation, and a brief justification. The point of these is obscure, and, since they are hard to follow in the absence of a continuous text, the result may appear arbitrary. For example, "teleion" at Phys. 29.10 is translated as "parfait," "telos" in the next line as "accomplissement," but "teleutê" further down as "fin."Translation of Eleatic texts in general looks easier in French than English, with 'il' conveniently ambiguous for Greek masculine, neuter, or impersonal subject, and "l’Étant'" and "l’être'" (with and without capitals) for ontological terminology. The main problem with S.'s study is the level of scholarship involved and consequently the readership targeted. There are a number of ways of tackling the subject, none of which S. holds to consistently. One is a straightforward introduction to reading Parmenides' lines in their Simplicius context, and sometimes S. is writing in this way. The first chapter, for example, starts with a straightforward narrative of the 'signs' for the Aletheia, and the second with the usual listing of different views on the status of the Doxa. Simplicius' position on both these topics is given, but without any explanation of the Neoplatonic terms (like 'Etant-Un') that are used. Secondly, there is a scholarly monograph struggling to emerge. The reader can suddenly be involved in a sophisticated comparison of Parmenides' concept of "ateleston" with "apeiron" in Melissus, or in textual exegesis, or in studying the relevance of the first two hypotheses of Plato's Parmenides, or the exact meaning of "apatêlon" in B 8.52. But thirdly what is needed, as S. indicates in the subtitle, is a full and detailed discussion of Simplicius as an interpreter of Parmenides. This could usefully tackle Simplicius' reasons for finding Parmenides compatible with both Plato and Aristotle, the particular readings (or re-readings) of all four ancient authors that might be involved in the exercise, what traps might thereby be set in the path of those who are tracking the original Parmenides, and what implications would then arise for Simplicius' treatment of other Presocratics. All this is yet to be done. (Review by M. R. Wright)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/emrqNfIbKqCFiEi

{"_index":"sire","_id":"51","_score":null,"_source":{"id":51,"authors_free":[{"id":59,"entry_id":51,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":323,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Stevens, Annick","free_first_name":"Annick","free_last_name":"Stevens","norm_person":{"id":323,"first_name":" Annick","last_name":"Stevens","full_name":"Stevens, Annick","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1195240120","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Post\u00e9rit\u00e9 de l\u2019\u00eatre. Simplicius interpr\u00e8te de Parm\u00e9nide","main_title":{"title":"Post\u00e9rit\u00e9 de l\u2019\u00eatre. Simplicius interpr\u00e8te de Parm\u00e9nide"},"abstract":"Stevens sets out to clarify Parmenides' philosophy with an analysis of Simplicius' presentation of his fragments and the related contextual exposition. This is a complex task, as twelve centuries separate Simplicius from the Presocratics, and, although generous beyond his needs in the length of Eleatic quotations, Simplicius is only too ready to enlist Parmenides as an earlier witness to the Platonic and Neoplatonic interpretations that pervade his commentary on Aristotelian texts. A further complication is that the order imposed by Aristotle's Physics and De Caelo is at variance with the sequence of Eleatic argument.\r\n\r\nS.'s cahier is much too brief for the subject-matter involved. He has one chapter each on Parmenides' Aletheia and Doxa, sandwiched between a brief introduction and conclusion. Additionally, there is an Appendix, more than half the length of what has preceded, which consists of a translation into French (without the Greek text but with some annotation) of relevant sections from Simplicius' Phys. 28-180, 243-4, and DC 556-60. An Index of the fragments of Parmenides cited in these two works is added, as well as a short bibliography.\r\nInterspersed in the text are tables giving Greek words from Simplicius, their French translation, and a brief justification. The point of these is obscure, and, since they are hard to follow in the absence of a continuous text, the result may appear arbitrary. For example, \"teleion\" at Phys. 29.10 is translated as \"parfait,\" \"telos\" in the next line as \"accomplissement,\" but \"teleut\u00ea\" further down as \"fin.\"Translation of Eleatic texts in general looks easier in French than English, with 'il' conveniently ambiguous for Greek masculine, neuter, or impersonal subject, and \"l\u2019\u00c9tant'\" and \"l\u2019\u00eatre'\" (with and without capitals) for ontological terminology.\r\nThe main problem with S.'s study is the level of scholarship involved and consequently the readership targeted. There are a number of ways of tackling the subject, none of which S. holds to consistently. One is a straightforward introduction to reading Parmenides' lines in their Simplicius context, and sometimes S. is writing in this way. The first chapter, for example, starts with a straightforward narrative of the 'signs' for the Aletheia, and the second with the usual listing of different views on the status of the Doxa. Simplicius' position on both these topics is given, but without any explanation of the Neoplatonic terms (like 'Etant-Un') that are used. Secondly, there is a scholarly monograph struggling to emerge. The reader can suddenly be involved in a sophisticated comparison of Parmenides' concept of \"ateleston\" with \"apeiron\" in Melissus, or in textual exegesis, or in studying the relevance of the first two hypotheses of Plato's Parmenides, or the exact meaning of \"apat\u00ealon\" in B 8.52. But thirdly what is needed, as S. indicates in the subtitle, is a full and detailed discussion of Simplicius as an interpreter of Parmenides. This could usefully tackle Simplicius' reasons for finding Parmenides compatible with both Plato and Aristotle, the particular readings (or re-readings) of all four ancient authors that might be involved in the exercise, what traps might thereby be set in the path of those who are tracking the original Parmenides, and what implications would then arise for Simplicius' treatment of other Presocratics. All this is yet to be done. (Review by M. R. Wright)","btype":1,"date":"1991","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/emrqNfIbKqCFiEi","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":323,"full_name":"Stevens, Annick","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":51,"pubplace":"Bruxelles","publisher":"Ousia","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1991]}

A propos de la biographie de Simplicius, 1991
By: Van Riet, Simone

Title	A propos de la biographie de Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1991
Journal	Revue philosophique de Louvain
Volume	83
Pages	506-514
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Van Riet, Simone
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Known for his adherence to the Neoplatonic School of Athens, Simplicius represents the intellectual lineage that blended Plotinus' metaphysics with oriental mysteries and rites, tracing its roots back to the ancient Platonic Academy. His journey also intersects with the evolution of philosophy in Alexandria, known for its leanings towards natural studies and empirical sciences. However, unlike many of his contemporaries, Simplicius lacks a dedicated biographer, necessitating careful historical reconstruction of his life. A notable event in his life was the closure of the Neoplatonic School of Athens in 529, pushing Simplicius and others to Persia, only to face disappointment and eventual return due to a peace treaty. While his commentaries on Aristotle's treatises form the main body of his works, this study argues for a deeper recognition of Simplicius and his fellow Aristotelian commentators as distinctive thinkers in the history of philosophy, whose biographies merit thorough exploration. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8nsFoCQv5aHc85J

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Den Autoren über die Schulter geschaut. Arbeitsweise und Autographie bei den antiken Schriftstellern, 1991
By: Dorandi, Tiziano

Title	Den Autoren über die Schulter geschaut. Arbeitsweise und Autographie bei den antiken Schriftstellern
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1991
Journal	Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik
Volume	87
Pages	11–33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dorandi, Tiziano
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Fassen wir die Ergebnisse unserer Überlegungen noch einmal zusammen: Man darf annehmen, dass die Abfassung eines antiken literarischen Werkes zumindest zwei Phasen durchlief (von denen die erste komplexer und nicht immer bei allen Autoren gleichartig war). 1a. Die erste Phase konnte in der Ausarbeitung von Konzepten bestehen, denen eine Sammlung von Exzerpten vorausgegangen sein mochte, welche aus kurzen Notizen bestanden, die wahrscheinlich auf Wachs- bzw. Holztäfelchen (pugillares) geschrieben waren. 1b. Sie konnte auch in der Anfertigung von ὑπομνηματικά (hypomnêmatika) bestehen, der provisorischen Fassung eines Buches, wobei das Rohmaterial größtenteils überarbeitet und geordnet war, aber noch nicht die letzte stilistische Verfeinerung erhalten hatte. Es folgte die endgültige Redaktion, die Reinschrift des Werkes (ὑπόμνημα (hypomnêma), σύνταγμα (syntagma) usw.), welche meist die tatsächliche ἔκδοσις (ekdosis) einleitete. Unter ἔκδοσις (ekdosis) verstehe ich, im Anschluss an van Groningen, die Ausarbeitung eines Werkes, die ein Schriftsteller als abgeschlossen ansah und mit allen Risiken herausgab (ἐκδιδόναι (ekdidonai)), die eine Veröffentlichung mit sich brachte, da die antike Gesellschaft ja kein Urheberrecht im modernen Sinne kannte. Die von mir untersuchten und angeführten Zeugnisse bezogen sich vor allem auf Prosaschriften enzyklopädischen (Plinius) oder philosophisch-wissenschaftlichen Charakters (Philodem, die Aristoteleskommentatoren, Galen); freilich scheinen im Bereich der Dichtung das Beispiel des Vergil und des Horaz sowie die Papyri eine ähnliche Arbeitsweise zu bestätigen. Meine Beobachtungen können und dürfen nicht verallgemeinert werden: Es läge meinen Absichten fern, ein und dieselbe, allen Autoren und literarischen Gattungen gemeinsame, in der gesamten Geschichte der griechischen und lateinischen Literatur gleichartige Arbeitsweise zu postulieren.[conclusion p. 32-33]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gaYJZl79ZT9HzlR

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Cosmic Justice in Anaximander , 1991
By: Engmann, Joyce

Title	Cosmic Justice in Anaximander
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1991
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	36
Issue	1
Pages	1-25
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Engmann, Joyce
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In what may be our oldest surviving fragment of Greek literary prose, Anaximander refers to the redress of injustice among parties alternately injured and injuring. Since the parties in question are impersonal entities, and the redress is a cosmic process, Simplicius, probably repeating a remark of Theophrastus, comments on Anaximander's mode of expression as "rather poetical." What, in plain terms, was the meaning of the metaphor? In this paper, I wish to look again at what Vlastos has described as the most controversial text in Presocratic philosophy. The preceding clause in Simplicius indicates that the process of redress is one of perishing or passing away, phthora: not absolute phthora, but phthora "into" something. Two main views have been taken of this process. It has often been thought that that into which perishing took place was the infinite, and that that which perished was what Simplicius referred to as ta onta, existing things—in effect, the world, or a world (the difference is immaterial for present purposes). Thus, the, or a, world perished as a totality into the infinite. The view which prevails today is that both that into which perishing takes place and that which perishes are the opposites or elements, which Simplicius refers to as ta stoicheia. I believe there are difficulties in this view which have not been fully recognised. In the reports of Anaximander in our sources, there are several pointers to a third possibility, which is, in a sense, an amalgam of the two just mentioned: that into which perishing takes place is the infinite, as on the first view, while, as on the second view, the process of perishing is not a sudden but an ongoing process, and, again, that which perishes is the opposites or elements. The hypothesis of ongoing material interaction between the world and the infinite at least seems to merit more consideration than it has received. It has been mooted in one line and rejected in two by Kirk; dismissed in a short footnote by Vlastos; and only taken seriously by Heidel, who, however, does not apply it to the interpretation of the fragment. I believe that it supplies the key to the understanding of the fragment, and shall argue that it provides a way of reconciling Simplicius' report on Anaximander with two supplementary categories of evidence, the value of which is often discounted: Simplicius' isolated statements about Anaximander elsewhere, and the parallel reports of Aetius and pseudo-Plutarch. I shall conclude by suggesting that equality did not play the role in Anaximander's conception of justice that is commonly thought, and that for him the natural world mirrored an aristocratic rather than a democratic society. [introduction p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4jIf0maBjgUseow

{"_index":"sire","_id":"598","_score":null,"_source":{"id":598,"authors_free":[{"id":849,"entry_id":598,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":82,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Engmann, Joyce","free_first_name":"Joyce","free_last_name":"Engmann","norm_person":{"id":82,"first_name":"Joyce","last_name":"Engmann","full_name":"Engmann, Joyce","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Cosmic Justice in Anaximander ","main_title":{"title":"Cosmic Justice in Anaximander "},"abstract":"In what may be our oldest surviving fragment of Greek literary prose, Anaximander refers to the redress of injustice among parties alternately injured and injuring. Since the parties in question are impersonal entities, and the redress is a cosmic process, Simplicius, probably repeating a remark of Theophrastus, comments on Anaximander's mode of expression as \"rather poetical.\" What, in plain terms, was the meaning of the metaphor? In this paper, I wish to look again at what Vlastos has described as the most controversial text in Presocratic philosophy.\r\n\r\nThe preceding clause in Simplicius indicates that the process of redress is one of perishing or passing away, phthora: not absolute phthora, but phthora \"into\" something. Two main views have been taken of this process. It has often been thought that that into which perishing took place was the infinite, and that that which perished was what Simplicius referred to as ta onta, existing things\u2014in effect, the world, or a world (the difference is immaterial for present purposes). Thus, the, or a, world perished as a totality into the infinite.\r\n\r\nThe view which prevails today is that both that into which perishing takes place and that which perishes are the opposites or elements, which Simplicius refers to as ta stoicheia. I believe there are difficulties in this view which have not been fully recognised.\r\n\r\nIn the reports of Anaximander in our sources, there are several pointers to a third possibility, which is, in a sense, an amalgam of the two just mentioned: that into which perishing takes place is the infinite, as on the first view, while, as on the second view, the process of perishing is not a sudden but an ongoing process, and, again, that which perishes is the opposites or elements. The hypothesis of ongoing material interaction between the world and the infinite at least seems to merit more consideration than it has received.\r\n\r\nIt has been mooted in one line and rejected in two by Kirk; dismissed in a short footnote by Vlastos; and only taken seriously by Heidel, who, however, does not apply it to the interpretation of the fragment. I believe that it supplies the key to the understanding of the fragment, and shall argue that it provides a way of reconciling Simplicius' report on Anaximander with two supplementary categories of evidence, the value of which is often discounted: Simplicius' isolated statements about Anaximander elsewhere, and the parallel reports of Aetius and pseudo-Plutarch.\r\n\r\nI shall conclude by suggesting that equality did not play the role in Anaximander's conception of justice that is commonly thought, and that for him the natural world mirrored an aristocratic rather than a democratic society. [introduction p. 1-2]","btype":3,"date":"1991","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/4jIf0maBjgUseow","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":82,"full_name":"Engmann, Joyce","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":598,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"36","issue":"1","pages":"1-25"}},"sort":[1991]}

Y a-t-Il des catégories stoïciennes?, 1991
By: Duhot, Jean-Joël

Title	Y a-t-Il des catégories stoïciennes?
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1991
Journal	Revue Internationale de Philosophie
Volume	45
Issue	178 (3)
Pages	220-244
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Duhot, Jean-Joël
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Il n'y a donc pas de catégories stoïciennes. Le substrat, le tel, l'étant en quelque manière et l'étant en quelque manière relatif tracent une sorte de vecteur ontologique qui traverse chaque être. Ces quatre concepts n'indiquent pas des états ou des niveaux d'être, ils permettent d'articuler, à des niveaux différents, l'unité et la multiplicité, l'identité et la différence, le corps et l'incorporel, à l'intérieur ou à propos de chaque être. Ils ne visent pas à décrire de façon exhaustive les niveaux possibles de l'être, auquel cas ils auraient été plus nombreux. Ils constituent donc non pas une description, un tableau, mais un outil : ce sont des concepts opératoires grâce auxquels se résolvent les problèmes de l'un et du multiple. Ils sont au service d'une ontologie qui relie chaque être à l'essence unique que constitue la matière première. C'est sans doute leur caractère opératoire et non descriptif qui explique que les genres stoïciens ne soient pas aussi nombreux que les niveaux de cette échelle de l'être qu'on peut en déduire. L'objet du Portique n'était pas de dresser un inventaire ontologique mais de disposer des outils nécessaires au fonctionnement de l'ontologie, c'est-à-dire permettant de rattacher toute multiplicité à une unité et tout être à une essence, en l'occurrence l'Essence qu'est ὑποστασία, et ces outils, qui sont les quatre genres, n'ont pas à être plus nombreux en vertu d'un simple principe d'économie. Ici encore par conséquent la comparaison avec les catégories aristotéliciennes est trompeuse : les catégories visent à l'exhaustivité dans le cadre d'une ontologie descriptive horizontale, les genres stoïciens, qui apparaissent évidemment sur ce plan très lacunaires, ne sont pas moins exhaustifs, mais comme instruments d'une ontologie opératoire verticale. Et en tant qu'instruments d'une ontologie, il était logique qu'ils fussent aussi peu nombreux que possible, d'où découle leur polyvalence, ou, si on préfère, leur ambiguïté. [conclusion p. 243-244]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KbIXmexaLDoeiRj

{"_index":"sire","_id":"599","_score":null,"_source":{"id":599,"authors_free":[{"id":850,"entry_id":599,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":72,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Duhot, Jean-Jo\u00ebl ","free_first_name":"Jean-Jo\u00ebl ","free_last_name":"Duhot","norm_person":{"id":72,"first_name":"Jean-Jo\u00ebl ","last_name":"Duhot","full_name":"Duhot, Jean-Jo\u00ebl ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1048420493","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Y a-t-Il des cat\u00e9gories sto\u00efciennes?","main_title":{"title":"Y a-t-Il des cat\u00e9gories sto\u00efciennes?"},"abstract":"Il n'y a donc pas de cat\u00e9gories sto\u00efciennes. Le substrat, le tel, l'\u00e9tant en quelque mani\u00e8re et l'\u00e9tant en quelque mani\u00e8re relatif tracent une sorte de vecteur ontologique qui traverse chaque \u00eatre. Ces quatre concepts n'indiquent pas des \u00e9tats ou des niveaux d'\u00eatre, ils permettent d'articuler, \u00e0 des niveaux diff\u00e9rents, l'unit\u00e9 et la multiplicit\u00e9, l'identit\u00e9 et la diff\u00e9rence, le corps et l'incorporel, \u00e0 l'int\u00e9rieur ou \u00e0 propos de chaque \u00eatre. Ils ne visent pas \u00e0 d\u00e9crire de fa\u00e7on exhaustive les niveaux possibles de l'\u00eatre, auquel cas ils auraient \u00e9t\u00e9 plus nombreux.\r\n\r\nIls constituent donc non pas une description, un tableau, mais un outil : ce sont des concepts op\u00e9ratoires gr\u00e2ce auxquels se r\u00e9solvent les probl\u00e8mes de l'un et du multiple. Ils sont au service d'une ontologie qui relie chaque \u00eatre \u00e0 l'essence unique que constitue la mati\u00e8re premi\u00e8re.\r\n\r\nC'est sans doute leur caract\u00e8re op\u00e9ratoire et non descriptif qui explique que les genres sto\u00efciens ne soient pas aussi nombreux que les niveaux de cette \u00e9chelle de l'\u00eatre qu'on peut en d\u00e9duire. L'objet du Portique n'\u00e9tait pas de dresser un inventaire ontologique mais de disposer des outils n\u00e9cessaires au fonctionnement de l'ontologie, c'est-\u00e0-dire permettant de rattacher toute multiplicit\u00e9 \u00e0 une unit\u00e9 et tout \u00eatre \u00e0 une essence, en l'occurrence l'Essence qu'est \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3\u03af\u03b1, et ces outils, qui sont les quatre genres, n'ont pas \u00e0 \u00eatre plus nombreux en vertu d'un simple principe d'\u00e9conomie.\r\n\r\nIci encore par cons\u00e9quent la comparaison avec les cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes est trompeuse : les cat\u00e9gories visent \u00e0 l'exhaustivit\u00e9 dans le cadre d'une ontologie descriptive horizontale, les genres sto\u00efciens, qui apparaissent \u00e9videmment sur ce plan tr\u00e8s lacunaires, ne sont pas moins exhaustifs, mais comme instruments d'une ontologie op\u00e9ratoire verticale. Et en tant qu'instruments d'une ontologie, il \u00e9tait logique qu'ils fussent aussi peu nombreux que possible, d'o\u00f9 d\u00e9coule leur polyvalence, ou, si on pr\u00e9f\u00e8re, leur ambigu\u00eft\u00e9. [conclusion p. 243-244]","btype":3,"date":"1991","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KbIXmexaLDoeiRj","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":72,"full_name":"Duhot, Jean-Jo\u00ebl ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":599,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue Internationale de Philosophie","volume":"45","issue":"178 (3)","pages":"220-244"}},"sort":[1991]}

L'ecole néoplatonicienne d'Athènes, 1990
By: Saffrey, Henri Dominique

Title	L'ecole néoplatonicienne d'Athènes
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1990
Published in	Recherches sur le néoplatonisme après Plotin
Pages	127-129
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

À l’intérieur du vaste mouvement philosophique que l’on désigne globalement sous le nom de néo-platonisme et qui se développe du IIIe au VIe siècle après J.-C., on distingue des écoles diverses. Fondé à Rome par Plotin, qui y enseigne de 245 à 270, et maintenu vivant sur place par Porphyre et ses successeurs (dont plusieurs passèrent au christianisme, par exemple Marius Victorinus), le néo-platonisme se répandit d’abord en Asie Mineure et spécialement à Apamée et Antioche, où enseigna Jamblique. Celui-ci réussit à amalgamer la métaphysique plotinienne et les théories et pratiques de la théurgie en vogue dans l’Orient grec. Cette synthèse fournit à l’empereur Julien l’Apostat une base doctrinale pour le renouveau de la religion païenne qu’il tenta de faire triompher sous son règne (361-363). De cette école syrienne sortirent deux rameaux d’inégale valeur : d’une part, l’école de Pergame, franchement adonnée à la magie et délaissant entièrement le vieux rationalisme grec, et, d’autre part, l’école d’Athènes, qui parviendra à se greffer sur la souche de l’antique Académie de Platon au début du Ve siècle. À peu près au même moment, un autre rejeton paraîtra à Alexandrie, et cette école survivra même à celle d’Athènes pour faire passer au monde arabe vers la fin du VIe siècle tout le capital du néo-platonisme. [introduction p. 126]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ZrGOMqaxAxCT1p0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1174","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1174,"authors_free":[{"id":1749,"entry_id":1174,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":228,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","free_first_name":"Henri Dominique","free_last_name":"Saffrey","norm_person":{"id":228,"first_name":"Henri Dominique","last_name":"Saffrey","full_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130160059","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"L'ecole n\u00e9oplatonicienne d'Ath\u00e8nes","main_title":{"title":"L'ecole n\u00e9oplatonicienne d'Ath\u00e8nes"},"abstract":"\u00c0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur du vaste mouvement philosophique que l\u2019on d\u00e9signe globalement sous le nom de n\u00e9o-platonisme et qui se d\u00e9veloppe du IIIe au VIe si\u00e8cle apr\u00e8s J.-C., on distingue des \u00e9coles diverses.\r\n\r\nFond\u00e9 \u00e0 Rome par Plotin, qui y enseigne de 245 \u00e0 270, et maintenu vivant sur place par Porphyre et ses successeurs (dont plusieurs pass\u00e8rent au christianisme, par exemple Marius Victorinus), le n\u00e9o-platonisme se r\u00e9pandit d\u2019abord en Asie Mineure et sp\u00e9cialement \u00e0 Apam\u00e9e et Antioche, o\u00f9 enseigna Jamblique. Celui-ci r\u00e9ussit \u00e0 amalgamer la m\u00e9taphysique plotinienne et les th\u00e9ories et pratiques de la th\u00e9urgie en vogue dans l\u2019Orient grec. Cette synth\u00e8se fournit \u00e0 l\u2019empereur Julien l\u2019Apostat une base doctrinale pour le renouveau de la religion pa\u00efenne qu\u2019il tenta de faire triompher sous son r\u00e8gne (361-363).\r\n\r\nDe cette \u00e9cole syrienne sortirent deux rameaux d\u2019in\u00e9gale valeur : d\u2019une part, l\u2019\u00e9cole de Pergame, franchement adonn\u00e9e \u00e0 la magie et d\u00e9laissant enti\u00e8rement le vieux rationalisme grec, et, d\u2019autre part, l\u2019\u00e9cole d\u2019Ath\u00e8nes, qui parviendra \u00e0 se greffer sur la souche de l\u2019antique Acad\u00e9mie de Platon au d\u00e9but du Ve si\u00e8cle.\r\n\r\n\u00c0 peu pr\u00e8s au m\u00eame moment, un autre rejeton para\u00eetra \u00e0 Alexandrie, et cette \u00e9cole survivra m\u00eame \u00e0 celle d\u2019Ath\u00e8nes pour faire passer au monde arabe vers la fin du VIe si\u00e8cle tout le capital du n\u00e9o-platonisme. [introduction p. 126]","btype":2,"date":"1990","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ZrGOMqaxAxCT1p0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":228,"full_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1174,"section_of":1461,"pages":"127-129","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1461,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":1,"language":"fr","title":"Recherches sur le n\u00e9oplatonisme apr\u00e8s Plotin","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Saffrey1990","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1990","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PXWKxSDEtCXXJtb","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1461,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Histoire des doctrines de l\u2019antiquit\u00e9 classique","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1990]}

Les introductions aux commentaires exégétiques chez les auteurs néoplatoniciens et les auteurs chrétiens, 1990
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Les introductions aux commentaires exégétiques chez les auteurs néoplatoniciens et les auteurs chrétiens
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1990
Published in	Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Catégories. Traduction commentée sous la direction de Ilsetraut Hadot. Fascicule I: Introduction, Première partie (p. 1-9, 3 Kalbfleisch)
Pages	21-47
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

The text discusses the introductions to exegetical commentaries by Neoplatonic and Christian authors, using Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Categories as an example. It is divided into two parts: the first provides the historical context, sources and method, and the second develops the two traditional outlines used in the introduction of commentaries on the Categories. These two outlines are found in the commentaries of the four other Neoplatonic authors who commented on the Categories, namely Ammonius, Philopon, Olympiodore and David, and also in the Arabic introductions of Al-Farabi and Al-Kindi. The text offers a comparative study of the commentaries and the introductions, highlighting the differences in structure and form. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2ecCQO0VOCCVgZa

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1182","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1182,"authors_free":[{"id":1755,"entry_id":1182,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1974,"entry_id":1182,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les introductions aux commentaires ex\u00e9g\u00e9tiques chez les auteurs n\u00e9oplatoniciens et les auteurs chr\u00e9tiens","main_title":{"title":"Les introductions aux commentaires ex\u00e9g\u00e9tiques chez les auteurs n\u00e9oplatoniciens et les auteurs chr\u00e9tiens"},"abstract":"The text discusses the introductions to exegetical commentaries by Neoplatonic and Christian authors, using Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Categories as an example. It is divided into two parts: the first provides the historical context, sources and method, and the second develops the two traditional outlines used in the introduction of commentaries on the Categories. These two outlines are found in the commentaries of the four other Neoplatonic authors who commented on the Categories, namely Ammonius, Philopon, Olympiodore and David, and also in the Arabic introductions of Al-Farabi and Al-Kindi. The text offers a comparative study of the commentaries and the introductions, highlighting the differences in structure and form. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"1990","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2ecCQO0VOCCVgZa","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1182,"section_of":179,"pages":"21-47","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":179,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Cat\u00e9gories. Traduction comment\u00e9e sous la direction de Ilsetraut Hadot. Fascicule I: Introduction, Premi\u00e8re partie (p. 1-9, 3 Kalbfleisch)","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1990e","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1990","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1990","abstract":"The French translation with commentary, the first in a modern language, allows historians of philosophy access to a fundamental work for the understanding of medieval and modern thought. They could also explore more easily the great variety of information contained in the commentary of Simplicius on the history of the exegis of the Cat\u00e9gories of Aristotle, and more generally on the history of comparative philosophy of Simplicius. They will discover some important aspects in the actual thought of Simplicius, which so far has hardly been explored. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KyrBWf80BsqVFO8","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":179,"pubplace":"Leiden - New York - K\u00f8benhavn - K\u00f6ln","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia antiqua. A Series of studies on ancient Philosophy","volume":"50.1","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1990]}

Ancora su Simplicio e le Categorie, 1990
By: Isnardi Parente, Margherita

Title	Ancora su Simplicio e le Categorie
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1990
Journal	Rivista di Storia della Filosofia
Volume	45
Issue	4
Pages	723-732
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Isnardi Parente, Margherita
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

La storia del concetto di relativo ha già precedenti che sarebbe troppo lungo ricordare. Basti accennare qui a due essenziali limitazioni che i relativi hanno già subito nella storia della tradizione platonico-aristotelica: la negazione di un modello ideale per la relazione (i modelli ideali esistono per le realtà poste in relazione, non per la relazione stessa o per ciò che è solo in funzione della relazione); la definizione di paraphyas per il relativo, definizione che va da Aristotele (EN I, 1096 a 21) ad Andronico ed oltre: paraphyas, cioè ciò che si pone accanto alla vera phýsis, come una sorta di natura aggiunta e secondaria. Gli stoici hanno una loro parte nella storia di questa riduzione della relazione a fatto di ordine mentale o soggettivo. I pros ti pôs echonta sono una nuova forma di incorporeo che viene ad aggiungersi alle altre, anche se nessuna lista riveduta ci è fornita dalla tradizione. E di questa nuova importanza dell'incorporeità in rapporto con la teoria dei generi dell'essere, passi come quello di Simplicio o come questo di Sesto offrono una attestazione fondamentale. [conclusion p. 731-732]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RIxIO3H5yPGRKEc

{"_index":"sire","_id":"620","_score":null,"_source":{"id":620,"authors_free":[{"id":876,"entry_id":620,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":282,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Isnardi Parente, Margherita","free_first_name":"Margherita","free_last_name":"Parente","norm_person":{"id":282,"first_name":"Margherita","last_name":"Isnardi Parente","full_name":"Isnardi Parente, Margherita","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1023256045","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ancora su Simplicio e le Categorie","main_title":{"title":"Ancora su Simplicio e le Categorie"},"abstract":"La storia del concetto di relativo ha gi\u00e0 precedenti che sarebbe troppo lungo ricordare. Basti accennare qui a due essenziali limitazioni che i relativi hanno gi\u00e0 subito nella storia della tradizione platonico-aristotelica: la negazione di un modello ideale per la relazione (i modelli ideali esistono per le realt\u00e0 poste in relazione, non per la relazione stessa o per ci\u00f2 che \u00e8 solo in funzione della relazione); la definizione di paraphyas per il relativo, definizione che va da Aristotele (EN I, 1096 a 21) ad Andronico ed oltre: paraphyas, cio\u00e8 ci\u00f2 che si pone accanto alla vera ph\u00fdsis, come una sorta di natura aggiunta e secondaria.\r\n\r\nGli stoici hanno una loro parte nella storia di questa riduzione della relazione a fatto di ordine mentale o soggettivo. I pros ti p\u00f4s echonta sono una nuova forma di incorporeo che viene ad aggiungersi alle altre, anche se nessuna lista riveduta ci \u00e8 fornita dalla tradizione. E di questa nuova importanza dell'incorporeit\u00e0 in rapporto con la teoria dei generi dell'essere, passi come quello di Simplicio o come questo di Sesto offrono una attestazione fondamentale. [conclusion p. 731-732]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RIxIO3H5yPGRKEc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":282,"full_name":"Isnardi Parente, Margherita","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":620,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rivista di Storia della Filosofia","volume":"45","issue":"4","pages":"723-732"}},"sort":[1990]}

Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie, 1990
By: Dillon, John

Title	Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1990
Journal	Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume	110
Pages	244–245
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dillon, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius is a man who might seem destined forever to be used simply as a source for other thinkers, without being given much credit for thinking himself. After all, his surviving works are overtly commentaries on one work or another (overwhelmingly of Aristotle)—though, in fact, small bits of more original work are embedded in these, such as the Corollaries on Space and Time in the Physics commentary. He is also a man of exemplary modesty about his own contributions, always making clear his debts to previous authorities, quoting his sources to an extent unusual in Neoplatonist circles (or indeed in the ancient world in general). It was therefore a happy idea of Mme. Hadot to call together a conference of distinguished Neoplatonists to honor Simplicius and to produce this impressive volume as a result. The work is divided into four (unequal) parts: A biographical introduction A series of essays on doctrinal and methodological questions A shorter section on textual problems A pair of essays on Simplicius' Nachleben All are of interest and importance. First, we have an essay by Ilsetraut Hadot herself (depending in one important respect on the essay of Michel Tardieu, which follows it) on the chronology of Simplicius' life and works. Tardieu, by a fine piece of detective work (Simplicius et les calendriers de Harran), argues with at least great probability that when Simplicius returned with the other philosophers from Persia in 532, it was not to Athens or any other major center but rather to the town of Harran (Carrhae) in Osrhoene. There, a tradition of non-conformist Christianity was tolerant of philosophy, and it is likely where he composed most, if not all, of his commentaries. Certain remarks Simplicius makes in In Phys. 874.23 ff., about the four different calendars "we" use, seem to require his presence at the only known place where four calendars were simultaneously in use, as we know from later Arab sources. The central part of the collection comprises six essays on aspects of doctrine: Two by Philippe Hoffmann (Categories et langage selon Simplicius: on the purpose (skopos) of Aristotle's Categories and an analysis of Simplicius’ invective against John Philoponus) One by Henry Blumenthal on the doctrine of the De Anima commentary of Simplicius (if it is indeed by Simplicius) One by Concetta Luna on Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary One by Richard Sorabji on Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension One by Nestor-Luis Cordero on Simplicius et l'école éléate Hoffmann's studies frame this central portion of the work. His first examines Simplicius' account of the skopos of Aristotle's Categories, showing how Simplicius, following Porphyry, views the Categories as addressing "utterances" (phonai), "things" (pragmata, onta), "concepts" (noemata), or all of these. Simplicius interprets the study of language, particularly its primary constituents, as a preparation for the soul’s ascent to the noetic world—a higher interpretation inherited from Iamblichus. In his second study, Hoffmann examines Simplicius' strategies of polemic and invective against Philoponus, particularly in the De Caelo, and Simplicius' view of the higher purpose of studying celestial matters. For Simplicius, even prosaic texts like the Categories could become an elevating and prayerful experience. Sorabji, in an elegant contribution, shows how Simplicius solves a problem bequeathed by Aristotle by identifying prime matter with extension, which Aristotle did not do. Cordero challenges the idea of an Eleatic "school" while listing Simplicius’ quotations of Parmenides, Zeno, and Melissus. Blumenthal discusses Simplicius’ doctrine of the soul, though his uncertainty about the authorship of the De Anima commentary (potentially by Priscian) limits the analysis. Luna traces Iamblichean roots in Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary. The final sections include discussions of the manuscript tradition of Simplicius, with contributions by Ilsetraut Hadot, Leonardo Taran, and Dieter Harlfinger. Taran critiques Diels’ edition of Simplicius' Physics commentary, showing its deficiencies due to reliance on unreliable collations and limited understanding of Neoplatonic doctrine. Harlfinger analyzes contamination in the manuscript tradition of the commentary on Books I-IV. The collection concludes with two papers on Simplicius’ influence in the medieval West, one by Fernand Boissier on Latin translations and the influence of the In De Caelo commentary and another by Pierre Hadot on the survival of the Manuel d'Épictète commentary in the 15th to 17th centuries. Overall, this collection has given Simplicius much of his due as a major commentator and preserver of earlier Greek philosophy. While only three papers—those by Blumenthal, Luna, and Sorabji—discuss any distinctive doctrines of Simplicius, this is perhaps reasonable given that he does not claim originality. Most of what seems distinctive likely goes back to Iamblichus or Syrianus/Proclus. Yet, it might one day be possible to produce a focused volume on his doctrinal innovations. [the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hje0CYeAY915LhU

{"_index":"sire","_id":"708","_score":null,"_source":{"id":708,"authors_free":[{"id":1056,"entry_id":708,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":97,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dillon, John","free_first_name":"John","free_last_name":"Dillon","norm_person":{"id":97,"first_name":"John","last_name":"Dillon","full_name":"Dillon, John","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123498058","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa \tsurvie","main_title":{"title":"Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa \tsurvie"},"abstract":"Simplicius is a man who might seem destined forever to be used simply as a source for other thinkers, without being given much credit for thinking himself. After all, his surviving works are overtly commentaries on one work or another (overwhelmingly of Aristotle)\u2014though, in fact, small bits of more original work are embedded in these, such as the Corollaries on Space and Time in the Physics commentary. He is also a man of exemplary modesty about his own contributions, always making clear his debts to previous authorities, quoting his sources to an extent unusual in Neoplatonist circles (or indeed in the ancient world in general).\r\n\r\nIt was therefore a happy idea of Mme. Hadot to call together a conference of distinguished Neoplatonists to honor Simplicius and to produce this impressive volume as a result. The work is divided into four (unequal) parts:\r\n\r\n A biographical introduction\r\n A series of essays on doctrinal and methodological questions\r\n A shorter section on textual problems\r\n A pair of essays on Simplicius' Nachleben\r\n\r\nAll are of interest and importance.\r\n\r\nFirst, we have an essay by Ilsetraut Hadot herself (depending in one important respect on the essay of Michel Tardieu, which follows it) on the chronology of Simplicius' life and works. Tardieu, by a fine piece of detective work (Simplicius et les calendriers de Harran), argues with at least great probability that when Simplicius returned with the other philosophers from Persia in 532, it was not to Athens or any other major center but rather to the town of Harran (Carrhae) in Osrhoene. There, a tradition of non-conformist Christianity was tolerant of philosophy, and it is likely where he composed most, if not all, of his commentaries. Certain remarks Simplicius makes in In Phys. 874.23 ff., about the four different calendars \"we\" use, seem to require his presence at the only known place where four calendars were simultaneously in use, as we know from later Arab sources.\r\n\r\nThe central part of the collection comprises six essays on aspects of doctrine:\r\n\r\n Two by Philippe Hoffmann (Categories et langage selon Simplicius: on the purpose (skopos) of Aristotle's Categories and an analysis of Simplicius\u2019 invective against John Philoponus)\r\n One by Henry Blumenthal on the doctrine of the De Anima commentary of Simplicius (if it is indeed by Simplicius)\r\n One by Concetta Luna on Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary\r\n One by Richard Sorabji on Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension\r\n One by Nestor-Luis Cordero on Simplicius et l'\u00e9cole \u00e9l\u00e9ate\r\n\r\nHoffmann's studies frame this central portion of the work. His first examines Simplicius' account of the skopos of Aristotle's Categories, showing how Simplicius, following Porphyry, views the Categories as addressing \"utterances\" (phonai), \"things\" (pragmata, onta), \"concepts\" (noemata), or all of these. Simplicius interprets the study of language, particularly its primary constituents, as a preparation for the soul\u2019s ascent to the noetic world\u2014a higher interpretation inherited from Iamblichus. In his second study, Hoffmann examines Simplicius' strategies of polemic and invective against Philoponus, particularly in the De Caelo, and Simplicius' view of the higher purpose of studying celestial matters. For Simplicius, even prosaic texts like the Categories could become an elevating and prayerful experience.\r\n\r\nSorabji, in an elegant contribution, shows how Simplicius solves a problem bequeathed by Aristotle by identifying prime matter with extension, which Aristotle did not do. Cordero challenges the idea of an Eleatic \"school\" while listing Simplicius\u2019 quotations of Parmenides, Zeno, and Melissus. Blumenthal discusses Simplicius\u2019 doctrine of the soul, though his uncertainty about the authorship of the De Anima commentary (potentially by Priscian) limits the analysis. Luna traces Iamblichean roots in Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary.\r\n\r\nThe final sections include discussions of the manuscript tradition of Simplicius, with contributions by Ilsetraut Hadot, Leonardo Taran, and Dieter Harlfinger. Taran critiques Diels\u2019 edition of Simplicius' Physics commentary, showing its deficiencies due to reliance on unreliable collations and limited understanding of Neoplatonic doctrine. Harlfinger analyzes contamination in the manuscript tradition of the commentary on Books I-IV.\r\n\r\nThe collection concludes with two papers on Simplicius\u2019 influence in the medieval West, one by Fernand Boissier on Latin translations and the influence of the In De Caelo commentary and another by Pierre Hadot on the survival of the Manuel d'\u00c9pict\u00e8te commentary in the 15th to 17th centuries.\r\n\r\nOverall, this collection has given Simplicius much of his due as a major commentator and preserver of earlier Greek philosophy. While only three papers\u2014those by Blumenthal, Luna, and Sorabji\u2014discuss any distinctive doctrines of Simplicius, this is perhaps reasonable given that he does not claim originality. Most of what seems distinctive likely goes back to Iamblichus or Syrianus\/Proclus. Yet, it might one day be possible to produce a focused volume on his doctrinal innovations. [the entire text]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/hje0CYeAY915LhU","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":97,"full_name":"Dillon, John","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":708,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of Hellenic Studies","volume":"110","issue":"","pages":"244\u2013245"}},"sort":[1990]}

Studies in Xenophanes, 1990
By: Finkelberg, Aryeh

Title	Studies in Xenophanes
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1990
Journal	Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
Volume	93
Pages	103-167
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Finkelberg, Aryeh
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Here, our reconstruction of Theophrastus' account can be regarded as complete: we have determined his general approach to Xenophanes' twofold teaching and dwelt on the main points of his report on Xenophanes' monistic doctrine. The examination of Xenophanes' cosmological conception, however interesting and desirable, is a separate task which should be left for another opportunity. After such a lengthy discussion, one should perhaps briefly recapitulate the results arrived at, and the best way to do this seems to be to present the Theophrastean account in the form of the ordered series of statements reconstructed above. In this list, the sources from which a given statement is excerpted or on the basis of which it is formulated are referred to by the name of the author and the page and line(s) of the Diels-Kranz edition. Statements and parts of statements that are purely conjectural are italicized. [Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18] Xenophanes of Colophon, who pursued a certain way of his own different from [that of] all those spoken of beforehand [i.e., the Milesians], allows neither coming-to-be nor destruction but says that the whole is eternally selfsame. [Simpl.; 121.28] He says that this One and Whole is God, saying thus (fr. 23). [Simpl.; 121.27-28] The mention of this Xenophanean opinion rather belongs to a study other than that concerned with natural philosophy [that is, in that concerned with first philosophy]. He says that God is ungenerated and eternal, which he proves as follows: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.18-20] had it [the Whole or God] come to be, it is necessary for it not to be before this; but not being, it can never come to be: neither nought can produce anything nor can anything come to be by the agency of nought. That God is one, he proves so: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.23-24] among gods, there can be no supremacy, for it does not suit the divine holiness that God should be under lordship; but were there many gods, there would be lords and subjects among them (perhaps also: or all of them would be lords of each other). [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.24-25; 122.3-6] He does not say whether God is finite or infinite. Nor does he say [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.25; 122.3-6] whether he is moved or unmoved. But [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.6-9] actually, he conceives of God as unmoved, for he calls him eternally selfsame and says (fr. 26). He says that God is thoroughly seeing, hearing, and thinking (fr. 24). He demonstrates this in the following way: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.25-26] God is altogether free from any want; but had he seen, heard, and thought only in one part of him, he would be in want of these in another part; hence he sees, hears, and thinks wholly and not in one or another part of himself. [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.13-14] And he says that God governs all things by his mind, saying (fr. 25). [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.20-21; Aristocles; 126.6-8] Thus he throws out sense-perceptions while trusting logos alone. [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18; Theophr. ap. Alex.; 219.31-33] The other way, that of accounting for the coming-to-be of existing things, he dismisses, declaring such accounts to be no more than opinion deprived of any certainty, saying this in such words (fr. 34). Nevertheless, he proposes some such opinion which he himself seems to adjudge plausible, as his own words show (fr. 35). [Theophr. ap. Alex; 219.31-33] But Parmenides, who came after him, took both ways [i.e., that of Xenophanes and that of the Milesians, cf. (1)]. For indeed, he both says that the whole is eternal and tries to account for the coming-to-be of existing things, not however thinking about both [ways] alike, but according to truth assuming the whole to be one, ungenerated, and spherical, while according to the opinion of the many, accounting for the coming-to-be of perceptible things by positing two principles: fire and earth, etc. This reconstructed account represents that of the first book of the Physical Opinions. Indeed, (1) is the counterpart of (14), which is explicitly related by Alexander to the first book. (2)–(10) also belong there, for they either come from Simplicius' report or correct and complement it where it is wrong or incomplete, while this report itself comes from the first book of the Physical Opinions. If Theophrastus' account was as I suggest, it seems to have been of great accuracy. True, it misrepresents Xenophanes' position in that his epistemic approach is interpreted in terms of the contrast logos:aistheseis, but this is the only major misinterpretation I can find in the account. On the whole, this is a precise report that moreover does not show any tendency to assimilate Xenophanes' teaching to that of Parmenides. Yet it would be hard to point out even one important Parmenidean doctrine which is not, in one way or another, rooted in Xenophanes' teaching. Such is, first and foremost, the Parmenidean idea of the intelligible unity of the sensible manifold, which in Xenophanes himself was, as we have suggested, the development of one of the facets of Anaximander's Apeiron. This is the view of unity as one of two aspects—true, the most essential, significant, and sublime—but nevertheless one aspect only of reality, complementary to its other aspect, that of the manifold. [conclusion p. 163-167]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H8YttvfJXlsVkrJ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"748","_score":null,"_source":{"id":748,"authors_free":[{"id":1113,"entry_id":748,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":113,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","free_first_name":"Aryeh","free_last_name":"Finkelberg","norm_person":{"id":113,"first_name":"Aryeh","last_name":"Finkelberg","full_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1124815007","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Studies in Xenophanes","main_title":{"title":"Studies in Xenophanes"},"abstract":"Here, our reconstruction of Theophrastus' account can be regarded as complete: we have determined his general approach to Xenophanes' twofold teaching and dwelt on the main points of his report on Xenophanes' monistic doctrine. The examination of Xenophanes' cosmological conception, however interesting and desirable, is a separate task which should be left for another opportunity. After such a lengthy discussion, one should perhaps briefly recapitulate the results arrived at, and the best way to do this seems to be to present the Theophrastean account in the form of the ordered series of statements reconstructed above. In this list, the sources from which a given statement is excerpted or on the basis of which it is formulated are referred to by the name of the author and the page and line(s) of the Diels-Kranz edition. Statements and parts of statements that are purely conjectural are italicized.\r\n\r\n [Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18] Xenophanes of Colophon, who pursued a certain way of his own different from [that of] all those spoken of beforehand [i.e., the Milesians], allows neither coming-to-be nor destruction but says that the whole is eternally selfsame.\r\n [Simpl.; 121.28] He says that this One and Whole is God, saying thus (fr. 23).\r\n [Simpl.; 121.27-28] The mention of this Xenophanean opinion rather belongs to a study other than that concerned with natural philosophy [that is, in that concerned with first philosophy].\r\n He says that God is ungenerated and eternal, which he proves as follows: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.18-20] had it [the Whole or God] come to be, it is necessary for it not to be before this; but not being, it can never come to be: neither nought can produce anything nor can anything come to be by the agency of nought.\r\n That God is one, he proves so: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.23-24] among gods, there can be no supremacy, for it does not suit the divine holiness that God should be under lordship; but were there many gods, there would be lords and subjects among them (perhaps also: or all of them would be lords of each other).\r\n [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.24-25; 122.3-6] He does not say whether God is finite or infinite.\r\n Nor does he say [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.25; 122.3-6] whether he is moved or unmoved.\r\n But [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.6-9] actually, he conceives of God as unmoved, for he calls him eternally selfsame and says (fr. 26).\r\n He says that God is thoroughly seeing, hearing, and thinking (fr. 24). He demonstrates this in the following way: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.25-26] God is altogether free from any want; but had he seen, heard, and thought only in one part of him, he would be in want of these in another part; hence he sees, hears, and thinks wholly and not in one or another part of himself.\r\n [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.13-14] And he says that God governs all things by his mind, saying (fr. 25).\r\n [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.20-21; Aristocles; 126.6-8] Thus he throws out sense-perceptions while trusting logos alone.\r\n [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18; Theophr. ap. Alex.; 219.31-33] The other way, that of accounting for the coming-to-be of existing things, he dismisses, declaring such accounts to be no more than opinion deprived of any certainty, saying this in such words (fr. 34).\r\n Nevertheless, he proposes some such opinion which he himself seems to adjudge plausible, as his own words show (fr. 35).\r\n [Theophr. ap. Alex; 219.31-33] But Parmenides, who came after him, took both ways [i.e., that of Xenophanes and that of the Milesians, cf. (1)]. For indeed, he both says that the whole is eternal and tries to account for the coming-to-be of existing things, not however thinking about both [ways] alike, but according to truth assuming the whole to be one, ungenerated, and spherical, while according to the opinion of the many, accounting for the coming-to-be of perceptible things by positing two principles: fire and earth, etc.\r\n\r\nThis reconstructed account represents that of the first book of the Physical Opinions. Indeed, (1) is the counterpart of (14), which is explicitly related by Alexander to the first book. (2)\u2013(10) also belong there, for they either come from Simplicius' report or correct and complement it where it is wrong or incomplete, while this report itself comes from the first book of the Physical Opinions.\r\n\r\nIf Theophrastus' account was as I suggest, it seems to have been of great accuracy. True, it misrepresents Xenophanes' position in that his epistemic approach is interpreted in terms of the contrast logos:aistheseis, but this is the only major misinterpretation I can find in the account. On the whole, this is a precise report that moreover does not show any tendency to assimilate Xenophanes' teaching to that of Parmenides.\r\n\r\nYet it would be hard to point out even one important Parmenidean doctrine which is not, in one way or another, rooted in Xenophanes' teaching. Such is, first and foremost, the Parmenidean idea of the intelligible unity of the sensible manifold, which in Xenophanes himself was, as we have suggested, the development of one of the facets of Anaximander's Apeiron. This is the view of unity as one of two aspects\u2014true, the most essential, significant, and sublime\u2014but nevertheless one aspect only of reality, complementary to its other aspect, that of the manifold.\r\n[conclusion p. 163-167]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/H8YttvfJXlsVkrJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":113,"full_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":748,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Harvard Studies in Classical Philology","volume":"93","issue":"","pages":"103-167"}},"sort":[1990]}

The Trouble with Fragrance, 1990
By: Ellis, John

Title	The Trouble with Fragrance
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1990
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	35
Issue	3
Pages	290-302
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ellis, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

By 'in a subject' I mean what (a) is in something, not as a part, and (b) cannot exist separately from what it is in. (Aristotle, Categories 1a24-5) These lines have been extensively discussed in recent years. The crux of the debate is whether the existence clause (b) is to be construed in a way that commits Aristotle to particular, non-sharable properties. On the "traditional" interpretation, a property is in an individual thing as in a subject, say, Socrates, only if it cannot exist apart from Socrates. This implies that the properties of an individual thing are peculiar to it or non-sharable, in the sense that they cannot be in any other thing. The particular white in Socrates, for example, ceases to exist when he gets a tan. It does not move on to inhere in Callias or any other subject, nor is the white in Callias numerically the same white as the white in Socrates. Although both are white, perhaps even the same shade of white, nonetheless, they are numerically distinct particulars inhering in different individual things. Many recent commentators have tried to "rescue" Aristotle from the alleged commitment to such Stoutian particulars. Their strategy has been to weaken (b) so that the particular inherent property is not existentially dependent on the very particular substance it inheres in. G.E.L. Owen opened the debate by arguing that (b) can mean "cannot exist without something to contain it," and thus Aristotle is only committed to the view that particular properties need some substance or other in order to exist. A particular white, for example, would be a particular shade of white, which could, of course, be exemplified by more than one particular substance. The task I’ve set for myself in this paper is not to argue for either the weak or the strong interpretation of inherence in Aristotle. That is already a well-trodden path. Instead, I shall look at what the ancient commentators on Aristotle had to say on the subject. Which interpretation, the strong or the weak, do they support? My strategy is to focus on one of the many problems they consider, that of fragrance, and to see if their treatment of it yields an answer. The fragrance problem attacks the basis of Aristotle's ontology—the distinction between substance and accident. Didn’t Aristotle say that accidents cannot exist apart from that in which they inhere? But fragrances seem to travel to us from their subjects, and aren’t they accidents? In the attempts, from Porphyry (232–309 AD) to Elias (fl. 541), to save Aristotle’s ontology from this objection, we shall find, I hope to show, an interesting development in the complexity of the discussions. Not surprisingly, given the nature of the problem, the discussions move into psychological theory, and we find that, in order for his ontology to be saved, Aristotle’s psychological theory must be deepened. Concluding Remarks There seems to be a clear development in the way the commentators construed "in a subject." Starting with Porphyry’s tense solution, it is possible to see a gradual movement away from that solution and the weak construal it implies, toward the stronger reading implied by the other solutions. Ammonius introduces an alternative, the effluence solution, albeit without indicating his preference. His students, Philoponus and Simplicius, add further developments or modifications to his view: Simplicius, by rejecting the tense solution and offering new alternatives; and Philoponus, by turning the discussion more toward psychology and revealing both the conflict between the effluence and diosmic theories and his preference for the latter. This shift in the discussion toward psychology is evidenced by Olympiodorus, who responds to the fragrance problem only with alternative psychological theories, making no mention of the tense solution. Finally, Elias, although mentioning the tense solution, devotes most of his energy to evaluating the alternative psychological answers to the fragrance problem. [introduction p. 290-291; conclusion p. 302]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HQWPG36viwyMCbr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"751","_score":null,"_source":{"id":751,"authors_free":[{"id":1116,"entry_id":751,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":81,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Ellis, John","free_first_name":"John","free_last_name":"Ellis","norm_person":{"id":81,"first_name":"John","last_name":"Ellis","full_name":"Ellis, John","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Trouble with Fragrance","main_title":{"title":"The Trouble with Fragrance"},"abstract":"By 'in a subject' I mean what (a) is in something, not as a part, and (b) cannot exist separately from what it is in. (Aristotle, Categories 1a24-5)\r\n\r\nThese lines have been extensively discussed in recent years. The crux of the debate is whether the existence clause (b) is to be construed in a way that commits Aristotle to particular, non-sharable properties. On the \"traditional\" interpretation, a property is in an individual thing as in a subject, say, Socrates, only if it cannot exist apart from Socrates. This implies that the properties of an individual thing are peculiar to it or non-sharable, in the sense that they cannot be in any other thing. The particular white in Socrates, for example, ceases to exist when he gets a tan. It does not move on to inhere in Callias or any other subject, nor is the white in Callias numerically the same white as the white in Socrates. Although both are white, perhaps even the same shade of white, nonetheless, they are numerically distinct particulars inhering in different individual things.\r\n\r\nMany recent commentators have tried to \"rescue\" Aristotle from the alleged commitment to such Stoutian particulars. Their strategy has been to weaken (b) so that the particular inherent property is not existentially dependent on the very particular substance it inheres in. G.E.L. Owen opened the debate by arguing that (b) can mean \"cannot exist without something to contain it,\" and thus Aristotle is only committed to the view that particular properties need some substance or other in order to exist. A particular white, for example, would be a particular shade of white, which could, of course, be exemplified by more than one particular substance.\r\n\r\nThe task I\u2019ve set for myself in this paper is not to argue for either the weak or the strong interpretation of inherence in Aristotle. That is already a well-trodden path. Instead, I shall look at what the ancient commentators on Aristotle had to say on the subject. Which interpretation, the strong or the weak, do they support? My strategy is to focus on one of the many problems they consider, that of fragrance, and to see if their treatment of it yields an answer.\r\n\r\nThe fragrance problem attacks the basis of Aristotle's ontology\u2014the distinction between substance and accident. Didn\u2019t Aristotle say that accidents cannot exist apart from that in which they inhere? But fragrances seem to travel to us from their subjects, and aren\u2019t they accidents? In the attempts, from Porphyry (232\u2013309 AD) to Elias (fl. 541), to save Aristotle\u2019s ontology from this objection, we shall find, I hope to show, an interesting development in the complexity of the discussions. Not surprisingly, given the nature of the problem, the discussions move into psychological theory, and we find that, in order for his ontology to be saved, Aristotle\u2019s psychological theory must be deepened.\r\nConcluding Remarks\r\n\r\nThere seems to be a clear development in the way the commentators construed \"in a subject.\" Starting with Porphyry\u2019s tense solution, it is possible to see a gradual movement away from that solution and the weak construal it implies, toward the stronger reading implied by the other solutions. Ammonius introduces an alternative, the effluence solution, albeit without indicating his preference. His students, Philoponus and Simplicius, add further developments or modifications to his view: Simplicius, by rejecting the tense solution and offering new alternatives; and Philoponus, by turning the discussion more toward psychology and revealing both the conflict between the effluence and diosmic theories and his preference for the latter.\r\n\r\nThis shift in the discussion toward psychology is evidenced by Olympiodorus, who responds to the fragrance problem only with alternative psychological theories, making no mention of the tense solution. Finally, Elias, although mentioning the tense solution, devotes most of his energy to evaluating the alternative psychological answers to the fragrance problem. [introduction p. 290-291; conclusion p. 302]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/HQWPG36viwyMCbr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":81,"full_name":"Ellis, John","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":751,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"35","issue":"3","pages":"290-302"}},"sort":[1990]}

The school of Alexander?, 1990
By: Sharples, Robert W., Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	The school of Alexander?
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1990
Published in	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Pages	83-111
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sharples, Robert W.
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Alexander of Aphrodisias was appointed by the emperors as a public teacher of Aristotelian philosophy at some time between 198 and 209 AD. As a public teacher, it is likely that he had, in some sense, a school. But trying to establish what happened in that school and how it functioned is comparable to the task we would face if we had to determine what went on in a philosophy department in a modern university based on a selection of books by the professor, a confused collection of his papers, the notes from which he lectured, and the essays of his students, with no obvious indication of which was which. We know a considerable amount about the Neoplatonic schools of the fifth and sixth centuries AD and the study of Aristotle’s writings in them. We know the place they had in the curriculum, the order in which they were read, and we can compare the ways in which different commentators approached the question of the relationship between the works of Aristotle and those of Plato. We can trace relations between teachers and their pupils, and we are sometimes told that a particular text is a pupil’s record of his teacher’s utterances. The very organization of the commentaries sometimes reflects and clarifies the requirements of the teaching context—in the division of a commentary into separate lectures and the placing of a general summary of a section of argument before the discussion of particular points. For the medieval period, too, we have copious information on the organization of teaching and study. With Alexander, matters are very different. We know the names of some of his teachers, and his surviving works provide evidence for his disagreements with them. We also know something of his disagreements with other philosophers of his own generation or the generation before, and we can trace—however controversially—his influence on later thinkers. But we do not know the name of a single one of his immediate pupils, and for all that we can tell, the influence of other writers on him might have been largely, and his influence on other writers entirely, through the medium of writing rather than personal encounter. After all, we are explicitly told that Alexander’s commentaries were among those read in Plotinus’ school. It is, however, in principle unlikely that any thinker in the ancient world would have communicated entirely through the written, rather than the spoken, word. Some of the writings attributed to Alexander are most naturally seen in the context of his teaching activities or debates within his circle. These writings include commentaries on Aristotelian works, treatises or monographs on particular topics such as those On the Soul and On Fate, and numerous short discussions. Three books of these collected discussions are entitled phusikai skholikai aporiai kai luseis—‘School-discussion problems and solutions on nature’; a fourth is titled Problems on Ethics but sub-titled, no doubt in imitation of the preceding three books when it was united with them, skholikai êthikai aporiai kai luseis—‘School-discussion problems and solutions on ethics.’ A further collection was transmitted as the second book of Alexander’s treatise On the Soul and labeled mantissa or ‘makeweight’ by the Berlin editor Bruns. Other texts essentially similar to those in these collections survive in Arabic, though not in Greek, and there is evidence to suggest that there were other collections now lost. The circumstances in which these collections were put together are unclear; it was not always expertly done, and while some of the titles attached to particular pieces seem to preserve valuable additional information, others are inept or unhelpful. Nor is it clear at what date the collections were assembled. It is not my concern here to provide a full enumeration of the works attributed to Alexander or to classify them in detail. That has been done elsewhere by both myself and others. Rather, I will proceed to a discussion of what the works can tell us about the context in which they arose. It will be helpful to start with a consideration of the relation of Alexander’s works to those of his predecessors, teachers, and contemporaries. [introduction p. 83-85]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wgzq8ffCF70YlYd

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1027","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1027,"authors_free":[{"id":1551,"entry_id":1027,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":42,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","free_first_name":"Robert W.","free_last_name":"Sharples","norm_person":{"id":42,"first_name":"Robert W.","last_name":"Sharples","full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/114269505","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1552,"entry_id":1027,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The school of Alexander?","main_title":{"title":"The school of Alexander?"},"abstract":"Alexander of Aphrodisias was appointed by the emperors as a public teacher of Aristotelian philosophy at some time between 198 and 209 AD.\r\nAs a public teacher, it is likely that he had, in some sense, a school. But trying to establish what happened in that school and how it functioned is comparable to the task we would face if we had to determine what went on in a philosophy department in a modern university based on a selection of books by the professor, a confused collection of his papers, the notes from which he lectured, and the essays of his students, with no obvious indication of which was which.\r\n\r\nWe know a considerable amount about the Neoplatonic schools of the fifth and sixth centuries AD and the study of Aristotle\u2019s writings in them. We know the place they had in the curriculum, the order in which they were read, and we can compare the ways in which different commentators approached the question of the relationship between the works of Aristotle and those of Plato. We can trace relations between teachers and their pupils, and we are sometimes told that a particular text is a pupil\u2019s record of his teacher\u2019s utterances. The very organization of the commentaries sometimes reflects and clarifies the requirements of the teaching context\u2014in the division of a commentary into separate lectures and the placing of a general summary of a section of argument before the discussion of particular points.\r\n\r\nFor the medieval period, too, we have copious information on the organization of teaching and study.\r\nWith Alexander, matters are very different. We know the names of some of his teachers, and his surviving works provide evidence for his disagreements with them. We also know something of his disagreements with other philosophers of his own generation or the generation before, and we can trace\u2014however controversially\u2014his influence on later thinkers.\r\n\r\nBut we do not know the name of a single one of his immediate pupils, and for all that we can tell, the influence of other writers on him might have been largely, and his influence on other writers entirely, through the medium of writing rather than personal encounter. After all, we are explicitly told that Alexander\u2019s commentaries were among those read in Plotinus\u2019 school.\r\n\r\nIt is, however, in principle unlikely that any thinker in the ancient world would have communicated entirely through the written, rather than the spoken, word. Some of the writings attributed to Alexander are most naturally seen in the context of his teaching activities or debates within his circle.\r\n\r\nThese writings include commentaries on Aristotelian works, treatises or monographs on particular topics such as those On the Soul and On Fate, and numerous short discussions. Three books of these collected discussions are entitled phusikai skholikai aporiai kai luseis\u2014\u2018School-discussion problems and solutions on nature\u2019; a fourth is titled Problems on Ethics but sub-titled, no doubt in imitation of the preceding three books when it was united with them, skholikai \u00eathikai aporiai kai luseis\u2014\u2018School-discussion problems and solutions on ethics.\u2019\r\n\r\nA further collection was transmitted as the second book of Alexander\u2019s treatise On the Soul and labeled mantissa or \u2018makeweight\u2019 by the Berlin editor Bruns. Other texts essentially similar to those in these collections survive in Arabic, though not in Greek, and there is evidence to suggest that there were other collections now lost.\r\n\r\nThe circumstances in which these collections were put together are unclear; it was not always expertly done, and while some of the titles attached to particular pieces seem to preserve valuable additional information, others are inept or unhelpful. Nor is it clear at what date the collections were assembled.\r\n\r\nIt is not my concern here to provide a full enumeration of the works attributed to Alexander or to classify them in detail. That has been done elsewhere by both myself and others. Rather, I will proceed to a discussion of what the works can tell us about the context in which they arose. It will be helpful to start with a consideration of the relation of Alexander\u2019s works to those of his predecessors, teachers, and contemporaries. [introduction p. 83-85]","btype":2,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wgzq8ffCF70YlYd","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":42,"full_name":"Sharples, Robert W.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1027,"section_of":1453,"pages":"83-111","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1453,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1990","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This book brings together twenty articles giving a comprehensive view of the work of the Aristotelian commentators. First published in 1990, the collection is now brought up to date with a new introduction by Richard Sorabji. New generations of scholars will benefit from this reissuing of classic essays, including seminal works by major scholars, and the volume gives a comprehensive background to the work of the project on the Ancient Commentators on Aristotle, which has published over 100 volumes of translations since 1987 and has disseminated these crucial texts to scholars worldwide.\r\n\r\nThe importance of the commentators is partly that they represent the thought and classroom teaching of the Aristotelian and Neoplatonist schools and partly that they provide a panorama of a thousand years of ancient Greek philosophy, revealing many original quotations from lost works. Even more significant is the profound influence - uncovered in some of the chapters of this book - that they exert on later philosophy, Islamic and Western. Not only did they preserve anti-Aristotelian material which helped inspire Medieval and Renaissance science, but they present Aristotle in a form that made him acceptable to the Christian church. It is not Aristotle, but Aristotle transformed and embedded in the philosophy of the commentators that so often lies behind the views of later thinkers. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/M8lXuAdHpDW8tvu","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1453,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"1","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1990]}

Themistius: the last Peripatetic commentator on Aristotle?, 1990
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Themistius: the last Peripatetic commentator on Aristotle?
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1990
Published in	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Pages	113-123
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

[B]oth the content of Themistius’ works, and such evidence as we have of the commentators’ attitudes to him, show that he was predominantly a Peripatetic. In this he stood out against the tendencies of his time. His frequently expressed admiration for Plato does not invalidate this conclusion. Themistius may rightly claim to have been the last major figure in antiquity who was a genuine follower of Aristotle. For him, unlike his contemporaries, Plato does not surpass the master of those who know but he, and Socrates, ‘innanzi agli altri piu presso gli stanno’. [Conclusion, p. 123]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/j4M1Faq3An8bJ7v

{"_index":"sire","_id":"875","_score":null,"_source":{"id":875,"authors_free":[{"id":1285,"entry_id":875,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1286,"entry_id":875,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Themistius: the last Peripatetic commentator on Aristotle?","main_title":{"title":"Themistius: the last Peripatetic commentator on Aristotle?"},"abstract":"[B]oth the content of Themistius\u2019 works, and such evidence as we \r\nhave of the commentators\u2019 attitudes to him, show that he was \r\npredominantly a Peripatetic. In this he stood out against the tendencies \r\nof his time. His frequently expressed admiration for Plato does not \r\ninvalidate this conclusion. Themistius may rightly claim to have been the \r\nlast major figure in antiquity who was a genuine follower of Aristotle. For \r\nhim, unlike his contemporaries, Plato does not surpass the master of \r\nthose who know but he, and Socrates, \u2018innanzi agli altri piu presso gli \r\nstanno\u2019. [Conclusion, p. 123]","btype":2,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/j4M1Faq3An8bJ7v","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":875,"section_of":1453,"pages":"113-123","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1453,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1990","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This book brings together twenty articles giving a comprehensive view of the work of the Aristotelian commentators. First published in 1990, the collection is now brought up to date with a new introduction by Richard Sorabji. New generations of scholars will benefit from this reissuing of classic essays, including seminal works by major scholars, and the volume gives a comprehensive background to the work of the project on the Ancient Commentators on Aristotle, which has published over 100 volumes of translations since 1987 and has disseminated these crucial texts to scholars worldwide.\r\n\r\nThe importance of the commentators is partly that they represent the thought and classroom teaching of the Aristotelian and Neoplatonist schools and partly that they provide a panorama of a thousand years of ancient Greek philosophy, revealing many original quotations from lost works. Even more significant is the profound influence - uncovered in some of the chapters of this book - that they exert on later philosophy, Islamic and Western. Not only did they preserve anti-Aristotelian material which helped inspire Medieval and Renaissance science, but they present Aristotle in a form that made him acceptable to the Christian church. It is not Aristotle, but Aristotle transformed and embedded in the philosophy of the commentators that so often lies behind the views of later thinkers. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/M8lXuAdHpDW8tvu","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1453,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"1","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1990]}

More on Zeno's "Forty logoi", 1990
By: Tarrant, Harold

Title	More on Zeno's "Forty logoi"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1990
Journal	Illinois Classical Studies
Volume	15
Issue	1
Pages	23-37
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarrant, Harold
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In Illinois Classical Studies 11 (1986), 35-41, John Dillon presents material from Proclus' Commentary on the Parmenides in which he makes it clear that Proclus knew of a work purporting to be by Zeno, which contained forty logoi. This work was allegedly the one that "Zeno" had just read at the opening of the main narrative of Plato’s Parmenides (127c), and which Socrates subsequently challenges (127d-130a). Dillon presents the same material in his introduction to Proclus' In Parmenidem. Its relevance is no longer confined to the Neoplatonists, as Dillon believes that it is possible the Forty Logoi “at least contained genuine material, though perhaps worked over at a later date.” It threatens to have implications both for Eleatic studies and for the interpretation of the Parmenides itself. I believe that the issue must be tackled again, not merely because of Dillon’s judiciously aporetic conclusion, but because I fear that there are important points which have not yet been addressed. Firstly, from a passage not included in Dillon's survey but which seems to me to be relevant, it appears that the allegedly Zenonian work was known to much earlier, pre-Plotinian interpreters, who considered it important for the interpretation of the hypotheses of the second part of the Parmenides, at least down to 155e and possibly beyond. This increases the potential importance of the work, as well as marginally increasing its claim to be genuine; at least it was not a Neoplatonic forgery. Secondly, despite Proclus’ apparent familiarity with it, the work does not seem to clarify Plato's puzzling reference to the “first hypothesis of the first logos” at 127d7. One would have expected that consultation of the relevant text of Zeno would have done so, and this might be considered an obstacle to believing that the work is what it purports to be. Thirdly, there is a significant question of Proclus’ independence. There are some troubling features about the historical material in this commentary which are absent from his Timaeus commentary, for instance. Most relevant here is the rather scrappy way in which Parmenides himself has been quoted. On p. 665, the three short quotations from B8 are out of order; on p. 708, two of the same snippets from B8 have B5 (whose genuineness is less than certain) inserted between them. On p. 1152, we encounter seven tiny quotations, with the five from B8 this time being in the correct order, but with an impossible version of B3 inserted between B8.30 and B8.35-36; B4.1 then follows. The total number of lines quoted in whole or in part (excluding uncertain allusions) amounts to only 21 (9 of these from B8.25-36), but some lines appear three or more times (B8.4, 25, 29, 44). It is clear that Proclus remembered certain favorite phrases, and one doubts whether he was referring to any text, except possibly at p. 1134, where a passage of four lines is quoted. Even here, either Proclus or the scribes have failed us in the last line. Likewise, there is no need to suppose that he is referring at any point to the alleged work of Zeno. Certainly, he knows something about it, and he may well have had access to it and read it in the past. But I do not find anything in the text requiring that he consult the work as he writes. Furthermore, if we bear in mind that earlier interpreters had made use of the Forty Logoi, much of Proclus' material on the work could plausibly be attributed to borrowings from earlier commentaries. One commentary he certainly used is that of Plutarch of Athens, whose work on earlier interpreters Proclus evidently admired (p. 1061.18-20). We should not allow any admiration for Proclus as a philosopher, or even for the doxographic material in other commentaries, to lead us to suppose that his reports will be either original or reliable in this commentary. [introduction p. 23-24]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YLhtdTiVc9rnvdt

{"_index":"sire","_id":"408","_score":null,"_source":{"id":408,"authors_free":[{"id":546,"entry_id":408,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":122,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tarrant, Harold","free_first_name":"Harold","free_last_name":"Tarrant","norm_person":{"id":122,"first_name":"Harold ","last_name":"Tarrant","full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132040077","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"More on Zeno's \"Forty logoi\"","main_title":{"title":"More on Zeno's \"Forty logoi\""},"abstract":"In Illinois Classical Studies 11 (1986), 35-41, John Dillon presents material from Proclus' Commentary on the Parmenides in which he makes it clear that Proclus knew of a work purporting to be by Zeno, which contained forty logoi. This work was allegedly the one that \"Zeno\" had just read at the opening of the main narrative of Plato\u2019s Parmenides (127c), and which Socrates subsequently challenges (127d-130a). Dillon presents the same material in his introduction to Proclus' In Parmenidem. Its relevance is no longer confined to the Neoplatonists, as Dillon believes that it is possible the Forty Logoi \u201cat least contained genuine material, though perhaps worked over at a later date.\u201d It threatens to have implications both for Eleatic studies and for the interpretation of the Parmenides itself.\r\n\r\nI believe that the issue must be tackled again, not merely because of Dillon\u2019s judiciously aporetic conclusion, but because I fear that there are important points which have not yet been addressed. Firstly, from a passage not included in Dillon's survey but which seems to me to be relevant, it appears that the allegedly Zenonian work was known to much earlier, pre-Plotinian interpreters, who considered it important for the interpretation of the hypotheses of the second part of the Parmenides, at least down to 155e and possibly beyond. This increases the potential importance of the work, as well as marginally increasing its claim to be genuine; at least it was not a Neoplatonic forgery.\r\n\r\nSecondly, despite Proclus\u2019 apparent familiarity with it, the work does not seem to clarify Plato's puzzling reference to the \u201cfirst hypothesis of the first logos\u201d at 127d7. One would have expected that consultation of the relevant text of Zeno would have done so, and this might be considered an obstacle to believing that the work is what it purports to be.\r\n\r\nThirdly, there is a significant question of Proclus\u2019 independence. There are some troubling features about the historical material in this commentary which are absent from his Timaeus commentary, for instance. Most relevant here is the rather scrappy way in which Parmenides himself has been quoted. On p. 665, the three short quotations from B8 are out of order; on p. 708, two of the same snippets from B8 have B5 (whose genuineness is less than certain) inserted between them. On p. 1152, we encounter seven tiny quotations, with the five from B8 this time being in the correct order, but with an impossible version of B3 inserted between B8.30 and B8.35-36; B4.1 then follows.\r\n\r\nThe total number of lines quoted in whole or in part (excluding uncertain allusions) amounts to only 21 (9 of these from B8.25-36), but some lines appear three or more times (B8.4, 25, 29, 44). It is clear that Proclus remembered certain favorite phrases, and one doubts whether he was referring to any text, except possibly at p. 1134, where a passage of four lines is quoted. Even here, either Proclus or the scribes have failed us in the last line. Likewise, there is no need to suppose that he is referring at any point to the alleged work of Zeno. Certainly, he knows something about it, and he may well have had access to it and read it in the past. But I do not find anything in the text requiring that he consult the work as he writes.\r\n\r\nFurthermore, if we bear in mind that earlier interpreters had made use of the Forty Logoi, much of Proclus' material on the work could plausibly be attributed to borrowings from earlier commentaries. One commentary he certainly used is that of Plutarch of Athens, whose work on earlier interpreters Proclus evidently admired (p. 1061.18-20). We should not allow any admiration for Proclus as a philosopher, or even for the doxographic material in other commentaries, to lead us to suppose that his reports will be either original or reliable in this commentary. [introduction p. 23-24]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YLhtdTiVc9rnvdt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":122,"full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":408,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Illinois Classical Studies","volume":"15","issue":"1","pages":"23-37"}},"sort":[1990]}

Les commentaires et la naissance de la critique littéraire, France/Italie (XIVe-XVIe siècles). Actes du Colloque international sur le Commentaire, Paris, mai 1988 , 1990
By: Mathieu-Castellani, Gisèle (Ed.), Plaisance, Michel (Ed.)

Title	Les commentaires et la naissance de la critique littéraire, France/Italie (XIVe-XVIe siècles). Actes du Colloque international sur le Commentaire, Paris, mai 1988
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1990
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Aux Amateurs de Livres
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Mathieu-Castellani, Gisèle , Plaisance, Michel
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GsDNaQjZ5QxBaVr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"160","_score":null,"_source":{"id":160,"authors_free":[{"id":2530,"entry_id":160,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Mathieu-Castellani, Gis\u00e8le","free_first_name":"Gis\u00e8le","free_last_name":"Mathieu-Castellani","norm_person":null},{"id":2531,"entry_id":160,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Plaisance, Michel","free_first_name":"Michel","free_last_name":"Plaisance","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Les commentaires et la naissance de la critique litt\u00e9raire, France\/Italie (XIVe-XVIe si\u00e8cles). Actes du Colloque international sur le Commentaire, Paris, mai 1988 ","main_title":{"title":"Les commentaires et la naissance de la critique litt\u00e9raire, France\/Italie (XIVe-XVIe si\u00e8cles). Actes du Colloque international sur le Commentaire, Paris, mai 1988 "},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1990","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GsDNaQjZ5QxBaVr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":160,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Aux Amateurs de Livres","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1990]}

Studies in the Historiography of Greek Philosophy, 1990
By: Mansfeld, Jaap

Title	Studies in the Historiography of Greek Philosophy
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1990
Publication Place	Assen – Maastricht
Publisher	Van Gorcum
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The collection of nineteen articles in Jaap Mansfeld’s Studies in Early Greek Philosophy span the period from Anaximander to Socrates. Solutions to problems of interpretation are offered through a scrutiny of the sources, and also of the traditions of presentation and reception found in antiquity. Excursions in the history of scholarship help to diagnose discussions of which the primum movens may have been forgotten. General questions are treated, for instance the phenomenon of detheologization in doxographical texts, while problems relating to individual philosophers are also discussed. For example, the history of Anaximander’s cosmos, the status of Parmenides’ human world, and the reliability of what we know about the soul of Anaximenes, and of what Philoponus tells us about the behaviour of Democritus’ atoms. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iTj9s6Qm1NZVce9

{"_index":"sire","_id":"161","_score":null,"_source":{"id":161,"authors_free":[{"id":208,"entry_id":161,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":29,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","free_first_name":"Jaap","free_last_name":"Mansfeld","norm_person":{"id":29,"first_name":"Jaap","last_name":"Mansfeld","full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119383217","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Studies in the Historiography of Greek Philosophy","main_title":{"title":"Studies in the Historiography of Greek Philosophy"},"abstract":"The collection of nineteen articles in Jaap Mansfeld\u2019s Studies in Early Greek Philosophy span the period from Anaximander to Socrates. Solutions to problems of interpretation are offered through a scrutiny of the sources, and also of the traditions of presentation and reception found in antiquity. Excursions in the history of scholarship help to diagnose discussions of which the primum movens may have been forgotten. General questions are treated, for instance the phenomenon of detheologization in doxographical texts, while problems relating to individual philosophers are also discussed. For example, the history of Anaximander\u2019s cosmos, the status of Parmenides\u2019 human world, and the reliability of what we know about the soul of Anaximenes, and of what Philoponus tells us about the behaviour of Democritus\u2019 atoms. [offical abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/iTj9s6Qm1NZVce9","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":29,"full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":161,"pubplace":"Assen \u2013 Maastricht","publisher":"Van Gorcum","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1990]}

Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Catégories. Traduction commentée sous la direction de Ilsetraut Hadot. Fascicule I: Introduction, Première partie (p. 1-9, 3 Kalbfleisch), 1990
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Simplicius,

Title	Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Catégories. Traduction commentée sous la direction de Ilsetraut Hadot. Fascicule I: Introduction, Première partie (p. 1-9, 3 Kalbfleisch)
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1990
Publication Place	Leiden - New York - København - Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua. A Series of studies on ancient Philosophy
Volume	50.1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe (Hoffmann, Philippe ) , Hadot, Pierre(Hadot, Pierre) .

The French translation with commentary, the first in a modern language, allows historians of philosophy access to a fundamental work for the understanding of medieval and modern thought. They could also explore more easily the great variety of information contained in the commentary of Simplicius on the history of the exegis of the Catégories of Aristotle, and more generally on the history of comparative philosophy of Simplicius. They will discover some important aspects in the actual thought of Simplicius, which so far has hardly been explored. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

Les paysages reliques. Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore à Simplicius, 1990
By: Tardieu, Michel

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Title	Les paysages reliques. Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore à Simplicius
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1990
Publication Place	Louvain
Publisher	Peeters
Series	Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses
Volume	94
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tardieu, Michel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AaZIIzIDKTRzpaF

{"_index":"sire","_id":"197","_score":null,"_source":{"id":197,"authors_free":[{"id":254,"entry_id":197,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":331,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tardieu, Michel","free_first_name":"Michel","free_last_name":"Tardieu","norm_person":{"id":331,"first_name":"Michel","last_name":"Tardieu","full_name":"Tardieu, Michel","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140490701","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les paysages reliques. Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore \u00e0 Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Les paysages reliques. Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore \u00e0 Simplicius"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1990","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/AaZIIzIDKTRzpaF","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":331,"full_name":"Tardieu, Michel","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":197,"pubplace":"Louvain","publisher":"Peeters","series":"Biblioth\u00e8que de l'Ecole des hautes \u00e9tudes. Section des sciences religieuses","volume":"94","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1990]}

Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence, 1990
By: Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1990
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury Academic
Edition No.	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

The story of the ancient commentators on Aristotle has not previously been told at book length. Here it is assembled for the fi rst time by drawing both on some of the classic articles translated into English or revised and on the very latest research. Some of the chapters will be making revisionary suggestions unfamiliar even to specialists in the fi eld. Th e philosophical interest of the commentators has been illustrated elsewhere. 1 Th e aim here is not so much to do this again as to set out the background of the commentary tradition against which further philosophical discussion and discussions of other kinds can take place. Th e importance of the commentators lies partly in their representing the thought and classroom teaching of the Aristotelian and Neoplatonist schools, partly in the panorama they provide of the 1100 years of Ancient Greek philosophy, preserving as they do many original quotations from lost philosophical works. Still more signifi cant is their profound infl uence, uncovered in some of the chapters below, on subsequent philosophy, Islamic and European. Th is was due partly to their preserving anti-Aristotelian material which helped to inspire medieval and Renaissance science, but still more to their presenting an Aristotle transformed in ways which happened to make him acceptable to the Christian Church. It is not just Aristotle, but this Aristotle transformed and embedded in the philosophy of the commentators, that lies behind the views of later thinkers. [authors abstract]

Online Resources

The development of Philoponus’ thought and its chronology, 1990
By: Verrycken, Koenraad, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"200","_score":null,"_source":{"id":200,"authors_free":[{"id":2155,"entry_id":200,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence"},"abstract":"The story of the ancient commentators on Aristotle has not previously been told \r\nat book length. Here it is assembled for the fi rst time by drawing both on some \r\nof the classic articles translated into English or revised and on the very latest \r\nresearch. Some of the chapters will be making revisionary suggestions unfamiliar \r\neven to specialists in the fi eld. Th e philosophical interest of the commentators \r\nhas been illustrated elsewhere. 1 Th e aim here is not so much to do this again as \r\nto set out the background of the commentary tradition against which further \r\nphilosophical discussion and discussions of other kinds can take place. \r\n Th e importance of the commentators lies partly in their representing the \r\nthought and classroom teaching of the Aristotelian and Neoplatonist schools, \r\npartly in the panorama they provide of the 1100 years of Ancient Greek \r\nphilosophy, preserving as they do many original quotations from lost philosophical \r\nworks. Still more signifi cant is their profound infl uence, uncovered in some of the \r\nchapters below, on subsequent philosophy, Islamic and European. Th is was due \r\npartly to their preserving anti-Aristotelian material which helped to inspire \r\nmedieval and Renaissance science, but still more to their presenting an Aristotle \r\ntransformed in ways which happened to make him acceptable to the Christian \r\nChurch. It is not just Aristotle, but this Aristotle transformed and embedded in \r\nthe philosophy of the commentators, that lies behind the views of later thinkers. [authors abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/b7EaNXJNckqKKqB","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":200,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Bloomsbury Academic","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"2","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1990]}

Title	The development of Philoponus’ thought and its chronology
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1990
Published in	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Pages	233-274
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verrycken, Koenraad
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

The position I should like to defend is to some extent intermediate between that of Gudeman and that of Ilvrard. I think Ilvrard is right in rejecting the hypothesis of Philoponus' conversion. But I also think Gudeman was right in assuming—more or less conjecturally—a duality in Philoponus’ philosophical work. Both Gudeman and Ilvrard, however, pose the problem wrongly in terms of ‘religious conviction’ only. If Philoponus did not develop a Christian philosophy in his first philosophical period, that does not show that he must have been a pagan at that time. And if he was born a Christian, that does not establish that his philosophy must always have been Christian in character. Philosophy is one thing, religion another. In my opinion, the problem should first be posed on the purely philosophical level: what does the author say? Only afterwards can one try to ‘project’ the results of the philosophical analysis onto the levels of biography and psychology. This is the method I employ. To start with, I shall outline very briefly the main characteristics of the philosophical systems of ‘Philoponus 1’ and ‘Philoponus 2’, as I shall call them. Then I shall try to piece together something of what can reasonably be said about Philoponus’ biography. Thirdly, I shall propose the first sketch of a new solution to the problem of the chronology of the author’s Aristotelian commentaries. I shall finish with some remarks on the development of Philoponus 2. [introduction p. 236]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/d1kiVpaSlWKa7uY

{"_index":"sire","_id":"449","_score":null,"_source":{"id":449,"authors_free":[{"id":601,"entry_id":449,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":347,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Verrycken, Koenraad","free_first_name":"Koenraad","free_last_name":"Verrycken","norm_person":{"id":347,"first_name":"Koenraad","last_name":"Verrycken","full_name":"Verrycken, Koenraad","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1048689964","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":602,"entry_id":449,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The development of Philoponus\u2019 thought and its chronology","main_title":{"title":"The development of Philoponus\u2019 thought and its chronology"},"abstract":"The position I should like to defend is to some extent intermediate between that of Gudeman and that of Ilvrard. I think Ilvrard is right in rejecting the hypothesis of Philoponus' conversion. But I also think Gudeman was right in assuming\u2014more or less conjecturally\u2014a duality in Philoponus\u2019 philosophical work. Both Gudeman and Ilvrard, however, pose the problem wrongly in terms of \u2018religious conviction\u2019 only. If Philoponus did not develop a Christian philosophy in his first philosophical period, that does not show that he must have been a pagan at that time. And if he was born a Christian, that does not establish that his philosophy must always have been Christian in character. Philosophy is one thing, religion another.\r\n\r\nIn my opinion, the problem should first be posed on the purely philosophical level: what does the author say? Only afterwards can one try to \u2018project\u2019 the results of the philosophical analysis onto the levels of biography and psychology. This is the method I employ.\r\n\r\nTo start with, I shall outline very briefly the main characteristics of the philosophical systems of \u2018Philoponus 1\u2019 and \u2018Philoponus 2\u2019, as I shall call them. Then I shall try to piece together something of what can reasonably be said about Philoponus\u2019 biography. Thirdly, I shall propose the first sketch of a new solution to the problem of the chronology of the author\u2019s Aristotelian commentaries. I shall finish with some remarks on the development of Philoponus 2. [introduction p. 236]","btype":2,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/d1kiVpaSlWKa7uY","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":347,"full_name":"Verrycken, Koenraad","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":449,"section_of":1453,"pages":"233-274","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1453,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1990","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This book brings together twenty articles giving a comprehensive view of the work of the Aristotelian commentators. First published in 1990, the collection is now brought up to date with a new introduction by Richard Sorabji. New generations of scholars will benefit from this reissuing of classic essays, including seminal works by major scholars, and the volume gives a comprehensive background to the work of the project on the Ancient Commentators on Aristotle, which has published over 100 volumes of translations since 1987 and has disseminated these crucial texts to scholars worldwide.\r\n\r\nThe importance of the commentators is partly that they represent the thought and classroom teaching of the Aristotelian and Neoplatonist schools and partly that they provide a panorama of a thousand years of ancient Greek philosophy, revealing many original quotations from lost works. Even more significant is the profound influence - uncovered in some of the chapters of this book - that they exert on later philosophy, Islamic and Western. Not only did they preserve anti-Aristotelian material which helped inspire Medieval and Renaissance science, but they present Aristotle in a form that made him acceptable to the Christian church. It is not Aristotle, but Aristotle transformed and embedded in the philosophy of the commentators that so often lies behind the views of later thinkers. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/M8lXuAdHpDW8tvu","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1453,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Duckworth","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"1","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1990]}

Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Catégories. Traduction commentée sous la direction de Ilsetraut Hadot. Fascicule III: Préambule aux catégories; Commentaire au premier chapitre des catégories (p. 21 - 40, 13 Kalbfleisch), 1990
By: Simplicius, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.),

Title	Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Catégories. Traduction commentée sous la direction de Ilsetraut Hadot. Fascicule III: Préambule aux catégories; Commentaire au premier chapitre des catégories (p. 21 - 40, 13 Kalbfleisch)
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1990
Publication Place	Leiden - New York - København - Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua. A Series of studies on ancient Philosophy
Volume	51
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe(Hoffmann, Philippe ) .

Online Resources

Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence, 1990
By: Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1447","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1447,"authors_free":[{"id":2363,"entry_id":1447,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2364,"entry_id":1447,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2366,"entry_id":1447,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Cat\u00e9gories. Traduction comment\u00e9e sous la direction de Ilsetraut Hadot. Fascicule III: \tPr\u00e9ambule aux cat\u00e9gories; Commentaire au premier chapitre des cat\u00e9gories (p. 21 - 40, 13 Kalbfleisch)","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Cat\u00e9gories. Traduction comment\u00e9e sous la direction de Ilsetraut Hadot. Fascicule III: \tPr\u00e9ambule aux cat\u00e9gories; Commentaire au premier chapitre des cat\u00e9gories (p. 21 - 40, 13 Kalbfleisch)"},"abstract":"The French translation with commentary, the first in a modern language, allows historians of philosophy access to a fundamental work for the understanding of medieval and modern thought. They could also explore more easily the great variety of information contained in the commentary of Simplicius on the history of the exegis of the Cat\u00e9gories of Aristotle, and more generally on the history of comparative philosophy of Simplicius. They will discover some important aspects in the actual thought of Simplicius, which so far has hardly been explored. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1990","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KyrBWf80BsqVFO8","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":3,"role_name":"translator"}}],"book":{"id":1447,"pubplace":"Leiden - New York - K\u00f8benhavn - K\u00f6ln","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia antiqua. A Series of studies on ancient Philosophy","volume":"51","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1990]}

Title	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1990
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Edition No.	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

This book brings together twenty articles giving a comprehensive view of the work of the Aristotelian commentators. First published in 1990, the collection is now brought up to date with a new introduction by Richard Sorabji. New generations of scholars will benefit from this reissuing of classic essays, including seminal works by major scholars, and the volume gives a comprehensive background to the work of the project on the Ancient Commentators on Aristotle, which has published over 100 volumes of translations since 1987 and has disseminated these crucial texts to scholars worldwide. The importance of the commentators is partly that they represent the thought and classroom teaching of the Aristotelian and Neoplatonist schools and partly that they provide a panorama of a thousand years of ancient Greek philosophy, revealing many original quotations from lost works. Even more significant is the profound influence - uncovered in some of the chapters of this book - that they exert on later philosophy, Islamic and Western. Not only did they preserve anti-Aristotelian material which helped inspire Medieval and Renaissance science, but they present Aristotle in a form that made him acceptable to the Christian church. It is not Aristotle, but Aristotle transformed and embedded in the philosophy of the commentators that so often lies behind the views of later thinkers. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

Recherches sur le néoplatonisme après Plotin, 1990
By: Saffrey, Henri Dominique

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Title	Recherches sur le néoplatonisme après Plotin
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1990
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Histoire des doctrines de l’antiquité classique
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Le Néoplatonisme après Plotin rassemble une vingtaine d'études parues depuis 1990, qui illustrent l'histoire de la philosophie platonicienne du IVe au VIe siècle, et au-delà. Depuis l'édition par Porphyre des Ennéades de Plotin jusqu'aux scholies du Corpus Dionysien, le propos de ce travail est de montrer les efforts successifs déployés par les philosophes néoplatoniciens pour intégrer le patrimoine philosophique et religieux de l'Antiquité grecque. Jamblique, sous le pseudonyme d'un prêtre égyptien, dialogue avec Porphyre pour exposer les antiques traditions égyptiennes et chaldéennes, Proclus, à la suite de son maître Syrianus, fait entendre l'accord d'Orphée, Pythagore et Platon avec les Oracles Chaldaïques, et pose le fondement de la théologie comme science. Dans ses hymnes, il livre sa dévotion au Soleil et aux dieux des Oracles Chaldaïques. Deux témoins précieux, le manuscrit alchimique de Venise et le Platon du Parisinus graecus 1807, témoignent de la survie du néoplatonisme que Marsile Ficin révélera à l'Europe par sa traduction latine des Ennéades, parue il y a tout juste 500 ans. Enfin l'hommage rendu à L. G. Westerink s'adresse à l'éditeur scientifique le plus fécond des auteurs néoplatoniciens. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PXWKxSDEtCXXJtb

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1461","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1461,"authors_free":[{"id":2526,"entry_id":1461,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":228,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","free_first_name":"Henri Dominique","free_last_name":"Saffrey","norm_person":{"id":228,"first_name":"Henri Dominique","last_name":"Saffrey","full_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130160059","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Recherches sur le n\u00e9oplatonisme apr\u00e8s Plotin","main_title":{"title":"Recherches sur le n\u00e9oplatonisme apr\u00e8s Plotin"},"abstract":"Le N\u00e9oplatonisme apr\u00e8s Plotin rassemble une vingtaine d'\u00e9tudes parues depuis 1990, qui illustrent l'histoire de la philosophie platonicienne du IVe au VIe si\u00e8cle, et au-del\u00e0. Depuis l'\u00e9dition par Porphyre des Enn\u00e9ades de Plotin jusqu'aux scholies du Corpus Dionysien, le propos de ce travail est de montrer les efforts successifs d\u00e9ploy\u00e9s par les philosophes n\u00e9oplatoniciens pour int\u00e9grer le patrimoine philosophique et religieux de l'Antiquit\u00e9 grecque. Jamblique, sous le pseudonyme d'un pr\u00eatre \u00e9gyptien, dialogue avec Porphyre pour exposer les antiques traditions \u00e9gyptiennes et chald\u00e9ennes, Proclus, \u00e0 la suite de son ma\u00eetre Syrianus, fait entendre l'accord d'Orph\u00e9e, Pythagore et Platon avec les Oracles Chalda\u00efques, et pose le fondement de la th\u00e9ologie comme science. Dans ses hymnes, il livre sa d\u00e9votion au Soleil et aux dieux des Oracles Chalda\u00efques. Deux t\u00e9moins pr\u00e9cieux, le manuscrit alchimique de Venise et le Platon du Parisinus graecus 1807, t\u00e9moignent de la survie du n\u00e9oplatonisme que Marsile Ficin r\u00e9v\u00e9lera \u00e0 l'Europe par sa traduction latine des Enn\u00e9ades, parue il y a tout juste 500 ans. Enfin l'hommage rendu \u00e0 L. G. Westerink s'adresse \u00e0 l'\u00e9diteur scientifique le plus f\u00e9cond des auteurs n\u00e9oplatoniciens. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1990","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PXWKxSDEtCXXJtb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":228,"full_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1461,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Histoire des doctrines de l\u2019antiquit\u00e9 classique","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1990]}

Pietro d’Abano e l’utilizzazione della traduzione di Guglielmo di Moerbeke del Commento di Simplicio al II libro del De Caelo di Aristotele, 1989
By: Federici-Vescovini, Graziella, Brams, Jozef (Ed.), Vanhamel, Willy (Ed.)

Title	Pietro d’Abano e l’utilizzazione della traduzione di Guglielmo di Moerbeke del Commento di Simplicio al II libro del De Caelo di Aristotele
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	1989
Published in	Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d’études à l’occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286)
Pages	83-112
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Federici-Vescovini, Graziella
Editor(s)	Brams, Jozef , Vanhamel, Willy
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Km4PwTvVAXA9uOv

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1136","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1136,"authors_free":[{"id":1710,"entry_id":1136,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":487,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Federici-Vescovini, Graziella","free_first_name":"Graziella","free_last_name":"Federici-Vescovini","norm_person":{"id":487,"first_name":"Graziella","last_name":"Federici-Vescovini","full_name":"Federici-Vescovini, Graziella","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/128950552","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2478,"entry_id":1136,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":337,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Brams, Jozef","free_first_name":"Jozef","free_last_name":"Brams","norm_person":{"id":337,"first_name":"Jozef","last_name":"Brams","full_name":"Brams, Jozef","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1145645712","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2479,"entry_id":1136,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":338,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Vanhamel, Willy","free_first_name":"Willy","free_last_name":"Vanhamel","norm_person":{"id":338,"first_name":"Willy","last_name":"Vanhamel","full_name":"Vanhamel, Willy","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/141109661","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Pietro d\u2019Abano e l\u2019utilizzazione della traduzione di Guglielmo di Moerbeke del Commento di Simplicio al II libro del De Caelo di Aristotele","main_title":{"title":"Pietro d\u2019Abano e l\u2019utilizzazione della traduzione di Guglielmo di Moerbeke del Commento di Simplicio al II libro del De Caelo di Aristotele"},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"1989","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Km4PwTvVAXA9uOv","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":487,"full_name":"Federici-Vescovini, Graziella","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":337,"full_name":"Brams, Jozef","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":338,"full_name":"Vanhamel, Willy","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1136,"section_of":326,"pages":"83-112","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":326,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d\u2019\u00e9tudes \u00e0 l\u2019occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286)","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Brams1989","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1989","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1989","abstract":"T h e following articles are included in this volume: \"Moerbeke, traducteur et inter-\r\nprete: Un texte et une pensee\" by Gerard Verbeke (pp. 1-21); \"Guillaume de Moer-\r\nbeke et la cour pontificale\" by Agostino Paravicini Bagliani (pp. 23-52); \"Note con-\r\ncernant certaines missions qui auraient ete confiees a Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by\r\nWilly Vanhamel (pp. 53-56); \"Guillaume de Moerbeke et saint Thomas\" by Carlos\r\nSteel (pp. 57-82); \"Pietro d'Abano e l'utilizzazione della traduzione di Guglielmo di\r\nMoerbeke del commento di Simplicio al \/\/ De caelo di Aristotele\" by Graziella Federici\r\nVescovini (pp. 83-106); \"Quelques utilisateurs des textes rares de Moerbeke\r\n(Philopon, Tria opuscula) et particulierement Jacques de Viterbe\" by Louis Jacques\r\nBataillon (pp. 107-12); \"Quelques remarques codicologiques et paleographiques\r\nau sujet du ms. Vaticano Ottob. lat. 1850\" by Robert Wielockx (pp. 113-33);\r\n\"La liste des ceuvres d'Hippocrate dans le Vindobonensis phil. gr. 100: Un\r\nautographe de Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem (pp. 135-83);\r\n\"Note concernant la collation d'un deuxieme manuscrit grec de la Physique\r\npar Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Jozef Brams and Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem (pp.\r\n185-92); \"La 'Recensio Matritensis' de la Physique\" by Jozef Brams (pp. 193-220);\r\n\"La Translatio anonyma e la Translatio Guillelmi del De partibus animalium (Analisi del\r\nlibro I)\" by Pietro Rossi (pp. 221-45); \"L'attribution de la Translatio nova du De\r\ngenerations et corruptione a Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Joanna Judycka (pp. 247-51);\r\n\"Iudicialia ad Syrum: Une traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke du Quadripartitum\r\nde Cl. Ptol\u00a3mee\" by Luc Anthonis (pp. 253-55); \"Methode de traduction et\r\nproblemes de chronologie\" by Fernand Bossier (pp. 257-94); \"L'usage des mots\r\nhybrides greco-latins par Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Louis Jacques Bataillon (pp.\r\n295-99); and \"Biobibliographie de Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Willy Vanhamel\r\n(pp. 301-83).","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kM52uB2YgiCytgt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":326,"pubplace":"Leuven","publisher":"Leuven University Press","series":"Ancient and Medieval Philosophy de Wulf-Mansion Centre, Series 1","volume":"7","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1989]}

Le thème de la grande année d'Héraclite aux Stoiciens, 1989
By: Bels, Jacques

Title	Le thème de la grande année d'Héraclite aux Stoiciens
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1989
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	7
Issue	2
Pages	169-183
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bels, Jacques
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

D’Héraclite aux stoïciens, en passant par Platon qui adopte un point de vue analogue à celui de l’Éphésien, le discours sur la Grande Année est au cœur même de la conception philosophique, même s’il subit une modification dans son appréhension. En effet, à une lecture (re)générante, le stoïcisme substitue une perspective finaliste quand il privilégie le lien Grande Année-ekpyrosis. Cette accentuation d’une Grande Année conçue comme limite, au détriment de la régénération, se marque également dans la liaison ekpyrosis-fin de la survie limitée. En effet, selon les stoïciens, à la disparition des corps, la partie spirituelle subsiste un certain temps avant de disparaître à son tour. Conséquence logique de la thèse selon laquelle ce qui est engendré doit disparaître, cette mort de l’âme correspond, chez Cléanthe et Chrysippe, à la conflagration universelle. Pour le premier, en effet, toutes les âmes survivent jusqu’à l’embrasement final, tandis que, pour le second, seules les âmes des sages connaissent ce privilège, celles des "insensés" disparaissant plus rapidement. Dès lors, quand il établit une parenté entre les stoïciens et Héraclite, Simplicius a partiellement raison : ces penseurs ont posé l’existence d’une Grande Année. Il oublie simplement de préciser qu’ils lui ont assigné des priorités différentes. [conclusion p. 183]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Wt3OVL4zzPJWT2a

{"_index":"sire","_id":"831","_score":null,"_source":{"id":831,"authors_free":[{"id":1235,"entry_id":831,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":421,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bels, Jacques","free_first_name":"Jacques","free_last_name":"Bels","norm_person":{"id":421,"first_name":"Jacques","last_name":"Bels","full_name":"Bels, Jacques","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le th\u00e8me de la grande ann\u00e9e d'H\u00e9raclite aux Stoiciens","main_title":{"title":"Le th\u00e8me de la grande ann\u00e9e d'H\u00e9raclite aux Stoiciens"},"abstract":"D\u2019H\u00e9raclite aux sto\u00efciens, en passant par Platon qui adopte un point de vue analogue \u00e0 celui de l\u2019\u00c9ph\u00e9sien, le discours sur la Grande Ann\u00e9e est au c\u0153ur m\u00eame de la conception philosophique, m\u00eame s\u2019il subit une modification dans son appr\u00e9hension. En effet, \u00e0 une lecture (re)g\u00e9n\u00e9rante, le sto\u00efcisme substitue une perspective finaliste quand il privil\u00e9gie le lien Grande Ann\u00e9e-ekpyrosis. Cette accentuation d\u2019une Grande Ann\u00e9e con\u00e7ue comme limite, au d\u00e9triment de la r\u00e9g\u00e9n\u00e9ration, se marque \u00e9galement dans la liaison ekpyrosis-fin de la survie limit\u00e9e. En effet, selon les sto\u00efciens, \u00e0 la disparition des corps, la partie spirituelle subsiste un certain temps avant de dispara\u00eetre \u00e0 son tour.\r\n\r\nCons\u00e9quence logique de la th\u00e8se selon laquelle ce qui est engendr\u00e9 doit dispara\u00eetre, cette mort de l\u2019\u00e2me correspond, chez Cl\u00e9anthe et Chrysippe, \u00e0 la conflagration universelle. Pour le premier, en effet, toutes les \u00e2mes survivent jusqu\u2019\u00e0 l\u2019embrasement final, tandis que, pour le second, seules les \u00e2mes des sages connaissent ce privil\u00e8ge, celles des \"insens\u00e9s\" disparaissant plus rapidement.\r\n\r\nD\u00e8s lors, quand il \u00e9tablit une parent\u00e9 entre les sto\u00efciens et H\u00e9raclite, Simplicius a partiellement raison : ces penseurs ont pos\u00e9 l\u2019existence d\u2019une Grande Ann\u00e9e. Il oublie simplement de pr\u00e9ciser qu\u2019ils lui ont assign\u00e9 des priorit\u00e9s diff\u00e9rentes. [conclusion p. 183]","btype":3,"date":"1989","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Wt3OVL4zzPJWT2a","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":421,"full_name":"Bels, Jacques","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":831,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue de Philosophie Ancienne","volume":"7","issue":"2","pages":"169-183"}},"sort":[1989]}

Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar, 1989
By: Wiesner, Jürgen

Title	Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1989
Journal	Hermes
Volume	117
Issue	3
Pages	288-303
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Für die Tradierung der umstrittenen Xenophanes-Prädikate ergibt sich also folgendes Bild: Theophrasts Urteil, dass Xenophanes sein Prinzip weder eindeutig als begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder eindeutig als bewegt noch unbewegt benannt habe, schließt referierende Einzelangaben über diese uneinheitlichen Lehrmeinungen des Kolophoniers nicht aus. Das negative „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Urteil Theophrasts ist in der Vorlage von MXG und Simplikios (In Phys. 22,30–23,9) später missverstanden worden: Für den dort vorliegenden positiven „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Ausschluss (das Prinzip sei weder begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder bewegt noch unbewegt) wurde eine auf späteren Konzepten beruhende Begründung hinzugefügt. Simplikios hat sich von der Quelle, die ihm und MXG vorlag, irreführen lassen und die äußerlich gleichlautende Auskunft Theophrasts, die er In Phys. 22,26 zitiert, in ihrem wahren Gehalt verkannt. Daher hat er die Argumentation, die aus der mit MXG gemeinsamen Quelle stammt und die gar nicht zu Theophrasts negativem Urteil passt, ab 22,31 folgen lassen. Die Lehrmeinung vom begrenzten, kugeligen Gott gelangte von Theophrast in die Doxographie und zu Alexander. Auch Simplikios kennt eine solche Konzeption aus dem Eresier (In Phys. 28,4 ff.). Er unternimmt eine Harmonisierung des „begrenzt“ mit der „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Bestimmung (29,7 ff.). Da er bei Theophrast sowohl die (von ihm fälschlich als positiver Ausschluss verstandene) „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Bestimmung als auch das einfache Prädikat „begrenzt“ las, könnte er sogar durch den Eresier zu seiner Harmonisierung angeregt worden sein. [conclusion p. 302-303]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GgDE7e58wFISvqX

{"_index":"sire","_id":"835","_score":null,"_source":{"id":835,"authors_free":[{"id":1239,"entry_id":835,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar","main_title":{"title":"Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar"},"abstract":"F\u00fcr die Tradierung der umstrittenen Xenophanes-Pr\u00e4dikate ergibt sich also folgendes Bild:\r\n\r\n Theophrasts Urteil, dass Xenophanes sein Prinzip weder eindeutig als begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder eindeutig als bewegt noch unbewegt benannt habe, schlie\u00dft referierende Einzelangaben \u00fcber diese uneinheitlichen Lehrmeinungen des Kolophoniers nicht aus.\r\n\r\n Das negative \u201e\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5-\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\u201c-Urteil Theophrasts ist in der Vorlage von MXG und Simplikios (In Phys. 22,30\u201323,9) sp\u00e4ter missverstanden worden: F\u00fcr den dort vorliegenden positiven \u201e\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5-\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\u201c-Ausschluss (das Prinzip sei weder begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder bewegt noch unbewegt) wurde eine auf sp\u00e4teren Konzepten beruhende Begr\u00fcndung hinzugef\u00fcgt.\r\n\r\n Simplikios hat sich von der Quelle, die ihm und MXG vorlag, irref\u00fchren lassen und die \u00e4u\u00dferlich gleichlautende Auskunft Theophrasts, die er In Phys. 22,26 zitiert, in ihrem wahren Gehalt verkannt. Daher hat er die Argumentation, die aus der mit MXG gemeinsamen Quelle stammt und die gar nicht zu Theophrasts negativem Urteil passt, ab 22,31 folgen lassen.\r\n\r\n Die Lehrmeinung vom begrenzten, kugeligen Gott gelangte von Theophrast in die Doxographie und zu Alexander. Auch Simplikios kennt eine solche Konzeption aus dem Eresier (In Phys. 28,4 ff.). Er unternimmt eine Harmonisierung des \u201ebegrenzt\u201c mit der \u201e\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5-\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\u201c-Bestimmung (29,7 ff.). Da er bei Theophrast sowohl die (von ihm f\u00e4lschlich als positiver Ausschluss verstandene) \u201e\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5-\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\u201c-Bestimmung als auch das einfache Pr\u00e4dikat \u201ebegrenzt\u201c las, k\u00f6nnte er sogar durch den Eresier zu seiner Harmonisierung angeregt worden sein. [conclusion p. 302-303]","btype":3,"date":"1989","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GgDE7e58wFISvqX","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":835,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"117","issue":"3","pages":"288-303"}},"sort":[1989]}

Gibt es Spuren von Theophrasts Phys. op. bei Cicero?, 1989
By: Mansfeld, Jaap, Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Steinmetz, Peter (Ed.)

Title	Gibt es Spuren von Theophrasts Phys. op. bei Cicero?
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1989
Published in	Cicero's Knowledge of the Peripatos
Pages	133-158
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Steinmetz, Peter
Translator(s)

Unter Hinweis auf Cicero, Lucullus (= Academica priora II) 118 und 123, Tusculanae disputationes I 18 ff. und De natura deorum I 25 ff. hat Hermann Diels diese Frage bekanntlich bejaht. Die wichtigste Stelle, auf die ich mich aus mehreren Gründen beschränke, ist dabei der Passus über die Prinzipien (Luc. 118), wo der Dissens (dissensio, Luc. 117) der Philosophen von Thales bis zu Platon und den Pythagoreern kritisiert wird. Diels hat hier ganz auffallend argumentiert. Zum einen hat er, teilweise zu Recht, auf Übereinstimmungen zwischen Luc. 118 und den entsprechenden Theophrast-Fragmenten bzw. Paraphrasen in Simplikios’ Kommentar zur aristotelischen Physik hingewiesen, die Usener und er den Physica opinionum zugewiesen haben. Als nächstes aber hat er Luc. 119–121 über die stoische Theorie der Vorsehung (SVF I 92 u. 1161) und über Aristoteles (De philos. fr. 20 Ross) und Stratons (fr. 32 Wehrli) entgegengesetzte Auffassungen ausgeklammert, weil dieses Stück nicht auf Theophrast zurückgeführt werden könne. Aus den nachfolgenden Paragraphen, die über verschiedene Ansichten von den Himmelskörpern und der Erde referieren, hat er schließlich 123 „Hiketas von Syrakus, wie Theophrast sagt“ (Hicetas Syracosius, ut ait Theophrastus …) usw. wieder als Beweis dafür angezogen, dass die doxographische Übersicht zur Astronomie aus den Physica opinionum stamme. In der Nachfolge Krisches hatte schließlich schon Diels zu Recht bemerkt, dass Ciceros unmittelbare Quelle ein Akademiker, wohl ein Karneadesschüler, sein müsse. Das Textstück über Hiketas (auch abgedruckt in Vorsokr. 51.1) hat er als Physica opinionum fr. 18 aufgenommen (DG 492–3). Es ist dies der einzige Cicerotext in der betreffenden Dielsschen Sammlung. [introduction p. 133]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MGhjgtg4bJWxFhu

{"_index":"sire","_id":"930","_score":null,"_source":{"id":930,"authors_free":[{"id":1375,"entry_id":930,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":29,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","free_first_name":"Jaap","free_last_name":"Mansfeld","norm_person":{"id":29,"first_name":"Jaap","last_name":"Mansfeld","full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119383217","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1376,"entry_id":930,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":7,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W.","free_first_name":"William W.","free_last_name":"Fortenbaugh","norm_person":{"id":7,"first_name":"William W. ","last_name":"Fortenbaugh","full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/110233700","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1377,"entry_id":930,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":378,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Steinmetz, Peter","free_first_name":"Peter","free_last_name":"Steinmetz","norm_person":{"id":378,"first_name":"Peter","last_name":"Steinmetz","full_name":"Steinmetz, Peter","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/11891913X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Gibt es Spuren von Theophrasts Phys. op. bei Cicero?","main_title":{"title":"Gibt es Spuren von Theophrasts Phys. op. bei Cicero?"},"abstract":"Unter Hinweis auf Cicero, Lucullus (= Academica priora II) 118 und 123, Tusculanae disputationes I 18 ff. und De natura deorum I 25 ff. hat Hermann Diels diese Frage bekanntlich bejaht. Die wichtigste Stelle, auf die ich mich aus mehreren Gr\u00fcnden beschr\u00e4nke, ist dabei der Passus \u00fcber die Prinzipien (Luc. 118), wo der Dissens (dissensio, Luc. 117) der Philosophen von Thales bis zu Platon und den Pythagoreern kritisiert wird. Diels hat hier ganz auffallend argumentiert.\r\n\r\nZum einen hat er, teilweise zu Recht, auf \u00dcbereinstimmungen zwischen Luc. 118 und den entsprechenden Theophrast-Fragmenten bzw. Paraphrasen in Simplikios\u2019 Kommentar zur aristotelischen Physik hingewiesen, die Usener und er den Physica opinionum zugewiesen haben. Als n\u00e4chstes aber hat er Luc. 119\u2013121 \u00fcber die stoische Theorie der Vorsehung (SVF I 92 u. 1161) und \u00fcber Aristoteles (De philos. fr. 20 Ross) und Stratons (fr. 32 Wehrli) entgegengesetzte Auffassungen ausgeklammert, weil dieses St\u00fcck nicht auf Theophrast zur\u00fcckgef\u00fchrt werden k\u00f6nne.\r\n\r\nAus den nachfolgenden Paragraphen, die \u00fcber verschiedene Ansichten von den Himmelsk\u00f6rpern und der Erde referieren, hat er schlie\u00dflich 123 \u201eHiketas von Syrakus, wie Theophrast sagt\u201c (Hicetas Syracosius, ut ait Theophrastus \u2026) usw. wieder als Beweis daf\u00fcr angezogen, dass die doxographische \u00dcbersicht zur Astronomie aus den Physica opinionum stamme.\r\n\r\nIn der Nachfolge Krisches hatte schlie\u00dflich schon Diels zu Recht bemerkt, dass Ciceros unmittelbare Quelle ein Akademiker, wohl ein Karneadessch\u00fcler, sein m\u00fcsse. Das Textst\u00fcck \u00fcber Hiketas (auch abgedruckt in Vorsokr. 51.1) hat er als Physica opinionum fr. 18 aufgenommen (DG 492\u20133). Es ist dies der einzige Cicerotext in der betreffenden Dielsschen Sammlung. [introduction p. 133]","btype":2,"date":"1989","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/MGhjgtg4bJWxFhu","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":29,"full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":7,"full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":378,"full_name":"Steinmetz, Peter","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":930,"section_of":334,"pages":"133-158","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":334,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Cicero's Knowledge of the Peripatos","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Fortenbaugh1989b","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1989","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1989","abstract":"Cicero is best known for his political speeches. His Catilinarian orations are regularly studied in third or fourth year Latin; his self-proclaimed role as savior of the Republic is much discussed in courses on Roman history. But, however fascinating such material may be, there is another side to Cicero which is equally important and only now receiving the attention it deserves. This is Cicero's interest in Hellenistic thought. As a young man he studied philosophy in Greece; throughout his life he maintained a keen interest in intellectual history; and during periods of political inactivity - especially in his last years as the Republic collapsed - he wrote treatises that today are invaluable sources for our knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy, including the School of Aristotle.\r\n\r\nThe essays collected in this volume deal with these treatises and in particular with Cicero's knowledge of Peripatetic philosophy. They ask such questions as: Did Cicero-know Aristotle first hand, or was the corpus Aristotelicum unavailable to him and his contemporaries? Did Cicero have access to the writings of Theophrastus, and in general did he know the post-Aristotelians whose works are all but lost to us? When Cicero reports the views of early philosophers, is he a reliable witness, and is he conveying important information? These and other fundamental questions are asked with special reference to traditional areas of Greek thought: logic and rhetoric, politics and ethics, physics, psychology, and theology. The answers are various, but the overall impression is clear: Cicero himself was a highly intelligent, well educated Roman, whose treatises contain significant material. Scholars working on Peripatetic thought and on the Hellenistic period as a whole cannot afford to ignore them.\r\n\r\nThis fourth volume in the Rutgers University Studies in Classic Humanities series deals with Cicero, orator and writer of the late Roman Republic. Interest in Cicero arose out of Project Theophrastus, an international undertaking based at Rutgers dedicated to collecting, editing, and translating the fragments of Theophrastus. This collection will be of value to philologists, classicists, philosophers, as well as those interested in the history of science. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FFKNInd4WCcNVDu","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":334,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Routledge","series":"Rutgers Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"4","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1989]}

Ionian Philosophy, 1989
By: Boudouris, Konstantin, J. (Ed.)

Title	Ionian Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1989
Publication Place	Athen
Publisher	International Association for Greek Philosophy and Center for Greek Philosophy and Culture
Series	Studies in Greek Philosophy
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Boudouris, Konstantin, J.
Translator(s)

‘The articles in this volume are, in the main, the texts of papers read either in full or in part at the First International Conference on Greek Philosophy (Samos 1988)’ (from the editor’s Preface). Appropriately to such a first conference, it was devoted to the beginnings of philosophy in Greece and, more specifically, in Ionia itself. The volume includes forty- seven papers dealing with all the major figures of Ionian philosophy, from the Milesians to Anaxagoras. Pythagoras, the most illustrious native of Samos, and the Pythagoreans (technically considered an ‘Italian’ sect, but included by courtesy in the theme of the conference), attract the attention of seven scholars. The other notable Samian, Melissus, is the subject of only one contribution, by D. Furley, possibly because Melissus is usually BOOK REVIEWS 141classified by the doxographers as an Eleatic. Xenophanes of Colophon is dealt with in five of the articles. Perhaps not surprisingly, almost half of the papers deal with Heraclitus of Ephesus, just across the water from Samos. Among those excluded from this book are the Italians Parmenides, Zeno and Empedocles, and the atomists of Abdera" [Review Scolnicov]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9oSZ8qRrH4iopVv

{"_index":"sire","_id":"238","_score":null,"_source":{"id":238,"authors_free":[{"id":2413,"entry_id":238,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":328,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Boudouris, Konstantin, J.","free_first_name":"Konstantin, J.","free_last_name":"Boudouris","norm_person":{"id":328,"first_name":"Konstantin J.","last_name":"Boudouris,","full_name":"Boudouris, Konstantin J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1041800053","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ionian Philosophy","main_title":{"title":"Ionian Philosophy"},"abstract":"\u2018The articles in this volume are, in the main, the texts of papers read either in full or in part at the First International Conference on Greek Philosophy (Samos 1988)\u2019 (from the editor\u2019s Preface). Appropriately to such a first conference, it was devoted to the beginnings of philosophy in Greece and, more specifically, in Ionia itself. The volume includes forty- seven papers dealing with all the major figures of Ionian philosophy, from the Milesians to Anaxagoras. Pythagoras, the most illustrious native of Samos, and the Pythagoreans (technically considered an \u2018Italian\u2019 sect, but included by courtesy in the theme of the conference), attract the attention of seven scholars. The other notable Samian, Melissus, is the subject of only one contribution, by D. Furley, possibly because Melissus is usually\r\nBOOK REVIEWS 141classified by the doxographers as an Eleatic. Xenophanes of Colophon is dealt with in five of the articles. Perhaps not surprisingly, almost half of the papers deal with Heraclitus of Ephesus, just across the water from Samos. Among those excluded from this book are the Italians Parmenides, Zeno and Empedocles, and the atomists of Abdera\" [Review Scolnicov]","btype":4,"date":"1989","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9oSZ8qRrH4iopVv","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":328,"full_name":"Boudouris, Konstantin J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":238,"pubplace":"Athen","publisher":"International Association for Greek Philosophy and Center for Greek Philosophy and Culture","series":"Studies in Greek Philosophy","volume":"1","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1989]}

Plutarco di Atene. L’Uno, l’Anima, le Forme, 1989
By: Taormina, Daniela

Title	Plutarco di Atene. L’Uno, l’Anima, le Forme
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	1989
Publication Place	Rom
Publisher	Università di Catania, Catania und L’Erma di Bretschneider
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Taormina, Daniela
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Questo volume ottavo della Collana "Symbolon" è frutto di lunga e intelligente fatica di ricerca e di studio da parte di una delle mie più valenti allieve e collaboratrici, la dott. D. P. Taormina, che ha il merito di avere fornito, con i risultati di questo suo lavoro, la prima monografia completa, corredata dalla raccolta delle fonti mai prima d'ora compiuta (testo, traduzione e ampio commento), su uno dei più decisivi, ancorché poco studiati, anelli di collegamento tra il primo e l'ultimo neoplatonismo, ovverossia tra l'eredità immediata di Plotino e l'esplosione dell'attività speculativa più matura e sistematica della filosofia neoplatonica. Alla fine del IV secolo d. C., quando il pensiero cristiano era ormai divenuto adulto ad opera di pensatori quali Origene, Mario Vittorino e Agostino (tutti debitori del platonismo e del neoplatonismo), si ebbe ad Atene, nella vecchia e gloriosa culla della civiltà antica, una rinascita della tradizione platonica ad opera di un pensatore destinato a divenire maestro degli ultimi maestri di platonismo dell'antichità. Plutarco di Atene, finora considerato piu un termine di continuità storica che un caposaldo dello sviluppo del pensiero neoplatonico, esce dalla ricerca della Taormina in tutta la sua dimensione teoretica di esegeta e filosofo che ha contribuito a preparare (assieme al suo più famoso primo discepolo, Siriano) le fondamenta piu solide dell'ultima sistemazione del platonismo (Proclo e Damscio)... [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sgSfZUGUBZdA26p

{"_index":"sire","_id":"247","_score":null,"_source":{"id":247,"authors_free":[{"id":1941,"entry_id":247,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":431,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Taormina, Daniela","free_first_name":"Daniela","free_last_name":"Taormina","norm_person":{"id":431,"first_name":"Daniela Patrizia","last_name":"Taormina","full_name":"Taormina, Daniela Patrizia","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1113305185","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Plutarco di Atene. L\u2019Uno, l\u2019Anima, le Forme","main_title":{"title":"Plutarco di Atene. L\u2019Uno, l\u2019Anima, le Forme"},"abstract":"Questo volume ottavo della Collana \"Symbolon\" \u00e8 frutto di lunga e intelligente fatica di ricerca e di studio da parte di una delle mie pi\u00f9 valenti allieve e collaboratrici, la dott. D. P. Taormina, che ha il merito di avere fornito, con i risultati di questo suo lavoro, la prima monografia completa, corredata dalla raccolta delle fonti mai prima d'ora compiuta (testo, traduzione e ampio commento), su uno dei pi\u00f9 decisivi, ancorch\u00e9 poco studiati, anelli di collegamento tra il primo e l'ultimo neoplatonismo, ovverossia tra l'eredit\u00e0 immediata di Plotino e l'esplosione dell'attivit\u00e0 speculativa pi\u00f9 matura e sistematica della filosofia neoplatonica. Alla fine del IV secolo d. C., quando il pensiero cristiano era ormai divenuto adulto ad opera di pensatori quali Origene, Mario Vittorino e Agostino (tutti debitori del platonismo e del neoplatonismo), si ebbe ad Atene, nella vecchia e gloriosa culla della civilt\u00e0 antica, una rinascita della tradizione platonica ad opera di un pensatore destinato a divenire maestro degli ultimi maestri di platonismo dell'antichit\u00e0. Plutarco di Atene, finora considerato piu un termine di continuit\u00e0 storica che un caposaldo dello sviluppo del pensiero neoplatonico, esce dalla ricerca della Taormina in tutta la sua dimensione teoretica di esegeta e filosofo che ha contribuito a preparare (assieme al suo pi\u00f9 famoso primo discepolo, Siriano) le fondamenta piu solide dell'ultima sistemazione del platonismo (Proclo e Damscio)... [offical abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1989","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/sgSfZUGUBZdA26p","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":431,"full_name":"Taormina, Daniela Patrizia","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":247,"pubplace":"Rom","publisher":"Universit\u00e0 di Catania, Catania und L\u2019Erma di Bretschneider","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1989]}

Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d’études à l’occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286), 1989
By: Brams, Jozef (Ed.), Vanhamel, Willy (Ed.)

Title	Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d’études à l’occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286)
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1989
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Leuven University Press
Series	Ancient and Medieval Philosophy de Wulf-Mansion Centre, Series 1
Volume	7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Brams, Jozef , Vanhamel, Willy
Translator(s)

T h e following articles are included in this volume: "Moerbeke, traducteur et inter- prete: Un texte et une pensee" by Gerard Verbeke (pp. 1-21); "Guillaume de Moer- beke et la cour pontificale" by Agostino Paravicini Bagliani (pp. 23-52); "Note con- cernant certaines missions qui auraient ete confiees a Guillaume de Moerbeke" by Willy Vanhamel (pp. 53-56); "Guillaume de Moerbeke et saint Thomas" by Carlos Steel (pp. 57-82); "Pietro d'Abano e l'utilizzazione della traduzione di Guglielmo di Moerbeke del commento di Simplicio al // De caelo di Aristotele" by Graziella Federici Vescovini (pp. 83-106); "Quelques utilisateurs des textes rares de Moerbeke (Philopon, Tria opuscula) et particulierement Jacques de Viterbe" by Louis Jacques Bataillon (pp. 107-12); "Quelques remarques codicologiques et paleographiques au sujet du ms. Vaticano Ottob. lat. 1850" by Robert Wielockx (pp. 113-33); "La liste des ceuvres d'Hippocrate dans le Vindobonensis phil. gr. 100: Un autographe de Guillaume de Moerbeke" by Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem (pp. 135-83); "Note concernant la collation d'un deuxieme manuscrit grec de la Physique par Guillaume de Moerbeke" by Jozef Brams and Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem (pp. 185-92); "La 'Recensio Matritensis' de la Physique" by Jozef Brams (pp. 193-220); "La Translatio anonyma e la Translatio Guillelmi del De partibus animalium (Analisi del libro I)" by Pietro Rossi (pp. 221-45); "L'attribution de la Translatio nova du De generations et corruptione a Guillaume de Moerbeke" by Joanna Judycka (pp. 247-51); "Iudicialia ad Syrum: Une traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke du Quadripartitum de Cl. Ptol£mee" by Luc Anthonis (pp. 253-55); "Methode de traduction et problemes de chronologie" by Fernand Bossier (pp. 257-94); "L'usage des mots hybrides greco-latins par Guillaume de Moerbeke" by Louis Jacques Bataillon (pp. 295-99); and "Biobibliographie de Guillaume de Moerbeke" by Willy Vanhamel (pp. 301-83).

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kM52uB2YgiCytgt

{"_index":"sire","_id":"326","_score":null,"_source":{"id":326,"authors_free":[{"id":416,"entry_id":326,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":337,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Brams, Jozef","free_first_name":"Jozef","free_last_name":"Brams","norm_person":{"id":337,"first_name":"Jozef","last_name":"Brams","full_name":"Brams, Jozef","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1145645712","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":417,"entry_id":326,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":338,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Vanhamel, Willy","free_first_name":"Willy","free_last_name":"Vanhamel","norm_person":{"id":338,"first_name":"Willy","last_name":"Vanhamel","full_name":"Vanhamel, Willy","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/141109661","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d\u2019\u00e9tudes \u00e0 l\u2019occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286)","main_title":{"title":"Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d\u2019\u00e9tudes \u00e0 l\u2019occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286)"},"abstract":"T h e following articles are included in this volume: \"Moerbeke, traducteur et inter-\r\nprete: Un texte et une pensee\" by Gerard Verbeke (pp. 1-21); \"Guillaume de Moer-\r\nbeke et la cour pontificale\" by Agostino Paravicini Bagliani (pp. 23-52); \"Note con-\r\ncernant certaines missions qui auraient ete confiees a Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by\r\nWilly Vanhamel (pp. 53-56); \"Guillaume de Moerbeke et saint Thomas\" by Carlos\r\nSteel (pp. 57-82); \"Pietro d'Abano e l'utilizzazione della traduzione di Guglielmo di\r\nMoerbeke del commento di Simplicio al \/\/ De caelo di Aristotele\" by Graziella Federici\r\nVescovini (pp. 83-106); \"Quelques utilisateurs des textes rares de Moerbeke\r\n(Philopon, Tria opuscula) et particulierement Jacques de Viterbe\" by Louis Jacques\r\nBataillon (pp. 107-12); \"Quelques remarques codicologiques et paleographiques\r\nau sujet du ms. Vaticano Ottob. lat. 1850\" by Robert Wielockx (pp. 113-33);\r\n\"La liste des ceuvres d'Hippocrate dans le Vindobonensis phil. gr. 100: Un\r\nautographe de Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem (pp. 135-83);\r\n\"Note concernant la collation d'un deuxieme manuscrit grec de la Physique\r\npar Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Jozef Brams and Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem (pp.\r\n185-92); \"La 'Recensio Matritensis' de la Physique\" by Jozef Brams (pp. 193-220);\r\n\"La Translatio anonyma e la Translatio Guillelmi del De partibus animalium (Analisi del\r\nlibro I)\" by Pietro Rossi (pp. 221-45); \"L'attribution de la Translatio nova du De\r\ngenerations et corruptione a Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Joanna Judycka (pp. 247-51);\r\n\"Iudicialia ad Syrum: Une traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke du Quadripartitum\r\nde Cl. Ptol\u00a3mee\" by Luc Anthonis (pp. 253-55); \"Methode de traduction et\r\nproblemes de chronologie\" by Fernand Bossier (pp. 257-94); \"L'usage des mots\r\nhybrides greco-latins par Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Louis Jacques Bataillon (pp.\r\n295-99); and \"Biobibliographie de Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Willy Vanhamel\r\n(pp. 301-83).","btype":4,"date":"1989","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kM52uB2YgiCytgt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":337,"full_name":"Brams, Jozef","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":338,"full_name":"Vanhamel, Willy","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":326,"pubplace":"Leuven","publisher":"Leuven University Press","series":"Ancient and Medieval Philosophy de Wulf-Mansion Centre, Series 1","volume":"7","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1989]}

Cicero's Knowledge of the Peripatos, 1989
By: Fortenbaugh, William. W. (Ed.), Steinmetz, Peter (Ed.)

Title	Cicero's Knowledge of the Peripatos
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1989
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Routledge
Series	Rutgers Studies in Classical Humanities
Volume	4
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William. W. , Steinmetz, Peter
Translator(s)

Cicero is best known for his political speeches. His Catilinarian orations are regularly studied in third or fourth year Latin; his self-proclaimed role as savior of the Republic is much discussed in courses on Roman history. But, however fascinating such material may be, there is another side to Cicero which is equally important and only now receiving the attention it deserves. This is Cicero's interest in Hellenistic thought. As a young man he studied philosophy in Greece; throughout his life he maintained a keen interest in intellectual history; and during periods of political inactivity - especially in his last years as the Republic collapsed - he wrote treatises that today are invaluable sources for our knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy, including the School of Aristotle. The essays collected in this volume deal with these treatises and in particular with Cicero's knowledge of Peripatetic philosophy. They ask such questions as: Did Cicero-know Aristotle first hand, or was the corpus Aristotelicum unavailable to him and his contemporaries? Did Cicero have access to the writings of Theophrastus, and in general did he know the post-Aristotelians whose works are all but lost to us? When Cicero reports the views of early philosophers, is he a reliable witness, and is he conveying important information? These and other fundamental questions are asked with special reference to traditional areas of Greek thought: logic and rhetoric, politics and ethics, physics, psychology, and theology. The answers are various, but the overall impression is clear: Cicero himself was a highly intelligent, well educated Roman, whose treatises contain significant material. Scholars working on Peripatetic thought and on the Hellenistic period as a whole cannot afford to ignore them. This fourth volume in the Rutgers University Studies in Classic Humanities series deals with Cicero, orator and writer of the late Roman Republic. Interest in Cicero arose out of Project Theophrastus, an international undertaking based at Rutgers dedicated to collecting, editing, and translating the fragments of Theophrastus. This collection will be of value to philologists, classicists, philosophers, as well as those interested in the history of science. [official abstract]

Online Resources

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 6’, 1989
By: Konstan, David (Ed.), Simplicius

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Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 6’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1989
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Konstan, David
Translator(s)	Konstan, David(Konstan, David) ,

Book Six of Aristotle's Physics, which concerns the continuum, shows Aristotle at his best. It contains his attack on atomism which forced subsequent Greek and Islamic atomists to reshape their views entirely. It also elaborates Zeno's paradoxes of motion and the famous paradoxes of stopping and starting. This is the first translation into any modern language of Simplicius' commentary on Book Six. Simplicius, the greatest ancient authority on Aristotle's Physics whose works have survived to the present, lived in the sixth century A.D. He produced detailed commentaries on several of Aristotle's works. Those on the Physics, which alone come to over 1300 pages in the original Greek, preserve not only a centuries-old tradition of ancient scholarship on Aristotle but also fragments of lost works by other thinkers, including both the Presocratic philosophers and such Aristotalians as Eudemus, Theophrastus and Alexander. The Physics contains some of Aristotle's best and most enduring work, and Simplicius' commentaries are essential to an understanding of it. This volume makes the commentary on Book Six accessible at last to all scholars, whether or not they know classical Greek. It will be indispensible for students of classical philosophy, and especially of Aristotle, as well as for those interested in philosophical thought of late antiquity. It will also be welcomed by students of the history of ideas and philosophers interested in problem mathematics and motion. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2A29TJYaiV3J3QH

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Les sources gréco-arabes de la théorie médiévale de l'analogie de l'être, 1989
By: de Libera, Alain

Title	Les sources gréco-arabes de la théorie médiévale de l'analogie de l'être
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1989
Journal	Les Études philosophiques
Volume	3
Issue	4
Pages	319-345
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	de Libera, Alain
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

C'est ici le lieu de revenir sur le concept de denominatio. Dans les versions latines d'Aristote, le mot denominativa désigne, on l'a dit, les « paronymes », c'est-à-dire ces « réalités qui, tout en différant d'une autre (réalité) par la désinence de leur nom, ont une appellation conforme au nom (de cette autre réalité) ». Chez Maître Eckhart, la notion de « prédication dénominative », empruntée à la Logica d'Avicenne (chap. 3, Venise, 1508, fol. 3 vb), rejoint la notion boécienne de praedicatio des accidentia secundum rem (De Trinitate, chap. 4), exprimant un aspect de la déficience ontologique constitutive de l’étant créé comme tel. Pour lui, dire que « les neuf catégories sont prédiquées dénominativement de la substance » (novem praedicamenta accidentium praedicantur denominative de substantia) signifie que tout étant créé est un dénominatif, c'est-à-dire un étant-ceci ou cela (ens hoc et hoc), et qu'aucun étant-ceci n'est en tant que ceci : tout « ceci » ajouté à la substance est l'expression de la défaillance (casus, πτῶσις) qui accidente le créé. C'est dans cette tradition complexe, à la fois liée à la théorie averroïste de l'accident et aux théories avicennienne (ontologique) et boécienne (théologique) de la prédication—et non à la théorie de l’analogie selon Simplicius—que se situe le célèbre passage d’In Exodum, où le Thuringien expose sa théorie des catégories, qu'on peut résumer ainsi : Les dix catégories ne sont pas les dix premiers étants (decem prima entia), mais les dix genres premiers des étants (decem prima entium genera). Il n'y a qu'un étant, la substance ; les autres réalités ne sont pas « étant » (ens), mais « de ou à l’étant » (entis), c’est-à-dire « étant seulement par analogie au seul étant au sens absolu, la substance, comme en témoigne la Métaphysique, livre VII ». Les neuf prédicaments de l’accident ne sont donc pas des étants « au cas régime » (entia in recto), mais des étants au « cas oblique » (in obliquo). C'est en ce sens « oblique » que l’urine est dite « saine », non par la santé « formellement inhérente », « mais seulement par analogie et renvoi extrinsèque à la santé elle-même, qui au sens propre et formel se trouve seulement dans l’animal » (non sanitate formaliter inhaerente, sed sola analogia et respectu ad ipsam sanitatem extra, quae proprie formaliter est in ipso animali). C’est également en ce sens que le vin est dit « être dans l’enseigne », signifiant qu’il se trouve dans la taverne et la bouteille. Telle est donc la théorie dont Nicolas prétend trouver les contours généraux, ou plus exactement l’instrumentation conceptuelle, chez Simplicius. Certes, il n'en laisse pas l’application métaphysique au commentateur lui-même—ce en quoi il a raison—mais il a tort lorsqu'il lui prête une formulation de l’analogia attributionis, qu'il ne pouvait lire que chez Dietrich de Freiberg et Eckhart. On peut spéculer à loisir sur une telle absence d'acribie. Mais n'est-ce pas Albert le Grand lui-même qui en inaugure le principe lorsque, dans sa dernière œuvre, la Summa theologiae, il prête à Proclus une distinction entre quatre types de « prédication commune » : une selon l’univocité stricte, trois selon l’analogie—un véritable montage qui, à partir de certaines expressions de Proclus sur le caractère salvifique du bien (« le bien est ce qui sauve tous les êtres et devient ainsi le terme de leur tendance »), lui permet de retrouver en fait l’interprétation averroïste de la triade porphyrienne des homonymes κατὰ διάνοιαν. Plutôt que d’incriminer les légèretés ou les insuffisances de la doxographie médiévale, nous préférons voir là le témoignage de la puissance d'assimilation et de la productivité de la grille de lecture originairement imposée par Porphyre aux textes d’Aristote. L’histoire des sources gréco-arabes de la théorie médiévale de l’analogie est celle d’un invariant structurel grec et de ses remplissements arabes, qui, pour finir, retrouve d’autres Grecs traduits par Guillaume de Moerbeke. C’est l’histoire d’une dérive péripatéticienne de l’aristotélisme qui commence chez Porphyre et s’achève dans le néoplatonisme. La production médiévale de l’analogie n’est pas seulement une « replatonisation » d’Aristote, c’est aussi la marque de l’affinité structurelle qui lie entre elles toutes les formes de néoplatonisme. Plus décisif encore, elle procède moins d’un rapprochement des πρός ἕν λεγόμενα avec les synonymes que d’une substitution des πρός ἕν λεγόμενα aux paronymes. Reconduite à ses sources gréco-arabes, l’analogie apparaît ainsi avant tout comme la théorie d’une transsumption catégorielle archi-fondatrice : celle qui articule toute pensée du rapport entre la substance et l’accident. [conclusion p. 343-345]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FAqS35nEd0udN0w

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1296","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1296,"authors_free":[{"id":1889,"entry_id":1296,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":85,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"de Libera, Alain ","free_first_name":"Alain","free_last_name":"de Libera ","norm_person":{"id":85,"first_name":"Alain","last_name":"De Libera","full_name":"De Libera, Alain","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130219002","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les sources gr\u00e9co-arabes de la th\u00e9orie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l'analogie de l'\u00eatre","main_title":{"title":"Les sources gr\u00e9co-arabes de la th\u00e9orie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l'analogie de l'\u00eatre"},"abstract":"C'est ici le lieu de revenir sur le concept de denominatio. Dans les versions latines d'Aristote, le mot denominativa d\u00e9signe, on l'a dit, les \u00ab paronymes \u00bb, c'est-\u00e0-dire ces \u00ab r\u00e9alit\u00e9s qui, tout en diff\u00e9rant d'une autre (r\u00e9alit\u00e9) par la d\u00e9sinence de leur nom, ont une appellation conforme au nom (de cette autre r\u00e9alit\u00e9) \u00bb.\r\n\r\nChez Ma\u00eetre Eckhart, la notion de \u00ab pr\u00e9dication d\u00e9nominative \u00bb, emprunt\u00e9e \u00e0 la Logica d'Avicenne (chap. 3, Venise, 1508, fol. 3 vb), rejoint la notion bo\u00e9cienne de praedicatio des accidentia secundum rem (De Trinitate, chap. 4), exprimant un aspect de la d\u00e9ficience ontologique constitutive de l\u2019\u00e9tant cr\u00e9\u00e9 comme tel. Pour lui, dire que \u00ab les neuf cat\u00e9gories sont pr\u00e9diqu\u00e9es d\u00e9nominativement de la substance \u00bb (novem praedicamenta accidentium praedicantur denominative de substantia) signifie que tout \u00e9tant cr\u00e9\u00e9 est un d\u00e9nominatif, c'est-\u00e0-dire un \u00e9tant-ceci ou cela (ens hoc et hoc), et qu'aucun \u00e9tant-ceci n'est en tant que ceci : tout \u00ab ceci \u00bb ajout\u00e9 \u00e0 la substance est l'expression de la d\u00e9faillance (casus, \u03c0\u03c4\u1ff6\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) qui accidente le cr\u00e9\u00e9.\r\n\r\nC'est dans cette tradition complexe, \u00e0 la fois li\u00e9e \u00e0 la th\u00e9orie averro\u00efste de l'accident et aux th\u00e9ories avicennienne (ontologique) et bo\u00e9cienne (th\u00e9ologique) de la pr\u00e9dication\u2014et non \u00e0 la th\u00e9orie de l\u2019analogie selon Simplicius\u2014que se situe le c\u00e9l\u00e8bre passage d\u2019In Exodum, o\u00f9 le Thuringien expose sa th\u00e9orie des cat\u00e9gories, qu'on peut r\u00e9sumer ainsi :\r\n\r\n Les dix cat\u00e9gories ne sont pas les dix premiers \u00e9tants (decem prima entia), mais les dix genres premiers des \u00e9tants (decem prima entium genera).\r\n Il n'y a qu'un \u00e9tant, la substance ; les autres r\u00e9alit\u00e9s ne sont pas \u00ab \u00e9tant \u00bb (ens), mais \u00ab de ou \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9tant \u00bb (entis), c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire \u00ab \u00e9tant seulement par analogie au seul \u00e9tant au sens absolu, la substance, comme en t\u00e9moigne la M\u00e9taphysique, livre VII \u00bb.\r\n Les neuf pr\u00e9dicaments de l\u2019accident ne sont donc pas des \u00e9tants \u00ab au cas r\u00e9gime \u00bb (entia in recto), mais des \u00e9tants au \u00ab cas oblique \u00bb (in obliquo).\r\n C'est en ce sens \u00ab oblique \u00bb que l\u2019urine est dite \u00ab saine \u00bb, non par la sant\u00e9 \u00ab formellement inh\u00e9rente \u00bb, \u00ab mais seulement par analogie et renvoi extrins\u00e8que \u00e0 la sant\u00e9 elle-m\u00eame, qui au sens propre et formel se trouve seulement dans l\u2019animal \u00bb (non sanitate formaliter inhaerente, sed sola analogia et respectu ad ipsam sanitatem extra, quae proprie formaliter est in ipso animali).\r\n C\u2019est \u00e9galement en ce sens que le vin est dit \u00ab \u00eatre dans l\u2019enseigne \u00bb, signifiant qu\u2019il se trouve dans la taverne et la bouteille.\r\n\r\nTelle est donc la th\u00e9orie dont Nicolas pr\u00e9tend trouver les contours g\u00e9n\u00e9raux, ou plus exactement l\u2019instrumentation conceptuelle, chez Simplicius. Certes, il n'en laisse pas l\u2019application m\u00e9taphysique au commentateur lui-m\u00eame\u2014ce en quoi il a raison\u2014mais il a tort lorsqu'il lui pr\u00eate une formulation de l\u2019analogia attributionis, qu'il ne pouvait lire que chez Dietrich de Freiberg et Eckhart.\r\n\r\nOn peut sp\u00e9culer \u00e0 loisir sur une telle absence d'acribie. Mais n'est-ce pas Albert le Grand lui-m\u00eame qui en inaugure le principe lorsque, dans sa derni\u00e8re \u0153uvre, la Summa theologiae, il pr\u00eate \u00e0 Proclus une distinction entre quatre types de \u00ab pr\u00e9dication commune \u00bb : une selon l\u2019univocit\u00e9 stricte, trois selon l\u2019analogie\u2014un v\u00e9ritable montage qui, \u00e0 partir de certaines expressions de Proclus sur le caract\u00e8re salvifique du bien (\u00ab le bien est ce qui sauve tous les \u00eatres et devient ainsi le terme de leur tendance \u00bb), lui permet de retrouver en fait l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation averro\u00efste de la triade porphyrienne des homonymes \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03b4\u03b9\u03ac\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1\u03bd.\r\n\r\nPlut\u00f4t que d\u2019incriminer les l\u00e9g\u00e8ret\u00e9s ou les insuffisances de la doxographie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, nous pr\u00e9f\u00e9rons voir l\u00e0 le t\u00e9moignage de la puissance d'assimilation et de la productivit\u00e9 de la grille de lecture originairement impos\u00e9e par Porphyre aux textes d\u2019Aristote.\r\n\r\nL\u2019histoire des sources gr\u00e9co-arabes de la th\u00e9orie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l\u2019analogie est celle d\u2019un invariant structurel grec et de ses remplissements arabes, qui, pour finir, retrouve d\u2019autres Grecs traduits par Guillaume de Moerbeke. C\u2019est l\u2019histoire d\u2019une d\u00e9rive p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticienne de l\u2019aristot\u00e9lisme qui commence chez Porphyre et s\u2019ach\u00e8ve dans le n\u00e9oplatonisme. La production m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l\u2019analogie n\u2019est pas seulement une \u00ab replatonisation \u00bb d\u2019Aristote, c\u2019est aussi la marque de l\u2019affinit\u00e9 structurelle qui lie entre elles toutes les formes de n\u00e9oplatonisme. Plus d\u00e9cisif encore, elle proc\u00e8de moins d\u2019un rapprochement des \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u1f15\u03bd \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1 avec les synonymes que d\u2019une substitution des \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u1f15\u03bd \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1 aux paronymes.\r\n\r\nReconduite \u00e0 ses sources gr\u00e9co-arabes, l\u2019analogie appara\u00eet ainsi avant tout comme la th\u00e9orie d\u2019une transsumption cat\u00e9gorielle archi-fondatrice : celle qui articule toute pens\u00e9e du rapport entre la substance et l\u2019accident. [conclusion p. 343-345]","btype":3,"date":"1989","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FAqS35nEd0udN0w","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":85,"full_name":"De Libera, Alain","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1296,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"3","issue":"4","pages":"319-345"}},"sort":[1989]}

La Physique d’Empédocle selon Simplicius, 1989
By: Stevens, Annick

Title	La Physique d’Empédocle selon Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1989
Journal	Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire
Volume	67
Issue	1
Pages	65-74
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Stevens, Annick
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

J'en arrive à faire la synthèse de l'apport positif et original qui résulte de l'étude de Simplicius. Tout d'abord, quand il ne se démarque pas de la tradition doxographique, c'est qu'elle transmet l'interprétation la plus plausible : ainsi, la matérialité des racines à partir desquelles sont créés tous les corps et l'explication de leurs mélanges par l'introduction de principes de création, auxquels il donne un nom assez prudent pour ne pas offrir prise à la réfutation. Remarquons en outre sa clairvoyance quant au choix de la désignation des principes créateurs à partir de notions connues dans le réel observable, pour décrire le réel invisible. D'autre part, Simplicius se démarque des autres doxographes anciens en refusant la conception d'un cycle cosmique à quatre phases. Là encore, si l'on veut respecter le texte d'Empédocle, on ne peut que lui donner raison : seuls deux stades cosmiques sont décrits : le tout unifié de la Sphère (où la Haine, néanmoins, n'est pas détruite mais retirée aux confins) et la multiplicité née de l'opposition des deux principes créateurs. Il fallait en effet souligner que ni l'un ni l'autre ne peut créer seul ; en ce sens, ils sont, autant qu'opposés, complémentaires. Reste à savoir si ces deux stades existent alternativement ou simultanément et, à ce propos, il est clair que Simplicius a voulu imposer la vision néo-platonicienne au détriment de la stricte observation du texte. Ses arguments en faveur de la « double disposition » sont faibles et parfois même péremptoires, dans la mesure où il annihile les passages qui le gênent en les qualifiant de « fiction poétique ». En revanche, sa « solution de rechange », qui fait état d'une coexistence entre le mouvement et une certaine forme d'immobilité (donc, d'une certaine manière, d'une double manifestation du réel) — cette immobilité résultant de l'incessant roulement du devenir —, cette conception, loin d'entrer en contradiction avec ce que nous savons des théories présocratiques en général et empédocléenne en particulier, est extrêmement intéressante et peut ouvrir la voie à un nouvel examen approfondi du poème d'Empédocle. [conclusion p. 74]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tQhjx4b0GzJ1L5S

{"_index":"sire","_id":"480","_score":null,"_source":{"id":480,"authors_free":[{"id":650,"entry_id":480,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":323,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Stevens, Annick","free_first_name":"Annick","free_last_name":"Stevens","norm_person":{"id":323,"first_name":" Annick","last_name":"Stevens","full_name":"Stevens, Annick","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1195240120","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La Physique d\u2019Emp\u00e9docle selon Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"La Physique d\u2019Emp\u00e9docle selon Simplicius"},"abstract":"J'en arrive \u00e0 faire la synth\u00e8se de l'apport positif et original qui r\u00e9sulte de l'\u00e9tude de Simplicius. Tout d'abord, quand il ne se d\u00e9marque pas de la tradition doxographique, c'est qu'elle transmet l'interpr\u00e9tation la plus plausible : ainsi, la mat\u00e9rialit\u00e9 des racines \u00e0 partir desquelles sont cr\u00e9\u00e9s tous les corps et l'explication de leurs m\u00e9langes par l'introduction de principes de cr\u00e9ation, auxquels il donne un nom assez prudent pour ne pas offrir prise \u00e0 la r\u00e9futation. Remarquons en outre sa clairvoyance quant au choix de la d\u00e9signation des principes cr\u00e9ateurs \u00e0 partir de notions connues dans le r\u00e9el observable, pour d\u00e9crire le r\u00e9el invisible.\r\n\r\nD'autre part, Simplicius se d\u00e9marque des autres doxographes anciens en refusant la conception d'un cycle cosmique \u00e0 quatre phases. L\u00e0 encore, si l'on veut respecter le texte d'Emp\u00e9docle, on ne peut que lui donner raison : seuls deux stades cosmiques sont d\u00e9crits : le tout unifi\u00e9 de la Sph\u00e8re (o\u00f9 la Haine, n\u00e9anmoins, n'est pas d\u00e9truite mais retir\u00e9e aux confins) et la multiplicit\u00e9 n\u00e9e de l'opposition des deux principes cr\u00e9ateurs. Il fallait en effet souligner que ni l'un ni l'autre ne peut cr\u00e9er seul ; en ce sens, ils sont, autant qu'oppos\u00e9s, compl\u00e9mentaires.\r\n\r\nReste \u00e0 savoir si ces deux stades existent alternativement ou simultan\u00e9ment et, \u00e0 ce propos, il est clair que Simplicius a voulu imposer la vision n\u00e9o-platonicienne au d\u00e9triment de la stricte observation du texte. Ses arguments en faveur de la \u00ab double disposition \u00bb sont faibles et parfois m\u00eame p\u00e9remptoires, dans la mesure o\u00f9 il annihile les passages qui le g\u00eanent en les qualifiant de \u00ab fiction po\u00e9tique \u00bb.\r\n\r\nEn revanche, sa \u00ab solution de rechange \u00bb, qui fait \u00e9tat d'une coexistence entre le mouvement et une certaine forme d'immobilit\u00e9 (donc, d'une certaine mani\u00e8re, d'une double manifestation du r\u00e9el) \u2014 cette immobilit\u00e9 r\u00e9sultant de l'incessant roulement du devenir \u2014, cette conception, loin d'entrer en contradiction avec ce que nous savons des th\u00e9ories pr\u00e9socratiques en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral et emp\u00e9docl\u00e9enne en particulier, est extr\u00eamement int\u00e9ressante et peut ouvrir la voie \u00e0 un nouvel examen approfondi du po\u00e8me d'Emp\u00e9docle. [conclusion p. 74]","btype":3,"date":"1989","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tQhjx4b0GzJ1L5S","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":323,"full_name":"Stevens, Annick","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":480,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire","volume":"67","issue":"1","pages":"65-74"}},"sort":[1989]}

Simplicius' Testimony Concerning Anaxagoras, 1989
By: Sylvestre, Maria Luisa, Boudouris, Konstantin, J. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius' Testimony Concerning Anaxagoras
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1989
Published in	Ionian Philosophy
Pages	369-374
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sylvestre, Maria Luisa
Editor(s)	Boudouris, Konstantin, J.
Translator(s)

This text discusses Simplicius' testimony concerning Anaxagoras and the authenticity of the fragments attributed to Anaxagoras, which are mostly preserved by Simplicius. While scholars have debated the authenticity of Simplicius' fragments, the author believes in Simplicius' faithfulness to the true doctrine of Anaxagoras. However, the author notes that Simplicius wrote about a thousand years after Anaxagoras, was a pupil of Proclus, and a neo-Platonist himself. The text highlights the importance of comparing Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle with the corresponding text of Aristotle to understand his personal interpretation of Anaxagoras. Finally, the text briefly discusses Anaxagoras' concept of nous and its interpretation by Plato, Aristotle, and Simplicius. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gJ3DXudfcNprrxr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1385","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1385,"authors_free":[{"id":2137,"entry_id":1385,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":327,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sylvestre, Maria Luisa","free_first_name":"Maria Luisa","free_last_name":"Sylvestre","norm_person":{"id":327,"first_name":"Maria Luisa","last_name":"Sylvestre","full_name":"Sylvestre, Maria Luisa","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2138,"entry_id":1385,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":328,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Boudouris, Konstantin, J.","free_first_name":"Konstantin, J.","free_last_name":"Boudouris","norm_person":{"id":328,"first_name":"Konstantin J.","last_name":"Boudouris,","full_name":"Boudouris, Konstantin J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1041800053","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius' Testimony Concerning Anaxagoras","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius' Testimony Concerning Anaxagoras"},"abstract":"This text discusses Simplicius' testimony concerning Anaxagoras and the authenticity of the fragments attributed to Anaxagoras, which are mostly preserved by Simplicius. While scholars have debated the authenticity of Simplicius' fragments, the author believes in Simplicius' faithfulness to the true doctrine of Anaxagoras. However, the author notes that Simplicius wrote about a thousand years after Anaxagoras, was a pupil of Proclus, and a neo-Platonist himself. The text highlights the importance of comparing Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle with the corresponding text of Aristotle to understand his personal interpretation of Anaxagoras. Finally, the text briefly discusses Anaxagoras' concept of nous and its interpretation by Plato, Aristotle, and Simplicius. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":2,"date":"1989","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gJ3DXudfcNprrxr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":327,"full_name":"Sylvestre, Maria Luisa","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":328,"full_name":"Boudouris, Konstantin J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1385,"section_of":238,"pages":"369-374","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":238,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Ionian Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Boudouris1989","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1989","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1989","abstract":"\u2018The articles in this volume are, in the main, the texts of papers read either in full or in part at the First International Conference on Greek Philosophy (Samos 1988)\u2019 (from the editor\u2019s Preface). Appropriately to such a first conference, it was devoted to the beginnings of philosophy in Greece and, more specifically, in Ionia itself. The volume includes forty- seven papers dealing with all the major figures of Ionian philosophy, from the Milesians to Anaxagoras. Pythagoras, the most illustrious native of Samos, and the Pythagoreans (technically considered an \u2018Italian\u2019 sect, but included by courtesy in the theme of the conference), attract the attention of seven scholars. The other notable Samian, Melissus, is the subject of only one contribution, by D. Furley, possibly because Melissus is usually\r\nBOOK REVIEWS 141classified by the doxographers as an Eleatic. Xenophanes of Colophon is dealt with in five of the articles. Perhaps not surprisingly, almost half of the papers deal with Heraclitus of Ephesus, just across the water from Samos. Among those excluded from this book are the Italians Parmenides, Zeno and Empedocles, and the atomists of Abdera\" [Review Scolnicov]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9oSZ8qRrH4iopVv","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":238,"pubplace":"Athen","publisher":"International Association for Greek Philosophy and Center for Greek Philosophy and Culture","series":"Studies in Greek Philosophy","volume":"1","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1989]}

Guillaume de Moerbeke et Saint Thomas, 1989
By: Steel, Carlos, Brams, Jozef (Ed.), Vanhamel, Willy (Ed.)

Title	Guillaume de Moerbeke et Saint Thomas
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1989
Published in	Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d’études à l’occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286)
Pages	57-82
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)	Brams, Jozef , Vanhamel, Willy
Translator(s)

On peut difficilement expliquer l’utilisation privilégiée des traductions de Moerbeke dont témoigne l’œuvre de saint Thomas, si on n’admet pas que les deux hommes aient été en relation directe. Certes, Guillaume a commencé son projet de traduction sans l’initiative ou l’encouragement de Thomas. Mais, quand ce dernier eut pris connaissance du travail de son confrère (probablement lors d’une rencontre à Viterbe), il a commencé à utiliser ses traductions. Il est même probable qu’il a commandé quelques fois lui-même une traduction. Les données manquent pour pouvoir parler d’une véritable collaboration entre les deux hommes. D’ailleurs, je n’ai pas l’impression que leurs intérêts intellectuels étaient convergents. Si on peut prendre le prologue de la Perspectiva de Witelo comme un témoignage indirect sur la pensée de Guillaume, il semble qu’il avait une préférence pour une philosophie platonisante, avec un intérêt particulier pour la philosophie de la nature et l’astronomie (-logie?). Il avait probablement plus de connaturalité intellectuelle avec son jeune ami et compatriote Henri Bate (qui lui a dédié son traité sur la composition de l’astrolabe) qu’avec le théologien-philosophe Thomas d’Aquin. Quoi qu’il en soit, il est hors de doute que Thomas a pu profiter largement du travail de son confrère. Selon la tradition, Thomas aurait pris des initiatives pour obtenir de nouvelles traductions d’Aristote. Les faits que nous avons examinés ne sont pas en contradiction avec ce témoignage. Mais, comme il arrive fréquemment dans une tradition hagiographique, on accentue tellement les exploits du héros principal qu’on a tendance à réduire l’activité des contemporains à celle de « collaborateurs » et à minimiser leur apport original. D’où la tradition que Guillaume de Moerbeke aurait entrepris tout son travail ad instantiam fratris Thomae. L’étude de l’histoire des traductions et les remarques critiques du F. Gauthier nous ont obligés à limiter nettement la portée de ce témoignage. Cette étude a restitué ainsi à Moerbeke son autonomie et son originalité intellectuelle. Mais elle a confirmé également qu’il y a eu communication scientifique entre les deux dominicains (ce qui est le noyau solide de la tradition). Thomas a très vite compris l’importance du travail de son confrère. Il en a profité le premier, et c’est probablement grâce à son autorité que des traductions de Moerbeke ont commencé à circuler à Paris, et à partir de là dans la culture latine. [conclusion p. 81-82]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3D0JB4FJderQiIl

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1388","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1388,"authors_free":[{"id":2147,"entry_id":1388,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2148,"entry_id":1388,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":337,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Brams, Jozef","free_first_name":"Jozef","free_last_name":"Brams","norm_person":{"id":337,"first_name":"Jozef","last_name":"Brams","full_name":"Brams, Jozef","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1145645712","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2149,"entry_id":1388,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":338,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Vanhamel, Willy","free_first_name":"Willy","free_last_name":"Vanhamel","norm_person":{"id":338,"first_name":"Willy","last_name":"Vanhamel","full_name":"Vanhamel, Willy","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/141109661","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Guillaume de Moerbeke et Saint Thomas","main_title":{"title":"Guillaume de Moerbeke et Saint Thomas"},"abstract":"On peut difficilement expliquer l\u2019utilisation privil\u00e9gi\u00e9e des traductions de Moerbeke dont t\u00e9moigne l\u2019\u0153uvre de saint Thomas, si on n\u2019admet pas que les deux hommes aient \u00e9t\u00e9 en relation directe. Certes, Guillaume a commenc\u00e9 son projet de traduction sans l\u2019initiative ou l\u2019encouragement de Thomas. Mais, quand ce dernier eut pris connaissance du travail de son confr\u00e8re (probablement lors d\u2019une rencontre \u00e0 Viterbe), il a commenc\u00e9 \u00e0 utiliser ses traductions. Il est m\u00eame probable qu\u2019il a command\u00e9 quelques fois lui-m\u00eame une traduction. Les donn\u00e9es manquent pour pouvoir parler d\u2019une v\u00e9ritable collaboration entre les deux hommes.\r\n\r\nD\u2019ailleurs, je n\u2019ai pas l\u2019impression que leurs int\u00e9r\u00eats intellectuels \u00e9taient convergents. Si on peut prendre le prologue de la Perspectiva de Witelo comme un t\u00e9moignage indirect sur la pens\u00e9e de Guillaume, il semble qu\u2019il avait une pr\u00e9f\u00e9rence pour une philosophie platonisante, avec un int\u00e9r\u00eat particulier pour la philosophie de la nature et l\u2019astronomie (-logie?). Il avait probablement plus de connaturalit\u00e9 intellectuelle avec son jeune ami et compatriote Henri Bate (qui lui a d\u00e9di\u00e9 son trait\u00e9 sur la composition de l\u2019astrolabe) qu\u2019avec le th\u00e9ologien-philosophe Thomas d\u2019Aquin.\r\n\r\nQuoi qu\u2019il en soit, il est hors de doute que Thomas a pu profiter largement du travail de son confr\u00e8re. Selon la tradition, Thomas aurait pris des initiatives pour obtenir de nouvelles traductions d\u2019Aristote. Les faits que nous avons examin\u00e9s ne sont pas en contradiction avec ce t\u00e9moignage. Mais, comme il arrive fr\u00e9quemment dans une tradition hagiographique, on accentue tellement les exploits du h\u00e9ros principal qu\u2019on a tendance \u00e0 r\u00e9duire l\u2019activit\u00e9 des contemporains \u00e0 celle de \u00ab collaborateurs \u00bb et \u00e0 minimiser leur apport original.\r\n\r\nD\u2019o\u00f9 la tradition que Guillaume de Moerbeke aurait entrepris tout son travail ad instantiam fratris Thomae. L\u2019\u00e9tude de l\u2019histoire des traductions et les remarques critiques du F. Gauthier nous ont oblig\u00e9s \u00e0 limiter nettement la port\u00e9e de ce t\u00e9moignage. Cette \u00e9tude a restitu\u00e9 ainsi \u00e0 Moerbeke son autonomie et son originalit\u00e9 intellectuelle. Mais elle a confirm\u00e9 \u00e9galement qu\u2019il y a eu communication scientifique entre les deux dominicains (ce qui est le noyau solide de la tradition).\r\n\r\nThomas a tr\u00e8s vite compris l\u2019importance du travail de son confr\u00e8re. Il en a profit\u00e9 le premier, et c\u2019est probablement gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 son autorit\u00e9 que des traductions de Moerbeke ont commenc\u00e9 \u00e0 circuler \u00e0 Paris, et \u00e0 partir de l\u00e0 dans la culture latine. [conclusion p. 81-82]","btype":2,"date":"1989","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3D0JB4FJderQiIl","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":337,"full_name":"Brams, Jozef","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":338,"full_name":"Vanhamel, Willy","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1388,"section_of":326,"pages":"57-82","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":326,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d\u2019\u00e9tudes \u00e0 l\u2019occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286)","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Brams1989","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1989","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1989","abstract":"T h e following articles are included in this volume: \"Moerbeke, traducteur et inter-\r\nprete: Un texte et une pensee\" by Gerard Verbeke (pp. 1-21); \"Guillaume de Moer-\r\nbeke et la cour pontificale\" by Agostino Paravicini Bagliani (pp. 23-52); \"Note con-\r\ncernant certaines missions qui auraient ete confiees a Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by\r\nWilly Vanhamel (pp. 53-56); \"Guillaume de Moerbeke et saint Thomas\" by Carlos\r\nSteel (pp. 57-82); \"Pietro d'Abano e l'utilizzazione della traduzione di Guglielmo di\r\nMoerbeke del commento di Simplicio al \/\/ De caelo di Aristotele\" by Graziella Federici\r\nVescovini (pp. 83-106); \"Quelques utilisateurs des textes rares de Moerbeke\r\n(Philopon, Tria opuscula) et particulierement Jacques de Viterbe\" by Louis Jacques\r\nBataillon (pp. 107-12); \"Quelques remarques codicologiques et paleographiques\r\nau sujet du ms. Vaticano Ottob. lat. 1850\" by Robert Wielockx (pp. 113-33);\r\n\"La liste des ceuvres d'Hippocrate dans le Vindobonensis phil. gr. 100: Un\r\nautographe de Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem (pp. 135-83);\r\n\"Note concernant la collation d'un deuxieme manuscrit grec de la Physique\r\npar Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Jozef Brams and Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem (pp.\r\n185-92); \"La 'Recensio Matritensis' de la Physique\" by Jozef Brams (pp. 193-220);\r\n\"La Translatio anonyma e la Translatio Guillelmi del De partibus animalium (Analisi del\r\nlibro I)\" by Pietro Rossi (pp. 221-45); \"L'attribution de la Translatio nova du De\r\ngenerations et corruptione a Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Joanna Judycka (pp. 247-51);\r\n\"Iudicialia ad Syrum: Une traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke du Quadripartitum\r\nde Cl. Ptol\u00a3mee\" by Luc Anthonis (pp. 253-55); \"Methode de traduction et\r\nproblemes de chronologie\" by Fernand Bossier (pp. 257-94); \"L'usage des mots\r\nhybrides greco-latins par Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Louis Jacques Bataillon (pp.\r\n295-99); and \"Biobibliographie de Guillaume de Moerbeke\" by Willy Vanhamel\r\n(pp. 301-83).","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kM52uB2YgiCytgt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":326,"pubplace":"Leuven","publisher":"Leuven University Press","series":"Ancient and Medieval Philosophy de Wulf-Mansion Centre, Series 1","volume":"7","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1989]}

Pythagoras Revived: Mathematics and Philosophy in Late Antiquity, 1989
By: Dominic J., O'Meara

Title	Pythagoras Revived: Mathematics and Philosophy in Late Antiquity
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1989
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Clarendon Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dominic J., O'Meara
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The Pythagorean idea that number is the key to understanding reality inspired Neoplatonist philosophers in Late Antiquity to develop theories in physics and metaphysics based on mathematical models. This book examines this theme, describing first the Pythagorean interests of Platonists in the second and third centuries and then Iamblichus's programme to Pythagoreanize Platonism in the fourth century in his work On Pythagoreanism (whose unity of conception is shown and parts of which are reconstructed for the first time). The impact of Iamblichus's programme is examined as regards Hierocles of Alexandria and Syrianus and Proclus in Athens: their conceptions of the figure of Pythagoras and of mathematics and its relation to physics and metaphysics are examined and compared with those of Iamblichus. This provides insight into Iamblichus's contribution to the evolution of Neoplatonism, to the revival of interest in mathematics, and to the development of a philosophy of mathematics and a mathematizing physics and metaphysics. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fuRcbbwhcveVtDt

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1441","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1441,"authors_free":[{"id":2302,"entry_id":1441,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":279,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dominic J., O'Meara","free_first_name":"Dominic J.","free_last_name":"O'Meara","norm_person":{"id":279,"first_name":"Dominic J.","last_name":"O'Meara","full_name":"O'Meara, Dominic J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/11180664X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Pythagoras Revived: Mathematics and Philosophy in Late Antiquity","main_title":{"title":"Pythagoras Revived: Mathematics and Philosophy in Late Antiquity"},"abstract":"The Pythagorean idea that number is the key to understanding reality inspired Neoplatonist philosophers in Late Antiquity to develop theories in physics and metaphysics based on mathematical models. This book examines this theme, describing first the Pythagorean interests of Platonists in the second and third centuries and then Iamblichus's programme to Pythagoreanize Platonism in the fourth century in his work On Pythagoreanism (whose unity of conception is shown and parts of which are reconstructed for the first time). The impact of Iamblichus's programme is examined as regards Hierocles of Alexandria and Syrianus and Proclus in Athens: their conceptions of the figure of Pythagoras and of mathematics and its relation to physics and metaphysics are examined and compared with those of Iamblichus. This provides insight into Iamblichus's contribution to the evolution of Neoplatonism, to the revival of interest in mathematics, and to the development of a philosophy of mathematics and a mathematizing physics and metaphysics. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1989","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/fuRcbbwhcveVtDt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":279,"full_name":"O'Meara, Dominic J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1441,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Clarendon Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1989]}

Nous, the Concept of Ultimate Reality and Meaning in Anaxagoras, 1989
By: Silvestre, Maria Luisa

Title	Nous, the Concept of Ultimate Reality and Meaning in Anaxagoras
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1989
Journal	Ultimate Reality and Meaning
Volume	12
Issue	4
Pages	248-255
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Silvestre, Maria Luisa
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

That the world of Anaxagoras is without any soul entails that Nous is for him the ultimate reality. It is not the end of our life, but the origin of the world and of ourselves. It is that which brings life and at the same time that which gives human beings the possibility of knowing anything whatsoever. This is all that we can deduce from Plato and Aristotle's presentation of Anaxagoras' doctrine on Nous. Simplicius cites a passage in which we can see that Nous is infinite, has power over everything, and knows the past, the present, and even future time: While other things have a share of everything, Nous is infinite, self-governing, and has been mixed with nothing ... For it is the lightest of all things and the purest, and maintains complete understanding over everything and wields the greatest power. And Nous controls all, large and small, that has life ... and whatever sort of things were to be—what were and are no longer, what are, and what will be—Nous put all in order. (B12; Sider, 1981, p. 94). We are not sure if Anaxagoras' Nous really was all that Simplicius attributes to it, but there can be no doubt that Simplicius, like Plato and every other interpreter of Anaxagoras' Nous, agrees that Nous is the ultimate reality in Anaxagoras' philosophy. In our view, Anaxagoras' Nous can be described as a force originating in the interior of the All, which suddenly frees itself and introduces a movement that upsets, separates, aggregates, and distinguishes. Yet at the same time, it is a rational force of understanding, since its characteristic function—understanding—for Anaxagoras means nothing else but putting persons and things in their proper places in relation to each other. [conclusion p. 254-255]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WLkg0ul3k8yw6Tq

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1524","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1524,"authors_free":[{"id":2649,"entry_id":1524,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":404,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Silvestre, Maria Luisa","free_first_name":"Maria Luisa","free_last_name":"Silvestre","norm_person":{"id":404,"first_name":"Maria Luisa","last_name":"Silvestre","full_name":"Silvestre, Maria Luisa","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1158446594","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Nous, the Concept of Ultimate Reality and Meaning in Anaxagoras","main_title":{"title":"Nous, the Concept of Ultimate Reality and Meaning in Anaxagoras"},"abstract":"That the world of Anaxagoras is without any soul entails that Nous is for him the ultimate reality. It is not the end of our life, but the origin of the world and of ourselves. It is that which brings life and at the same time that which gives human beings the possibility of knowing anything whatsoever. This is all that we can deduce from Plato and Aristotle's presentation of Anaxagoras' doctrine on Nous. Simplicius cites a passage in which we can see that Nous is infinite, has power over everything, and knows the past, the present, and even future time:\r\n\r\n While other things have a share of everything, Nous is infinite, self-governing, and has been mixed with nothing ... For it is the lightest of all things and the purest, and maintains complete understanding over everything and wields the greatest power. And Nous controls all, large and small, that has life ... and whatever sort of things were to be\u2014what were and are no longer, what are, and what will be\u2014Nous put all in order. (B12; Sider, 1981, p. 94).\r\n\r\nWe are not sure if Anaxagoras' Nous really was all that Simplicius attributes to it, but there can be no doubt that Simplicius, like Plato and every other interpreter of Anaxagoras' Nous, agrees that Nous is the ultimate reality in Anaxagoras' philosophy.\r\n\r\nIn our view, Anaxagoras' Nous can be described as a force originating in the interior of the All, which suddenly frees itself and introduces a movement that upsets, separates, aggregates, and distinguishes. Yet at the same time, it is a rational force of understanding, since its characteristic function\u2014understanding\u2014for Anaxagoras means nothing else but putting persons and things in their proper places in relation to each other. [conclusion p. 254-255]","btype":3,"date":" 1989","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/WLkg0ul3k8yw6Tq","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":404,"full_name":"Silvestre, Maria Luisa","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1524,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Ultimate Reality and Meaning","volume":"12","issue":"4","pages":"248-255"}},"sort":[1989]}

Simplicius and others on Aristotle’s discussions of reason, 1988
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Duffy, John (Ed.), Peradotto, John J. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius and others on Aristotle’s discussions of reason
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1988
Published in	Gonimos: Neoplatonic and Byzantine Studies presented to Leendert G. Westerink at 75
Pages	103-119
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Duffy, John , Peradotto, John J.
Translator(s)

What I want to do in this paper is to look at how Aristotle’s successors treated some points in his discussions of reason, and in particular the discussion in the De anima. bout their handling of relevant parts of the Nichomachaean Ethics we know very little, for unlike the De anima that treatise was not a major subject of study in the philosophical lectures and seminars of late antiquity. Though a commentary on some of it had been written by Aspasius, and notes by other, probably pre-Neoplatonic, hands survive,8 exposition of the Nicomachean Ethics seems to have been one of the gaps that the group of Aristotelians around Anna Comnena in twelfth-century Constantinople felt that they needed to fill. [pp. 104 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fYDdU8vNuJj4BJd

{"_index":"sire","_id":"784","_score":null,"_source":{"id":784,"authors_free":[{"id":1154,"entry_id":784,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2428,"entry_id":784,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":109,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Duffy, John","free_first_name":"John","free_last_name":"Duffy","norm_person":{"id":109,"first_name":"John","last_name":"Duffy","full_name":"Duffy, John","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1032769092","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2429,"entry_id":784,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":110,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Peradotto, John J.","free_first_name":"John J.","free_last_name":"Peradotto","norm_person":{"id":110,"first_name":"John J.","last_name":"Peradotto","full_name":"Peradotto, John J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172304636","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius and others on Aristotle\u2019s discussions of reason","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius and others on Aristotle\u2019s discussions of reason"},"abstract":"What I want to do in this paper is to look at how Aristotle\u2019s \r\nsuccessors treated some points in his discussions of reason, and in \r\nparticular the discussion in the De anima. bout their handling of \r\nrelevant parts of the Nichomachaean Ethics we know very little, for \r\nunlike the De anima that treatise was not a major subject of study in \r\nthe philosophical lectures and seminars of late antiquity. Though a \r\ncommentary on some of it had been written by Aspasius, and notes by \r\nother, probably pre-Neoplatonic, hands survive,8 exposition of the \r\nNicomachean Ethics seems to have been one of the gaps that the group \r\nof Aristotelians around Anna Comnena in twelfth-century Constantinople felt that they needed to fill. [pp. 104 f.]","btype":2,"date":"1988","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/fYDdU8vNuJj4BJd","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":109,"full_name":"Duffy, John","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":110,"full_name":"Peradotto, John J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":784,"section_of":35,"pages":"103-119","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":35,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Gonimos: Neoplatonic and Byzantine Studies presented to Leendert G. Westerink at 75","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Duffy1988","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1988","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1988","abstract":"This volume, dedicated to the scholar Leendert G. Westerink, comprises 16 articles across two main areas of his research interests: Neo-Platonic and Byzantine studies. The six Neo-Platonic articles explore subjects such as manuscript histories, philosophical debates, and influences of figures like Porphyry, Iamblichus, and Proclus. Notably, Father Saffrey investigates an anonymous commentary on Parmenides, while other authors delve into Neo-Platonic mathematics, hymns, and commentaries on Aristotle\u2019s discussions of reason.\r\n\r\nThe ten Byzantine studies articles cover a diverse range of historical and cultural insights. Topics include Byzantine letter-writing practices, with George Dennis highlighting humor in personal correspondence, and Cyril Mango examining the collapse of St. Sophia. Further articles focus on figures such as Psellus, Patriarch Cosmas, and fourteenth-century scholar Georgios Karbones, alongside explorations of political and religious tensions in the Ionian Islands under various European rulers. This collection offers an in-depth look at both Neo-Platonic philosophy and Byzantine cultural dynamics, illustrating the intellectual legacy of Westerink\u2019s scholarship. [summary of Lucas Siorvanes' Review]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/QCXOrqqEdxnvWCD","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":35,"pubplace":"Buffalo \u2013 New York","publisher":"Arethusa","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1988]}

Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio, 1988
By: Linguiti, Alessandro

Title	Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1988
Journal	Studi Classici e Orientali
Volume	38
Pages	331–346
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Linguiti, Alessandro
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I commentatori neoplatonici di Aristotele sono stati probabilmente gli ultimi a beneficiare del generale risveglio d’interesse per il neoplatonismo che, manifestatosi a partire dal secondo dopoguerra, sta divenendo sempre più evidente negli ultimi anni. Per lungo tempo, come è stato osservato, essi hanno occupato una sorta di terra di nessuno tra la filosofia antica e quella medievale. Inoltre, gli studiosi di neoplatonismo hanno preferito concentrare la loro attenzione sulle opere teoriche originali piuttosto che sui commentari, mentre i moderni interpreti di Aristotele, a differenza di quelli medievali, arabi o cristiani, hanno generalmente trascurato il commento greco, interpellandolo perlopiù su questioni particolari e circoscritte, e quasi mai esaminandolo nel suo impianto generale. Anche Simplicio ha condiviso questa sorte, e se il suo nome suona più familiare di quello di altri autori neoplatonici, ciò è dovuto essenzialmente all’importanza della sua testimonianza sulla scuola eleatica e all’interesse suscitato dalle dottrine contenute nel Corollario sul tempo: due elementi tutto sommato marginali ai fini di una valutazione complessiva del suo pensiero. Negli ultimi tempi, tuttavia, il panorama si sta modificando. Basti pensare, ad esempio, al libro di Ilsetraut Hadot sul neoplatonismo alessandrino apparso dieci anni fa, o a un convegno tenutosi a Parigi nell’autunno del 1985, con il patrocinio del Centre de recherche sur les œuvres et la pensée de Simplicius. Questo evento ha confermato la serietà dell’intento di leggere oggi i commentari neoplatonici come opere filosofiche a sé stanti, dotate di una propria coerenza interna e di un’autonoma responsabilità teorica. Gli atti del convegno, curati da Ilsetraut Hadot, sono stati pubblicati nel 1987: le relazioni presentate sono state distribuite in quattro sezioni, riguardanti rispettivamente le vicende biografiche di Simplicio, gli aspetti dottrinali dell’opera, le questioni attinenti alla trasmissione dei testi e la fortuna dell’autore nell’arco di tempo compreso tra il XIII e il XVII secolo. [introduction p. 331-332]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6LG7LMnxCvxF7RE

{"_index":"sire","_id":"871","_score":null,"_source":{"id":871,"authors_free":[{"id":1280,"entry_id":871,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":250,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Linguiti, Alessandro","free_first_name":"Alessandro","free_last_name":"Linguiti","norm_person":{"id":250,"first_name":"Alessandro","last_name":"Linguiti","full_name":"Linguiti, Alessandro","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137059574","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio","main_title":{"title":"Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio"},"abstract":"I commentatori neoplatonici di Aristotele sono stati probabilmente gli ultimi a beneficiare del generale risveglio d\u2019interesse per il neoplatonismo che, manifestatosi a partire dal secondo dopoguerra, sta divenendo sempre pi\u00f9 evidente negli ultimi anni. Per lungo tempo, come \u00e8 stato osservato, essi hanno occupato una sorta di terra di nessuno tra la filosofia antica e quella medievale. Inoltre, gli studiosi di neoplatonismo hanno preferito concentrare la loro attenzione sulle opere teoriche originali piuttosto che sui commentari, mentre i moderni interpreti di Aristotele, a differenza di quelli medievali, arabi o cristiani, hanno generalmente trascurato il commento greco, interpellandolo perlopi\u00f9 su questioni particolari e circoscritte, e quasi mai esaminandolo nel suo impianto generale.\r\n\r\nAnche Simplicio ha condiviso questa sorte, e se il suo nome suona pi\u00f9 familiare di quello di altri autori neoplatonici, ci\u00f2 \u00e8 dovuto essenzialmente all\u2019importanza della sua testimonianza sulla scuola eleatica e all\u2019interesse suscitato dalle dottrine contenute nel Corollario sul tempo: due elementi tutto sommato marginali ai fini di una valutazione complessiva del suo pensiero.\r\n\r\nNegli ultimi tempi, tuttavia, il panorama si sta modificando. Basti pensare, ad esempio, al libro di Ilsetraut Hadot sul neoplatonismo alessandrino apparso dieci anni fa, o a un convegno tenutosi a Parigi nell\u2019autunno del 1985, con il patrocinio del Centre de recherche sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius. Questo evento ha confermato la seriet\u00e0 dell\u2019intento di leggere oggi i commentari neoplatonici come opere filosofiche a s\u00e9 stanti, dotate di una propria coerenza interna e di un\u2019autonoma responsabilit\u00e0 teorica.\r\n\r\nGli atti del convegno, curati da Ilsetraut Hadot, sono stati pubblicati nel 1987: le relazioni presentate sono state distribuite in quattro sezioni, riguardanti rispettivamente le vicende biografiche di Simplicio, gli aspetti dottrinali dell\u2019opera, le questioni attinenti alla trasmissione dei testi e la fortuna dell\u2019autore nell\u2019arco di tempo compreso tra il XIII e il XVII secolo.\r\n[introduction p. 331-332]","btype":3,"date":"1988","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6LG7LMnxCvxF7RE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":250,"full_name":"Linguiti, Alessandro","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":871,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Studi Classici e Orientali","volume":"38","issue":"","pages":"331\u2013346"}},"sort":[1988]}

Compatible Alternatives: Middle Platonist Theology and the Xenophanes Reception, 1988
By: Mansfeld, Jaap, Broek, Roelof van den (Ed.), Baarda, Tjitze (Ed.), Mansfeld, Jaap (Ed.)

Title	Compatible Alternatives: Middle Platonist Theology and the Xenophanes Reception
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1988
Published in	Knowledge of God in the Greco-Roman World
Pages	92-117
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)	Broek, Roelof van den , Baarda, Tjitze , Mansfeld, Jaap
Translator(s)

Students of Middle Platonism are familiar with the phenomenon that the accounts of the divine provided by various authors of the 2nd century CE strike one as incoherent. Qualifications according to the viae negationis, analogia, and eminentia, which to us seem incompatible to a degree, tend to coexist in a peaceful jumble. On the one hand, the essence or nature of God is described by means of a refusal to predicate any attributes whatsoever. Attributes withheld in this way may be arranged in polar pairs. On the other hand, God’s existence as a supreme cause tends to be described in a positive way, for example, by means of varieties of the argumentum ex gradibus entium. The theology of chapter 10 of Alkinoos’ Didaskalikos is a notorious instance of such a medley. That this is not only a problem from an anachronistic modern point of view becomes clear when we adduce important evidence neglected by students of Middle Platonism—namely, the parallel accounts of the theology of Xenophanes to be found in the pseudo-Aristotelian treatise De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia (hereafter MXG), chapters 3–4, and in Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics (pp. 22.22–23.30 Diels). Here, God is said to be, on the one hand, eternal, one, homogeneous, spherical, limited, and unmoved, and, on the other, neither limited nor unlimited, and neither at rest nor in motion. Both pseudo-Aristotle and Simplicius are aware that there is a problem here. The former dialectically exploits the contradiction between the negated pairs of polar opposites and some of the positive attributes to prove Xenophanes’ position unacceptable. The latter resolves this contradiction by arguing that “spherical” means “homogeneous” and “unmoved” means “beyond motion and rest,” i.e., he explains those positive attributes which clash with the negated polar pairs in terms of precisely these pairs. The accounts in pseudo-Aristotle and Simplicius have, as a rule, puzzled students of Presocratic philosophy. What I would like to call the “doxographical vulgate”—i.e., the plurality of sources Diels (still followed by the majority of experts in the field) wanted, at least to the extent that they agree among themselves or with purported fragments of Theophrastus, to derive from Theophrastus’ lost Physikai doxai—knows nothing of the negated pairs of polar attributes. Yet Simplicius explicitly attributes these pairs to Theophrastus. This attribution, as I argue elsewhere, should be accepted. What Theophrastus, following Aristotle (Metaphysics A 5.986b 19 ff.), meant was that Xenophanes was not clear about his one principle, neither committing himself to the view that it is limited nor to the view that it is unlimited, and neither stating clearly that it moves nor that it is at rest. It follows that the doxographical vulgate, which holds that Xenophanes’ God not only is one and eternal but also homogeneous, limited, spherical, unmoved, and rational, does not derive from Theophrastus. It also follows that the source from which the description of Xenophanes’ doctrine in pseudo-Aristotle and Simplicius derives paradoxically combined the entirely positive account found in the doxographical vulgate with Theophrastus’ negative non liquet. The motives that brought about this combination are one of the subjects of the present investigation. [introduction p. 92-93]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wBb3nfQCrMnJw05

Knowledge of God in the Greco-Roman World, 1988
By: Broek, Roelof van den (Ed.), Baarda, Tjitze (Ed.), Mansfeld, Jaap (Ed.)

Title	Knowledge of God in the Greco-Roman World
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1988
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Series	Études Préliminaires aux Religions Orientales dans l’Empire Romain
Volume	112
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Broek, Roelof van den , Baarda, Tjitze , Mansfeld, Jaap
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ffb4bZzRDVS1ClO

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John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotle's theory of aether, 1988
By: Wildberg, Christian

Title	John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotle's theory of aether
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1988
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Peripatoi
Volume	16
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The foremost aim of the contra Aristotelem is the denial of the thesis that the world is eternal. Apart from his rejection of Aristotle's argu-ments for the eternity of motion and time,21 Philoponus' criticism focuses on Aristotle's cosmology, in particular the seminal theory of aether. In books I —V of the original treatise Philoponus cites the arguments put forward in De cáelo 12 — 4 and attempts to refute them systematically.22 Due to the fragmentation of the treatise his objections can no longer be considered within their original context, and quite often the significance of particular points against Aristotle is not im-mediately obvious. In order to do Philoponus' arguments justice, one must analyse Aristotle's theory of aether before one embarks on commeriting on Philoponus' critique. Consequently, the present study con-sists of two major sections. The first part discusses the methodology and arguments of Aristotle's presentation of the theory of aether. Its aim is to understand and evaluate this important episode of ancient science within the framework of Aristotle's general physical theory. The second part deals with Philoponus' objections to the postu-lation of aether. The commentary attempts to evaluate the significance of the fragments of books I —V as a critique of Aristotle and, at the same time, to cast light on their relevance in the context of Philoponus' alternative cosmological theory. The essay concludes with a summary comparison of Aristotle's and Philoponus' cosmological tenets and a discussion of the importance of the contra Aristotelem when viewed as a stage in Philoponus' continuous doctrinal development which culminates in the application of impetus theory to the curvilinear movements of the heavens. [Introduction p. 4-5]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/J9OJ5u7Pb62D7np

{"_index":"sire","_id":"187","_score":null,"_source":{"id":187,"authors_free":[{"id":243,"entry_id":187,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":360,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wildberg, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Wildberg","norm_person":{"id":360,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Wildberg","full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/139018964","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotle's theory of aether","main_title":{"title":"John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotle's theory of aether"},"abstract":"The foremost aim of the contra Aristotelem is the denial of the thesis that the world is eternal. Apart from his rejection of Aristotle's argu-ments for the eternity of motion and time,21 Philoponus' criticism focuses on Aristotle's cosmology, in particular the seminal theory of aether. In books I \u2014V of the original treatise Philoponus cites the arguments put forward in De c\u00e1elo 12 \u2014 4 and attempts to refute them systematically.22 Due to the fragmentation of the treatise his objections can no longer be considered within their original context, and quite often the significance of particular points against Aristotle is not im-mediately obvious. In order to do Philoponus' arguments justice, one must analyse Aristotle's theory of aether before one embarks on commeriting on Philoponus' critique. Consequently, the present study con-sists of two major sections. The first part discusses the methodology and arguments of Aristotle's presentation of the theory of aether. Its aim is to understand and evaluate this important episode of ancient science within the framework of Aristotle's general physical theory. The second part deals with Philoponus' objections to the postu-lation of aether. The commentary attempts to evaluate the significance of the fragments of books I \u2014V as a critique of Aristotle and, at the same time, to cast light on their relevance in the context of Philoponus' alternative cosmological theory. The essay concludes with a summary comparison of Aristotle's and Philoponus' cosmological tenets and a discussion of the importance of the contra Aristotelem when viewed as a stage in Philoponus' continuous doctrinal development which culminates in the application of impetus theory to the curvilinear movements of the heavens. [Introduction p. 4-5]","btype":1,"date":"1988","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/J9OJ5u7Pb62D7np","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":187,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi ","volume":"16","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1988]}

Matter, Space, and Motion. Theories in Antiquity and Their Sequel, 1988
By: Sorabji, Richard

Title	Matter, Space, and Motion. Theories in Antiquity and Their Sequel
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1988
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The nature of matter was as intriguing a question for ancient philosophers as it is for contemporary physicists, and Matter, Space, and Motion presents a fresh and illuminating account of the rich legacy of the physical theories of the Greeks from the fifth century B.C. to the late sixth century A.D. [a.a]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UMwsdcucXfrqkbZ

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Gonimos: Neoplatonic and Byzantine Studies presented to Leendert G. Westerink at 75, 1988
By: Duffy, John (Ed.), Peradotto, John J. (Ed.)

Title	Gonimos: Neoplatonic and Byzantine Studies presented to Leendert G. Westerink at 75
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1988
Publication Place	Buffalo – New York
Publisher	Arethusa
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Duffy, John , Peradotto, John J.
Translator(s)

This volume, dedicated to the scholar Leendert G. Westerink, comprises 16 articles across two main areas of his research interests: Neo-Platonic and Byzantine studies. The six Neo-Platonic articles explore subjects such as manuscript histories, philosophical debates, and influences of figures like Porphyry, Iamblichus, and Proclus. Notably, Father Saffrey investigates an anonymous commentary on Parmenides, while other authors delve into Neo-Platonic mathematics, hymns, and commentaries on Aristotle’s discussions of reason. The ten Byzantine studies articles cover a diverse range of historical and cultural insights. Topics include Byzantine letter-writing practices, with George Dennis highlighting humor in personal correspondence, and Cyril Mango examining the collapse of St. Sophia. Further articles focus on figures such as Psellus, Patriarch Cosmas, and fourteenth-century scholar Georgios Karbones, alongside explorations of political and religious tensions in the Ionian Islands under various European rulers. This collection offers an in-depth look at both Neo-Platonic philosophy and Byzantine cultural dynamics, illustrating the intellectual legacy of Westerink’s scholarship. [summary of Lucas Siorvanes' Review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QCXOrqqEdxnvWCD

{"_index":"sire","_id":"35","_score":null,"_source":{"id":35,"authors_free":[{"id":41,"entry_id":35,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":109,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Duffy, John","free_first_name":"John","free_last_name":"Duffy","norm_person":{"id":109,"first_name":"John","last_name":"Duffy","full_name":"Duffy, John","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1032769092","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":42,"entry_id":35,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":110,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Peradotto, John J.","free_first_name":"John J.","free_last_name":"Peradotto","norm_person":{"id":110,"first_name":"John J.","last_name":"Peradotto","full_name":"Peradotto, John J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/172304636","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Gonimos: Neoplatonic and Byzantine Studies presented to Leendert G. Westerink at 75","main_title":{"title":"Gonimos: Neoplatonic and Byzantine Studies presented to Leendert G. Westerink at 75"},"abstract":"This volume, dedicated to the scholar Leendert G. Westerink, comprises 16 articles across two main areas of his research interests: Neo-Platonic and Byzantine studies. The six Neo-Platonic articles explore subjects such as manuscript histories, philosophical debates, and influences of figures like Porphyry, Iamblichus, and Proclus. Notably, Father Saffrey investigates an anonymous commentary on Parmenides, while other authors delve into Neo-Platonic mathematics, hymns, and commentaries on Aristotle\u2019s discussions of reason.\r\n\r\nThe ten Byzantine studies articles cover a diverse range of historical and cultural insights. Topics include Byzantine letter-writing practices, with George Dennis highlighting humor in personal correspondence, and Cyril Mango examining the collapse of St. Sophia. Further articles focus on figures such as Psellus, Patriarch Cosmas, and fourteenth-century scholar Georgios Karbones, alongside explorations of political and religious tensions in the Ionian Islands under various European rulers. This collection offers an in-depth look at both Neo-Platonic philosophy and Byzantine cultural dynamics, illustrating the intellectual legacy of Westerink\u2019s scholarship. [summary of Lucas Siorvanes' Review]","btype":4,"date":"1988","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/QCXOrqqEdxnvWCD","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":109,"full_name":"Duffy, John","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":110,"full_name":"Peradotto, John J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":35,"pubplace":"Buffalo \u2013 New York","publisher":"Arethusa","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1988]}

Définition et description: Le problème de la saisie des genres premiers et des individus chez Aristote dans l'exégèse de Simplicius, 1987
By: Narbonne, Jean-Marc

Title	Définition et description: Le problème de la saisie des genres premiers et des individus chez Aristote dans l'exégèse de Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1987
Journal	Archives de Philosophie
Volume	50
Pages	529-554
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Narbonne, Jean-Marc
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius uses (and distorts) the concept of hypographe (of Stoic origin) in order to describe the first genera and the particulars which, in Aristotle, are not susceptible to definition. However, a closer examination of the status of science in Aristotle (with reference to the doctrine of incommunicability of genera and the problem of individuation) shows that Simplicius’ attempt is incompatible, or at least difficult to reconcile, with the aristotelianism (of Aristotle). [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/o2VUk12kzrbnaz0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1107","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1107,"authors_free":[{"id":1674,"entry_id":1107,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":275,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","free_first_name":"Jean-Marc","free_last_name":"Narbonne","norm_person":{"id":275,"first_name":"Jean-Marc","last_name":"Narbonne","full_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124470408","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"D\u00e9finition et description: Le probl\u00e8me de la saisie des genres premiers et des individus chez Aristote dans l'ex\u00e9g\u00e8se de Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"D\u00e9finition et description: Le probl\u00e8me de la saisie des genres premiers et des individus chez Aristote dans l'ex\u00e9g\u00e8se de Simplicius"},"abstract":"Simplicius uses (and distorts) the concept of hypographe (of Stoic origin) in order to describe the first genera and the particulars which, in Aristotle, are not susceptible to definition. However, a closer examination of the status of science in Aristotle (with reference to the doctrine of incommunicability of genera and the problem of individuation) shows that Simplicius\u2019 attempt is incompatible, or at least difficult to reconcile, with the aristotelianism (of Aristotle). [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/o2VUk12kzrbnaz0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":275,"full_name":"Narbonne, Jean-Marc","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1107,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archives de Philosophie","volume":"50","issue":"","pages":"529-554"}},"sort":[1987]}

La relation chez Simplicius, 1987
By: Luna, Concetta, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	La relation chez Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	113-147
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Luna, Concetta
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

This text is about Simplicius' doctrine of the relation. Although Simplicius did not dedicate a specific treatise to the relation, his views can be reconstructed from his commentary on Aristotle's Categories and certain passages in his commentary on Physics. Simplicius' approach to the Categories builds upon a rich tradition of commentaries, and he offers both questions and solutions in his own commentary. The author argues that Simplicius' elaboration of the concept of relation is not necessarily original, but his writings present a valuable contribution to the clarification of the concept. The text also discusses other traditions of reflection on the categories, such as those of the Academy and the Stoics. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/B73LnGwsUzauanV

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1116","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1116,"authors_free":[{"id":1685,"entry_id":1116,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":458,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Luna, Concetta","free_first_name":"Concetta","free_last_name":"Luna","norm_person":{"id":458,"first_name":"Concetta","last_name":"Luna","full_name":"Luna, Concetta","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1153489031","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1686,"entry_id":1116,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La relation chez Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"La relation chez Simplicius"},"abstract":"This text is about Simplicius' doctrine of the relation. Although Simplicius did not dedicate a specific treatise to the relation, his views can be reconstructed from his commentary on Aristotle's Categories and certain passages in his commentary on Physics. Simplicius' approach to the Categories builds upon a rich tradition of commentaries, and he offers both questions and solutions in his own commentary. The author argues that Simplicius' elaboration of the concept of relation is not necessarily original, but his writings present a valuable contribution to the clarification of the concept. The text also discusses other traditions of reflection on the categories, such as those of the Academy and the Stoics. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/B73LnGwsUzauanV","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":458,"full_name":"Luna, Concetta","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1116,"section_of":171,"pages":"113-147","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":171,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Plotinus, Porphyry and the Neoplatonic Interpretation of the ‘Categories’, 1987
By: Strange, Steven, K., Haase, Wolfgang (Ed.)

Title	Plotinus, Porphyry and the Neoplatonic Interpretation of the ‘Categories’
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Teil II: Principat, Philosophie, Wissenschaften, Technik. 2. Teilband: Philosophie
Pages	955-974
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Strange, Steven, K.
Editor(s)	Haase, Wolfgang
Translator(s)

The claim is often made that the most extensive of Plotinus’ treatises, On the Genera of Being (Περὶ τῶν γενῶν τοῦ ὄντος, Enn. VI.1-3), contains a polemical attack on Aristotle’s theory of categories. This claim would seem to be well-grounded, given that in the first part of the work (VI.1.1–24), Plotinus proceeds through the list of categories given by Aristotle and systematically raises a series of powerful objections to claims Aristotle makes about them in the text of the Categories. At the same time, Plotinus’ student Porphyry is rightly given credit for establishing Aristotle's Categories, along with the rest of the Aristotelian logical treatises usually referred to as the Organon, as the fundamental texts for logical doctrines in the Neoplatonic scholastic tradition, and through this tradition later for medieval philosophy, by means of his Isagoge or introduction to the Categories and his commentaries on that work. Taken together, these two propositions tend to give the impression that there was deep and substantive disagreement between master and pupil about the value of the theory found in the Categories. This impression is reinforced by the implication in the introduction to the extant commentaries on the Categories of Dexippus (5.1–12) and Simplicius (2.3–8) that Porphyry, in the massive commentary on the Categories which he dedicated to Gedalius, probably one of his students, replied in detail to Plotinus’ objections against the Categories. Indeed, in Porphyry’s extant catechism-commentary and throughout Dexippus’ and Simplicius’ commentaries, both of which seem to be following closely either Porphyry’s lost To Gedalius or Iamblichus’ lost commentary, itself based on To Gedalius, we can see Porphyry doing precisely this. Moreover, it is clear from the text of Simplicius that many of the objections Plotinus raises against the Categories in On the Genera of Being he got from a work or works of Lucius and Nicostratus, who were certainly hostile to Aristotle. Nevertheless, I am convinced that this simple way of putting the matter is more than a little misleading: it both misrepresents the nature and originality of Porphyry’s contribution to the history of logic and metaphysics and distorts our view of the fundamental Neoplatonic problem of the relationship between Plato and Aristotle. My purpose in the following essay will be to try to sharpen the statement of the historical situation by examining some of the connections between Porphyry’s interpretation of the Categories and Plotinus’ discussion of the problem of the nature of the categories, especially the category of substance, in On the Genera of Being. I will be suggesting that Plotinus’ and Porphyry’s attitudes toward the Categories are much closer to one another than has previously been supposed, and that in particular Porphyry’s position on the nature of categories has been deeply influenced by Plotinus’ arguments. The consequence of this is that Plotinus ought to be accorded a much more prominent place than he standardly has been in the history of the Neoplatonic interpretation of Aristotle, in which the problem of the proper interpretation of the Categories plays an important role. My discussion will fall into four parts. In the next section, I will look at some of the more important features of Porphyry’s interpretation of the Categories that enabled him to downplay the evidently anti-Platonic metaphysical elements that the work contains and to turn it into a basic textbook of logic for his revived school-Platonism. Here, I will be relying heavily upon an important and seminal paper by A. C. Lloyd. Then I will turn to the main arguments that Plotinus employs against what was in his day the standard interpretation of Aristotle’s Categories, and their implications for his view of the nature of that work and its relation to Platonism. In the final section of the paper, we will be able to see some important connections between Plotinus’ position and Porphyry’s which throw light on the metaphysical issues connected with the important Neoplatonic thesis of the fundamental harmony of the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle. [introduction p. 955-957]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AVNTI4tBsipTJL7

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1151","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1151,"authors_free":[{"id":1726,"entry_id":1151,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":324,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Strange, Steven, K.","free_first_name":"Steven, K.","free_last_name":"Strange","norm_person":{"id":324,"first_name":"Steven K.","last_name":"Strange","full_name":"Strange, Steven K.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/111772655X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2412,"entry_id":1151,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":325,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Haase, Wolfgang","free_first_name":"Wolfgang","free_last_name":"Haase","norm_person":{"id":325,"first_name":"Wolfgang","last_name":"Haase","full_name":"Haase, Wolfgang","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117757527","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Plotinus, Porphyry and the Neoplatonic Interpretation of the \u2018Categories\u2019","main_title":{"title":"Plotinus, Porphyry and the Neoplatonic Interpretation of the \u2018Categories\u2019"},"abstract":"The claim is often made that the most extensive of Plotinus\u2019 treatises, On the Genera of Being (\u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f44\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2, Enn. VI.1-3), contains a polemical attack on Aristotle\u2019s theory of categories. This claim would seem to be well-grounded, given that in the first part of the work (VI.1.1\u201324), Plotinus proceeds through the list of categories given by Aristotle and systematically raises a series of powerful objections to claims Aristotle makes about them in the text of the Categories.\r\n\r\nAt the same time, Plotinus\u2019 student Porphyry is rightly given credit for establishing Aristotle's Categories, along with the rest of the Aristotelian logical treatises usually referred to as the Organon, as the fundamental texts for logical doctrines in the Neoplatonic scholastic tradition, and through this tradition later for medieval philosophy, by means of his Isagoge or introduction to the Categories and his commentaries on that work. Taken together, these two propositions tend to give the impression that there was deep and substantive disagreement between master and pupil about the value of the theory found in the Categories.\r\n\r\nThis impression is reinforced by the implication in the introduction to the extant commentaries on the Categories of Dexippus (5.1\u201312) and Simplicius (2.3\u20138) that Porphyry, in the massive commentary on the Categories which he dedicated to Gedalius, probably one of his students, replied in detail to Plotinus\u2019 objections against the Categories. Indeed, in Porphyry\u2019s extant catechism-commentary and throughout Dexippus\u2019 and Simplicius\u2019 commentaries, both of which seem to be following closely either Porphyry\u2019s lost To Gedalius or Iamblichus\u2019 lost commentary, itself based on To Gedalius, we can see Porphyry doing precisely this.\r\n\r\nMoreover, it is clear from the text of Simplicius that many of the objections Plotinus raises against the Categories in On the Genera of Being he got from a work or works of Lucius and Nicostratus, who were certainly hostile to Aristotle. Nevertheless, I am convinced that this simple way of putting the matter is more than a little misleading: it both misrepresents the nature and originality of Porphyry\u2019s contribution to the history of logic and metaphysics and distorts our view of the fundamental Neoplatonic problem of the relationship between Plato and Aristotle.\r\n\r\nMy purpose in the following essay will be to try to sharpen the statement of the historical situation by examining some of the connections between Porphyry\u2019s interpretation of the Categories and Plotinus\u2019 discussion of the problem of the nature of the categories, especially the category of substance, in On the Genera of Being. I will be suggesting that Plotinus\u2019 and Porphyry\u2019s attitudes toward the Categories are much closer to one another than has previously been supposed, and that in particular Porphyry\u2019s position on the nature of categories has been deeply influenced by Plotinus\u2019 arguments.\r\n\r\nThe consequence of this is that Plotinus ought to be accorded a much more prominent place than he standardly has been in the history of the Neoplatonic interpretation of Aristotle, in which the problem of the proper interpretation of the Categories plays an important role.\r\n\r\nMy discussion will fall into four parts. In the next section, I will look at some of the more important features of Porphyry\u2019s interpretation of the Categories that enabled him to downplay the evidently anti-Platonic metaphysical elements that the work contains and to turn it into a basic textbook of logic for his revived school-Platonism. Here, I will be relying heavily upon an important and seminal paper by A. C. Lloyd.\r\n\r\nThen I will turn to the main arguments that Plotinus employs against what was in his day the standard interpretation of Aristotle\u2019s Categories, and their implications for his view of the nature of that work and its relation to Platonism.\r\n\r\nIn the final section of the paper, we will be able to see some important connections between Plotinus\u2019 position and Porphyry\u2019s which throw light on the metaphysical issues connected with the important Neoplatonic thesis of the fundamental harmony of the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle. [introduction p. 955-957]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/AVNTI4tBsipTJL7","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":324,"full_name":"Strange, Steven K.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":325,"full_name":"Haase, Wolfgang","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1151,"section_of":335,"pages":"955-974","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":335,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Aufstieg und Niedergang der r\u00f6mischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Teil II: Principat, Philosophie, Wissenschaften, Technik. 2. Teilband: Philosophie","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Haase1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"AUFSTIEG UND NIEDERGANG DER R\u00d6MISCHEN WELT (ANRW) ist ein internationales Gemeinschaftswerk historischer Wissenschaften. Seine Aufgabe besteht darin, alle wichtigen Aspekte der antiken r\u00f6mischen Welt sowie ihres Fortwirkens und Nachlebens in Mittelalter und Neuzeit nach dem gegenw\u00e4rtigen Stand der Forschung in Einzelbeitr\u00e4gen zu behandeln. Das Werk ist in 3 Teile gegliedert:\r\nI. Von den Anf\u00e4ngen Roms bis zum Ausgang der Republik\r\nII. Principat\r\nIII. Sp\u00e4tantike\r\nJeder der drei Teile umfa\u00dft sechs systematische Rubriken, zwischen denen es vielfache \u00dcberschneidungen gibt: 1. Politische Geschichte, 2. Recht, 3. Religion, 4. Sprache und Literatur, 5. Philosophie und Wissenschaften, 6. K\u00fcnste.\r\n\r\nANRW ist ein handbuchartiges \u00dcbersichtswerk zu den r\u00f6mischen Studien im weitesten Sinne, mit Einschlu\u00df der Rezeptions- und Wirkungsgeschichte bis in die Gegenwart. Bei den Beitr\u00e4gen handelt es sich entweder um zusammenfassende Darstellungen mit Bibliographie oder um Problem- und Forschungsberichte bzw. thematisch breit angelegte exemplarische Untersuchungen. Die Artikel erscheinen in deutscher, englischer, franz\u00f6sischer oder italienischer Sprache.\r\n\r\nZum Mitarbeiterstab geh\u00f6ren rund 1000 Gelehrte aus 35 L\u00e4ndern. Der Vielfalt der Themen entsprechend geh\u00f6ren die Autoren haupts\u00e4chlich folgenden Fachrichtungen an: Alte, Mittelalterliche und Neue Geschichte; Byzantinistik, Slavistik; Klassische, Mittellateinische, Romanische und Orientalische Philologie; Klassische, Orientalische und Christliche Arch\u00e4ologie und Kunstgeschichte; Rechtswissenschaft; Religionswissenschaft und Theologie, besonders Kirchengeschichte und Patristik.\r\n\r\nIn Vorbereitung sind:\r\nTeil II, Bd. 26,4: Religion - Vorkonstantinisches Christentum: Neues Testament - Sachthemen, Fortsetzung\r\nTeil II, Bd. 37,4: Wissenschaften: Medizin und Biologie, Fortsetzung. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vkva8h1vt1Po53c","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":335,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Mathematics and Philosophy in Proclus' Commentary on Book I of Euclid's Elements, 1987
By: Mueller, Ian, Pépin, Jean (Ed.), Saffrey, Henri Dominique (Ed.)

Title	Mathematics and Philosophy in Proclus' Commentary on Book I of Euclid's Elements
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Proclus, lecteur et interprète des anciens. Actes du colloque international du CNRS, Paris (2-4 octobre 1985)
Pages	305-318
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mueller, Ian
Editor(s)	Pépin, Jean , Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Translator(s)

In the prologue to his commentary on book I of Euclid’s Elements Proclus refers to two areas of disagreement among the Platonists concerning mathematics. In the first passage in which he does this (29.14ff.) he indicates that some philoi from his own hearth encourage students to disdain mathematics, enlisting on their side Plato himself because of some of Socrates’ remarks in the Republic, notably the rhetorical question of 533 c 3-5 [...]. The second passage comes at the end of Proclus’ famous description of the character of geometry [...]. In this paper I wish to pursue these disagreements in the hopes of throwing light on distinctive features of Proclus’ philosophy of mathematics. [Introduction, p. 305]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KU98nZhkgyJWbsr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1211","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1211,"authors_free":[{"id":1792,"entry_id":1211,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":270,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mueller, Ian","free_first_name":"Ian","free_last_name":"Mueller","norm_person":{"id":270,"first_name":"Ian","last_name":"Mueller","full_name":"Mueller, Ian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1793,"entry_id":1211,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":227,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"P\u00e9pin, Jean","free_first_name":"Jean","free_last_name":"P\u00e9pin","norm_person":{"id":227,"first_name":"Jean","last_name":"P\u00e9pin","full_name":"P\u00e9pin, Jean","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119165147","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2119,"entry_id":1211,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":228,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","free_first_name":"Henri Dominique","free_last_name":"Saffrey","norm_person":{"id":228,"first_name":"Henri Dominique","last_name":"Saffrey","full_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130160059","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Mathematics and Philosophy in Proclus' Commentary on Book I of Euclid's Elements","main_title":{"title":"Mathematics and Philosophy in Proclus' Commentary on Book I of Euclid's Elements"},"abstract":"In the prologue to his commentary on book I of Euclid\u2019s Elements Proclus refers to two areas of disagreement among the Platonists concerning mathematics. In the first passage in which he does this (29.14ff.) he indicates that some philoi from his own hearth encourage \r\nstudents to disdain mathematics, enlisting on their side Plato himself because of some of Socrates\u2019 remarks in the Republic, notably the rhetorical question of 533 c 3-5 [...]. The second passage comes at the end of Proclus\u2019 famous description of the character of geometry [...]. In this paper I wish to pursue these disagreements in the hopes of throwing light on distinctive features of Proclus\u2019 philosophy of mathematics. [Introduction, p. 305]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KU98nZhkgyJWbsr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":270,"full_name":"Mueller, Ian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":227,"full_name":"P\u00e9pin, Jean","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":228,"full_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1211,"section_of":159,"pages":"305-318","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":159,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Proclus, lecteur et interpr\u00e8te des anciens. Actes du colloque international du CNRS, Paris (2-4 octobre 1985)","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"P\u00e9pin-Saffrey1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Du 5e si\u00e8cle jusqu'au d\u00e9but du 19e si\u00e8cle, Proclus fut consid\u00e9r\u00e9 comme l'h\u00e9ritier par excellence de Platon, celui qui avait su tirer des dialogues un expos\u00e9 syst\u00e9matique et coh\u00e9rent de la philosophie platonicienne. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/QluMshmjYrV5JtV","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":159,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Centre national de la recherche scientifique","series":"Colloques internationaux du Centre national de la recherche scientifique","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Recherches sur les fragments du commentaire de Simplicius sur la Métaphysique d’Aristote, 1987
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Recherches sur les fragments du commentaire de Simplicius sur la Métaphysique d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	225-245
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

The text discusses research on the fragments of Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Metaphysics. It focuses on a scholia found in Codex Regius (Paris, gr. 1853) that mentions Simplicius as the author of a commentary on Aristotle's work. The scholia refers to a specific passage in Metaphysics I, 983 b 8, where the interpretation of the term "eidos" creates difficulties. The scholia contrasts the interpretations proposed by Alexandre d'Aphrodise and Simplicius, highlighting their differing views on the meaning of "eidos." The author argues that the scholia indicates familiarity with Simplicius' commentary, suggesting that Simplicius was known and studied in the first half of the 13th century. The scholia also mentions Michel d'Ephese and Jean Italos, providing clues about the context and potential dating of the scholia's composition. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/R2DUCY7PTorhIy2

{"_index":"sire","_id":"669","_score":null,"_source":{"id":669,"authors_free":[{"id":980,"entry_id":669,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":981,"entry_id":669,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Recherches sur les fragments du commentaire de Simplicius sur la M\u00e9taphysique d\u2019Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Recherches sur les fragments du commentaire de Simplicius sur la M\u00e9taphysique d\u2019Aristote"},"abstract":"The text discusses research on the fragments of Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Metaphysics. It focuses on a scholia found in Codex Regius (Paris, gr. 1853) that mentions Simplicius as the author of a commentary on Aristotle's work. The scholia refers to a specific passage in Metaphysics I, 983 b 8, where the interpretation of the term \"eidos\" creates difficulties. The scholia contrasts the interpretations proposed by Alexandre d'Aphrodise and Simplicius, highlighting their differing views on the meaning of \"eidos.\" The author argues that the scholia indicates familiarity with Simplicius' commentary, suggesting that Simplicius was known and studied in the first half of the 13th century. The scholia also mentions Michel d'Ephese and Jean Italos, providing clues about the context and potential dating of the scholia's composition. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/R2DUCY7PTorhIy2","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":669,"section_of":171,"pages":"225-245","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":171,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Sur quelques aspects de la polémique de Simplicius contre Jean Philopon: de l’invective à la réaffirmation de la transcendance du ciel, 1987
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Sur quelques aspects de la polémique de Simplicius contre Jean Philopon: de l’invective à la réaffirmation de la transcendance du ciel
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	183-221
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Le Commentaire de Simplicius au De caelo d'Aristote, vaste ouvrage exégétique conçu comme un hymne au Démiurge, présente une doctrine fondamentale sur la structure physique de la substance céleste : celle-ci, nous dit Simplicius, est un mélange des cimes (akrotêtes) des quatre éléments, c'est-à-dire un mélange des quatre éléments dans leur état le plus principiel et le plus pur, et dans ce mélange prédomine la cime, purement lumineuse, du feu. Cette doctrine n'est pas, quant à ses matériaux conceptuels, une création neuve ou originale de Simplicius, car de manière plus détaillée encore, on la rencontre dans le troisième livre du Commentaire de Proclus au Timée. Mais je voudrais montrer, dans le cadre d'une interprétation générale du Commentaire au De caelo, que Simplicius en donne une démonstration et en fait un usage qui lui sont propres, et qui se comprennent en grande partie comme une réaction face aux théories de Jean Philopon. Ce dernier s'était appuyé sur le Timée pour réfuter la doctrine aristotélicienne de la quintessence et de l'éternité du monde, et il niait, bien avant Copernic, toute différence substantielle entre les cieux et le monde sublunaire. Réfutant les théories du Contra Aristotelem de Philopon, Simplicius réaffirme la divinité, la transcendance et l’éternité du ciel, dans une exégèse qui vise à harmoniser (et non à opposer) le Timée et le De caelo. Cette exégèse est un acte religieux, un exercice spirituel qui convertit l'âme (celle de Simplicius et celle de son lecteur) vers le Démiurge. Cette conversion est une initiation aux grandeurs du monde et du ciel, et la description de la nature physique du ciel est l’un des contenus les plus précieux de la révélation. Celle-ci ne peut être procurée aux lecteurs momentanément abusés par Philopon qu’au terme d’une purification préparatoire, qui est la réfutation des analyses du Contra Aristotelem. Ainsi, la polémique de Simplicius est orientée vers une visée indissolublement philosophique et religieuse : lire et interpréter correctement le De caelo d’Aristote, ce n’est pas seulement acquérir des connaissances intellectuelles, c’est aussi, et surtout, s’élever par la pensée (mais de manière « vécue ») jusqu’au monde et au Démiurge, c’est leur adresser une prière. Au sacrilège blasphématoire du chrétien Philopon répond la liturgie néoplatonicienne, juste célébration du Dieu. [introduction p. 183-184]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wBslsmZjGCgfHjc

{"_index":"sire","_id":"688","_score":null,"_source":{"id":688,"authors_free":[{"id":1022,"entry_id":688,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1023,"entry_id":688,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Sur quelques aspects de la pol\u00e9mique de Simplicius contre Jean Philopon: de l\u2019invective \u00e0 la r\u00e9affirmation de la transcendance du ciel","main_title":{"title":"Sur quelques aspects de la pol\u00e9mique de Simplicius contre Jean Philopon: de l\u2019invective \u00e0 la r\u00e9affirmation de la transcendance du ciel"},"abstract":"Le Commentaire de Simplicius au De caelo d'Aristote, vaste ouvrage ex\u00e9g\u00e9tique con\u00e7u comme un hymne au D\u00e9miurge, pr\u00e9sente une doctrine fondamentale sur la structure physique de la substance c\u00e9leste : celle-ci, nous dit Simplicius, est un m\u00e9lange des cimes (akrot\u00eates) des quatre \u00e9l\u00e9ments, c'est-\u00e0-dire un m\u00e9lange des quatre \u00e9l\u00e9ments dans leur \u00e9tat le plus principiel et le plus pur, et dans ce m\u00e9lange pr\u00e9domine la cime, purement lumineuse, du feu.\r\n\r\nCette doctrine n'est pas, quant \u00e0 ses mat\u00e9riaux conceptuels, une cr\u00e9ation neuve ou originale de Simplicius, car de mani\u00e8re plus d\u00e9taill\u00e9e encore, on la rencontre dans le troisi\u00e8me livre du Commentaire de Proclus au Tim\u00e9e. Mais je voudrais montrer, dans le cadre d'une interpr\u00e9tation g\u00e9n\u00e9rale du Commentaire au De caelo, que Simplicius en donne une d\u00e9monstration et en fait un usage qui lui sont propres, et qui se comprennent en grande partie comme une r\u00e9action face aux th\u00e9ories de Jean Philopon. Ce dernier s'\u00e9tait appuy\u00e9 sur le Tim\u00e9e pour r\u00e9futer la doctrine aristot\u00e9licienne de la quintessence et de l'\u00e9ternit\u00e9 du monde, et il niait, bien avant Copernic, toute diff\u00e9rence substantielle entre les cieux et le monde sublunaire.\r\n\r\nR\u00e9futant les th\u00e9ories du Contra Aristotelem de Philopon, Simplicius r\u00e9affirme la divinit\u00e9, la transcendance et l\u2019\u00e9ternit\u00e9 du ciel, dans une ex\u00e9g\u00e8se qui vise \u00e0 harmoniser (et non \u00e0 opposer) le Tim\u00e9e et le De caelo. Cette ex\u00e9g\u00e8se est un acte religieux, un exercice spirituel qui convertit l'\u00e2me (celle de Simplicius et celle de son lecteur) vers le D\u00e9miurge. Cette conversion est une initiation aux grandeurs du monde et du ciel, et la description de la nature physique du ciel est l\u2019un des contenus les plus pr\u00e9cieux de la r\u00e9v\u00e9lation. Celle-ci ne peut \u00eatre procur\u00e9e aux lecteurs momentan\u00e9ment abus\u00e9s par Philopon qu\u2019au terme d\u2019une purification pr\u00e9paratoire, qui est la r\u00e9futation des analyses du Contra Aristotelem.\r\n\r\nAinsi, la pol\u00e9mique de Simplicius est orient\u00e9e vers une vis\u00e9e indissolublement philosophique et religieuse : lire et interpr\u00e9ter correctement le De caelo d\u2019Aristote, ce n\u2019est pas seulement acqu\u00e9rir des connaissances intellectuelles, c\u2019est aussi, et surtout, s\u2019\u00e9lever par la pens\u00e9e (mais de mani\u00e8re \u00ab v\u00e9cue \u00bb) jusqu\u2019au monde et au D\u00e9miurge, c\u2019est leur adresser une pri\u00e8re. Au sacril\u00e8ge blasph\u00e9matoire du chr\u00e9tien Philopon r\u00e9pond la liturgie n\u00e9oplatonicienne, juste c\u00e9l\u00e9bration du Dieu. [introduction p. 183-184]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wBslsmZjGCgfHjc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":688,"section_of":171,"pages":"183-221","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":171,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

La division néoplatonicienne des écrits d'Aristote, 1987
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	La division néoplatonicienne des écrits d'Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben
Pages	249-285
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Nous pouvons donc résumer en quelques mots le résultat de nos recherches. La division des écrits d’Aristote, telle quelle est présentée dans les commentaires néoplatoniciens, est, prise dans son ensemble, un pur produit de la philosophie néoplatonicienne, produit qui intègre néanmoins quelques éléments qui remontent à une époque antérieure à cette philosophie. Ce qui me paraît être typiquement et exclusivement néoplatonicien, c’est la division des écrits aristotéliciens en écrits particuliers, intermédiaires et généraux. D’abord, la place des Lettres au début de la liste est une particularité que la division néoplatonicienne ne partage, à ma connaissance, avec aucune autre liste non seulement d’écrits aristotéliciens, mais aussi d’écrits de n’importe quel auteur. Ensuite, la catégorie des écrits intermédiaires ne peut avoir de sens qu’à l’intérieur du système néoplatonicien, car elle sert surtout à se débarrasser d’un certain nombre d’écrits bio logiques d’Aristote, parce que ceux-ci n’avaient pas de place dans le cursus philosophique néoplatonicien. Pour les péripatéticiens au con traire, ces écrits rentraient tout simplement dans la partie physique de la philosophie, comme Simplicius nous l’apprend au début de son commentaire sur la Physique128, où il reproduit le classement péripatéticien des écrits physiques d’Aristote. Pour les péripatéticiens, comme d’ailleurs pour n’importe quel auteur de Pinax, le fait de séparer les écrits d’Aristote se rapportant aux choses de la nature en deux catégories, l’une qui comprendrait des écrits «intermédiaires», l’autre qui rassemblerait les écrits physiques et correspondrait à une subdivision des écrits généraux, ne pouvait avoir aucun sens. Cette séparation n’était possible que dans la perspective de l’ontologie néoplatonicienne. Il y a d’ailleurs confusion des deux systèmes dans la division de David. Il respecte d’abord la division néoplatonicienne en écrits particuliers, intermédiaires et généraux en donnant des exemples adéquats pour chaque rubrique, mais quand il arrive à la rubrique physique des écrits théorétiques, il suit, en énumérant des exemples, la liste péripatéticienne ou tout simplement le pinax des écrits d’Aristote qui se trouvait à la suite de sa biographie. Il répète donc quelques titres qu’il avait auparavant classés dans les écrits intermédiaires et ajoute bon nombre de traités qui, selon le point de vue néoplatonicien, n’ont rien à voir avec la philosophie. [conclusion, p. 284-285]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GosX6JCGE0N12qC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"697","_score":null,"_source":{"id":697,"authors_free":[{"id":1036,"entry_id":697,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1037,"entry_id":697,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La division n\u00e9oplatonicienne des \u00e9crits d'Aristote","main_title":{"title":"La division n\u00e9oplatonicienne des \u00e9crits d'Aristote"},"abstract":"Nous pouvons donc r\u00e9sumer en quelques mots le r\u00e9sultat de nos recherches. La division des \u00e9crits d\u2019Aristote, telle quelle est pr\u00e9sen\u00adt\u00e9e dans les commentaires n\u00e9oplatoniciens, est, prise dans son ensem\u00adble, un pur produit de la philosophie n\u00e9oplatonicienne, produit qui int\u00e8gre n\u00e9anmoins quelques \u00e9l\u00e9ments qui remontent \u00e0 une \u00e9poque ant\u00e9rieure \u00e0 cette philosophie. Ce qui me para\u00eet \u00eatre typiquement et exclusivement n\u00e9oplatonicien, c\u2019est la division des \u00e9crits aristot\u00e9li\u00adciens en \u00e9crits particuliers, interm\u00e9diaires et g\u00e9n\u00e9raux. D\u2019abord, la \r\nplace des Lettres au d\u00e9but de la liste est une particularit\u00e9 que la divi\u00adsion n\u00e9oplatonicienne ne partage, \u00e0 ma connaissance, avec aucune \r\nautre liste non seulement d\u2019\u00e9crits aristot\u00e9liciens, mais aussi d\u2019\u00e9crits de n\u2019importe quel auteur. Ensuite, la cat\u00e9gorie des \u00e9crits interm\u00e9di\u00adaires ne peut avoir de sens qu\u2019\u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur du syst\u00e8me n\u00e9oplatonicien, car elle sert surtout \u00e0 se d\u00e9barrasser d\u2019un certain nombre d\u2019\u00e9crits bio\u00ad\r\nlogiques d\u2019Aristote, parce que ceux-ci n\u2019avaient pas de place dans le cursus philosophique n\u00e9oplatonicien. Pour les p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticiens au con\u00ad\r\ntraire, ces \u00e9crits rentraient tout simplement dans la partie physique de la philosophie, comme Simplicius nous l\u2019apprend au d\u00e9but de son commentaire sur la Physique128, o\u00f9 il reproduit le classement p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticien des \u00e9crits physiques d\u2019Aristote. Pour les p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticiens, \r\ncomme d\u2019ailleurs pour n\u2019importe quel auteur de Pinax, le fait de s\u00e9parer les \u00e9crits d\u2019Aristote se rapportant aux choses de la nature en \r\ndeux cat\u00e9gories, l\u2019une qui comprendrait des \u00e9crits \u00abinterm\u00e9diaires\u00bb, l\u2019autre qui rassemblerait les \u00e9crits physiques et correspondrait \u00e0 une \r\nsubdivision des \u00e9crits g\u00e9n\u00e9raux, ne pouvait avoir aucun sens. Cette s\u00e9paration n\u2019\u00e9tait possible que dans la perspective de l\u2019ontologie \r\nn\u00e9oplatonicienne. Il y a d\u2019ailleurs confusion des deux syst\u00e8mes dans la division de David. Il respecte d\u2019abord la division n\u00e9oplatonicienne \r\nen \u00e9crits particuliers, interm\u00e9diaires et g\u00e9n\u00e9raux en donnant des exemples ad\u00e9quats pour chaque rubrique, mais quand il arrive \u00e0 la \r\nrubrique physique des \u00e9crits th\u00e9or\u00e9tiques, il suit, en \u00e9num\u00e9rant des exemples, la liste p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticienne ou tout simplement le pinax des \u00e9crits d\u2019Aristote qui se trouvait \u00e0 la suite de sa biographie. Il r\u00e9p\u00e8te donc quelques titres qu\u2019il avait auparavant class\u00e9s dans les \u00e9crits \r\ninterm\u00e9diaires et ajoute bon nombre de trait\u00e9s qui, selon le point de vue n\u00e9oplatonicien, n\u2019ont rien \u00e0 voir avec la philosophie. [conclusion, p. 284-285]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GosX6JCGE0N12qC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":697,"section_of":189,"pages":"249-285","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":189,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"de","title":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, \u00dcberlieferung, Nachleben","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Wiesner\/Lulofs\/Kollesch\/Nutton1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Kommentierung, Uberlieferung und Nachleben des Aristoteles sind das Thema dieses Bandes. Mit der Aristotelesrenaissance des 1. Jh. v.Chr. einsetzend, vermitteln die Beitr\u00e4ge, unter acht Hauptkapiteln zusammengefa\u00dft, ein eindrucksvolles Bild von der Rezeption zweier Jahrtausende. D a \u00df diese Rezeption kontinuierlich in ihren wichtigen Phasen illustriert werden kann, ist - wie schon im ersten Band - der freundlichen Kooperation der beteiligten Autoren zu verdanken. Als besonderer Gl\u00fccksfall mag gelten, da\u00df einige Beitr\u00e4ge sich in idealer Weise erg\u00e4nzen. So wird der Leser in zwei auf einanderfolgenden Artikeln die Interpretationsgeschichte der zentralen Kapitel Metaphysik \u039b 7 und 9 von Plotin und Themistios \u00fcber Maimonides und Gersonides bis Hegel verfolgen k\u00f6nnen. Dieses Bem\u00fchen um Aristoteles von der Antike bis in die Neuzeit ist etwa f\u00fcr De anima bei Alexander von Aphrodisias und Leibniz, f\u00fcr die \r\nKategorien bei Plotin und Peirce dokumentiert, wobei die Erstver\u00f6ffentlichung der Ubersetzung von Cat. 1 - 4 durch den bedeutenden amerikanischen Philosophen mit besonderer Freude angezeigt werden darf. \r\nVon den Autoren dieses Bandes weilen Paul Henry und Charles B. Schmitt nicht mehr unter uns. In ein Buch \u00fcber Plotins Entretiens sollte der hier ver\u00f6ffentlichte Beitrag von Paul Henry sp\u00e4ter einmal integriert werden; daraus erkl\u00e4ren sich gelegentliche Hinweise auf geplante Teile dieses nun nicht mehr vollendeten Werkes. Die Studie von Charles B.Schmitt \u00fcber die Aristoteles-Florilegien der Renaissance bietet die erste Gesamtdarstellung zu diesem Thema und enth\u00e4lt im Anhang ein Verzeichnis mit wichtigen Erg\u00e4nzungen zu seiner grundlegenden \u201eBibliography of Aristotle Editions, 1501-1600\". [Vorwort p. V-VI]\r\n","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Q1P6OhIp8zaE99c","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":189,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Catégories et langage selon Simplicius - La question du “skopos” du traité aristotélicien des “Catégories”, 1987
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Catégories et langage selon Simplicius - La question du “skopos” du traité aristotélicien des “Catégories”
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	61-90
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Categories is the first among three commentaries left by the renowned Neoplatonic philosopher. This commentary holds a significant place in the study of Aristotle's works, as it marks the beginning of the reading of Aristotle's oeuvre from a spiritual perspective. The prayer at the end of Simplicius' commentary highlights the transformative power of studying Aristotle's Categories, allowing the soul to ascend to higher knowledge and seek ultimate happiness. Simplicius' other commentaries, such as his work on Epictetus and De Caelo, similarly express the journey of spiritual conversion and progressive ascension to higher realities within the Neoplatonic spiritual framework. The Neoplatonic curriculum involved an ethical initiation, leading to the study of Aristotle's works and culminating in the study of Plato's Timaeus and Parmenides. Overall, Simplicius' exegesis of Aristotle's Categories reveals the profound spiritual significance and transformative potential of philosophical studies within the Neoplatonic tradition. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/z4JuOtqVWGpQ7Ef

{"_index":"sire","_id":"709","_score":null,"_source":{"id":709,"authors_free":[{"id":1057,"entry_id":709,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1058,"entry_id":709,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Cat\u00e9gories et langage selon Simplicius - La question du \u201cskopos\u201d du trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien des \u201cCat\u00e9gories\u201d","main_title":{"title":"Cat\u00e9gories et langage selon Simplicius - La question du \u201cskopos\u201d du trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien des \u201cCat\u00e9gories\u201d"},"abstract":"Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Categories is the first among three commentaries left by the renowned Neoplatonic philosopher. This commentary holds a significant place in the study of Aristotle's works, as it marks the beginning of the reading of Aristotle's oeuvre from a spiritual perspective. The prayer at the end of Simplicius' commentary highlights the transformative power of studying Aristotle's Categories, allowing the soul to ascend to higher knowledge and seek ultimate happiness. Simplicius' other commentaries, such as his work on Epictetus and De Caelo, similarly express the journey of spiritual conversion and progressive ascension to higher realities within the Neoplatonic spiritual framework. The Neoplatonic curriculum involved an ethical initiation, leading to the study of Aristotle's works and culminating in the study of Plato's Timaeus and Parmenides. Overall, Simplicius' exegesis of Aristotle's Categories reveals the profound spiritual significance and transformative potential of philosophical studies within the Neoplatonic tradition. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/z4JuOtqVWGpQ7Ef","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":709,"section_of":171,"pages":"61-90","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":171,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Simplicius' polemics. Some aspects of Simplicius‘ polemical writings against John Philoponus: From invective to a reaffirmation of the transcendence of the heavens, 1987
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius' polemics. Some aspects of Simplicius‘ polemical writings against John Philoponus: From invective to a reaffirmation of the transcendence of the heavens
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition
Pages	97-123
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

I am not entirely comfortable finding myself introducing a discordant note into a collection intended to celebrate the refreshing originality of Philoponus’ ideas. I shall, however, be speaking for Simplicius, vindictive pagan that he was, and shall hope to be an effective counterweight to what is said in other chapters. I shall be talking within the framework of a general interpretation of Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s De caelo. The commentary is an exegetical work undertaken as a paean to the Creator or ‘Demiurge.’ Its basic theory on the physical structure of celestial matter is that this matter is a combination of the superior parts (akrotêtes) of the four elements, dominated by the purely luminous superior part of fire. My aim will be to show how this theory can be seen as a reaction to the theories of John Philoponus. Philoponus had turned to the Timaeus for support in his Contra Aristotelem and had attacked the Aristotelian doctrine that the heavens are made of a fifth element and that the world is eternal. Well before Copernicus, Philoponus denied that there was any substantial difference between the heavens and the sublunary world. In his reply to the Contra Aristotelem, Simplicius reaffirms the divinity, the transcendence, and the eternal nature of the heavens. His exegesis aims to connect, rather than contrast, Plato’s Timaeus and Aristotle’s De caelo. It is, moreover, a religious act, a spiritual exercise designed to turn the soul (both Simplicius’ and his reader’s) towards the Demiurge. This conversion is our initiation into the grandeur of the universe and of the heavens, and his description of the physical nature of the heavens is one of the most valuable aspects of the revelation. Those readers still under Philoponus’ spell cannot achieve this revelation until they have undergone a preliminary act of purification, which is the refutation of the arguments of Philoponus’ Contra Aristotelem. In this way, Simplicius’ attack is directed at a target that is simultaneously philosophical and religious. A correct reading and interpretation of Aristotle’s De caelo leads not only to the acquisition of intellectual knowledge but also, and above all, to our elevation through thought (a thought that we live) to the whole universe and to the Demiurge. It is a form of prayer addressed to them. The sacrilegious blasphemy of the Christian Philoponus is countered by the Neoplatonist liturgy, a rightful celebration of their God. [introduction p. 97-98]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RJi3pyBneebP54s

{"_index":"sire","_id":"712","_score":null,"_source":{"id":712,"authors_free":[{"id":1062,"entry_id":712,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2012,"entry_id":712,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius' polemics. Some aspects of Simplicius\u2018 polemical writings against John Philoponus: From invective to a reaffirmation of the transcendence of the heavens","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius' polemics. Some aspects of Simplicius\u2018 polemical writings against John Philoponus: From invective to a reaffirmation of the transcendence of the heavens"},"abstract":"I am not entirely comfortable finding myself introducing a discordant note into a collection intended to celebrate the refreshing originality of Philoponus\u2019 ideas. I shall, however, be speaking for Simplicius, vindictive pagan that he was, and shall hope to be an effective counterweight to what is said in other chapters. I shall be talking within the framework of a general interpretation of Simplicius\u2019 commentary on Aristotle\u2019s De caelo. The commentary is an exegetical work undertaken as a paean to the Creator or \u2018Demiurge.\u2019 Its basic theory on the physical structure of celestial matter is that this matter is a combination of the superior parts (akrot\u00eates) of the four elements, dominated by the purely luminous superior part of fire.\r\n\r\nMy aim will be to show how this theory can be seen as a reaction to the theories of John Philoponus. Philoponus had turned to the Timaeus for support in his Contra Aristotelem and had attacked the Aristotelian doctrine that the heavens are made of a fifth element and that the world is eternal. Well before Copernicus, Philoponus denied that there was any substantial difference between the heavens and the sublunary world. In his reply to the Contra Aristotelem, Simplicius reaffirms the divinity, the transcendence, and the eternal nature of the heavens. His exegesis aims to connect, rather than contrast, Plato\u2019s Timaeus and Aristotle\u2019s De caelo.\r\n\r\nIt is, moreover, a religious act, a spiritual exercise designed to turn the soul (both Simplicius\u2019 and his reader\u2019s) towards the Demiurge. This conversion is our initiation into the grandeur of the universe and of the heavens, and his description of the physical nature of the heavens is one of the most valuable aspects of the revelation. Those readers still under Philoponus\u2019 spell cannot achieve this revelation until they have undergone a preliminary act of purification, which is the refutation of the arguments of Philoponus\u2019 Contra Aristotelem. In this way, Simplicius\u2019 attack is directed at a target that is simultaneously philosophical and religious.\r\n\r\nA correct reading and interpretation of Aristotle\u2019s De caelo leads not only to the acquisition of intellectual knowledge but also, and above all, to our elevation through thought (a thought that we live) to the whole universe and to the Demiurge. It is a form of prayer addressed to them. The sacrilegious blasphemy of the Christian Philoponus is countered by the Neoplatonist liturgy, a rightful celebration of their God. [introduction p. 97-98]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RJi3pyBneebP54s","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":712,"section_of":184,"pages":"97-123","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":184,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabji1987c","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2010","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Richard Sorabji is the editor of a vast and growing number of translations of ancient\r\ncommentaries on Aristotle and the editor of several excellent collections of studies on the\r\nAristotelian tradition. Philoponus, a 6th century Christian thinker who was originally trained as\r\na Neoplatonist, is best remembered today for his attack on Aristotle's 'physics'; his influence on\r\nlater philosophers and scientists and his role in the reevaluation of Aristotelian science and\r\nnatural philosophy are indeed remarkable. The second edition of Philoponus and the Rejection\r\nof Aristotelian Science includes a new two-part introduction which offers a survey of the\r\nrapidly expanding scholarship on Philoponus and of recent archeological discoveries (such as\r\nthe lecture rooms of the 6th century Alexandrian school), as well as new insights into the\r\ninteraction between Greek paganism and Christianity in connection with Philoponus and his\r\nmilieu. The twelve chapters included in this collection are written by very prominent scholars\r\nand tackle topics such as Philoponus' corollaries on space and time, the differences between his\r\ntheological views (e.g. on the three hypostases) and the prevailing dogmas of the time, the\r\nrelation between his theory about impetus and later treatments of impetus and related\r\nconcepts in a number of Arab thinkers and in Galileo. This collection is one of the most reliable\r\nand wide-ranging introductions to Philoponus' views and influence, and those interested in late\r\nancient philosophy and its interactions with Christian thought will find this to be a most\r\nvaluable resource. [Review by Tiberiu Popa]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CJSIbOOK7lIAB00","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":184,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London","series":"BICS Supplement","volume":"103","edition_no":"2","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Philoponus and the Rise of Preclassical Dynamics, 1987
By: Wolff, Michael, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Philoponus and the Rise of Preclassical Dynamics
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science
Pages	84-120
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wolff, Michael
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

If we are prepared to assume that the basic presuppositions of impetus theory can be traced back not to observational experience which Aristotle missed, but rather to a certain concept of man and to certain ethical principles, we need not attempt to explain the emergence of the theory solely by reference to new observations of falling bodies and the like. Is it not more appropriate to ask about the origin and kind of ethical problem to which impetus theory originally helped to provide an answer? The experience that forces are exhausted in all physical activities of human beings could have been just such a problem. Earlier society, which had left this experience chiefly to slaves, could not really have had such a problem. But, by the close of Antiquity, times were changing. [Conclusion p. 120]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/L1tFbjfO8UrPnAp

{"_index":"sire","_id":"720","_score":null,"_source":{"id":720,"authors_free":[{"id":1073,"entry_id":720,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":364,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wolff, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Wolff","norm_person":{"id":364,"first_name":"Michael","last_name":"Wolff","full_name":"Wolff, Michael","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131523120","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1074,"entry_id":720,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Philoponus and the Rise of Preclassical Dynamics","main_title":{"title":"Philoponus and the Rise of Preclassical Dynamics"},"abstract":"If we are prepared to assume that the basic presuppositions of impetus theory \r\ncan be traced back not to observational experience which Aristotle missed, \r\nbut rather to a certain concept of man and to certain ethical principles, we \r\nneed not attempt to explain the emergence of the theory solely by reference to \r\nnew observations of falling bodies and the like. Is it not more appropriate to \r\nask about the origin and kind of ethical problem to which impetus theory \r\noriginally helped to provide an answer? The experience that forces are \r\nexhausted in all physical activities of human beings could have been just such \r\na problem. Earlier society, which had left this experience chiefly to slaves, \r\ncould not really have had such a problem. But, by the close of Antiquity, \r\ntimes were changing. [Conclusion p. 120]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/L1tFbjfO8UrPnAp","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":364,"full_name":"Wolff, Michael","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":720,"section_of":1383,"pages":"84-120","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1383,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabij1987d","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"All the chapters in this book are new, except for the inaugural lecture (Chapter 9), which I apologise for reprinting virtually unrevised and with the original lecture context still apparent. It seemed desirable, however, that so crucial a part ofthe controversy should be represented. The collection originated in a conference on Philoponus held at the Institute of Classical Studies in London in June 1983, which provided an opportunity for interested parties to pool knowledge from the many different disciplines that are relevant to his work. Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 6 are drawn from the conference, while two other conference papers, those of Henry Blumenthal and Richard Sorabji, are being incorporated into books in preparation (see Bibliography). Sorabji's main suggestions, however, are included in Chapter I in the discussion of matter and extension (pp 18 and 23). The remairnng chapters, apart from the inaugural lecture, were solicited or written for the volume, two of them (5 and 12) having been delivered first at a seminar on Ancient Science at the Institute of Classical Studies. [preface, p. ix-x]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/buhMZZl0djmIx9v","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1383,"pubplace":"Ithaca, New York","publisher":"Cornell University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"1","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

The Text of Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, 1987
By: Tarán, Leonardo, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	The Text of Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	246-266
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarán, Leonardo
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

My main purpose here is to offer reasons why a new and truly critical edition of Simplicius' commentary is necessary. To do so, in what follows, I shall have to point out some of the shortcomings to be found in Diels' edition of this work. [p. 246]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wSJkdX2PYdHh3n2

{"_index":"sire","_id":"726","_score":null,"_source":{"id":726,"authors_free":[{"id":1085,"entry_id":726,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":330,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tar\u00e1n, Leonardo","free_first_name":"Leonardo","free_last_name":"Tar\u00e1n","norm_person":{"id":330,"first_name":"Tar\u00e1n","last_name":" Leonardo ","full_name":"Tar\u00e1n, Leonardo ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1168065100","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1086,"entry_id":726,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Text of Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics","main_title":{"title":"The Text of Simplicius\u2019 Commentary on Aristotle\u2019s Physics"},"abstract":"My main purpose here is to offer reasons why a new and truly critical edition of Simplicius' commentary is necessary. To do so, in what follows, I shall have to point out some of the shortcomings to be found in Diels' edition of this work. [p. 246]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wSJkdX2PYdHh3n2","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":330,"full_name":"Tar\u00e1n, Leonardo ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":726,"section_of":171,"pages":"246-266","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":171,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Philoponus' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics in the Sixtheenth Century, 1987
By: Schmitt, Charles Bernard, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Philoponus' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics in the Sixtheenth Century
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition
Pages	210-230
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schmitt, Charles Bernard
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

As it is generally accepted, the term ‘Renaissance’ refers to a historical period in which there was a revival of interest in the literature, styles, and forms of Classical Antiquity. Though the ‘revival’ is usually understood to refer specifically to ancient ‘literary’ texts, there can be no doubt that the specialized technical treatises of philosophy, natural science, mathematics, and medicine played a role equally important, if not more important, in the cultural and intellectual life of the Renaissance. In addition to the rediscovery of the integral texts of Homer and the Greek dramatists, Cicero’s Letters to Atticus, Quintilian, and Lucretius, the fifteenth century also saw the recovery of much of Galen, Theophrastus, Plato, Plotinus, and Proclus, Pappus, Diogenes Laertius, and Sextus Empiricus, as well as many additional classical authors of specialized literature. Indeed, the ‘Renaissance’ was a revival of the technical knowledge bequeathed by Antiquity as much as of works of recognized literary and rhetorical quality. One aspect of the influence of ancient literature on the Renaissance which has received little attention until fairly recently is the role of the Greek commentators on Aristotle. In that vast corpus, most of which is conveniently assembled for us in the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, there is a wealth of interpretative and supplementary material, which is of great use not only for an understanding of the Aristotelian text itself but also for understanding its historical context and the philosophical positions that were in competition with those of Aristotle in antiquity. A certain number of the Greek commentaries were known in the Middle Ages, both in the Islamic and in the Christian worlds, but such knowledge was very fragmentary. Only a small portion of the extant commentaries was available in Latin before the sixteenth century. Some of these attained a degree of importance and played a central role in the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century discussions of the soul, for example. These medieval versions are presently being edited in a critical fashion by a group of scholars at Louvain; this series should take its place alongside the Greek texts produced in the last century by the Berlin Academy of Sciences. So far, editions of commentaries by Themistius, Ammonius, Philoponus, Simplicius, Alexander, and Eustratius have appeared. But it remained for the sixteenth century to make accessible most of the material. For example, less than half of the works attributed to Alexander of Aphrodisias contained in the CAG and Supplementum Aristotelicum were available in the Middle Ages, and, among the expositions of Philoponus, only the commentary on the De Anima was available. The need for a comprehensive publication of all of the Greek commentaries on Aristotle was already noted and made a program for the future in Aldo Manuzio’s prefatory letter to the first volume of his editio princeps of Aristotle in 1495. Although Aldo himself did not live to achieve his aim, he did initiate it, and between that date and 1540 nearly the entire Greek corpus was made available to European scholars. Parallel with the publication of the Greek texts—and generally delayed by only a few years—was the publication of Latin translations of the same texts, thus making the material accessible to a much wider readership than the rather restricted group who could cope effectively with the Greek text of the commentators. Most of the Greek editions themselves, as well as the majority of the translations, issued from Venetian presses, though Paris and Lyon served as secondary publication centers. By mid-century essentially everything could be read in Latin, and the impact of the new material can be traced in the Aristotelian literature of the period. In reading the many commentaries on Aristotle and other philosophical works of the sixteenth century, one clearly discerns the rising tide of interest in these expositions across a spectrum of philosophical and scientific topics. Hitherto, the impact of these new sources of information has only imperfectly been charted, primarily with regard to discussions of the soul. Nardi’s fundamental work on Simplicius, the more recent studies on Alexander by Cranz, and on the general Neoplatonism of the commentaries by Mahoney have served to draw attention to the rich vein of material there to be mined. The range of the impact—in logic, natural philosophy, metaphysics, and psychology—has scarcely been charted, nor has the interplay between Greek, Arabic, Hebrew, and medieval and Renaissance Latin interpretations of Aristotle been evaluated and analyzed. During the second half of the sixteenth century, those who wanted to understand Aristotle—which for them meant philosophy tout court—frequently tried to relate the text of the Stagirite to the varying interpretations of Philoponus, Simplicius, Averroes (1126–98), Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225–74), John of Jandun (died 1328), Pomponazzi (1462–1525), and Soto (1494/5–1560), among many others. Particularly little studied has been the impact of the newly available Greek commentators on the Physics. Here is meant primarily Simplicius and Philoponus, both of whom left behind extensive and detailed expositions of that work, neither of which was known directly to Latin writers of the Middle Ages but which were to become available in the sixteenth century. As long ago as Wohlwill and Duhem, it has been known that some of the criticisms and alternative positions put forward in the commentaries on the Physics by the two sixth-century writers later attained importance in the history of the development of physical thought. Moreover, it was also realized by the same historians that the critiques of Aristotle put forward by Simplicius and Philoponus were very similar to some of the positions that became central in the formulation of the ‘new science’ of the seventeenth century. Thus far, however, there has been little systematic attempt to consider the reaction of the sixteenth century as a whole to the reorientation made possible by the availability of Simplicius and Philoponus. The story is not simple, and it cannot be covered comprehensively here, though I hope to be able to indicate some lines further research might take. What I shall do is to focus upon Philoponus, whose significance in the story is possibly less than that of Simplicius, but without a full story of the fortune of the Physics of both authors a valid conclusion regarding their relative merits is not possible. Before turning to a consideration of the impact of the Grammarian’s partial commentary on the Physics (only the first four books are integrally extant), I should like to deal briefly with two other points. First, I should like to sketch a portrait of Philoponus as a commentator, emphasizing why what he had to say was of potential importance for the sixteenth century. Secondly, I shall say something general about the recovery and assimilation of his philosophical works in the West down to the sixteenth century. [introduction p. 210-213]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Ub0AryY729JHN5w

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1037","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1037,"authors_free":[{"id":1571,"entry_id":1037,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":284,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Schmitt, Charles Bernard","free_first_name":"Charles Bernard","free_last_name":"Schmitt","norm_person":{"id":284,"first_name":"Charles Bernard","last_name":"Schmitt","full_name":"Schmitt, Charles Bernard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118846744","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1572,"entry_id":1037,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Philoponus' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics in the Sixtheenth Century","main_title":{"title":"Philoponus' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics in the Sixtheenth Century"},"abstract":"As it is generally accepted, the term \u2018Renaissance\u2019 refers to a historical period in which there was a revival of interest in the literature, styles, and forms of Classical Antiquity. Though the \u2018revival\u2019 is usually understood to refer specifically to ancient \u2018literary\u2019 texts, there can be no doubt that the specialized technical treatises of philosophy, natural science, mathematics, and medicine played a role equally important, if not more important, in the cultural and intellectual life of the Renaissance. In addition to the rediscovery of the integral texts of Homer and the Greek dramatists, Cicero\u2019s Letters to Atticus, Quintilian, and Lucretius, the fifteenth century also saw the recovery of much of Galen, Theophrastus, Plato, Plotinus, and Proclus, Pappus, Diogenes Laertius, and Sextus Empiricus, as well as many additional classical authors of specialized literature. Indeed, the \u2018Renaissance\u2019 was a revival of the technical knowledge bequeathed by Antiquity as much as of works of recognized literary and rhetorical quality.\r\n\r\nOne aspect of the influence of ancient literature on the Renaissance which has received little attention until fairly recently is the role of the Greek commentators on Aristotle. In that vast corpus, most of which is conveniently assembled for us in the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, there is a wealth of interpretative and supplementary material, which is of great use not only for an understanding of the Aristotelian text itself but also for understanding its historical context and the philosophical positions that were in competition with those of Aristotle in antiquity. A certain number of the Greek commentaries were known in the Middle Ages, both in the Islamic and in the Christian worlds, but such knowledge was very fragmentary. Only a small portion of the extant commentaries was available in Latin before the sixteenth century. Some of these attained a degree of importance and played a central role in the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century discussions of the soul, for example. These medieval versions are presently being edited in a critical fashion by a group of scholars at Louvain; this series should take its place alongside the Greek texts produced in the last century by the Berlin Academy of Sciences. So far, editions of commentaries by Themistius, Ammonius, Philoponus, Simplicius, Alexander, and Eustratius have appeared.\r\n\r\nBut it remained for the sixteenth century to make accessible most of the material. For example, less than half of the works attributed to Alexander of Aphrodisias contained in the CAG and Supplementum Aristotelicum were available in the Middle Ages, and, among the expositions of Philoponus, only the commentary on the De Anima was available.\r\n\r\nThe need for a comprehensive publication of all of the Greek commentaries on Aristotle was already noted and made a program for the future in Aldo Manuzio\u2019s prefatory letter to the first volume of his editio princeps of Aristotle in 1495. Although Aldo himself did not live to achieve his aim, he did initiate it, and between that date and 1540 nearly the entire Greek corpus was made available to European scholars. Parallel with the publication of the Greek texts\u2014and generally delayed by only a few years\u2014was the publication of Latin translations of the same texts, thus making the material accessible to a much wider readership than the rather restricted group who could cope effectively with the Greek text of the commentators. Most of the Greek editions themselves, as well as the majority of the translations, issued from Venetian presses, though Paris and Lyon served as secondary publication centers. By mid-century essentially everything could be read in Latin, and the impact of the new material can be traced in the Aristotelian literature of the period.\r\n\r\nIn reading the many commentaries on Aristotle and other philosophical works of the sixteenth century, one clearly discerns the rising tide of interest in these expositions across a spectrum of philosophical and scientific topics. Hitherto, the impact of these new sources of information has only imperfectly been charted, primarily with regard to discussions of the soul. Nardi\u2019s fundamental work on Simplicius, the more recent studies on Alexander by Cranz, and on the general Neoplatonism of the commentaries by Mahoney have served to draw attention to the rich vein of material there to be mined. The range of the impact\u2014in logic, natural philosophy, metaphysics, and psychology\u2014has scarcely been charted, nor has the interplay between Greek, Arabic, Hebrew, and medieval and Renaissance Latin interpretations of Aristotle been evaluated and analyzed.\r\n\r\nDuring the second half of the sixteenth century, those who wanted to understand Aristotle\u2014which for them meant philosophy tout court\u2014frequently tried to relate the text of the Stagirite to the varying interpretations of Philoponus, Simplicius, Averroes (1126\u201398), Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225\u201374), John of Jandun (died 1328), Pomponazzi (1462\u20131525), and Soto (1494\/5\u20131560), among many others.\r\n\r\nParticularly little studied has been the impact of the newly available Greek commentators on the Physics. Here is meant primarily Simplicius and Philoponus, both of whom left behind extensive and detailed expositions of that work, neither of which was known directly to Latin writers of the Middle Ages but which were to become available in the sixteenth century. As long ago as Wohlwill and Duhem, it has been known that some of the criticisms and alternative positions put forward in the commentaries on the Physics by the two sixth-century writers later attained importance in the history of the development of physical thought. Moreover, it was also realized by the same historians that the critiques of Aristotle put forward by Simplicius and Philoponus were very similar to some of the positions that became central in the formulation of the \u2018new science\u2019 of the seventeenth century.\r\n\r\nThus far, however, there has been little systematic attempt to consider the reaction of the sixteenth century as a whole to the reorientation made possible by the availability of Simplicius and Philoponus. The story is not simple, and it cannot be covered comprehensively here, though I hope to be able to indicate some lines further research might take. What I shall do is to focus upon Philoponus, whose significance in the story is possibly less than that of Simplicius, but without a full story of the fortune of the Physics of both authors a valid conclusion regarding their relative merits is not possible.\r\n\r\nBefore turning to a consideration of the impact of the Grammarian\u2019s partial commentary on the Physics (only the first four books are integrally extant), I should like to deal briefly with two other points. First, I should like to sketch a portrait of Philoponus as a commentator, emphasizing why what he had to say was of potential importance for the sixteenth century. Secondly, I shall say something general about the recovery and assimilation of his philosophical works in the West down to the sixteenth century. [introduction p. 210-213]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Ub0AryY729JHN5w","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":284,"full_name":"Schmitt, Charles Bernard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1037,"section_of":184,"pages":"210-230","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":184,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabji1987c","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2010","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Richard Sorabji is the editor of a vast and growing number of translations of ancient\r\ncommentaries on Aristotle and the editor of several excellent collections of studies on the\r\nAristotelian tradition. Philoponus, a 6th century Christian thinker who was originally trained as\r\na Neoplatonist, is best remembered today for his attack on Aristotle's 'physics'; his influence on\r\nlater philosophers and scientists and his role in the reevaluation of Aristotelian science and\r\nnatural philosophy are indeed remarkable. The second edition of Philoponus and the Rejection\r\nof Aristotelian Science includes a new two-part introduction which offers a survey of the\r\nrapidly expanding scholarship on Philoponus and of recent archeological discoveries (such as\r\nthe lecture rooms of the 6th century Alexandrian school), as well as new insights into the\r\ninteraction between Greek paganism and Christianity in connection with Philoponus and his\r\nmilieu. The twelve chapters included in this collection are written by very prominent scholars\r\nand tackle topics such as Philoponus' corollaries on space and time, the differences between his\r\ntheological views (e.g. on the three hypostases) and the prevailing dogmas of the time, the\r\nrelation between his theory about impetus and later treatments of impetus and related\r\nconcepts in a number of Arab thinkers and in Galileo. This collection is one of the most reliable\r\nand wide-ranging introductions to Philoponus' views and influence, and those interested in late\r\nancient philosophy and its interactions with Christian thought will find this to be a most\r\nvaluable resource. [Review by Tiberiu Popa]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/CJSIbOOK7lIAB00","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":184,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London","series":"BICS Supplement","volume":"103","edition_no":"2","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Empedocles Recycled, 1987
By: Osborne, Catherine

Title	Empedocles Recycled
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1987
Journal	Classical Quarterly
Volume	37
Issue	1
Pages	24-50
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Osborne, Catherine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It is no longer generally believed that Empedocles was the divided character portrayed by nineteenth-century scholars, a man whose scientific and religious views were incompatible but untouched by each other. Yet it is still widely held that, however unitary his thought, nevertheless he still wrote more than one poem, and that his poems can be clearly divided between those which do, and those which do not, concern 'religious matters'.1 Once this assumption can be shown to be shaky or actually false, the grounds for dividing the quotations of Empedocles into two poems by subject matter disappear; and without that division our interpretation of Empedocles stands in need of radical revision. This paper starts with the modest task of showing that Empedocles may have written only one philosophical poem and not two, and goes on to suggest some of the ways in which we have to rethink the whole story if he did. If all our material belongs to one poem we are bound to link the cycle of the daimones with that of the elements, and this has far-reaching consequences for our interpretation. [Introduction, p. 24]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IeJ48ZtTcIZFqmP

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1092","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1092,"authors_free":[{"id":1650,"entry_id":1092,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":280,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Osborne, Catherine","free_first_name":"Catherine","free_last_name":"Osborne","norm_person":{"id":280,"first_name":"Catherine","last_name":"Rowett","full_name":"Rowett, Catherine","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/142220116","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Empedocles Recycled","main_title":{"title":"Empedocles Recycled"},"abstract":"It is no longer generally believed that Empedocles was the divided character portrayed by nineteenth-century scholars, a man whose scientific and religious views were incompatible but untouched by each other. Yet it is still widely held that, however unitary his thought, nevertheless he still wrote more than one poem, and that his poems can be clearly divided between those which do, and those which do not, concern \r\n'religious matters'.1 Once this assumption can be shown to be shaky or actually false, the grounds for dividing the quotations of Empedocles into two poems by subject matter disappear; and without that division our interpretation of Empedocles stands in need of radical revision. This paper starts with the modest task of showing that Empedocles may have written only one philosophical poem and not two, and goes on to suggest some of the ways in which we have to rethink the whole story if he did. If all our material belongs to one poem we are bound to link the cycle of the daimones with that of the elements, and this has far-reaching consequences for our \r\ninterpretation. [Introduction, p. 24]","btype":3,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/IeJ48ZtTcIZFqmP","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":280,"full_name":"Rowett, Catherine","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1092,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Classical Quarterly","volume":"37","issue":"1","pages":"24-50"}},"sort":[1987]}

Syrianus and Pseudo-Alexander’s Commentary on Metaph. E-N, 1987
By: Tarán, Leonardo, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Syrianus and Pseudo-Alexander’s Commentary on Metaph. E-N
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben
Pages	215-232
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarán, Leonardo
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

The main conclusions of this study are two: (a) Neither Ps.-Alexander nor Syrianus had access to Alexander’s lost commentary on Metaphysics E-N. (b) For his commentary on books M-N, Syrianus made use of Ps.-Alexander’s commentary, which he mistook for the work of Alexander himself. [conclusion p. 231]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TQhCHWKXBejvsjI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"797","_score":null,"_source":{"id":797,"authors_free":[{"id":1176,"entry_id":797,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":330,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tar\u00e1n, Leonardo","free_first_name":"Leonardo","free_last_name":"Tar\u00e1n","norm_person":{"id":330,"first_name":"Tar\u00e1n","last_name":" Leonardo ","full_name":"Tar\u00e1n, Leonardo ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1168065100","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1177,"entry_id":797,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Syrianus and Pseudo-Alexander\u2019s Commentary on Metaph. E-N","main_title":{"title":"Syrianus and Pseudo-Alexander\u2019s Commentary on Metaph. E-N"},"abstract":"The main conclusions of this study are two: (a) Neither Ps.-Alexander nor Syrianus had access to Alexander\u2019s lost commentary on Metaphysics E-N. (b) For his commentary on books M-N, Syrianus made use of Ps.-Alexander\u2019s commentary, which he mistook for the work of Alexander himself. [conclusion p. 231]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TQhCHWKXBejvsjI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":330,"full_name":"Tar\u00e1n, Leonardo ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":797,"section_of":189,"pages":"215-232","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":189,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"de","title":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, \u00dcberlieferung, Nachleben","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Wiesner\/Lulofs\/Kollesch\/Nutton1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Kommentierung, Uberlieferung und Nachleben des Aristoteles sind das Thema dieses Bandes. Mit der Aristotelesrenaissance des 1. Jh. v.Chr. einsetzend, vermitteln die Beitr\u00e4ge, unter acht Hauptkapiteln zusammengefa\u00dft, ein eindrucksvolles Bild von der Rezeption zweier Jahrtausende. D a \u00df diese Rezeption kontinuierlich in ihren wichtigen Phasen illustriert werden kann, ist - wie schon im ersten Band - der freundlichen Kooperation der beteiligten Autoren zu verdanken. Als besonderer Gl\u00fccksfall mag gelten, da\u00df einige Beitr\u00e4ge sich in idealer Weise erg\u00e4nzen. So wird der Leser in zwei auf einanderfolgenden Artikeln die Interpretationsgeschichte der zentralen Kapitel Metaphysik \u039b 7 und 9 von Plotin und Themistios \u00fcber Maimonides und Gersonides bis Hegel verfolgen k\u00f6nnen. Dieses Bem\u00fchen um Aristoteles von der Antike bis in die Neuzeit ist etwa f\u00fcr De anima bei Alexander von Aphrodisias und Leibniz, f\u00fcr die \r\nKategorien bei Plotin und Peirce dokumentiert, wobei die Erstver\u00f6ffentlichung der Ubersetzung von Cat. 1 - 4 durch den bedeutenden amerikanischen Philosophen mit besonderer Freude angezeigt werden darf. \r\nVon den Autoren dieses Bandes weilen Paul Henry und Charles B. Schmitt nicht mehr unter uns. In ein Buch \u00fcber Plotins Entretiens sollte der hier ver\u00f6ffentlichte Beitrag von Paul Henry sp\u00e4ter einmal integriert werden; daraus erkl\u00e4ren sich gelegentliche Hinweise auf geplante Teile dieses nun nicht mehr vollendeten Werkes. Die Studie von Charles B.Schmitt \u00fcber die Aristoteles-Florilegien der Renaissance bietet die erste Gesamtdarstellung zu diesem Thema und enth\u00e4lt im Anhang ein Verzeichnis mit wichtigen Erg\u00e4nzungen zu seiner grundlegenden \u201eBibliography of Aristotle Editions, 1501-1600\". [Vorwort p. V-VI]\r\n","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Q1P6OhIp8zaE99c","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":189,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Apories orales de Plotin sur les Catégories d’Aristote, 1987
By: Henry, Paul, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Apories orales de Plotin sur les Catégories d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben
Pages	120-156
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Henry, Paul
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Les premières apories que Dexippe attribue explicitement à Plotin traitent du nombre des catégories, mais plus précisément sous l’aspect du rapport des catégories du monde intelligible à celles du monde sensible. Chez Simplicius aussi ces apories sont explicitement attribuées à Plotin. D’un monde à l’autre, les catégories sont-elles les mêmes ou différentes, ou bien les unes sont-elles les mêmes, les autres différentes ? Sont-elles en nombre égal, plus nombreuses, moins nombreuses ? C’est le problème préliminaire qu’examine Plotin au chapitre 1 de son premier traité VI 1, au début du chapitre 2 sur la substance et, une troisième fois, au début du chapitre 5 de son troisième traité, VI 3. Nos textes de base sont donc : VI 1,1,19-30 ; VI 1,2,1-8 ; VI 3,5,1-7, mais aussi VI 2,16,1-2 et VI 3,27,1-4. S’y réfèrent trois apories de Dexippe, mais l’une sous trois formes différentes – ce qui nous donne cinq petits textes – et deux longues pages de Simplicius, qui correspondent pour une part aux Ennéades, pour une part aux textes de Dexippe, mais qui toutes deux associent le nom de Plotin à celui de ses prédécesseurs. En outre, deux textes anonymes, l’un de Dexippe, l’autre de Simplicius. Les relations entre tous ces textes étant fort compliquées, il est utile de les énumérer ici, avec les sigles que je leur attribue, et dans l’ordre où je les étudie : 01 = Simpl. p. 73,15-28 (Plotin, Lucius et Nicostrate) 01b* = Dex. II 1 sommaire et aporie (anonymes) = Simpl. p. 73,15-16 (Plotin) 02 = Simpl. p. 73,25-27 (Plotin) 01a* = Dex. II 4 sommaire et aporie (Plotin) F1 = Simpl. p. 76,13-22 (Plotin et Nicostrate) F1 = Dex. II 2 aporie (dans le corps de l’ouvrage) (Plotin) 01c = Dex. II 2 sommaire (Plotin) 01e = Dex. II 2 solution (Plotin), cf. Simpl. 76,22-77,4 F2 = Dex. 138 solution (anonyme) = Simpl. p. 66,30-31 (anonyme) Bien que, au début, ces distinctions paraissent compliquées, la suite montrera qu’elles aident à clarifier les questions. Je signale tout de suite que le grand texte attribué au « très divin Plotin » par Simpl. p. 73,15-28 contient aussi ce que contiennent Dex. II 1, Dex. II 2 somm., et de nombreuses correspondances avec Dex. II 4. Nous finirons notre chapitre par un texte très court relatif au problème de l’opposé du mouvement, le repos, auquel font allusion Enn. VI 3,27,4-5, ainsi que Dex. I 38 sol., p. 34,17-19 (τις) et Simpl. p. 66,30-31 (τις), et qui, faisant partie d’une source composite, justifiera le sigle F2. Le tout est un chassé-croisé de références, un enchevêtrement de textes, de correspondances et de non-correspondances entre l’écrit, l’oral, les sources, à peu près inextricable, un des ensembles les plus complexes auxquels nous ayons jamais eu affaire. Dans ce fouillis, je vais m’efforcer d’introduire un peu d’ordre et de clarté. Patiemment, car il s’agit bien d’un jeu de patience, je répartirai de mon mieux ces fragments, qui chevauchent les uns sur les autres, entre deux séries, celle des reportata de l’enseignement oral (O) et celle des sources (F). Avec des coefficients variables de certitude ou de probabilité, je compte récupérer de la sorte deux fragments certains de l’oral, deux fragments très probables, un fragment simplement probable, enfin deux sources certaines. Dès les premiers textes, nous affrontons les trois principaux problèmes qui nous intéressent et cela, on l’a dit, dans une complexité plus grande qu’ailleurs. Le problème fondamental des rapports de l’écrit et de l’oral. Les limites entre l’un et l’autre sont parfois indécises, incertaines. Ce qui est sûr, c’est que l’oral, quand oral il y a, éclaire considérablement l’écrit, sorte de commentaire ou de résumé anticipé. Le problème de l’indépendance mutuelle de Dexippe et de Simplicius et de leur complémentarité. La question essentielle, souvent insoluble, est de savoir lequel des deux est le plus fidèle à la formulation de l’aporie orale ou de la source telle que les transmettait Porphyre, voire même le seul Jamblique. Le lecteur avisé s’apercevra sans peine que Simplicius ne peut vraiment dépendre de Dexippe ; il paraît ne jamais l’utiliser dans le corps de son ouvrage ; le nom n’apparaît qu’une seule fois, et cela dans la Préface, p. 2,25, où Simplicius énumère les commentateurs des Catégories, alors qu’ailleurs il n’a pas honte de citer fidèlement ses sources, notamment Porphyre et Jamblique. Enfin, le problème des sources de Plotin. Sources de l’oral ou de l’écrit ou de l’un et de l’autre. Ici même, par deux fois, un texte attribué par Simplicius à Plotin est attribué aussi, par lui, aux prédécesseurs de Plotin. Chez Dexippe, ce n’est pas le cas ici et ce sera toujours beaucoup plus rare. Les deux seuls points vraiment fermes et solides – ce ne sera pas toujours le cas – sont : primo, que les apories sont nettement authentifiées, citées sous le nom de Plotin, tant par Dexippe que par Simplicius, lequel souvent, ailleurs, se contente d’écrire « quelques-uns », là même où nous savons pertinemment qu’il s’agit de Plotin. Secundo, qu’une partie au moins des apories, tout en étant sûrement plotiniennes, n’ont aucun parallèle dans les Ennéades et proviennent donc de l’oral. [introduction p. 120-122]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kSddLNtzgHnzFEv

{"_index":"sire","_id":"799","_score":null,"_source":{"id":799,"authors_free":[{"id":1179,"entry_id":799,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":175,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Henry, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Henry","norm_person":{"id":175,"first_name":"Paul","last_name":"Henry","full_name":"Henry, Paul","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1180,"entry_id":799,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Apories orales de Plotin sur les Cat\u00e9gories d\u2019Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Apories orales de Plotin sur les Cat\u00e9gories d\u2019Aristote"},"abstract":"Les premi\u00e8res apories que Dexippe attribue explicitement \u00e0 Plotin traitent du nombre des cat\u00e9gories, mais plus pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment sous l\u2019aspect du rapport des cat\u00e9gories du monde intelligible \u00e0 celles du monde sensible. Chez Simplicius aussi ces apories sont explicitement attribu\u00e9es \u00e0 Plotin. D\u2019un monde \u00e0 l\u2019autre, les cat\u00e9gories sont-elles les m\u00eames ou diff\u00e9rentes, ou bien les unes sont-elles les m\u00eames, les autres diff\u00e9rentes ? Sont-elles en nombre \u00e9gal, plus nombreuses, moins nombreuses ? C\u2019est le probl\u00e8me pr\u00e9liminaire qu\u2019examine Plotin au chapitre 1 de son premier trait\u00e9 VI 1, au d\u00e9but du chapitre 2 sur la substance et, une troisi\u00e8me fois, au d\u00e9but du chapitre 5 de son troisi\u00e8me trait\u00e9, VI 3. Nos textes de base sont donc : VI 1,1,19-30 ; VI 1,2,1-8 ; VI 3,5,1-7, mais aussi VI 2,16,1-2 et VI 3,27,1-4.\r\n\r\nS\u2019y r\u00e9f\u00e8rent trois apories de Dexippe, mais l\u2019une sous trois formes diff\u00e9rentes \u2013 ce qui nous donne cinq petits textes \u2013 et deux longues pages de Simplicius, qui correspondent pour une part aux Enn\u00e9ades, pour une part aux textes de Dexippe, mais qui toutes deux associent le nom de Plotin \u00e0 celui de ses pr\u00e9d\u00e9cesseurs. En outre, deux textes anonymes, l\u2019un de Dexippe, l\u2019autre de Simplicius.\r\n\r\nLes relations entre tous ces textes \u00e9tant fort compliqu\u00e9es, il est utile de les \u00e9num\u00e9rer ici, avec les sigles que je leur attribue, et dans l\u2019ordre o\u00f9 je les \u00e9tudie :\r\n\r\n 01 = Simpl. p. 73,15-28 (Plotin, Lucius et Nicostrate)\r\n 01b* = Dex. II 1 sommaire et aporie (anonymes) = Simpl. p. 73,15-16 (Plotin)\r\n 02 = Simpl. p. 73,25-27 (Plotin)\r\n 01a* = Dex. II 4 sommaire et aporie (Plotin)\r\n F1 = Simpl. p. 76,13-22 (Plotin et Nicostrate)\r\n F1 = Dex. II 2 aporie (dans le corps de l\u2019ouvrage) (Plotin)\r\n 01c = Dex. II 2 sommaire (Plotin)\r\n 01e = Dex. II 2 solution (Plotin), cf. Simpl. 76,22-77,4\r\n F2 = Dex. 138 solution (anonyme) = Simpl. p. 66,30-31 (anonyme)\r\n\r\nBien que, au d\u00e9but, ces distinctions paraissent compliqu\u00e9es, la suite montrera qu\u2019elles aident \u00e0 clarifier les questions.\r\n\r\nJe signale tout de suite que le grand texte attribu\u00e9 au \u00ab tr\u00e8s divin Plotin \u00bb par Simpl. p. 73,15-28 contient aussi ce que contiennent Dex. II 1, Dex. II 2 somm., et de nombreuses correspondances avec Dex. II 4.\r\n\r\nNous finirons notre chapitre par un texte tr\u00e8s court relatif au probl\u00e8me de l\u2019oppos\u00e9 du mouvement, le repos, auquel font allusion Enn. VI 3,27,4-5, ainsi que Dex. I 38 sol., p. 34,17-19 (\u03c4\u03b9\u03c2) et Simpl. p. 66,30-31 (\u03c4\u03b9\u03c2), et qui, faisant partie d\u2019une source composite, justifiera le sigle F2.\r\n\r\nLe tout est un chass\u00e9-crois\u00e9 de r\u00e9f\u00e9rences, un enchev\u00eatrement de textes, de correspondances et de non-correspondances entre l\u2019\u00e9crit, l\u2019oral, les sources, \u00e0 peu pr\u00e8s inextricable, un des ensembles les plus complexes auxquels nous ayons jamais eu affaire.\r\n\r\nDans ce fouillis, je vais m\u2019efforcer d\u2019introduire un peu d\u2019ordre et de clart\u00e9. Patiemment, car il s\u2019agit bien d\u2019un jeu de patience, je r\u00e9partirai de mon mieux ces fragments, qui chevauchent les uns sur les autres, entre deux s\u00e9ries, celle des reportata de l\u2019enseignement oral (O) et celle des sources (F).\r\n\r\nAvec des coefficients variables de certitude ou de probabilit\u00e9, je compte r\u00e9cup\u00e9rer de la sorte deux fragments certains de l\u2019oral, deux fragments tr\u00e8s probables, un fragment simplement probable, enfin deux sources certaines.\r\n\r\nD\u00e8s les premiers textes, nous affrontons les trois principaux probl\u00e8mes qui nous int\u00e9ressent et cela, on l\u2019a dit, dans une complexit\u00e9 plus grande qu\u2019ailleurs.\r\n\r\n Le probl\u00e8me fondamental des rapports de l\u2019\u00e9crit et de l\u2019oral. Les limites entre l\u2019un et l\u2019autre sont parfois ind\u00e9cises, incertaines. Ce qui est s\u00fbr, c\u2019est que l\u2019oral, quand oral il y a, \u00e9claire consid\u00e9rablement l\u2019\u00e9crit, sorte de commentaire ou de r\u00e9sum\u00e9 anticip\u00e9.\r\n Le probl\u00e8me de l\u2019ind\u00e9pendance mutuelle de Dexippe et de Simplicius et de leur compl\u00e9mentarit\u00e9. La question essentielle, souvent insoluble, est de savoir lequel des deux est le plus fid\u00e8le \u00e0 la formulation de l\u2019aporie orale ou de la source telle que les transmettait Porphyre, voire m\u00eame le seul Jamblique. Le lecteur avis\u00e9 s\u2019apercevra sans peine que Simplicius ne peut vraiment d\u00e9pendre de Dexippe ; il para\u00eet ne jamais l\u2019utiliser dans le corps de son ouvrage ; le nom n\u2019appara\u00eet qu\u2019une seule fois, et cela dans la Pr\u00e9face, p. 2,25, o\u00f9 Simplicius \u00e9num\u00e8re les commentateurs des Cat\u00e9gories, alors qu\u2019ailleurs il n\u2019a pas honte de citer fid\u00e8lement ses sources, notamment Porphyre et Jamblique.\r\n Enfin, le probl\u00e8me des sources de Plotin. Sources de l\u2019oral ou de l\u2019\u00e9crit ou de l\u2019un et de l\u2019autre. Ici m\u00eame, par deux fois, un texte attribu\u00e9 par Simplicius \u00e0 Plotin est attribu\u00e9 aussi, par lui, aux pr\u00e9d\u00e9cesseurs de Plotin. Chez Dexippe, ce n\u2019est pas le cas ici et ce sera toujours beaucoup plus rare.\r\n\r\nLes deux seuls points vraiment fermes et solides \u2013 ce ne sera pas toujours le cas \u2013 sont : primo, que les apories sont nettement authentifi\u00e9es, cit\u00e9es sous le nom de Plotin, tant par Dexippe que par Simplicius, lequel souvent, ailleurs, se contente d\u2019\u00e9crire \u00ab quelques-uns \u00bb, l\u00e0 m\u00eame o\u00f9 nous savons pertinemment qu\u2019il s\u2019agit de Plotin. Secundo, qu\u2019une partie au moins des apories, tout en \u00e9tant s\u00fbrement plotiniennes, n\u2019ont aucun parall\u00e8le dans les Enn\u00e9ades et proviennent donc de l\u2019oral. [introduction p. 120-122]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kSddLNtzgHnzFEv","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":175,"full_name":"Henry, Paul","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":799,"section_of":189,"pages":"120-156","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":189,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"de","title":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, \u00dcberlieferung, Nachleben","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Wiesner\/Lulofs\/Kollesch\/Nutton1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Kommentierung, Uberlieferung und Nachleben des Aristoteles sind das Thema dieses Bandes. Mit der Aristotelesrenaissance des 1. Jh. v.Chr. einsetzend, vermitteln die Beitr\u00e4ge, unter acht Hauptkapiteln zusammengefa\u00dft, ein eindrucksvolles Bild von der Rezeption zweier Jahrtausende. D a \u00df diese Rezeption kontinuierlich in ihren wichtigen Phasen illustriert werden kann, ist - wie schon im ersten Band - der freundlichen Kooperation der beteiligten Autoren zu verdanken. Als besonderer Gl\u00fccksfall mag gelten, da\u00df einige Beitr\u00e4ge sich in idealer Weise erg\u00e4nzen. So wird der Leser in zwei auf einanderfolgenden Artikeln die Interpretationsgeschichte der zentralen Kapitel Metaphysik \u039b 7 und 9 von Plotin und Themistios \u00fcber Maimonides und Gersonides bis Hegel verfolgen k\u00f6nnen. Dieses Bem\u00fchen um Aristoteles von der Antike bis in die Neuzeit ist etwa f\u00fcr De anima bei Alexander von Aphrodisias und Leibniz, f\u00fcr die \r\nKategorien bei Plotin und Peirce dokumentiert, wobei die Erstver\u00f6ffentlichung der Ubersetzung von Cat. 1 - 4 durch den bedeutenden amerikanischen Philosophen mit besonderer Freude angezeigt werden darf. \r\nVon den Autoren dieses Bandes weilen Paul Henry und Charles B. Schmitt nicht mehr unter uns. In ein Buch \u00fcber Plotins Entretiens sollte der hier ver\u00f6ffentlichte Beitrag von Paul Henry sp\u00e4ter einmal integriert werden; daraus erkl\u00e4ren sich gelegentliche Hinweise auf geplante Teile dieses nun nicht mehr vollendeten Werkes. Die Studie von Charles B.Schmitt \u00fcber die Aristoteles-Florilegien der Renaissance bietet die erste Gesamtdarstellung zu diesem Thema und enth\u00e4lt im Anhang ein Verzeichnis mit wichtigen Erg\u00e4nzungen zu seiner grundlegenden \u201eBibliography of Aristotle Editions, 1501-1600\". [Vorwort p. V-VI]\r\n","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Q1P6OhIp8zaE99c","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":189,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Entelechie und Monade: Bemerkungen zum Gebrauch eines aristotelischen Begriffs bei Leibniz, 1987
By: Ebert, Theodor, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Entelechie und Monade: Bemerkungen zum Gebrauch eines aristotelischen Begriffs bei Leibniz
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1987
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben
Pages	560-583
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ebert, Theodor
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Abhandlung über die Verwendung des Begriffs 'Entelechie' bei Leibnitz: "Daß Leibniz sich, um auf unsere eingangs gestellte Frage zurück zukommen, für seinen Begriff der Entelechie nicht auf Aristoteles berufen kann, dürfte damit klar geworden sein. Aus einem Begriff, der bei Aristoteles eine Seinsweise von Gegenständen charakterisie ren soll, ist bei Leibniz ein Begriff geworden, der Seiendes selber, Monaden nämlich, charakterisiert. Aber dieses Mißverständnis eines aristotelischen Begriffs durch Leibniz, das wir damit diagnostizieren müssen, ist nicht eine simple Fehlinterpretation des aristotelischen Textes. Dieses Mißverständnis ist begünstigt worden durch eine Ar gumentation des Aristoteles, die den Charakter einer dialektischen tour de force hat und die von dem Ausdruck ,Entelecheia‘ einen in gewissem Sinn problematischen Gebrauch macht." (p. 582)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3k7VYtKVSM42I1L

{"_index":"sire","_id":"801","_score":null,"_source":{"id":801,"authors_free":[{"id":1183,"entry_id":801,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":76,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Ebert, Theodor","free_first_name":"Theodor","free_last_name":"Ebert","norm_person":{"id":76,"first_name":"Theodor","last_name":"Ebert","full_name":"Ebert, Theodor","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115820787","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2096,"entry_id":801,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Entelechie und Monade: Bemerkungen zum Gebrauch eines aristotelischen Begriffs bei Leibniz","main_title":{"title":"Entelechie und Monade: Bemerkungen zum Gebrauch eines aristotelischen Begriffs bei Leibniz"},"abstract":"Abhandlung \u00fcber die Verwendung des Begriffs 'Entelechie' bei Leibnitz: \"Da\u00df Leibniz sich, um auf unsere eingangs gestellte Frage zur\u00fcck\u00ad\r\nzukommen, f\u00fcr seinen Begriff der Entelechie nicht auf Aristoteles \r\nberufen kann, d\u00fcrfte damit klar geworden sein. Aus einem Begriff, \r\nder bei Aristoteles eine Seinsweise von Gegenst\u00e4nden charakterisie\u00ad\r\nren soll, ist bei Leibniz ein Begriff geworden, der Seiendes selber, \r\nMonaden n\u00e4mlich, charakterisiert. Aber dieses Mi\u00dfverst\u00e4ndnis eines \r\naristotelischen Begriffs durch Leibniz, das wir damit diagnostizieren \r\nm\u00fcssen, ist nicht eine simple Fehlinterpretation des aristotelischen \r\nTextes. Dieses Mi\u00dfverst\u00e4ndnis ist beg\u00fcnstigt worden durch eine Ar\u00ad\r\ngumentation des Aristoteles, die den Charakter einer dialektischen \r\ntour de force hat und die von dem Ausdruck ,Entelecheia\u2018 einen in \r\ngewissem Sinn problematischen Gebrauch macht.\" (p. 582)","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3k7VYtKVSM42I1L","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":76,"full_name":"Ebert, Theodor","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":801,"section_of":189,"pages":"560-583","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":189,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"de","title":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, \u00dcberlieferung, Nachleben","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Wiesner\/Lulofs\/Kollesch\/Nutton1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Kommentierung, Uberlieferung und Nachleben des Aristoteles sind das Thema dieses Bandes. Mit der Aristotelesrenaissance des 1. Jh. v.Chr. einsetzend, vermitteln die Beitr\u00e4ge, unter acht Hauptkapiteln zusammengefa\u00dft, ein eindrucksvolles Bild von der Rezeption zweier Jahrtausende. D a \u00df diese Rezeption kontinuierlich in ihren wichtigen Phasen illustriert werden kann, ist - wie schon im ersten Band - der freundlichen Kooperation der beteiligten Autoren zu verdanken. Als besonderer Gl\u00fccksfall mag gelten, da\u00df einige Beitr\u00e4ge sich in idealer Weise erg\u00e4nzen. So wird der Leser in zwei auf einanderfolgenden Artikeln die Interpretationsgeschichte der zentralen Kapitel Metaphysik \u039b 7 und 9 von Plotin und Themistios \u00fcber Maimonides und Gersonides bis Hegel verfolgen k\u00f6nnen. Dieses Bem\u00fchen um Aristoteles von der Antike bis in die Neuzeit ist etwa f\u00fcr De anima bei Alexander von Aphrodisias und Leibniz, f\u00fcr die \r\nKategorien bei Plotin und Peirce dokumentiert, wobei die Erstver\u00f6ffentlichung der Ubersetzung von Cat. 1 - 4 durch den bedeutenden amerikanischen Philosophen mit besonderer Freude angezeigt werden darf. \r\nVon den Autoren dieses Bandes weilen Paul Henry und Charles B. Schmitt nicht mehr unter uns. In ein Buch \u00fcber Plotins Entretiens sollte der hier ver\u00f6ffentlichte Beitrag von Paul Henry sp\u00e4ter einmal integriert werden; daraus erkl\u00e4ren sich gelegentliche Hinweise auf geplante Teile dieses nun nicht mehr vollendeten Werkes. Die Studie von Charles B.Schmitt \u00fcber die Aristoteles-Florilegien der Renaissance bietet die erste Gesamtdarstellung zu diesem Thema und enth\u00e4lt im Anhang ein Verzeichnis mit wichtigen Erg\u00e4nzungen zu seiner grundlegenden \u201eBibliography of Aristotle Editions, 1501-1600\". [Vorwort p. V-VI]\r\n","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Q1P6OhIp8zaE99c","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":189,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Alexander of Aphrodisias in the later Greek commentaries on Aristotle’s De Anima, 1987
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Alexander of Aphrodisias in the later Greek commentaries on Aristotle’s De Anima
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben
Pages	90-106
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

These are a few examples of how the Neoplatonist commenta tors confronted Alexander on matters where differences could hardly fail to arise. What happens is clear enough. But it would be wrong to think that these principles of interpretation are not applied at other points in the work. Let us take an apparently innocuous issue like the section where Aristotle discusses locomotion under the stimulus of the appetitive faculty (433 b 8sqq.). Alexander, giving a clearly Aristotelian explanation, said that the faculty was moved accidentally. Plutarch differed, and said that the activity of the appetitive faculty is movement: this Simplicius describes as a Pla tonic explanation, and prefers it (302,23-30).44 On the other hand, a few pages below Simplicius prefers Alexander to Plutarch on the question whether moving but ungenerated entities have sense-per ception (320,33-34): we have already looked at his and Stephanus’ account of this passage.45 As we indicated, Stephanus there quotes Alexander only to disagree with him, and here we have at least one piece of evidence to show that Neoplatonist commentators could take a different view of the same passage. If we had more examples of texts where Alexander’s views of the De anima were discussed by more than one of his successors, we should be able to form a clearer picture of how far the different commentators were prepared to accept them, and thus incidentally of the precise differences between these commentators themselves on the points at issue. [conclusion p. 105-106]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yyFedFSkP8qo8dn

{"_index":"sire","_id":"805","_score":null,"_source":{"id":805,"authors_free":[{"id":1191,"entry_id":805,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Alexander of Aphrodisias in the later Greek commentaries on Aristotle\u2019s De Anima","main_title":{"title":"Alexander of Aphrodisias in the later Greek commentaries on Aristotle\u2019s De Anima"},"abstract":"These are a few examples of how the Neoplatonist commenta\u00ad\r\ntors confronted Alexander on matters where differences could \r\nhardly fail to arise. What happens is clear enough. But it would be \r\nwrong to think that these principles of interpretation are not applied \r\nat other points in the work. Let us take an apparently innocuous \r\nissue like the section where Aristotle discusses locomotion under the \r\nstimulus of the appetitive faculty (433 b 8sqq.). Alexander, giving a \r\nclearly Aristotelian explanation, said that the faculty was moved \r\naccidentally. Plutarch differed, and said that the activity of the \r\nappetitive faculty is movement: this Simplicius describes as a Pla\u00ad\r\ntonic explanation, and prefers it (302,23-30).44 On the other hand, a \r\nfew pages below Simplicius prefers Alexander to Plutarch on the \r\nquestion whether moving but ungenerated entities have sense-per\u00ad\r\nception (320,33-34): we have already looked at his and Stephanus\u2019 account of this passage.45 As we indicated, Stephanus there quotes \r\nAlexander only to disagree with him, and here we have at least one \r\npiece of evidence to show that Neoplatonist commentators could \r\ntake a different view of the same passage. If we had more examples \r\nof texts where Alexander\u2019s views of the De anima were discussed by \r\nmore than one of his successors, we should be able to form a clearer \r\npicture of how far the different commentators were prepared to \r\naccept them, and thus incidentally of the precise differences between \r\nthese commentators themselves on the points at issue. [conclusion p. 105-106]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yyFedFSkP8qo8dn","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":805,"section_of":189,"pages":"90-106","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":189,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"de","title":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, \u00dcberlieferung, Nachleben","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Wiesner\/Lulofs\/Kollesch\/Nutton1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Kommentierung, Uberlieferung und Nachleben des Aristoteles sind das Thema dieses Bandes. Mit der Aristotelesrenaissance des 1. Jh. v.Chr. einsetzend, vermitteln die Beitr\u00e4ge, unter acht Hauptkapiteln zusammengefa\u00dft, ein eindrucksvolles Bild von der Rezeption zweier Jahrtausende. D a \u00df diese Rezeption kontinuierlich in ihren wichtigen Phasen illustriert werden kann, ist - wie schon im ersten Band - der freundlichen Kooperation der beteiligten Autoren zu verdanken. Als besonderer Gl\u00fccksfall mag gelten, da\u00df einige Beitr\u00e4ge sich in idealer Weise erg\u00e4nzen. So wird der Leser in zwei auf einanderfolgenden Artikeln die Interpretationsgeschichte der zentralen Kapitel Metaphysik \u039b 7 und 9 von Plotin und Themistios \u00fcber Maimonides und Gersonides bis Hegel verfolgen k\u00f6nnen. Dieses Bem\u00fchen um Aristoteles von der Antike bis in die Neuzeit ist etwa f\u00fcr De anima bei Alexander von Aphrodisias und Leibniz, f\u00fcr die \r\nKategorien bei Plotin und Peirce dokumentiert, wobei die Erstver\u00f6ffentlichung der Ubersetzung von Cat. 1 - 4 durch den bedeutenden amerikanischen Philosophen mit besonderer Freude angezeigt werden darf. \r\nVon den Autoren dieses Bandes weilen Paul Henry und Charles B. Schmitt nicht mehr unter uns. In ein Buch \u00fcber Plotins Entretiens sollte der hier ver\u00f6ffentlichte Beitrag von Paul Henry sp\u00e4ter einmal integriert werden; daraus erkl\u00e4ren sich gelegentliche Hinweise auf geplante Teile dieses nun nicht mehr vollendeten Werkes. Die Studie von Charles B.Schmitt \u00fcber die Aristoteles-Florilegien der Renaissance bietet die erste Gesamtdarstellung zu diesem Thema und enth\u00e4lt im Anhang ein Verzeichnis mit wichtigen Erg\u00e4nzungen zu seiner grundlegenden \u201eBibliography of Aristotle Editions, 1501-1600\". [Vorwort p. V-VI]\r\n","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Q1P6OhIp8zaE99c","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":189,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Teil II: Principat, Philosophie, Wissenschaften, Technik. 2. Teilband: Philosophie, 1987
By: Haase, Wolfgang (Ed.)

Title	Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Teil II: Principat, Philosophie, Wissenschaften, Technik. 2. Teilband: Philosophie
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1987
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	De Gruyter
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Haase, Wolfgang
Translator(s)

AUFSTIEG UND NIEDERGANG DER RÖMISCHEN WELT (ANRW) ist ein internationales Gemeinschaftswerk historischer Wissenschaften. Seine Aufgabe besteht darin, alle wichtigen Aspekte der antiken römischen Welt sowie ihres Fortwirkens und Nachlebens in Mittelalter und Neuzeit nach dem gegenwärtigen Stand der Forschung in Einzelbeiträgen zu behandeln. Das Werk ist in 3 Teile gegliedert: I. Von den Anfängen Roms bis zum Ausgang der Republik II. Principat III. Spätantike Jeder der drei Teile umfaßt sechs systematische Rubriken, zwischen denen es vielfache Überschneidungen gibt: 1. Politische Geschichte, 2. Recht, 3. Religion, 4. Sprache und Literatur, 5. Philosophie und Wissenschaften, 6. Künste. ANRW ist ein handbuchartiges Übersichtswerk zu den römischen Studien im weitesten Sinne, mit Einschluß der Rezeptions- und Wirkungsgeschichte bis in die Gegenwart. Bei den Beiträgen handelt es sich entweder um zusammenfassende Darstellungen mit Bibliographie oder um Problem- und Forschungsberichte bzw. thematisch breit angelegte exemplarische Untersuchungen. Die Artikel erscheinen in deutscher, englischer, französischer oder italienischer Sprache. Zum Mitarbeiterstab gehören rund 1000 Gelehrte aus 35 Ländern. Der Vielfalt der Themen entsprechend gehören die Autoren hauptsächlich folgenden Fachrichtungen an: Alte, Mittelalterliche und Neue Geschichte; Byzantinistik, Slavistik; Klassische, Mittellateinische, Romanische und Orientalische Philologie; Klassische, Orientalische und Christliche Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte; Rechtswissenschaft; Religionswissenschaft und Theologie, besonders Kirchengeschichte und Patristik. In Vorbereitung sind: Teil II, Bd. 26,4: Religion - Vorkonstantinisches Christentum: Neues Testament - Sachthemen, Fortsetzung Teil II, Bd. 37,4: Wissenschaften: Medizin und Biologie, Fortsetzung. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vkva8h1vt1Po53c

{"_index":"sire","_id":"335","_score":null,"_source":{"id":335,"authors_free":[{"id":429,"entry_id":335,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":325,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Haase, Wolfgang","free_first_name":"Wolfgang","free_last_name":"Haase","norm_person":{"id":325,"first_name":"Wolfgang","last_name":"Haase","full_name":"Haase, Wolfgang","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117757527","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aufstieg und Niedergang der r\u00f6mischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Teil II: Principat, Philosophie, Wissenschaften, Technik. 2. Teilband: Philosophie","main_title":{"title":"Aufstieg und Niedergang der r\u00f6mischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Teil II: Principat, Philosophie, Wissenschaften, Technik. 2. Teilband: Philosophie"},"abstract":"AUFSTIEG UND NIEDERGANG DER R\u00d6MISCHEN WELT (ANRW) ist ein internationales Gemeinschaftswerk historischer Wissenschaften. Seine Aufgabe besteht darin, alle wichtigen Aspekte der antiken r\u00f6mischen Welt sowie ihres Fortwirkens und Nachlebens in Mittelalter und Neuzeit nach dem gegenw\u00e4rtigen Stand der Forschung in Einzelbeitr\u00e4gen zu behandeln. Das Werk ist in 3 Teile gegliedert:\r\nI. Von den Anf\u00e4ngen Roms bis zum Ausgang der Republik\r\nII. Principat\r\nIII. Sp\u00e4tantike\r\nJeder der drei Teile umfa\u00dft sechs systematische Rubriken, zwischen denen es vielfache \u00dcberschneidungen gibt: 1. Politische Geschichte, 2. Recht, 3. Religion, 4. Sprache und Literatur, 5. Philosophie und Wissenschaften, 6. K\u00fcnste.\r\n\r\nANRW ist ein handbuchartiges \u00dcbersichtswerk zu den r\u00f6mischen Studien im weitesten Sinne, mit Einschlu\u00df der Rezeptions- und Wirkungsgeschichte bis in die Gegenwart. Bei den Beitr\u00e4gen handelt es sich entweder um zusammenfassende Darstellungen mit Bibliographie oder um Problem- und Forschungsberichte bzw. thematisch breit angelegte exemplarische Untersuchungen. Die Artikel erscheinen in deutscher, englischer, franz\u00f6sischer oder italienischer Sprache.\r\n\r\nZum Mitarbeiterstab geh\u00f6ren rund 1000 Gelehrte aus 35 L\u00e4ndern. Der Vielfalt der Themen entsprechend geh\u00f6ren die Autoren haupts\u00e4chlich folgenden Fachrichtungen an: Alte, Mittelalterliche und Neue Geschichte; Byzantinistik, Slavistik; Klassische, Mittellateinische, Romanische und Orientalische Philologie; Klassische, Orientalische und Christliche Arch\u00e4ologie und Kunstgeschichte; Rechtswissenschaft; Religionswissenschaft und Theologie, besonders Kirchengeschichte und Patristik.\r\n\r\nIn Vorbereitung sind:\r\nTeil II, Bd. 26,4: Religion - Vorkonstantinisches Christentum: Neues Testament - Sachthemen, Fortsetzung\r\nTeil II, Bd. 37,4: Wissenschaften: Medizin und Biologie, Fortsetzung. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1987","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vkva8h1vt1Po53c","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":325,"full_name":"Haase, Wolfgang","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":335,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Études sur Parménide, Tome II: Problèmes d’interprétation, 1987
By: Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Études sur Parménide, Tome II: Problèmes d’interprétation
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1987
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Bibliothèque d’histoire de la philosophie
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ojgpMQbpMPY4GeV

{"_index":"sire","_id":"372","_score":null,"_source":{"id":372,"authors_free":[{"id":1999,"entry_id":372,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":149,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Aubenque","norm_person":{"id":149,"first_name":"Pierre","last_name":"Aubenque","full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118919458","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"\u00c9tudes sur Parm\u00e9nide, Tome II: Probl\u00e8mes d\u2019interpr\u00e9tation","main_title":{"title":"\u00c9tudes sur Parm\u00e9nide, Tome II: Probl\u00e8mes d\u2019interpr\u00e9tation"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"1987","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ojgpMQbpMPY4GeV","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":149,"full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":372,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Biblioth\u00e8que d\u2019histoire de la philosophie","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Prolegomena to the Study of Philoponus' contra Aristotelem, 1987
By: Wildberg, Christian, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Prolegomena to the Study of Philoponus' contra Aristotelem
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science
Pages	197-209
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Judging from the number and content of his commentaries, Philoponus was a thinker in the Aristotelian tradition. One of his major achievements lies in the fact that as a commentator he accepted and developed the heritage of his teacher Ammonius. For that reason alone it is remarkable that he composed a treatise which attacked vital topics of Aristotle’s philosophy with little compromise. Although it is true that throughout Antiquity many philosophers ventured to criticise the great Aristotle, one may agree that Philoponus did so, as Cesare Cremonini put it in 1616, ‘more sharply than anyone’ (acerrime omnium).' Where does this attack fit into the context of Philoponus’doctrinal development? No doubt his outspoken critique of Aristotle in the de Aetemitate Mundi contra Aristotelem somehow swayed Philoponus to desert the philosophical and join the theological camp. But the story is probably more complex. The general point of dissent was, as the title indicates, the doctrine of the eternity of the world. Being a Christian, Philoponus perhaps possessed a particular motivation for launching his attack - as a feat of praeparatio evangélica. This fact has been sufficiently recognised and appreciated. Less appreciated and studied, however, has been the philosophical side, i.e. the actual argument and structure of the treatise in question. Since it has not survived the content must be reconstructed from a number of substantial fragments found mainly in the commentaries of Philoponus’ adversary Simplicius. An adequate treatment of the double controversy Simplicius v Philoponus v Aristotle would fill a volume on its own and cannot be the subject of this chapter.2 Instead, I will attempt to revise apparently firmly established views about the treatise, in particular its composition and date. This, it is hoped, may lead to a revised view of that treatise and at the same time encourage a more advanced study of Philoponus’ doctrinal development in general. [introduction p. 197-198]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dbFxqr9z9aZi48i

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One of his major achievements lies in \r\nthe fact that as a commentator he accepted and developed the heritage of his teacher Ammonius. For that reason alone it is remarkable that he composed a treatise which attacked vital topics of Aristotle\u2019s philosophy with little compromise. Although it is true that throughout Antiquity many philosophers ventured to criticise the great Aristotle, one may agree that Philoponus did so, as Cesare Cremonini put it in 1616, \u2018more sharply than anyone\u2019 (acerrime omnium).' Where does this attack fit into the context of Philoponus\u2019doctrinal development? No doubt his outspoken critique of Aristotle in the de Aetemitate Mundi contra Aristotelem somehow swayed Philoponus to desert the philosophical and join the theological camp. But the story is probably more complex. The general point of dissent was, as the title indicates, the doctrine of the eternity of the world. Being a Christian, Philoponus perhaps possessed a \r\nparticular motivation for launching his attack - as a feat of praeparatio evang\u00e9lica. This fact has been sufficiently recognised and appreciated. Less appreciated and studied, however, has been the philosophical side, i.e. the actual argument and structure of the treatise in question. Since it has not survived the content must be reconstructed from a number of substantial fragments found mainly in the commentaries of Philoponus\u2019 adversary Simplicius. An adequate treatment of the double controversy Simplicius v Philoponus v Aristotle would fill a volume on its own and cannot be the subject of this chapter.2 Instead, I will attempt to revise apparently firmly established views about the treatise, in particular its composition and date. This, it is hoped, may lead to a revised view of that treatise and at the same time encourage a more advanced study of Philoponus\u2019 doctrinal development in general. [introduction p. 197-198]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dbFxqr9z9aZi48i","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":360,"full_name":"Wildberg, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":430,"section_of":1383,"pages":"197-209","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1383,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabij1987d","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"All the chapters in this book are new, except for the inaugural lecture (Chapter 9), which I apologise for reprinting virtually unrevised and with the original lecture context still apparent. It seemed desirable, however, that so crucial a part ofthe controversy should be represented. The collection originated in a conference on Philoponus held at the Institute of Classical Studies in London in June 1983, which provided an opportunity for interested parties to pool knowledge from the many different disciplines that are relevant to his work. Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 6 are drawn from the conference, while two other conference papers, those of Henry Blumenthal and Richard Sorabji, are being incorporated into books in preparation (see Bibliography). Sorabji's main suggestions, however, are included in Chapter I in the discussion of matter and extension (pp 18 and 23). The remairnng chapters, apart from the inaugural lecture, were solicited or written for the volume, two of them (5 and 12) having been delivered first at a seminar on Ancient Science at the Institute of Classical Studies. [preface, p. ix-x]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/buhMZZl0djmIx9v","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1383,"pubplace":"Ithaca, New York","publisher":"Cornell University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"1","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Proclus, lecteur et interprète des anciens. Actes du colloque international du CNRS, Paris (2-4 octobre 1985), 1987
By: Pépin, Jean (Ed.), Saffrey, Henri Dominique (Ed.)

Title	Proclus, lecteur et interprète des anciens. Actes du colloque international du CNRS, Paris (2-4 octobre 1985)
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1987
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Centre national de la recherche scientifique
Series	Colloques internationaux du Centre national de la recherche scientifique
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Pépin, Jean , Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Translator(s)

Du 5e siècle jusqu'au début du 19e siècle, Proclus fut considéré comme l'héritier par excellence de Platon, celui qui avait su tirer des dialogues un exposé systématique et cohérent de la philosophie platonicienne. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QluMshmjYrV5JtV

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Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985, 1987
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1987
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus
Volume	15
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Depuis une quinzaine d'années, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Amérique et en France à un renouveau des études sur Simplicius. Différents chercheurs, partis de problématiques et de préoccupations différentes, se sont rencontrés dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'était donc pour faciliter une étude coordonnée et systématique à la fois du texte et de la pensée de Simplicius que la Recherche Coopérative Programmée 739 "Recherches sur les œuvres et la pensée de Simplicius" fut fondée en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se déroulent en étroite collaboration avec l'équipe anglo-américaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitulée "Ancient Commentators on Aristotle", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universität de Berlin-Ouest dirigé par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger. Pour permettre aux différents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent à l'étranger, ainsi qu'à d'autres savants intéressés par les études sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de résoudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant à l'organisation du travail, d'échanger entre eux les tout derniers résultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des problèmes difficiles, j'ai organisé, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu à Paris, à la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a été entièrement financé par la Fondation Hugot du Collège de France, à laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi à remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veillé à leur procurer un merveilleux confort. Le Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionné la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la série prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'édition De Gruyter. [Préface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/45BIqsODQJTdHmt

{"_index":"sire","_id":"171","_score":null,"_source":{"id":171,"authors_free":[{"id":1831,"entry_id":171,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985"},"abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","btype":4,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben, 1987
By: Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.), H. J. Lulofs (Ed.), Jutta Kollesch (Ed.), Vivian Nutton (Ed.)

Title	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	1987
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet
Volume	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen , H. J. Lulofs , Jutta Kollesch , Vivian Nutton
Translator(s)

Kommentierung, Uberlieferung und Nachleben des Aristoteles sind das Thema dieses Bandes. Mit der Aristotelesrenaissance des 1. Jh. v.Chr. einsetzend, vermitteln die Beiträge, unter acht Hauptkapiteln zusammengefaßt, ein eindrucksvolles Bild von der Rezeption zweier Jahrtausende. D a ß diese Rezeption kontinuierlich in ihren wichtigen Phasen illustriert werden kann, ist - wie schon im ersten Band - der freundlichen Kooperation der beteiligten Autoren zu verdanken. Als besonderer Glücksfall mag gelten, daß einige Beiträge sich in idealer Weise ergänzen. So wird der Leser in zwei auf einanderfolgenden Artikeln die Interpretationsgeschichte der zentralen Kapitel Metaphysik Λ 7 und 9 von Plotin und Themistios über Maimonides und Gersonides bis Hegel verfolgen können. Dieses Bemühen um Aristoteles von der Antike bis in die Neuzeit ist etwa für De anima bei Alexander von Aphrodisias und Leibniz, für die Kategorien bei Plotin und Peirce dokumentiert, wobei die Erstveröffentlichung der Ubersetzung von Cat. 1 - 4 durch den bedeutenden amerikanischen Philosophen mit besonderer Freude angezeigt werden darf. Von den Autoren dieses Bandes weilen Paul Henry und Charles B. Schmitt nicht mehr unter uns. In ein Buch über Plotins Entretiens sollte der hier veröffentlichte Beitrag von Paul Henry später einmal integriert werden; daraus erklären sich gelegentliche Hinweise auf geplante Teile dieses nun nicht mehr vollendeten Werkes. Die Studie von Charles B.Schmitt über die Aristoteles-Florilegien der Renaissance bietet die erste Gesamtdarstellung zu diesem Thema und enthält im Anhang ein Verzeichnis mit wichtigen Ergänzungen zu seiner grundlegenden „Bibliography of Aristotle Editions, 1501-1600". [Vorwort p. V-VI]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Q1P6OhIp8zaE99c

{"_index":"sire","_id":"189","_score":null,"_source":{"id":189,"authors_free":[{"id":245,"entry_id":189,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2768,"entry_id":189,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"H. J. Lulofs","free_first_name":"H. J.","free_last_name":"Lulofs","norm_person":null},{"id":2769,"entry_id":189,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Jutta Kollesch","free_first_name":"Jutta","free_last_name":"Kollesch","norm_person":null},{"id":2770,"entry_id":189,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Vivian Nutton","free_first_name":"Vivian","free_last_name":"Nutton","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, \u00dcberlieferung, Nachleben","main_title":{"title":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, \u00dcberlieferung, Nachleben"},"abstract":"Kommentierung, Uberlieferung und Nachleben des Aristoteles sind das Thema dieses Bandes. Mit der Aristotelesrenaissance des 1. Jh. v.Chr. einsetzend, vermitteln die Beitr\u00e4ge, unter acht Hauptkapiteln zusammengefa\u00dft, ein eindrucksvolles Bild von der Rezeption zweier Jahrtausende. D a \u00df diese Rezeption kontinuierlich in ihren wichtigen Phasen illustriert werden kann, ist - wie schon im ersten Band - der freundlichen Kooperation der beteiligten Autoren zu verdanken. Als besonderer Gl\u00fccksfall mag gelten, da\u00df einige Beitr\u00e4ge sich in idealer Weise erg\u00e4nzen. So wird der Leser in zwei auf einanderfolgenden Artikeln die Interpretationsgeschichte der zentralen Kapitel Metaphysik \u039b 7 und 9 von Plotin und Themistios \u00fcber Maimonides und Gersonides bis Hegel verfolgen k\u00f6nnen. Dieses Bem\u00fchen um Aristoteles von der Antike bis in die Neuzeit ist etwa f\u00fcr De anima bei Alexander von Aphrodisias und Leibniz, f\u00fcr die \r\nKategorien bei Plotin und Peirce dokumentiert, wobei die Erstver\u00f6ffentlichung der Ubersetzung von Cat. 1 - 4 durch den bedeutenden amerikanischen Philosophen mit besonderer Freude angezeigt werden darf. \r\nVon den Autoren dieses Bandes weilen Paul Henry und Charles B. Schmitt nicht mehr unter uns. In ein Buch \u00fcber Plotins Entretiens sollte der hier ver\u00f6ffentlichte Beitrag von Paul Henry sp\u00e4ter einmal integriert werden; daraus erkl\u00e4ren sich gelegentliche Hinweise auf geplante Teile dieses nun nicht mehr vollendeten Werkes. Die Studie von Charles B.Schmitt \u00fcber die Aristoteles-Florilegien der Renaissance bietet die erste Gesamtdarstellung zu diesem Thema und enth\u00e4lt im Anhang ein Verzeichnis mit wichtigen Erg\u00e4nzungen zu seiner grundlegenden \u201eBibliography of Aristotle Editions, 1501-1600\". [Vorwort p. V-VI]\r\n","btype":4,"date":"1987","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Q1P6OhIp8zaE99c","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":189,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

The Physical World of Late Antiquity, 1987
By: Sambursky, Samuel

Title	The Physical World of Late Antiquity
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1987
Publication Place	Princeton
Publisher	Princeton University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sambursky, Samuel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Sambursky describes the development of scientific conceptions and theories in the centuries following Aristotle until the close of antiquity in the sixth century A. D. Originally published in 1987. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905. [a.a.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ucITChRtwjW8n0e

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Philoponus: Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World, 1987
By: Philoponos, Johannes,

Title	Philoponus: Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1987
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Philoponos, Johannes
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Wildberg, Christian(Wildberg, Christian) .

Philoponus' treatise Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World, an attack on Aristotle's astronomy and theology is concerned mainly with the eternity and divinity of the fifth element, or 'quintessence', of which Aristotle took the stars to be composed. Pagans and Christians were divided on whether the world had a beginning, and on whether a belief that the heavens were divine was a mark of religion. Philoponus claimed on behalf of Christianity that the universe was not eternal. His most spectacular arguments, where wrung paradox out of the pagan belief in an infinite past, have been wrongly credited by historians of science to a period 700 years later. The treatise was to influence Islamic, Jewish, Byzantine and Latin thought, though the fifth element was defended against Philoponus even beyond the time of Copernicus. The influence of the treatise was not easy to trace before the fragments were assembled. Dr. Wildberg has brought them together for the first time and provided a summary which makes coherent sense of the whole. He has also studied a Syriac fragment, which reveals that the treatise originally contained an explicitly theological section on the Christian expectation of a new heaven and a new earth. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8Iylo91nPxiKHhJ

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Simplicius et l'école' éléate, 1987
By: Cordero, Néstor-Luis, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius et l'école' éléate
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	166-182
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cordero, Néstor-Luis
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

This text discusses the concept of the Eleatic school of philosophy, which is attributed to the philosophers Parmenides and Xenophanes. The author argues that the school may not have actually existed as a unified movement, but rather was an invention to help classify the philosophical systems of ancient Greece. The author discusses the historical development of the Eleatic school from Plato to Simplicius and analyzes the presentation of the four Eleatic philosophers by Simplicius. The author concludes that Simplicius, like Plato and Aristotle before him, considers Parmenides to be the central figure of the Eleatic school. The text also examines the reasons why the Eleatic school has been characterized as monistic, and argues that this may be due to a misinterpretation of the works of Parmenides and Melissus. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TmkANfK25JZ4wfH

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1278","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1278,"authors_free":[{"id":1867,"entry_id":1278,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":54,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_last_name":"Cordero","norm_person":{"id":54,"first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","last_name":"Cordero","full_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1055808973","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2346,"entry_id":1278,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius et l'\u00e9cole' \u00e9l\u00e9ate","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius et l'\u00e9cole' \u00e9l\u00e9ate"},"abstract":"This text discusses the concept of the Eleatic school of philosophy, which is attributed to the philosophers Parmenides and Xenophanes. The author argues that the school may not have actually existed as a unified movement, but rather was an invention to help classify the philosophical systems of ancient Greece. The author discusses the historical development of the Eleatic school from Plato to Simplicius and analyzes the presentation of the four Eleatic philosophers by Simplicius. The author concludes that Simplicius, like Plato and Aristotle before him, considers Parmenides to be the central figure of the Eleatic school. The text also examines the reasons why the Eleatic school has been characterized as monistic, and argues that this may be due to a misinterpretation of the works of Parmenides and Melissus. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TmkANfK25JZ4wfH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":54,"full_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1278,"section_of":171,"pages":"166-182","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":171,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Les calendriers en usage à Harran d’après les sources arabes et le commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d’Aristote, 1987
By: Tardieu, Michel, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Les calendriers en usage à Harran d’après les sources arabes et le commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	40-57
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tardieu, Michel
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

L’ordre des saisons adopté par Simplicius pour énumérer et classer les calendriers groupe d’abord deux calendriers luni-solaires (attique et asiate), puis deux calendriers solaires (romain et arabe). Comme dans l’Athènes de Proclus finissant, le premier de ces calendriers n’était en usage qu’à l’Académie. Mais, à la différence de la situation contemporaine de Marinus écrivant la biographie de son maître, la symbolique des lunaisons du calendrier attique, avec un cycle analogue de fêtes et de rites, était réalité hors de l’enceinte de l’Académie, dans la société harrânienne. Le calendrier luni-solaire attique en usage dans l’École platonicienne de Harrân ne se différenciait du calendrier luni-solaire local hérité de la colonisation macédonienne que par son début d’année et les noms de ses mois. Le passage de l’un à l’autre n’offrait aucune difficulté. Plus besoin, comme le faisait Marinus, de julianiser artificiellement le nombre du jour du mois attique pour transcrire une date du calendrier de la ville. L’hémérologe de Florence mettant la nouvelle année du calendrier asiate le 23 septembre et Jean Lydus faisant partir le calendrier attique du 23 juin, il y avait totale correspondance du point de vue du jour du mois entre le calendrier académique dont Lydus donne les noms attiques et le calendrier civil et religieux de la ville, dont l’Hémerologion et al-Hàsimî transmettent respectivement les noms macédoniens et araméens. L’exemple des débuts d’année, développé par Simplicius, offre un déroulement du temps harrânien à quatre entrées festives, comme l’a bien noté al-Bîrünî. L’année académique des Platoniciens, réglée sur le solstice d’été (calendrier attique), y commençait au 1ᵉʳ Hekatombaiôn, qui correspondait respectivement au 1ᵉʳ Lôos (Éphèse), au 23 juin (Romains), au 4 Panemos (Arabes). L’année civile et religieuse de la ville, réglée sur l’équinoxe d’automne (calendrier asiate), y commençait au 1ᵉʳ Dios/Tišrîn al-awwal, qui correspondait au 23 septembre (Romains), au 6 Gorpiaios (Arabes), au 1ᵉʳ Puanepsiôn (Athéniens). L’année civile et religieuse de l’Empire, réglée sur le solstice d’hiver (calendrier romain), y commençait au 1ᵉʳ janvier/Kânûn II, qui correspondait au 16 Audunaios (Arabes), au 8 Gamêliôn (Athéniens), au 8 Peritios (Éphèse). L’année coutumière de la région, réglée sur l’équinoxe vernal (calendrier arabe), y commençait au 1ᵉʳ Xanthikos/Nîsân, qui correspondait à la veille du 30 Elaphêboliôn (Athéniens), au 22 mars (Romains), et à la veille du 30 Xanthikos (Éphèse). La parenthèse sur les débuts d’année, ouverte par Simplicius à propos de l’exemple du début du mois choisi par Aristote pour illustrer le concept de consécution temporelle, se referme sur trois acquis essentiels. Elle constitue le plus ancien témoignage connu sur les calendriers en usage chez les Greco-araméens de Harrân. Elle permet d’identifier, par leur origine historique et leur appartenance nationale, les calendriers fournis par al-Sarahsî, al-Hàsimî et Wahb. Elle confirme que c’est bien là, dans cette «ville bénie, parce que jamais souillée par l’erreur de Nazareth», que trouvèrent refuge les derniers Platoniciens après 533. Dans les calendriers de Wahb et d’al-Hâsimî, se côtoient pêle-mêle les noms de divinités babyloniennes, égyptiennes, grecques, anatoliennes, syriennes et arabes. Un tel syncrétisme ne pouvait que faire bon ménage avec la religion de l’Académie. Selon l’objectif de l’École d’Athènes, en effet, le philosophe ne devait se contenter d’être le thérapeute d’une seule ville, ou celui des coutumes de quelques peuples. Il lui fallait aussi être «l’hiérophante du monde entier». En s’installant à Harrân à leur retour d’Iran, les compagnons de Damascius avaient choisi l’endroit idéal pour réaliser un tel programme. [conclusion p. 55-57]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TgVuqJv1CIhi085

{"_index":"sire","_id":"475","_score":null,"_source":{"id":475,"authors_free":[{"id":640,"entry_id":475,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":331,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tardieu, Michel","free_first_name":"Michel","free_last_name":"Tardieu","norm_person":{"id":331,"first_name":"Michel","last_name":"Tardieu","full_name":"Tardieu, Michel","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140490701","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":641,"entry_id":475,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les calendriers en usage \u00e0 Harran d\u2019apr\u00e8s les sources arabes et le commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique d\u2019Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Les calendriers en usage \u00e0 Harran d\u2019apr\u00e8s les sources arabes et le commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique d\u2019Aristote"},"abstract":"L\u2019ordre des saisons adopt\u00e9 par Simplicius pour \u00e9num\u00e9rer et classer les calendriers groupe d\u2019abord deux calendriers luni-solaires (attique et asiate), puis deux calendriers solaires (romain et arabe). Comme dans l\u2019Ath\u00e8nes de Proclus finissant, le premier de ces calendriers n\u2019\u00e9tait en usage qu\u2019\u00e0 l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie. Mais, \u00e0 la diff\u00e9rence de la situation contemporaine de Marinus \u00e9crivant la biographie de son ma\u00eetre, la symbolique des lunaisons du calendrier attique, avec un cycle analogue de f\u00eates et de rites, \u00e9tait r\u00e9alit\u00e9 hors de l\u2019enceinte de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie, dans la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 harr\u00e2nienne.\r\n\r\nLe calendrier luni-solaire attique en usage dans l\u2019\u00c9cole platonicienne de Harr\u00e2n ne se diff\u00e9renciait du calendrier luni-solaire local h\u00e9rit\u00e9 de la colonisation mac\u00e9donienne que par son d\u00e9but d\u2019ann\u00e9e et les noms de ses mois. Le passage de l\u2019un \u00e0 l\u2019autre n\u2019offrait aucune difficult\u00e9. Plus besoin, comme le faisait Marinus, de julianiser artificiellement le nombre du jour du mois attique pour transcrire une date du calendrier de la ville.\r\n\r\nL\u2019h\u00e9m\u00e9rologe de Florence mettant la nouvelle ann\u00e9e du calendrier asiate le 23 septembre et Jean Lydus faisant partir le calendrier attique du 23 juin, il y avait totale correspondance du point de vue du jour du mois entre le calendrier acad\u00e9mique dont Lydus donne les noms attiques et le calendrier civil et religieux de la ville, dont l\u2019H\u00e9merologion et al-H\u00e0sim\u00ee transmettent respectivement les noms mac\u00e9doniens et aram\u00e9ens.\r\n\r\nL\u2019exemple des d\u00e9buts d\u2019ann\u00e9e, d\u00e9velopp\u00e9 par Simplicius, offre un d\u00e9roulement du temps harr\u00e2nien \u00e0 quatre entr\u00e9es festives, comme l\u2019a bien not\u00e9 al-B\u00eer\u00fcn\u00ee. L\u2019ann\u00e9e acad\u00e9mique des Platoniciens, r\u00e9gl\u00e9e sur le solstice d\u2019\u00e9t\u00e9 (calendrier attique), y commen\u00e7ait au 1\u1d49\u02b3 Hekatombai\u00f4n, qui correspondait respectivement au 1\u1d49\u02b3 L\u00f4os (\u00c9ph\u00e8se), au 23 juin (Romains), au 4 Panemos (Arabes).\r\n\r\nL\u2019ann\u00e9e civile et religieuse de la ville, r\u00e9gl\u00e9e sur l\u2019\u00e9quinoxe d\u2019automne (calendrier asiate), y commen\u00e7ait au 1\u1d49\u02b3 Dios\/Ti\u0161r\u00een al-awwal, qui correspondait au 23 septembre (Romains), au 6 Gorpiaios (Arabes), au 1\u1d49\u02b3 Puanepsi\u00f4n (Ath\u00e9niens).\r\n\r\nL\u2019ann\u00e9e civile et religieuse de l\u2019Empire, r\u00e9gl\u00e9e sur le solstice d\u2019hiver (calendrier romain), y commen\u00e7ait au 1\u1d49\u02b3 janvier\/K\u00e2n\u00fbn II, qui correspondait au 16 Audunaios (Arabes), au 8 Gam\u00eali\u00f4n (Ath\u00e9niens), au 8 Peritios (\u00c9ph\u00e8se).\r\n\r\nL\u2019ann\u00e9e coutumi\u00e8re de la r\u00e9gion, r\u00e9gl\u00e9e sur l\u2019\u00e9quinoxe vernal (calendrier arabe), y commen\u00e7ait au 1\u1d49\u02b3 Xanthikos\/N\u00ees\u00e2n, qui correspondait \u00e0 la veille du 30 Elaph\u00eaboli\u00f4n (Ath\u00e9niens), au 22 mars (Romains), et \u00e0 la veille du 30 Xanthikos (\u00c9ph\u00e8se).\r\n\r\nLa parenth\u00e8se sur les d\u00e9buts d\u2019ann\u00e9e, ouverte par Simplicius \u00e0 propos de l\u2019exemple du d\u00e9but du mois choisi par Aristote pour illustrer le concept de cons\u00e9cution temporelle, se referme sur trois acquis essentiels.\r\n\r\nElle constitue le plus ancien t\u00e9moignage connu sur les calendriers en usage chez les Greco-aram\u00e9ens de Harr\u00e2n. Elle permet d\u2019identifier, par leur origine historique et leur appartenance nationale, les calendriers fournis par al-Sarahs\u00ee, al-H\u00e0sim\u00ee et Wahb.\r\n\r\nElle confirme que c\u2019est bien l\u00e0, dans cette \u00abville b\u00e9nie, parce que jamais souill\u00e9e par l\u2019erreur de Nazareth\u00bb, que trouv\u00e8rent refuge les derniers Platoniciens apr\u00e8s 533.\r\n\r\nDans les calendriers de Wahb et d\u2019al-H\u00e2sim\u00ee, se c\u00f4toient p\u00eale-m\u00eale les noms de divinit\u00e9s babyloniennes, \u00e9gyptiennes, grecques, anatoliennes, syriennes et arabes. Un tel syncr\u00e9tisme ne pouvait que faire bon m\u00e9nage avec la religion de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie.\r\n\r\nSelon l\u2019objectif de l\u2019\u00c9cole d\u2019Ath\u00e8nes, en effet, le philosophe ne devait se contenter d\u2019\u00eatre le th\u00e9rapeute d\u2019une seule ville, ou celui des coutumes de quelques peuples. Il lui fallait aussi \u00eatre \u00abl\u2019hi\u00e9rophante du monde entier\u00bb.\r\n\r\nEn s\u2019installant \u00e0 Harr\u00e2n \u00e0 leur retour d\u2019Iran, les compagnons de Damascius avaient choisi l\u2019endroit id\u00e9al pour r\u00e9aliser un tel programme. [conclusion p. 55-57]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TgVuqJv1CIhi085","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":331,"full_name":"Tardieu, Michel","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":475,"section_of":171,"pages":"40-57","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":171,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension, 1987
By: Sorabji, Richard, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	148-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

What conclusions can now be drawn? It is time to say that I do not think Aristotle reached the point of consciously thinking that extension would play the role of prime matter. It took the Neoplatonist Simplicius to interpret him that way, motivated by reasons of his own. The diffuseness of extension will have seemed important to Simplicius because it puts prime matter where it should be, at the opposite extreme from the unity of the One. He knew that Plato had been taken as identifying prime matter with space or with other kinds of extension, and, although he disagreed, he thought he found the justification for such an interpretation of Aristotle at least in Phys. 4,2, if not in the Metaphysics as well. But even if Simplicius' interpretation does not represent Aristotle's conscious thought, it opens new vistas. For one thing, I believe that extension would fit with Aristotle's conception of prime matter, and fit better than anything else that has been proposed. Furthermore, in considering how it would fit, we have been forced to consider a network of interlocking parts of Aristotle's philosophy. Some of the parts would require modification if extension were to be openly acknowledged as playing the role of prime matter, but the resulting modifications would yield a coherent view. Finally, views of the same general sort, which treat body as some kind of extension endowed with properties, have recurred through the ages, for example in Descartes, in Newton, and in twentieth-century physics. [conclusion p. 162-163]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/h6HONd1UnE1D8Vw

{"_index":"sire","_id":"487","_score":null,"_source":{"id":487,"authors_free":[{"id":665,"entry_id":487,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":666,"entry_id":487,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension"},"abstract":"What conclusions can now be drawn? It is time to say that I do not think Aristotle reached the point of consciously thinking that extension would play the role of prime matter. It took the Neoplatonist Simplicius to interpret him that way, motivated by reasons of his own.\r\n\r\nThe diffuseness of extension will have seemed important to Simplicius because it puts prime matter where it should be, at the opposite extreme from the unity of the One. He knew that Plato had been taken as identifying prime matter with space or with other kinds of extension, and, although he disagreed, he thought he found the justification for such an interpretation of Aristotle at least in Phys. 4,2, if not in the Metaphysics as well.\r\n\r\nBut even if Simplicius' interpretation does not represent Aristotle's conscious thought, it opens new vistas. For one thing, I believe that extension would fit with Aristotle's conception of prime matter, and fit better than anything else that has been proposed. Furthermore, in considering how it would fit, we have been forced to consider a network of interlocking parts of Aristotle's philosophy.\r\n\r\nSome of the parts would require modification if extension were to be openly acknowledged as playing the role of prime matter, but the resulting modifications would yield a coherent view. Finally, views of the same general sort, which treat body as some kind of extension endowed with properties, have recurred through the ages, for example in Descartes, in Newton, and in twentieth-century physics. [conclusion p. 162-163]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/h6HONd1UnE1D8Vw","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":487,"section_of":171,"pages":"148-165","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":171,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

John Philoponus, 1987
By: Sorabji, Richard, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	John Philoponus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science
Pages	1-40
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

This chapter delves into the life and intellectual contributions of John Philoponus, a pivotal figure bridging Neoplatonism and Christianity. It explores his relationship with Ammonius and examines how his Christian faith influenced his philosophical and scientific endeavors. The text covers Philoponus' critique of the Aristotelian worldview, focusing on key topics such as the creation of the universe, the impetus theory of dynamics, and the concept of velocity in a vacuum. It also addresses his innovative ideas about vacuum and space, his challenges to Aristotle's notions of natural place, and his interpretation of matter as extension. Philoponus is recognized for disrupting Aristotle's categorical framework, rejecting the fifth element, and presenting novel theories about the directionality of light. The chapter reflects on his attacks on Aristotle in retrospect, highlighting the interplay between his scientific theories and Christian doctrines, including Christ, the Trinity, resurrection, and the soul. Additionally, the chapter examines his influence on later thought, tracing his intellectual antecedents and the chronology of his writings. [Derived from the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FDyWUVJUOYpvtvb

{"_index":"sire","_id":"488","_score":null,"_source":{"id":488,"authors_free":[{"id":667,"entry_id":488,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":668,"entry_id":488,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"John Philoponus","main_title":{"title":"John Philoponus"},"abstract":"This chapter delves into the life and intellectual contributions of John Philoponus, a pivotal figure bridging Neoplatonism and Christianity. It explores his relationship with Ammonius and examines how his Christian faith influenced his philosophical and scientific endeavors. The text covers Philoponus' critique of the Aristotelian worldview, focusing on key topics such as the creation of the universe, the impetus theory of dynamics, and the concept of velocity in a vacuum. It also addresses his innovative ideas about vacuum and space, his challenges to Aristotle's notions of natural place, and his interpretation of matter as extension.\r\n\r\nPhiloponus is recognized for disrupting Aristotle's categorical framework, rejecting the fifth element, and presenting novel theories about the directionality of light. The chapter reflects on his attacks on Aristotle in retrospect, highlighting the interplay between his scientific theories and Christian doctrines, including Christ, the Trinity, resurrection, and the soul. Additionally, the chapter examines his influence on later thought, tracing his intellectual antecedents and the chronology of his writings. [Derived from the entire text]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FDyWUVJUOYpvtvb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":488,"section_of":1383,"pages":"1-40","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1383,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabij1987d","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"All the chapters in this book are new, except for the inaugural lecture (Chapter 9), which I apologise for reprinting virtually unrevised and with the original lecture context still apparent. It seemed desirable, however, that so crucial a part ofthe controversy should be represented. The collection originated in a conference on Philoponus held at the Institute of Classical Studies in London in June 1983, which provided an opportunity for interested parties to pool knowledge from the many different disciplines that are relevant to his work. Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 6 are drawn from the conference, while two other conference papers, those of Henry Blumenthal and Richard Sorabji, are being incorporated into books in preparation (see Bibliography). Sorabji's main suggestions, however, are included in Chapter I in the discussion of matter and extension (pp 18 and 23). The remairnng chapters, apart from the inaugural lecture, were solicited or written for the volume, two of them (5 and 12) having been delivered first at a seminar on Ancient Science at the Institute of Classical Studies. [preface, p. ix-x]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/buhMZZl0djmIx9v","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1383,"pubplace":"Ithaca, New York","publisher":"Cornell University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"1","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Infinity and the Creation, 1987
By: Sorabji, Richard, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Infinity and the Creation
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science
Pages	164-178
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

The arguments of Philoponus on which I want to focus concern the Christian view that the universe had a beginning. But here already I must draw a distinction. For in talking of the universe beginning, I am not talking merely of the present orderly arrangement of the earth, sun, moon, and stars. Many pagans would have accepted that the present arrangement of matter had a beginning. What, with very few exceptions, they all thought absurd was that matter itself should have had a beginning. Indeed, Jews and Christians themselves were embarrassed about this doctrine and were by no means unanimous in accepting it. It has been suggested that the oldest references to creation in the Old Testament come in Job, and that there God is envisaged as imposing order on pre-existing matter, not as creating matter itself. It has further been doubted whether there is any clear statement in the Bible of creation out of nothing. The opinion of Philo the Jew, in the first century A.D., is a matter of controversy, but I believe that he takes different sides in different works. A little later, Hermogenes and others offered a surprising reason for denying matter a beginning. They pointed to the use of the word "was" in the opening of Genesis, where it is said that the earth was without form and void, and they took the use of the past tense to show that earth, or matter, was already in existence when the Creator began work. It is often held, although I am not inclined to agree myself, that Boethius endorsed the Neoplatonist view of a beginningless universe at the end of his Consolation of Philosophy. What I would acknowledge is that other Christians in these centuries, such as Synesius and Elias, did deny the universe a beginning or end under the influence of Platonism. If we skip to the thirteenth century, we find Thomas Aquinas and his teacher Albert the Great saying that it cannot be established by philosophy one way or the other whether the universe had a beginning. It is only Scripture which reveals that it did. Two slightly younger contemporaries in Paris went a step further—indeed, a step too far. Boethius of Dacia (the Dane, not the sixth-century Roman) and Siger of Brabant maintained that philosophical argument showed the universe to be beginningless, but that nonetheless, reason must bow to revelation. They had to flee Paris in the condemnation of 1277, and there is a tradition that Siger was murdered. [introduction p. 165-167]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RDC5FI7QaO4jMjf

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But here already I must draw a distinction. For in talking of the universe beginning, I am not talking merely of the present orderly arrangement of the earth, sun, moon, and stars. Many pagans would have accepted that the present arrangement of matter had a beginning. What, with very few exceptions, they all thought absurd was that matter itself should have had a beginning.\r\n\r\nIndeed, Jews and Christians themselves were embarrassed about this doctrine and were by no means unanimous in accepting it. It has been suggested that the oldest references to creation in the Old Testament come in Job, and that there God is envisaged as imposing order on pre-existing matter, not as creating matter itself. It has further been doubted whether there is any clear statement in the Bible of creation out of nothing. The opinion of Philo the Jew, in the first century A.D., is a matter of controversy, but I believe that he takes different sides in different works.\r\n\r\nA little later, Hermogenes and others offered a surprising reason for denying matter a beginning. They pointed to the use of the word \"was\" in the opening of Genesis, where it is said that the earth was without form and void, and they took the use of the past tense to show that earth, or matter, was already in existence when the Creator began work. It is often held, although I am not inclined to agree myself, that Boethius endorsed the Neoplatonist view of a beginningless universe at the end of his Consolation of Philosophy.\r\n\r\nWhat I would acknowledge is that other Christians in these centuries, such as Synesius and Elias, did deny the universe a beginning or end under the influence of Platonism. If we skip to the thirteenth century, we find Thomas Aquinas and his teacher Albert the Great saying that it cannot be established by philosophy one way or the other whether the universe had a beginning. It is only Scripture which reveals that it did.\r\n\r\nTwo slightly younger contemporaries in Paris went a step further\u2014indeed, a step too far. Boethius of Dacia (the Dane, not the sixth-century Roman) and Siger of Brabant maintained that philosophical argument showed the universe to be beginningless, but that nonetheless, reason must bow to revelation. They had to flee Paris in the condemnation of 1277, and there is a tradition that Siger was murdered. [introduction p. 165-167]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RDC5FI7QaO4jMjf","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":489,"section_of":1383,"pages":"164-178","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1383,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sorabij1987d","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"All the chapters in this book are new, except for the inaugural lecture (Chapter 9), which I apologise for reprinting virtually unrevised and with the original lecture context still apparent. It seemed desirable, however, that so crucial a part ofthe controversy should be represented. The collection originated in a conference on Philoponus held at the Institute of Classical Studies in London in June 1983, which provided an opportunity for interested parties to pool knowledge from the many different disciplines that are relevant to his work. Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 6 are drawn from the conference, while two other conference papers, those of Henry Blumenthal and Richard Sorabji, are being incorporated into books in preparation (see Bibliography). Sorabji's main suggestions, however, are included in Chapter I in the discussion of matter and extension (pp 18 and 23). The remairnng chapters, apart from the inaugural lecture, were solicited or written for the volume, two of them (5 and 12) having been delivered first at a seminar on Ancient Science at the Institute of Classical Studies. [preface, p. ix-x]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/buhMZZl0djmIx9v","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1383,"pubplace":"Ithaca, New York","publisher":"Cornell University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"1","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Einige Aspekte der handschriftlichen Überlieferung des Physikkommentars des Simplikios, 1987
By: Harlfinger, Dieter, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Einige Aspekte der handschriftlichen Überlieferung des Physikkommentars des Simplikios
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	267-286
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Harlfinger, Dieter
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

In der Geschichte der Simplikios-Philologie spielen Frauen eine besondere Rolle. Aus der Feder der byzantinischen Prinzessin Theodora Palaiologina Rhaulaina (ca. 1240—1300)1 stammt eine der —wie sich zeigen wird — textkritisch relevantesten Handschriften des für die Erforschung der Vorsokratik, der Peripatetik wie auch des Neuplatonismus bekanntermaßen unschätzbaren Kommentars zur aristotelischen Physik des Simplikios. Der zwischen 1261 und 1282 datierende2 Codex Mosquensis Muz. 3649 mit den Büchern I—IV und dem Beginn von Buch V (desinit mutile3 803, 8 Diels4) ist die of- fensichtlich sehr gewissenhafte5 Abschrift jener Frau, die keinesfalls nur als Schreiberin hervorgetreten ist, sondern insbesondere auch als selbständige hagiographische Schriftstellerin, als tätige Patronin eines Scriptoriums und Buchilluminationsateliers, als Besitzerin einer wohl umfangreichen Bibliothek und nicht zuletzt als bedeutendes Mitglied eines Gelehrtenkreises, dem unter anderen auch Maximos Planudes, Gregorios von Zypern und Manuel Holobolos angehörten. Als sich auf Initiative und unter Leitung von Ilsetraut H a d o t die führenden Simplikios-Forscher unserer T a g e im Herbst 1985 in Paris zu ihrem ersten Fachkolloquium versammelten, durfte der Verfasser dieser Zeilen — obwohl kein Simplikianer — unter ihnen referieren, über ebenjenen Mosquensis von der H a n d der Rhaulaina. Ilsetraut H a d o t wußte, daß ich auf einer Bibliotheksreise des Jahres 1966 die Handschrift eingesehen hatte und sie aufgrund der Bewertung des „locus fenestratus" am Ende von Buch III p. 518 als neuen unabhängigen Textträger erkannt zu haben glaubte6. D a s Referat konnte zwar von der Klassifizierung des in der T a t unabhängigen Mosquensis ausgehen, mußte sich aber zur Klärung der stemmatischen Aporien, die beim Studium der Dielsschen Praefatio und des apparatus criticus zutage traten, auf die Situation der Handschrift Ε (Vorlagenwechsel sowie Eb und Eä als dislozierte Partien in Ε bzw. der Vorlage von E) und der Handschrift D (Duktusänderung und Vorlagenwechsel) konzentrieren und konnte darüber hinaus auf die interessante Rolle einer weiteren Moskauer Handschrift (Len) aufmerksam machen und Fingerzeige zu dem einen oder anderen jüngeren Manuskript geben. — Inzwischen habe ich noch einmal über den Codex F nachgedacht und nunmehr fast alle Simplikios-Handschriften im Film — soweit im Berliner Aristoteles-Archiv vorhanden7 — rasch eingese hen8. Im folgenden wage ich — der Veranstalterin des Kolloquiums und Editorin der Akten habe ich dabei für Ermunterung und Geduld zu danken —, meine ersten Eindrücke zu publizieren. Es sind lediglich vorläufige Ergebnisse, die durch systematische Untersuchungen verifiziert werden müßten; hierin ein Plädoyer für eine kodikologische Stemmatik. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lJYydaL12PDErlM

{"_index":"sire","_id":"515","_score":null,"_source":{"id":515,"authors_free":[{"id":714,"entry_id":515,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":5,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Harlfinger, Dieter","free_first_name":"Dieter","free_last_name":"Harlfinger","norm_person":{"id":5,"first_name":"Dieter","last_name":"Harlfinger","full_name":"Harlfinger, Dieter","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107988674","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":715,"entry_id":515,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Einige Aspekte der handschriftlichen \u00dcberlieferung des Physikkommentars des Simplikios","main_title":{"title":"Einige Aspekte der handschriftlichen \u00dcberlieferung des Physikkommentars des Simplikios"},"abstract":"In der Geschichte der Simplikios-Philologie spielen Frauen eine besondere Rolle. Aus der Feder der byzantinischen Prinzessin Theodora Palaiologina Rhaulaina (ca. 1240\u20141300)1 stammt eine der \u2014wie sich zeigen wird \u2014 textkritisch relevantesten Handschriften des f\u00fcr die Erforschung der Vorsokratik, der Peripatetik wie auch des Neuplatonismus bekannterma\u00dfen unsch\u00e4tzbaren Kommentars zur aristotelischen Physik des Simplikios. Der zwischen 1261 und 1282 datierende2 Codex Mosquensis Muz. 3649 mit den B\u00fcchern I\u2014IV und dem Beginn von Buch V (desinit mutile3 803, 8 Diels4) ist die of- fensichtlich sehr gewissenhafte5 Abschrift jener Frau, die keinesfalls nur als Schreiberin hervorgetreten ist, sondern insbesondere auch als selbst\u00e4ndige hagiographische Schriftstellerin, als t\u00e4tige Patronin eines Scriptoriums und Buchilluminationsateliers, als Besitzerin einer wohl umfangreichen Bibliothek und nicht zuletzt als bedeutendes Mitglied eines Gelehrtenkreises, dem unter anderen auch Maximos Planudes, Gregorios von Zypern und Manuel Holobolos angeh\u00f6rten. Als sich auf Initiative und unter Leitung von Ilsetraut H a d o t die f\u00fchrenden Simplikios-Forscher unserer T a g e im Herbst 1985 in Paris zu ihrem ersten Fachkolloquium versammelten, durfte der Verfasser dieser Zeilen \u2014 obwohl kein Simplikianer \u2014 unter ihnen referieren, \u00fcber ebenjenen Mosquensis von der H a n d der Rhaulaina. Ilsetraut H a d o t wu\u00dfte, da\u00df ich auf einer Bibliotheksreise des Jahres 1966 die Handschrift eingesehen hatte und sie aufgrund der Bewertung des \u201elocus fenestratus\" am Ende von Buch III p. 518 als neuen unabh\u00e4ngigen Texttr\u00e4ger erkannt zu haben glaubte6. D a s Referat konnte zwar von der Klassifizierung des in der T a t unabh\u00e4ngigen Mosquensis ausgehen, mu\u00dfte sich aber zur Kl\u00e4rung der stemmatischen Aporien, die beim Studium der Dielsschen Praefatio und des apparatus criticus zutage traten, auf die Situation der Handschrift \u0395 (Vorlagenwechsel sowie Eb und E\u00e4 als dislozierte Partien in \u0395 bzw. der Vorlage von E) und der Handschrift D (Duktus\u00e4nderung und Vorlagenwechsel) konzentrieren und konnte dar\u00fcber hinaus auf die interessante Rolle einer weiteren Moskauer Handschrift (Len) aufmerksam machen und Fingerzeige zu dem einen oder anderen j\u00fcngeren Manuskript geben. \u2014 Inzwischen habe ich noch einmal \u00fcber den Codex F nachgedacht und nunmehr fast alle Simplikios-Handschriften im Film \u2014 soweit im Berliner Aristoteles-Archiv vorhanden7 \u2014 rasch eingese hen8. Im folgenden wage ich \u2014 der Veranstalterin des Kolloquiums und Editorin der Akten habe ich dabei f\u00fcr Ermunterung und Geduld zu danken \u2014, meine ersten Eindr\u00fccke zu publizieren. Es sind lediglich vorl\u00e4ufige Ergebnisse, die durch systematische Untersuchungen verifiziert werden m\u00fc\u00dften; hierin ein Pl\u00e4doyer f\u00fcr eine kodikologische Stemmatik. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lJYydaL12PDErlM","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":5,"full_name":"Harlfinger, Dieter","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":515,"section_of":171,"pages":"267-286","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":171,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

La survie du Commentaire de Simplicius sur le manual d'Épictète du XVe au XVII siècles: Perotti, Politien, Steuchus, John Smith, Cudworth, 1987
By: Hadot, Pierre, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	La survie du Commentaire de Simplicius sur le manual d'Épictète du XVe au XVII siècles: Perotti, Politien, Steuchus, John Smith, Cudworth
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	326-367
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Pierre
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

The survival of Simplicius' commentary on Epictetus' "Handbook" from the 15th to the 17th centuries can be observed from two perspectives. Firstly, there is a focus on the preservation and dissemination of the text itself through printing and translation. However, this study concentrates on the second aspect, which concerns the philosophical content of the commentary. The examination of its philosophical content has aided in understanding Epictetus' "Handbook," resolving certain philosophical problems, and demonstrating the convergence between Platonism and Christianity.The philosophical importance of Simplicius' commentary is exemplified by the work of various scholars, such as Perotti, Politien, Steuchus, John Smith, and Cudworth. They draw on Simplicius' ideas to address and resolve philosophical questions. For instance, Cudworth uses Simplicius' assertion that the principle of movement must move itself and be without parts or extension to argue for the existence of a spiritual substance. Cudworth further highlights how Simplicius perfectly expresses the Platonic idea of the soul's self-motion, where it moves not according to bodily or local movements but according to the movements of the soul, such as examination, volition, thought, and opinion. Overall, the survival of Simplicius' commentary on Epictetus' "Handbook" throughout this period has not only contributed to a better understanding of the text itself but also enriched philosophical discussions and fostered connections between Platonism and Christianity. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YBJwmhRAfIkqrD5

{"_index":"sire","_id":"519","_score":null,"_source":{"id":519,"authors_free":[{"id":724,"entry_id":519,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":158,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":158,"first_name":"Pierre","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Pierre","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115663517","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":725,"entry_id":519,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La survie du Commentaire de Simplicius sur le manual d'\u00c9pict\u00e8te du XVe au XVII si\u00e8cles: Perotti, Politien, Steuchus, John Smith, Cudworth","main_title":{"title":"La survie du Commentaire de Simplicius sur le manual d'\u00c9pict\u00e8te du XVe au XVII si\u00e8cles: Perotti, Politien, Steuchus, John Smith, Cudworth"},"abstract":"The survival of Simplicius' commentary on Epictetus' \"Handbook\" from the 15th to the 17th centuries can be observed from two perspectives. Firstly, there is a focus on the preservation and dissemination of the text itself through printing and translation. However, this study concentrates on the second aspect, which concerns the philosophical content of the commentary. The examination of its philosophical content has aided in understanding Epictetus' \"Handbook,\" resolving certain philosophical problems, and demonstrating the convergence between Platonism and Christianity.The philosophical importance of Simplicius' commentary is exemplified by the work of various scholars, such as Perotti, Politien, Steuchus, John Smith, and Cudworth. They draw on Simplicius' ideas to address and resolve philosophical questions. For instance, Cudworth uses Simplicius' assertion that the principle of movement must move itself and be without parts or extension to argue for the existence of a spiritual substance. Cudworth further highlights how Simplicius perfectly expresses the Platonic idea of the soul's self-motion, where it moves not according to bodily or local movements but according to the movements of the soul, such as examination, volition, thought, and opinion. Overall, the survival of Simplicius' commentary on Epictetus' \"Handbook\" throughout this period has not only contributed to a better understanding of the text itself but also enriched philosophical discussions and fostered connections between Platonism and Christianity. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YBJwmhRAfIkqrD5","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":158,"full_name":"Hadot, Pierre","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":519,"section_of":171,"pages":"326-367","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":171,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

La vie et l’œuvre de Simplicius d’après des sources grecques et arabes, 1987
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	La vie et l’œuvre de Simplicius d’après des sources grecques et arabes
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	3-39
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Voici donc les conclusions auxquelles on peut aboutir au sujet des œuvres de Simplicius. Nous sont conservés : les commentaires sur le Manuel d’Epictète, sur le De caelo, sur la Physique, sur les Catégories, probablement sur le De anima d’Aristote. Sont perdus, mais attestés de façon plus ou moins sûre : un commentaire sur le premier livre des Éléments d’Euclide, un commentaire sur la Métaphysique d’Aristote, un commentaire sur l’ouvrage de Jamblique consacré à la secte des Pythagoriciens, une Épitomé de la Physique de Théophraste (si le commentaire sur le De anima, où se trouve un renvoi à cette œuvre, est authentique), et peut-être un commentaire sur la Techné d’Hermogène. [conclusion p. 39]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DUSQYbD2Vn7RuIp

{"_index":"sire","_id":"522","_score":null,"_source":{"id":522,"authors_free":[{"id":728,"entry_id":522,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":729,"entry_id":522,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La vie et l\u2019\u0153uvre de Simplicius d\u2019apr\u00e8s des sources grecques et arabes","main_title":{"title":"La vie et l\u2019\u0153uvre de Simplicius d\u2019apr\u00e8s des sources grecques et arabes"},"abstract":"Voici donc les conclusions auxquelles on peut aboutir au sujet des \u0153uvres de Simplicius.\r\n\r\nNous sont conserv\u00e9s : les commentaires sur le Manuel d\u2019Epict\u00e8te, sur le De caelo, sur la Physique, sur les Cat\u00e9gories, probablement sur le De anima d\u2019Aristote.\r\n\r\nSont perdus, mais attest\u00e9s de fa\u00e7on plus ou moins s\u00fbre : un commentaire sur le premier livre des \u00c9l\u00e9ments d\u2019Euclide, un commentaire sur la M\u00e9taphysique d\u2019Aristote, un commentaire sur l\u2019ouvrage de Jamblique consacr\u00e9 \u00e0 la secte des Pythagoriciens, une \u00c9pitom\u00e9 de la Physique de Th\u00e9ophraste (si le commentaire sur le De anima, o\u00f9 se trouve un renvoi \u00e0 cette \u0153uvre, est authentique), et peut-\u00eatre un commentaire sur la Techn\u00e9 d\u2019Hermog\u00e8ne. [conclusion p. 39]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DUSQYbD2Vn7RuIp","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":522,"section_of":171,"pages":"3-39","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":171,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Parménide d'Élée chez les Néoplatoniciens, 1987
By: Guérard, Christian, Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Parménide d'Élée chez les Néoplatoniciens
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Études sur Parménide, Tome II: Problèmes d’interprétation
Pages	294-313
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Guérard, Christian
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

«Le néoplatonisme, écrit J. Trouillard, succède au ‘moyen platonisme’ le jour où les platoniciens se mettent à chercher dans le Parménide le secret de la philosophie de Platon»¹. Effectivement, en paraphrasant Proclus, on peut même dire que la lecture néoplatonicienne du dialogue, et avant tout de la première hypothèse, est le Néoplatonisme lui-même². Sans revenir davantage sur le rôle considérable du Parménide chez Plotin³, bornons-nous à rappeler qu’il a été commenté de façon systématique par Porphyre⁴, puis, comme en témoigne Proclus⁵, par Amélius, Théodore d’Asiné, Jamblique, l’obscur philosophe de Rhodes, Plutarque d’Athènes et Syrianus. À son tour, le Lycien a rédigé un commentaire probablement complet du dialogue qu’il a repris dans son ouvrage final, la Théologie platonicienne. De même, les deux œuvres rassemblées par C.E. Ruelle sous le titre Dubitationes et solutiones de primis principiis in Platonis Parmenidem⁶ montrent l’importance du dialogue chez Damascius. Cette relecture du Parménide a posé bien des questions aux historiens de la philosophie. On a alors invoqué l’influence d’idées orientales. Il fallait, semble-t-il, excuser des esprits aussi exceptionnels d’avoir « sombré dans l’irrationalisme ». Une telle attitude, déjà fort visible chez V. Cousin⁷, l’éditeur même de Proclus, malheureusement demeure⁸. En fait, chez Plotin, l’orientalisme se limiterait au plus à l’aspiration mystique⁹ : la définition du Bien (épékeina tês ousias) est dans la République, VI 509B9, et les spéculations néopythagoriciennes avaient reconnu dans l’Un du Parménide le Principe de tout¹⁰. Il ne restait qu’à faire le lien, peut-être en retrouvant ainsi la pensée de Speusippe¹¹, mais, sans aucun doute, en s’opposant au platonisme de l’époque. Au IIᵉ siècle notamment, le Parménide était considéré comme une œuvre « logique », un exercice éristique ou un pastiche de la sophistique mégarique. C’était l’opinion des aristotéliciens dont Alexandre d’Aphrodise¹², et aussi celle d’Albinus¹³, par exemple. Pour presque tous¹⁴, le dialogue n’était qu’un jeu discursif employant la méthode des Topiques d’Aristote¹⁵. Il était admis qu’il s’agissait d’une réfutation de l’éléatisme, et, dans la première hypothèse en particulier, d’une réplique ironique de Gorgias¹⁶. La conception néoplatonicienne n’était pas très aisée à soutenir : si le dialogue porte sur des réalités sublimes, pourquoi les faire exposer par Parménide ? D’ailleurs, l’hypothèse est-elle celle de l’Éléate¹⁷ ? Enfin, connaissait-il l’Un avant l’être et la théologie négative ? Comment donc admettre que le dialogue puisse révéler les choses les plus hautes si le Parménide du Poème n’a rien à voir avec le personnage de Platon ? Devant ces questions, la figure de l’Éléate prenait un relief nouveau nécessitant à son tour une lecture nouvelle. Nous allons tenter de montrer comment, principalement chez Plotin et Proclus, Parménide allait s’inscrire dans la perspective historique propre au néoplatonisme, et qui, d’une certaine manière, le définit. [introduction p. 294-295]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8WXrV6XuPyldosH

{"_index":"sire","_id":"530","_score":null,"_source":{"id":530,"authors_free":[{"id":746,"entry_id":530,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":150,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gu\u00e9rard, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Gu\u00e9rard","norm_person":{"id":150,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Gu\u00e9rard","full_name":"Gu\u00e9rard, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":747,"entry_id":530,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":149,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Aubenque","norm_person":{"id":149,"first_name":"Pierre","last_name":"Aubenque","full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118919458","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Parm\u00e9nide d'\u00c9l\u00e9e chez les N\u00e9oplatoniciens","main_title":{"title":"Parm\u00e9nide d'\u00c9l\u00e9e chez les N\u00e9oplatoniciens"},"abstract":"\u00abLe n\u00e9oplatonisme, \u00e9crit J. Trouillard, succ\u00e8de au \u2018moyen platonisme\u2019 le jour o\u00f9 les platoniciens se mettent \u00e0 chercher dans le Parm\u00e9nide le secret de la philosophie de Platon\u00bb\u00b9. Effectivement, en paraphrasant Proclus, on peut m\u00eame dire que la lecture n\u00e9oplatonicienne du dialogue, et avant tout de la premi\u00e8re hypoth\u00e8se, est le N\u00e9oplatonisme lui-m\u00eame\u00b2.\r\n\r\nSans revenir davantage sur le r\u00f4le consid\u00e9rable du Parm\u00e9nide chez Plotin\u00b3, bornons-nous \u00e0 rappeler qu\u2019il a \u00e9t\u00e9 comment\u00e9 de fa\u00e7on syst\u00e9matique par Porphyre\u2074, puis, comme en t\u00e9moigne Proclus\u2075, par Am\u00e9lius, Th\u00e9odore d\u2019Asin\u00e9, Jamblique, l\u2019obscur philosophe de Rhodes, Plutarque d\u2019Ath\u00e8nes et Syrianus. \u00c0 son tour, le Lycien a r\u00e9dig\u00e9 un commentaire probablement complet du dialogue qu\u2019il a repris dans son ouvrage final, la Th\u00e9ologie platonicienne. De m\u00eame, les deux \u0153uvres rassembl\u00e9es par C.E. Ruelle sous le titre Dubitationes et solutiones de primis principiis in Platonis Parmenidem\u2076 montrent l\u2019importance du dialogue chez Damascius.\r\n\r\nCette relecture du Parm\u00e9nide a pos\u00e9 bien des questions aux historiens de la philosophie. On a alors invoqu\u00e9 l\u2019influence d\u2019id\u00e9es orientales. Il fallait, semble-t-il, excuser des esprits aussi exceptionnels d\u2019avoir \u00ab sombr\u00e9 dans l\u2019irrationalisme \u00bb. Une telle attitude, d\u00e9j\u00e0 fort visible chez V. Cousin\u2077, l\u2019\u00e9diteur m\u00eame de Proclus, malheureusement demeure\u2078.\r\n\r\nEn fait, chez Plotin, l\u2019orientalisme se limiterait au plus \u00e0 l\u2019aspiration mystique\u2079 : la d\u00e9finition du Bien (\u00e9p\u00e9keina t\u00eas ousias) est dans la R\u00e9publique, VI 509B9, et les sp\u00e9culations n\u00e9opythagoriciennes avaient reconnu dans l\u2019Un du Parm\u00e9nide le Principe de tout\u00b9\u2070. Il ne restait qu\u2019\u00e0 faire le lien, peut-\u00eatre en retrouvant ainsi la pens\u00e9e de Speusippe\u00b9\u00b9, mais, sans aucun doute, en s\u2019opposant au platonisme de l\u2019\u00e9poque.\r\n\r\nAu II\u1d49 si\u00e8cle notamment, le Parm\u00e9nide \u00e9tait consid\u00e9r\u00e9 comme une \u0153uvre \u00ab logique \u00bb, un exercice \u00e9ristique ou un pastiche de la sophistique m\u00e9garique. C\u2019\u00e9tait l\u2019opinion des aristot\u00e9liciens dont Alexandre d\u2019Aphrodise\u00b9\u00b2, et aussi celle d\u2019Albinus\u00b9\u00b3, par exemple. Pour presque tous\u00b9\u2074, le dialogue n\u2019\u00e9tait qu\u2019un jeu discursif employant la m\u00e9thode des Topiques d\u2019Aristote\u00b9\u2075. Il \u00e9tait admis qu\u2019il s\u2019agissait d\u2019une r\u00e9futation de l\u2019\u00e9l\u00e9atisme, et, dans la premi\u00e8re hypoth\u00e8se en particulier, d\u2019une r\u00e9plique ironique de Gorgias\u00b9\u2076.\r\n\r\nLa conception n\u00e9oplatonicienne n\u2019\u00e9tait pas tr\u00e8s ais\u00e9e \u00e0 soutenir : si le dialogue porte sur des r\u00e9alit\u00e9s sublimes, pourquoi les faire exposer par Parm\u00e9nide ? D\u2019ailleurs, l\u2019hypoth\u00e8se est-elle celle de l\u2019\u00c9l\u00e9ate\u00b9\u2077 ? Enfin, connaissait-il l\u2019Un avant l\u2019\u00eatre et la th\u00e9ologie n\u00e9gative ? Comment donc admettre que le dialogue puisse r\u00e9v\u00e9ler les choses les plus hautes si le Parm\u00e9nide du Po\u00e8me n\u2019a rien \u00e0 voir avec le personnage de Platon ?\r\n\r\nDevant ces questions, la figure de l\u2019\u00c9l\u00e9ate prenait un relief nouveau n\u00e9cessitant \u00e0 son tour une lecture nouvelle. Nous allons tenter de montrer comment, principalement chez Plotin et Proclus, Parm\u00e9nide allait s\u2019inscrire dans la perspective historique propre au n\u00e9oplatonisme, et qui, d\u2019une certaine mani\u00e8re, le d\u00e9finit. [introduction p. 294-295]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/8WXrV6XuPyldosH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":150,"full_name":"Gu\u00e9rard, Christian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":149,"full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":530,"section_of":372,"pages":"294-313","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":372,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"\u00c9tudes sur Parm\u00e9nide, Tome II: Probl\u00e8mes d\u2019interpr\u00e9tation","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Aubenque1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ojgpMQbpMPY4GeV","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":372,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Biblioth\u00e8que d\u2019histoire de la philosophie","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Traductions latines et influences du commentaire in De caelo en occident (XlIIe- XIVe s.), 1987
By: Bossier, Fernand, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Traductions latines et influences du commentaire in De caelo en occident (XlIIe- XIVe s.)
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	289-325
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bossier, Fernand
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Si l’on essaie d’évaluer l’influence exercée par un auteur grec sur l’Occident au XIIIe et XIVe s., l’on doit se tourner tout d’abord vers l’étude des traductions. En effet, bien que le nombre de ceux qui connaissaient le grec ait été plus élevé qu’on ne le croit d’ordinaire, la traduction n’en était pas moins, à cette époque et pour longtemps encore, le seul canal par lequel les idées des philosophes et savants grecs pouvaient atteindre les écoles ; le cas des dialogues de Platon est trop connu pour que nous nous y attardions longtemps. L’intention de notre communication, qui concerne la survie du commentaire In De caelo en Occident, sera donc double : d’une part, elle fera l’historique des traductions qui en ont été faites tout au long du XIIIe s. ; d’autre part, elle présentera les résultats d’une première reconnaissance d’un terrain très vaste et à peine défriché, à savoir celui de l’influence qu’ont eue ces traductions sur les traités médiévaux. [introduction p. 289]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/aFzlEmFULfnA7eU

{"_index":"sire","_id":"568","_score":null,"_source":{"id":568,"authors_free":[{"id":806,"entry_id":568,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":12,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bossier, Fernand","free_first_name":"Fernand","free_last_name":"Bossier","norm_person":{"id":12,"first_name":"Fernand ","last_name":"Bossier","full_name":"Bossier, Fernand ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1017981663","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":807,"entry_id":568,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Traductions latines et influences du commentaire in De caelo en occident (XlIIe- XIVe s.)","main_title":{"title":"Traductions latines et influences du commentaire in De caelo en occident (XlIIe- XIVe s.)"},"abstract":"Si l\u2019on essaie d\u2019\u00e9valuer l\u2019influence exerc\u00e9e par un auteur grec sur l\u2019Occident au XIIIe et XIVe s., l\u2019on doit se tourner tout d\u2019abord vers l\u2019\u00e9tude des traductions. En effet, bien que le nombre de ceux qui connaissaient le grec ait \u00e9t\u00e9 plus \u00e9lev\u00e9 qu\u2019on ne le croit d\u2019ordinaire, la traduction n\u2019en \u00e9tait pas moins, \u00e0 cette \u00e9poque et pour longtemps encore, le seul canal par lequel les id\u00e9es des philosophes et savants grecs pouvaient atteindre les \u00e9coles ; le cas des dialogues de Platon est trop connu pour que nous nous y attardions longtemps. L\u2019intention de notre communication, qui concerne la survie du commentaire In De caelo en Occident, sera donc double : d\u2019une part, elle fera l\u2019historique des traductions qui en ont \u00e9t\u00e9 faites tout au long du XIIIe s. ; d\u2019autre part, elle pr\u00e9sentera les r\u00e9sultats d\u2019une premi\u00e8re reconnaissance d\u2019un terrain tr\u00e8s vaste et \u00e0 peine d\u00e9frich\u00e9, \u00e0 savoir celui de l\u2019influence qu\u2019ont eue ces traductions sur les trait\u00e9s m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux. [introduction p. 289]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/aFzlEmFULfnA7eU","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":12,"full_name":"Bossier, Fernand ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":568,"section_of":171,"pages":"289-325","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":171,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Simplicius. Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Hadot1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"Depuis une quinzaine d'ann\u00e9es, on assiste en Allemagne, en Angleterre, en Am\u00e9rique et en France \u00e0 un renouveau des \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius. Diff\u00e9rents chercheurs, partis de probl\u00e9matiques et de pr\u00e9occupations diff\u00e9rentes, se sont rencontr\u00e9s dans ce domaine de recherche d'une importance capitale pour l'histoire de toute la philosophie antique. C'\u00e9tait donc pour faciliter une \u00e9tude coordonn\u00e9e et syst\u00e9matique \u00e0 la fois du texte et de la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius que la Recherche Coop\u00e9rative Programm\u00e9e 739 \"Recherches sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius\" fut fond\u00e9e en 1982 dans le cadre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (C.N.R.S., Paris). Depuis cette date, ses recherches se d\u00e9roulent en \u00e9troite collaboration avec l'\u00e9quipe anglo-am\u00e9ricaine de recherche du professeur Richard Sorabji, intitul\u00e9e \"Ancient Commentators on Aristotle\", et avec l'Aristoteles-Archiv de la Freie Universit\u00e4t de Berlin-Ouest dirig\u00e9 par le professeur Dieter Harlfinger.\r\n\r\nPour permettre aux diff\u00e9rents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent \u00e0 l'\u00e9tranger, ainsi qu'\u00e0 d'autres savants int\u00e9ress\u00e9s par les \u00e9tudes sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de r\u00e9soudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant \u00e0 l'organisation du travail, d'\u00e9changer entre eux les tout derniers r\u00e9sultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des probl\u00e8mes difficiles, j'ai organis\u00e9, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu \u00e0 Paris, \u00e0 la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a \u00e9t\u00e9 enti\u00e8rement financ\u00e9 par la Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France, \u00e0 laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi \u00e0 remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veill\u00e9 \u00e0 leur procurer un merveilleux confort.\r\n\r\nLe Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionn\u00e9 la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la s\u00e9rie prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'\u00e9dition De Gruyter. [Pr\u00e9face]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/45BIqsODQJTdHmt","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":171,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus","volume":"15","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Aristotelian philosophy in the Roman world from the time of Cicero to the end of the second century AD, 1987
By: Gottschalk, Hans B., Haase, Wolfgang (Ed.), Temporini, Hildegard (Ed.)

Title	Aristotelian philosophy in the Roman world from the time of Cicero to the end of the second century AD
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Teil II: Principat, Philosophie, Wissenschaften, Technik. 2. Teilband: Philosophie
Pages	1079-1174
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gottschalk, Hans B.
Editor(s)	Haase, Wolfgang , Temporini, Hildegard
Translator(s)

It is time to place our findings in a wider perspective. The propagation of Aristotelianism in the first two centuries AD seems to have taken place at several levels. For the committed student, there was the study and exposition of Aristotle’s school treatises. Much sound and lasting work was done in this field, but it seems to have been confined to a fairly restricted circle, although some contributions were made by members of other schools or by those, like Galen, who did not tie themselves to any school at all, as well as by professed Aristotelians. For a wider audience, there were compilations and handbooks purveying Aristotle’s doctrines in a more accessible form and the 'exoteric’ writings of Aristotle and his pupils, which continued to circulate in this period; the impression sometimes given that they were driven out of circulation as soon as Andronicus made the school treatises available is seriously misleading. Lastly, there was an immense production of sub-philosophical tracts, like the pseudo-Pythagorean writings, which might include some Aristotelian ideas but always diluted and heavily contaminated with others of a different origin. We may ignore the third of these, which contributed little or nothing to the development of Aristotelianism as such. Historians naturally concentrate on the first, which so profoundly influenced the subsequent tradition, but it would be a mistake to neglect the second entirely. The eminent men of affairs who professed themselves followers of Aristotle will not have been motivated by a passionate belief in the priority of the categorical over the hypothetical syllogism or the eternity of the physical universe. What Aristotelianism had to offer them was a view of the world and a reasoned set of ethical beliefs that avoided the mechanism and hedonism of the Epicureans, the determinism and rigorism of the Stoics, and the other-worldliness of Platonism; and this is more or less what we find in the popular writings influenced by Aristotle’s philosophy, whether composed by members of the school or by outsiders like Plutarch. However we rate the philosophical value of this side of the school’s activity, it undoubtedly helped to establish its position in society and the claim of its members to publicly funded teaching posts and the other privileges accorded to philosophers. This dualism entered into the popular image of the school and was believed to go back to its very beginnings. Lucian, in a well-known passage, describes the Peripatetic as the thinker with two philosophies, the 'exoteric’ and the 'esoteric,’ to offer, and according to Aulus Gellius, Aristotle used to give rigorous courses for specialists in the morning and more popular ones in the afternoon. The diffusion of this view in the literature of the second century AD suggests that it accurately reflected the conditions of the time, but this does not mean that we need doubt its historical truth. Gellius’ source was probably Andronicus, who is quoted later in the same chapter; the distinction between 'esoteric’ (or 'acroamatic’) and 'exoteric’ writings is already found in Cicero, who probably had it from Antiochus of Ascalon, and Aristotle himself refers to the 'exoteric’ works in the extant treatises. The history of the Hellenistic Peripatos is, to a large extent, one of the tension between these tendencies in the work of the school. The same continuity is found in the school’s teaching, especially at the popular level. The dialogues and handbooks read in the Hellenistic age continued in use, and the opinions about the school and its beliefs current among outsiders in the first two centuries AD hardly differed from those of the Ciceronian age. At the more specialized level, Andronicus’ edition made a new start in the study of Aristotle’s writings, but his way of presenting Aristotle’s philosophy was a legitimate extension of the work of Theophrastus and Eudemus. Even the freedom with which he and his immediate followers suggested the need for changes in details imitated the practice of the first generation of Peripatetics. There is one difference, however. The early Peripatetics not only expounded Aristotle’s philosophy but tried to extend its scope by independent study of the natural world and human behavior. The absence of this element from the work of Andronicus and those who came after him resulted in the growth of the book-centered scholasticism we meet in the Imperial age. All this is not to say that the popular and scholarly traditions were isolated from one another. The popular books and lectures of professed Peripatetics were meant to give a true outline of the philosophy developed fully in the school treatises, and even some of the pseudo-Pythagorean books contain material clearly derived from the extant pragmateiai, at however many removes; a few of them, notably the pseudo-Archytean reworkings of the Categories, reflect a stage in their understanding that can be clearly defined and connected with the names of known commentators. On the other hand, some of the commentaries on Aristotle’s pragmateiai seem to have originated in elementary lecture courses, and this may account for the superficiality of some of their contents. The specialized work of the school was based on the exegesis of Aristotle’s writings. In this field, its members developed a high degree of competence, and its influence is not exhausted even today, but the thrust of their interpretation was very different from that of the modern historian of philosophy. Their aim was to present Aristotle’s philosophy as a system and to elucidate his doctrines; they were less interested in the character of his arguments and not at all in the origin and growth of his ideas. New developments of his teaching took one of two directions. On the one hand, real or apparent discrepancies in Aristotle’s writings had to be explained. This was part of exegesis and subordinated to the systematic tendency of the school (we find no genetic explanations); some of the difficulties raised were of a kind that would only be felt by elementary students, and clearly much attention was paid to their needs. But there are real loose ends in Aristotle’s work, which his followers tried to tie up as best they could. Secondly, new problems had arisen in the course of philosophical debate in the period since Aristotle’s death, which Aristotle had not discussed or only in a marginal way; the question of Fate and Providence is the most notable instance. Here there was a constant tension between the implications of the problem and the requirements of orthodoxy, and progress was limited. On the whole, orthodoxy prevailed, backed up by polemics against rival viewpoints. At this point, we can observe a rigidity that inhibited the further development of Aristotelianism and may explain its failure to resist the encroachment of Platonism. We have already seen that many Aristotelian ideas, including the whole of his logic and a good part of his metaphysics, natural philosophy, and ethics, were taken over by Platonists from the first century onwards. In spite of some opposition, from Plotinus as well as lesser figures, this process continued until all Aristotelian doctrines that could be brought into conformity with Platonic principles were incorporated into the developed Neoplatonic systems. As this happened, Aristotelianism ceased to exist as an independent philosophy. There is a Protean quality about Platonism that has allowed it at various times to absorb alien ideas without losing its essential character, perhaps precisely because its fundamental insights were not tied to a fixed system. Aristotelianism, in the systematic form it had acquired, lacked this flexibility. It was well suited to the enlightened atmosphere of the first two centuries AD but could no longer meet the needs, especially the religious aspirations, of the centuries that followed. But it could offer the Platonists something they lacked—a ready-made set of components for building their own system. Many of the parts proved more durable than the whole; they constituted the Erkenntnisse, in N. Hartmann’s sense of the word, of Aristotle’s thinking. Within the new framework, Aristotle’s leading ideas retained their vigor, and Aristotle became what, by and large, he has remained ever since: the philosopher’s philosopher. [conclusion p. 1172-1174]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FPwm868kRTy5Ier

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The propagation of Aristotelianism in the first two centuries AD seems to have taken place at several levels. For the committed student, there was the study and exposition of Aristotle\u2019s school treatises. Much sound and lasting work was done in this field, but it seems to have been confined to a fairly restricted circle, although some contributions were made by members of other schools or by those, like Galen, who did not tie themselves to any school at all, as well as by professed Aristotelians. For a wider audience, there were compilations and handbooks purveying Aristotle\u2019s doctrines in a more accessible form and the 'exoteric\u2019 writings of Aristotle and his pupils, which continued to circulate in this period; the impression sometimes given that they were driven out of circulation as soon as Andronicus made the school treatises available is seriously misleading. Lastly, there was an immense production of sub-philosophical tracts, like the pseudo-Pythagorean writings, which might include some Aristotelian ideas but always diluted and heavily contaminated with others of a different origin.\r\n\r\nWe may ignore the third of these, which contributed little or nothing to the development of Aristotelianism as such. Historians naturally concentrate on the first, which so profoundly influenced the subsequent tradition, but it would be a mistake to neglect the second entirely. The eminent men of affairs who professed themselves followers of Aristotle will not have been motivated by a passionate belief in the priority of the categorical over the hypothetical syllogism or the eternity of the physical universe. What Aristotelianism had to offer them was a view of the world and a reasoned set of ethical beliefs that avoided the mechanism and hedonism of the Epicureans, the determinism and rigorism of the Stoics, and the other-worldliness of Platonism; and this is more or less what we find in the popular writings influenced by Aristotle\u2019s philosophy, whether composed by members of the school or by outsiders like Plutarch. However we rate the philosophical value of this side of the school\u2019s activity, it undoubtedly helped to establish its position in society and the claim of its members to publicly funded teaching posts and the other privileges accorded to philosophers.\r\n\r\nThis dualism entered into the popular image of the school and was believed to go back to its very beginnings. Lucian, in a well-known passage, describes the Peripatetic as the thinker with two philosophies, the 'exoteric\u2019 and the 'esoteric,\u2019 to offer, and according to Aulus Gellius, Aristotle used to give rigorous courses for specialists in the morning and more popular ones in the afternoon. The diffusion of this view in the literature of the second century AD suggests that it accurately reflected the conditions of the time, but this does not mean that we need doubt its historical truth. Gellius\u2019 source was probably Andronicus, who is quoted later in the same chapter; the distinction between 'esoteric\u2019 (or 'acroamatic\u2019) and 'exoteric\u2019 writings is already found in Cicero, who probably had it from Antiochus of Ascalon, and Aristotle himself refers to the 'exoteric\u2019 works in the extant treatises. The history of the Hellenistic Peripatos is, to a large extent, one of the tension between these tendencies in the work of the school.\r\n\r\nThe same continuity is found in the school\u2019s teaching, especially at the popular level. The dialogues and handbooks read in the Hellenistic age continued in use, and the opinions about the school and its beliefs current among outsiders in the first two centuries AD hardly differed from those of the Ciceronian age. At the more specialized level, Andronicus\u2019 edition made a new start in the study of Aristotle\u2019s writings, but his way of presenting Aristotle\u2019s philosophy was a legitimate extension of the work of Theophrastus and Eudemus. Even the freedom with which he and his immediate followers suggested the need for changes in details imitated the practice of the first generation of Peripatetics.\r\n\r\nThere is one difference, however. The early Peripatetics not only expounded Aristotle\u2019s philosophy but tried to extend its scope by independent study of the natural world and human behavior. The absence of this element from the work of Andronicus and those who came after him resulted in the growth of the book-centered scholasticism we meet in the Imperial age.\r\n\r\nAll this is not to say that the popular and scholarly traditions were isolated from one another. The popular books and lectures of professed Peripatetics were meant to give a true outline of the philosophy developed fully in the school treatises, and even some of the pseudo-Pythagorean books contain material clearly derived from the extant pragmateiai, at however many removes; a few of them, notably the pseudo-Archytean reworkings of the Categories, reflect a stage in their understanding that can be clearly defined and connected with the names of known commentators. On the other hand, some of the commentaries on Aristotle\u2019s pragmateiai seem to have originated in elementary lecture courses, and this may account for the superficiality of some of their contents.\r\n\r\nThe specialized work of the school was based on the exegesis of Aristotle\u2019s writings. In this field, its members developed a high degree of competence, and its influence is not exhausted even today, but the thrust of their interpretation was very different from that of the modern historian of philosophy. Their aim was to present Aristotle\u2019s philosophy as a system and to elucidate his doctrines; they were less interested in the character of his arguments and not at all in the origin and growth of his ideas.\r\n\r\nNew developments of his teaching took one of two directions. On the one hand, real or apparent discrepancies in Aristotle\u2019s writings had to be explained. This was part of exegesis and subordinated to the systematic tendency of the school (we find no genetic explanations); some of the difficulties raised were of a kind that would only be felt by elementary students, and clearly much attention was paid to their needs. But there are real loose ends in Aristotle\u2019s work, which his followers tried to tie up as best they could. Secondly, new problems had arisen in the course of philosophical debate in the period since Aristotle\u2019s death, which Aristotle had not discussed or only in a marginal way; the question of Fate and Providence is the most notable instance. Here there was a constant tension between the implications of the problem and the requirements of orthodoxy, and progress was limited. On the whole, orthodoxy prevailed, backed up by polemics against rival viewpoints.\r\n\r\nAt this point, we can observe a rigidity that inhibited the further development of Aristotelianism and may explain its failure to resist the encroachment of Platonism. We have already seen that many Aristotelian ideas, including the whole of his logic and a good part of his metaphysics, natural philosophy, and ethics, were taken over by Platonists from the first century onwards. In spite of some opposition, from Plotinus as well as lesser figures, this process continued until all Aristotelian doctrines that could be brought into conformity with Platonic principles were incorporated into the developed Neoplatonic systems. As this happened, Aristotelianism ceased to exist as an independent philosophy.\r\n\r\nThere is a Protean quality about Platonism that has allowed it at various times to absorb alien ideas without losing its essential character, perhaps precisely because its fundamental insights were not tied to a fixed system. Aristotelianism, in the systematic form it had acquired, lacked this flexibility. It was well suited to the enlightened atmosphere of the first two centuries AD but could no longer meet the needs, especially the religious aspirations, of the centuries that followed. But it could offer the Platonists something they lacked\u2014a ready-made set of components for building their own system. Many of the parts proved more durable than the whole; they constituted the Erkenntnisse, in N. Hartmann\u2019s sense of the word, of Aristotle\u2019s thinking. Within the new framework, Aristotle\u2019s leading ideas retained their vigor, and Aristotle became what, by and large, he has remained ever since: the philosopher\u2019s philosopher.\r\n[conclusion p. 1172-1174]","btype":2,"date":"1987","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FPwm868kRTy5Ier","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":135,"full_name":"Gottschalk, Hans B.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":325,"full_name":"Haase, Wolfgang","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":453,"full_name":"Temporini, Hildegard","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1332,"section_of":335,"pages":"1079-1174","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":335,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Aufstieg und Niedergang der r\u00f6mischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Teil II: Principat, Philosophie, Wissenschaften, Technik. 2. Teilband: Philosophie","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Haase1987","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1987","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1987","abstract":"AUFSTIEG UND NIEDERGANG DER R\u00d6MISCHEN WELT (ANRW) ist ein internationales Gemeinschaftswerk historischer Wissenschaften. Seine Aufgabe besteht darin, alle wichtigen Aspekte der antiken r\u00f6mischen Welt sowie ihres Fortwirkens und Nachlebens in Mittelalter und Neuzeit nach dem gegenw\u00e4rtigen Stand der Forschung in Einzelbeitr\u00e4gen zu behandeln. Das Werk ist in 3 Teile gegliedert:\r\nI. Von den Anf\u00e4ngen Roms bis zum Ausgang der Republik\r\nII. Principat\r\nIII. Sp\u00e4tantike\r\nJeder der drei Teile umfa\u00dft sechs systematische Rubriken, zwischen denen es vielfache \u00dcberschneidungen gibt: 1. Politische Geschichte, 2. Recht, 3. Religion, 4. Sprache und Literatur, 5. Philosophie und Wissenschaften, 6. K\u00fcnste.\r\n\r\nANRW ist ein handbuchartiges \u00dcbersichtswerk zu den r\u00f6mischen Studien im weitesten Sinne, mit Einschlu\u00df der Rezeptions- und Wirkungsgeschichte bis in die Gegenwart. Bei den Beitr\u00e4gen handelt es sich entweder um zusammenfassende Darstellungen mit Bibliographie oder um Problem- und Forschungsberichte bzw. thematisch breit angelegte exemplarische Untersuchungen. Die Artikel erscheinen in deutscher, englischer, franz\u00f6sischer oder italienischer Sprache.\r\n\r\nZum Mitarbeiterstab geh\u00f6ren rund 1000 Gelehrte aus 35 L\u00e4ndern. Der Vielfalt der Themen entsprechend geh\u00f6ren die Autoren haupts\u00e4chlich folgenden Fachrichtungen an: Alte, Mittelalterliche und Neue Geschichte; Byzantinistik, Slavistik; Klassische, Mittellateinische, Romanische und Orientalische Philologie; Klassische, Orientalische und Christliche Arch\u00e4ologie und Kunstgeschichte; Rechtswissenschaft; Religionswissenschaft und Theologie, besonders Kirchengeschichte und Patristik.\r\n\r\nIn Vorbereitung sind:\r\nTeil II, Bd. 26,4: Religion - Vorkonstantinisches Christentum: Neues Testament - Sachthemen, Fortsetzung\r\nTeil II, Bd. 37,4: Wissenschaften: Medizin und Biologie, Fortsetzung. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vkva8h1vt1Po53c","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":335,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1987]}

Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science, 1987
By: Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1987
Publication Place	Ithaca, New York
Publisher	Cornell University Press
Edition No.	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

All the chapters in this book are new, except for the inaugural lecture (Chapter 9), which I apologise for reprinting virtually unrevised and with the original lecture context still apparent. It seemed desirable, however, that so crucial a part ofthe controversy should be represented. The collection originated in a conference on Philoponus held at the Institute of Classical Studies in London in June 1983, which provided an opportunity for interested parties to pool knowledge from the many different disciplines that are relevant to his work. Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 6 are drawn from the conference, while two other conference papers, those of Henry Blumenthal and Richard Sorabji, are being incorporated into books in preparation (see Bibliography). Sorabji's main suggestions, however, are included in Chapter I in the discussion of matter and extension (pp 18 and 23). The remairnng chapters, apart from the inaugural lecture, were solicited or written for the volume, two of them (5 and 12) having been delivered first at a seminar on Ancient Science at the Institute of Classical Studies. [preface, p. ix-x]

Online Resources

John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?, 1986
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

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Title	John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1986
Journal	Hermes
Volume	114
Pages	314–335
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

What, in the end, can we say about Philoponus’ position as a Platonist, bearing in mind that our conclusions must still in some respects be provisional? That he was a Neoplatonist is indisputable. Since, however, few if any, of his differences with other Neoplatonists seem to arise from the adoption of a specifically Alexandrian philosophical point of view, we must attribute them to his own philosophical - and theological - orientation. It turns out that, in his case, »Alexandrian Platonist« may mean little more than a man whose philosophy was Neoplatonic, and who worked at Alexandria, though one might observe that there would not have been a warm welcome at Athens for a Christian Neoplatonist, however closely his views might conform to those codified by Proclus and developed by Damascius. One could go on to say that, apart from the concentration on Aristotle, his differences from other Alexandrians were greater than theirs from the Athenians. In this connection we should notice Philoponus’ frequent appeals to Plato against Aristotle in the passages Simplicius singles out for complaint, and his relatively frequent reservations about the agreement, symphônia, of Plato and Aristotle, which most others eagerly sought to demonstrate. And since we started with a critique of P r a e c h t e r , who did so much to initiate the serious study of the Aristotelian commentators, it might be appropriate to end with his characteri sation of Philoponus in the De aeternitate mundi: »es ist der gelehrte Platoniker der spricht«. [conclusion, p. 334-335]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cP5twq2fWJQvBVn

{"_index":"sire","_id":"628","_score":null,"_source":{"id":628,"authors_free":[{"id":888,"entry_id":628,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?","main_title":{"title":"John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?"},"abstract":"What, in the end, can we say about Philoponus\u2019 position as a Platonist, bearing in mind that our conclusions must still in some respects be provision\u00adal? That he was a Neoplatonist is indisputable. Since, however, few if any, of \r\nhis differences with other Neoplatonists seem to arise from the adoption of a specifically Alexandrian philosophical point of view, we must attribute them to his own philosophical - and theological - orientation. It turns out that, in \r\nhis case, \u00bbAlexandrian Platonist\u00ab may mean little more than a man whose philosophy was Neoplatonic, and who worked at Alexandria, though one might observe that there would not have been a warm welcome at Athens for a \r\nChristian Neoplatonist, however closely his views might conform to those codified by Proclus and developed by Damascius. One could go on to say \r\nthat, apart from the concentration on Aristotle, his differences from other Alexandrians were greater than theirs from the Athenians. In this connection \r\nwe should notice Philoponus\u2019 frequent appeals to Plato against Aristotle in the passages Simplicius singles out for complaint, and his relatively frequent reservations about the agreement, symph\u00f4nia, of Plato and Aristotle, which \r\nmost others eagerly sought to demonstrate. And since we started with a critique of P r a e c h t e r , who did so much to initiate the serious study of the \r\nAristotelian commentators, it might be appropriate to end with his characteri\u00ad\r\nsation of Philoponus in the De aeternitate mundi: \u00bbes ist der gelehrte Platoniker der spricht\u00ab. [conclusion, p. 334-335]\r\n","btype":3,"date":"1986","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/cP5twq2fWJQvBVn","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":628,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"114","issue":"","pages":"314\u2013335"}},"sort":[1986]}

Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie, 1986
By: Isnardi Parente, Margherita

Title	Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1986
Journal	Rivista di storia della filosofia
Volume	41
Issue	1
Pages	3-18
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Isnardi Parente, Margherita
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius, In Arist. Categ.,165, 32 sqq. Kalbfleisch, give us an example of the Stoic theory of the categories which seems to be inconsistent with the better known chrysippean theory of the ‘quadri¬partite division’. In Simplicius’ statement we find a first diaeresis (kath’hautá/prós ti) and a second division or hypodiaeresis (‘differentiated relations’ and ‘simple dispositions’ or correlations). Such a division follows a rather platonic-academic schematisms, and — as in Xenocratean or Hermodorean classification of being — the concept of relation occupies in it a privilegiate place. Instead of speaking simply of a continuity between Academy and Stoa, we can more probably hypothize a change in the development of the Stoic theory. The concept of ‘relation’ has an increas¬ing importance after Chrysippus, with the elaboration, by Antipater of Tarsus, of the concept of héxis and hektón; whereas the concept of quality — which is regarded, from Zeno to Chrysippus, as a corporeal entity, substratum, pneuma — is profoundly altered by the introduction of the new concept of ‘incorporeal qualities’. Perhaps later Stoics approached Academic thought in their attempt of a new kind of division, in order to find a better ontological status for ‘relation’ and ‘incorporeity’. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zjhuwrqRYr6pD6m

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1090","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1090,"authors_free":[{"id":1648,"entry_id":1090,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":282,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Isnardi Parente, Margherita","free_first_name":"Margherita","free_last_name":"Isnardi Parente","norm_person":{"id":282,"first_name":"Margherita","last_name":"Isnardi Parente","full_name":"Isnardi Parente, Margherita","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1023256045","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie","main_title":{"title":"Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie"},"abstract":"Simplicius, In Arist. Categ.,165, 32 sqq. Kalbfleisch, give us an example of the Stoic theory of the categories which seems to be inconsistent with the better known chrysippean theory of the \u2018quadri\u00acpartite division\u2019. In Simplicius\u2019 statement we find a first diaeresis (kath\u2019haut\u00e1\/pr\u00f3s ti) and a second division or hypodiaeresis (\u2018differentiated relations\u2019 and \u2018simple dispositions\u2019 or correlations). Such a division follows a rather platonic-academic schematisms, and \u2014 as in Xenocratean or Hermodorean classification of being \u2014 the concept of relation occupies in it a privilegiate place. Instead of speaking simply of a continuity between Academy and Stoa, we can more probably hypothize a change in the development of the Stoic theory. The concept of \u2018relation\u2019 has an increas\u00acing importance after Chrysippus, with the elaboration, by Antipater of Tarsus, of the concept of h\u00e9xis and hekt\u00f3n; whereas the concept of quality \u2014 which is regarded, from Zeno to Chrysippus, as a corporeal entity, substratum, pneuma \u2014 is profoundly altered by the introduction of the new concept of \u2018incorporeal qualities\u2019. Perhaps later Stoics approached Academic thought in their attempt of a new kind of division, in order to find a better ontological status for \u2018relation\u2019 and \u2018incorporeity\u2019. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1986","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/zjhuwrqRYr6pD6m","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":282,"full_name":"Isnardi Parente, Margherita","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1090,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rivista di storia della filosofia","volume":"41","issue":"1","pages":"3-18"}},"sort":[1986]}

The Cosmology of Parmenides, 1986
By: Finkelberg, Aryeh

Title	The Cosmology of Parmenides
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1986
Journal	The American Journal of Philology
Volume	107
Issue	3
Pages	303-317
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Finkelberg, Aryeh
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Our main source of information about the cosmological component of Parmenides’ doctrine of Opinion —apart from the first three and a half abstruse lines of fr. 12 — is Aetius’ account. This, however, is generally regarded as confused, garbled and incompatible with fr. 12. The reconstruction of Parmenides’ cosmology is thus considered a hopeless task, for “it must inevitably be based on many conjectures.” I, however, cannot accept this conclusion, for, as I argue below, it is possible to provide a reasonably intelligible account of Aetius’ report (except for the corrupt sentence about the goddess) which is also compatible with fr. 12, provided, of course, that we are not bent upon proving our sources incompatible, but rather seek to reconcile them. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3OYYrw5qTwsrSkx

{"_index":"sire","_id":"548","_score":null,"_source":{"id":548,"authors_free":[{"id":772,"entry_id":548,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":113,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","free_first_name":"Aryeh","free_last_name":"Finkelberg","norm_person":{"id":113,"first_name":"Aryeh","last_name":"Finkelberg","full_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1124815007","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Cosmology of Parmenides","main_title":{"title":"The Cosmology of Parmenides"},"abstract":"Our main source of information about the cosmological compo\u00adnent of Parmenides\u2019 doctrine of Opinion \u2014apart from the first three and a half abstruse lines of fr. 12 \u2014 is Aetius\u2019 account. This, however, is generally regarded as confused, garbled and incompatible with fr. 12. The reconstruction of Parmenides\u2019 cosmology is thus considered a hope\u00adless task, for \u201cit must inevitably be based on many conjectures.\u201d I, however, cannot accept this conclusion, for, as I argue below, it is possible to provide a reasonably intelligible account of Aetius\u2019 report (except for the corrupt sentence about the goddess) which is also com\u00adpatible with fr. 12, provided, of course, that we are not bent upon prov\u00ading our sources incompatible, but rather seek to reconcile them. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1986","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3OYYrw5qTwsrSkx","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":113,"full_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":548,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The American Journal of Philology","volume":"107","issue":"3","pages":"303-317"}},"sort":[1986]}

Colloque international sur la vie, l'œuvre et la survie de Simplicius, 1986
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Colloque international sur la vie, l'œuvre et la survie de Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1986
Journal	Gnomon
Volume	58
Issue	2
Pages	191-192
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Vom 28. September bis zum 1. Oktober 1985 fand in Paris in der Fondation Hugot du Collège de France ein internationales Colloquium statt, das zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte der Klassischen Philologie und der Geschichte der Philosophie den neuplatonischen Philosophen Simplikios zum Gegenstand hatte. Das Ziel des Colloquiums war es, einen ersten Gedankenaustausch derjenigen, nicht sehr zahlreichen, Wissenschaftler zu ermöglichen, die etwa seit einem Jahrzehnt begonnen haben, das philosophische Denken des Simplikios systematisch zu erfassen, gesicherte Text grundlagen durch die Erstellung neuer kritischer Editionen zu liefern und die Texte selbst durch Übersetzungen einem weiteren, philosophisch interessierten Publikum zugänglich zu machen.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AUBZDJhIvjp1dxV

{"_index":"sire","_id":"584","_score":null,"_source":{"id":584,"authors_free":[{"id":828,"entry_id":584,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Colloque international sur la vie, l'\u0153uvre et la survie de Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Colloque international sur la vie, l'\u0153uvre et la survie de Simplicius"},"abstract":"Vom 28. September bis zum 1. Oktober 1985 fand in Paris in der Fondation Hugot du Coll\u00e8ge de France ein internationales Colloquium statt, das zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte der Klassischen Philologie und der Geschichte der Philosophie den neuplatonischen Philosophen Simplikios zum Gegenstand hatte. Das Ziel des Colloquiums war es, einen ersten Gedankenaustausch derjenigen, nicht sehr zahlreichen, Wissenschaftler zu erm\u00f6glichen, die etwa seit einem Jahrzehnt begonnen haben, das philosophische Denken des Simplikios systematisch zu erfassen, gesicherte Text grundlagen durch die Erstellung neuer kritischer Editionen zu liefern und die Texte selbst durch \u00dcbersetzungen einem weiteren, philosophisch interessierten Publikum zug\u00e4nglich zu machen. ","btype":3,"date":"1986","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/AUBZDJhIvjp1dxV","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":584,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Gnomon","volume":"58","issue":"2","pages":"191-192"}},"sort":[1986]}

Boethus' Psychology and the Neoplatonists, 1986
By: Gottschalk, Hans B.

Title	Boethus' Psychology and the Neoplatonists
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1986
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	31
Issue	3
Pages	243-257
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gottschalk, Hans B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Three writers of late antiquity, all of them Neoplatonists, refer to the psychological doctrine of a certain Boethus. Several philosophers of that name are known, and the fragments have been variously assigned to the Stoic, Boethus of Sidon, who lived in the middle of the second century BC, and his Peripatetic namesake, active about a century later. ' The purpose of this article is to see what exactly we can learn about this thinker from the extant fragments and then to determine which of the various Boethi he is most likely to have been. [introduction, p. 243]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5lu8RgGIGt7Wnhe

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1331","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1331,"authors_free":[{"id":1964,"entry_id":1331,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":135,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gottschalk, Hans B.","free_first_name":"Hans B.","free_last_name":"Gottschalk,","norm_person":{"id":135,"first_name":"Hans B.","last_name":"Gottschalk","full_name":"Gottschalk, Hans B.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1161498559","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Boethus' Psychology and the Neoplatonists","main_title":{"title":"Boethus' Psychology and the Neoplatonists"},"abstract":"Three writers of late antiquity, all of them Neoplatonists, refer to the psychological doctrine of a certain Boethus. Several philosophers of that name are known, and the fragments have been variously assigned to the Stoic, Boethus of Sidon, who lived in the middle of the second century BC, and his Peripatetic namesake, active about a century later. ' The purpose of this article is to see what exactly we can learn about this thinker from the extant fragments and then to determine which of the various Boethi he is most likely to have been. [introduction, p. 243]","btype":3,"date":"1986","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5lu8RgGIGt7Wnhe","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":135,"full_name":"Gottschalk, Hans B.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1331,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"31","issue":"3","pages":"243-257"}},"sort":[1986]}

Proklos und die Form des philosophischen Kommentars, 1985
By: Lamberz, Erich, Pépin, Jean (Ed.), Saffrey, Henri Dominique (Ed.)

Title	Proklos und die Form des philosophischen Kommentars
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1985
Published in	Proclus, lecteur et interprète des anciens. Actes du colloque international du CNRS, Paris (2-4 octobre 1985)
Pages	1-20
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lamberz, Erich
Editor(s)	Pépin, Jean , Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Translator(s)

In den bisherigen Untersuchungen zur Form der Kommentare des Proklos und der Neuplatoniker im allgemeinen ist vor allem Gewicht darauf gelegt worden, daß die Kommentare aus der mündlichen Exegese der Texte hervorgegangen sind und die Formen dieser mündlichen Exegese sich in den schriftlich fixierten Werken widerspiegeln. Neben Spuren mündlicher Ausdrucksformen und Reflexen von Schuldiskussionen gehört zu diesen Formen vor allem die Gliederung der Exegese in Abschnitte, die Vorlesungseinheiten (praxeis) entsprechen, und die Unterteilung der einzelnen Abschnitte in Allgemeinerklärung (theôria) und Einzelerklärung (lexis). Bis jetzt blieb jedoch weitgehend die Frage außer B etracht, ob und wie sich die von den Exegeten selbst redigierten Kommentare von Vorlesungsnachschriften unterscheiden. Es erscheint deshalb sinnvoll, den Blickwinkel einmal umzukehren und zu fragen, welche spezifischen Formelemente sich in den Kommentaren des Proklos und anderer Neuplatoniker aufzeigen lassen, wenn man sie in erster Linie als literarische Erzeugnisse und nicht als Niederschlag mündlicher Exegese betrachtet. Im folgenden soll zu diesem Zweck nach einigen terminologischen Voruntersuchungen die Form der Lemmata, deren Einfügung in den Kom m entartext und der Aufbau der einzelnen Kommentarabschnitte besprochen werden. [Introduction, p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WFCq8CflnlIPypA

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Les sources vénitiennes de l’édition aldine du Livre I du Commentaire de Simplicius sur la „Physique“ d’Aristote, 1985
By: Codero, Néstor-Luis

Title	Les sources vénitiennes de l’édition aldine du Livre I du Commentaire de Simplicius sur la „Physique“ d’Aristote
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1985
Journal	Scriptorium
Volume	39
Issue	1
Pages	70–88
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Codero, Néstor-Luis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Nous pouvons revenir maintenant à notre point de départ : qui a été le responsable de l'édition de 1526 ? Aucun des éléments nouveaux ne s'oppose à notre hypothèse initiale : l'édition est due aux soins de Francesco d'Asola, responsable de la plupart des titres publiés « ex aedibus Aldi » depuis 1518. Nous avons vu qu'il était le destinataire des manuscrits d'Aetius empruntés par Marcantonio Contarini à la Marciana, et nous avons supposé que le même procédé s'était appliqué aux deux textes de Simplicius édités en 1526. Nous conservons une image très floue de ce personnage, dont le nom complet était Gian Francesco Torresani d'Asola. Il était le beau-frère d'Alde Manuce ; son père, Andrea d'Asola, fut le responsable de l'imprimerie depuis la mort d'Alde (1514) jusqu'à 1529. Selon Degli Agostini, Francesco d'Asola était le protégé du cardinal Hercule de Gonzague — auquel est dédiée l'édition de la Physique — et il avait repris avec succès l'héritage d'Alde. Pour J. B. Egnazio, d'Asola était un « jeune homme cultivé ayant les meilleures habitudes » et, en 1542, Pellicier le remercie de l'envoi à la bibliothèque de Fontainebleau de quatre-vingts manuscrits grecs et de quelques autres manuscrits latins. Malgré sa gentillesse et ses « meilleures habitudes », il est évident que d'Asola n'adopte pas la devise d'Alde : « Non enim recipio emendaturum libros », car il a beaucoup amendé. Diels avait raison lorsqu'il signalait que « Aldini exempli editor haud pauca novavit, infeliciter plurima ». [conclusion p. 86]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Gj5dBBrkScJI1Gs

{"_index":"sire","_id":"604","_score":null,"_source":{"id":604,"authors_free":[{"id":855,"entry_id":604,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":54,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Codero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_last_name":"Codero","norm_person":{"id":54,"first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","last_name":"Cordero","full_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1055808973","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les sources v\u00e9nitiennes de l\u2019\u00e9dition aldine du Livre I du Commentaire de Simplicius sur la \u201ePhysique\u201c d\u2019Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Les sources v\u00e9nitiennes de l\u2019\u00e9dition aldine du Livre I du Commentaire de Simplicius sur la \u201ePhysique\u201c d\u2019Aristote"},"abstract":"Nous pouvons revenir maintenant \u00e0 notre point de d\u00e9part : qui a \u00e9t\u00e9 le responsable de l'\u00e9dition de 1526 ? Aucun des \u00e9l\u00e9ments nouveaux ne s'oppose \u00e0 notre hypoth\u00e8se initiale : l'\u00e9dition est due aux soins de Francesco d'Asola, responsable de la plupart des titres publi\u00e9s \u00ab ex aedibus Aldi \u00bb depuis 1518.\r\n\r\nNous avons vu qu'il \u00e9tait le destinataire des manuscrits d'Aetius emprunt\u00e9s par Marcantonio Contarini \u00e0 la Marciana, et nous avons suppos\u00e9 que le m\u00eame proc\u00e9d\u00e9 s'\u00e9tait appliqu\u00e9 aux deux textes de Simplicius \u00e9dit\u00e9s en 1526.\r\n\r\nNous conservons une image tr\u00e8s floue de ce personnage, dont le nom complet \u00e9tait Gian Francesco Torresani d'Asola. Il \u00e9tait le beau-fr\u00e8re d'Alde Manuce ; son p\u00e8re, Andrea d'Asola, fut le responsable de l'imprimerie depuis la mort d'Alde (1514) jusqu'\u00e0 1529.\r\n\r\nSelon Degli Agostini, Francesco d'Asola \u00e9tait le prot\u00e9g\u00e9 du cardinal Hercule de Gonzague \u2014 auquel est d\u00e9di\u00e9e l'\u00e9dition de la Physique \u2014 et il avait repris avec succ\u00e8s l'h\u00e9ritage d'Alde. Pour J. B. Egnazio, d'Asola \u00e9tait un \u00ab jeune homme cultiv\u00e9 ayant les meilleures habitudes \u00bb et, en 1542, Pellicier le remercie de l'envoi \u00e0 la biblioth\u00e8que de Fontainebleau de quatre-vingts manuscrits grecs et de quelques autres manuscrits latins.\r\n\r\nMalgr\u00e9 sa gentillesse et ses \u00ab meilleures habitudes \u00bb, il est \u00e9vident que d'Asola n'adopte pas la devise d'Alde : \u00ab Non enim recipio emendaturum libros \u00bb, car il a beaucoup amend\u00e9.\r\n\r\nDiels avait raison lorsqu'il signalait que \u00ab Aldini exempli editor haud pauca novavit, infeliciter plurima \u00bb. [conclusion p. 86]","btype":3,"date":"1985","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Gj5dBBrkScJI1Gs","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":54,"full_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":604,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Scriptorium","volume":"39","issue":"1","pages":"70\u201388"}},"sort":[1985]}

Theophrastus on the Heavens, 1985
By: Sharples, Robert W., Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Theophrastus on the Heavens
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1985
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule
Pages	577-593
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sharples, Robert W.
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

In this paper, I shall be discussing two topics: firstly, whether Theophrastus followed Aristotle in holding that the heavens were made of a substance—the ether—distinct from the four sublunary elements, or whether, as some have argued, he held that the heavens were made of fire; and secondly, the exact interpretation of certain technical terms of astronomy attributed to Theophrastus. I am throughout indebted to the work of my colleagues in Project Theophrastus, and especially to Professor William Fortenbaugh and Mrs. Pamela Huby. It was an interest in the Peripatetic tradition generally that led me to work on Theophrastus, and that interest has been both formed and stimulated by the works of Professor Paul Moraux; the theme of the present paper is one that he has himself discussed. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/V9G65AXaBlaZSt7

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Strato’s theory of the void, 1985
By: Furley, David J. , Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Strato’s theory of the void
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1985
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule
Pages	594-609
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Furley, David J.
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

At the beginning of his Corollary on Place (In Phys. 601, 14-24), Simplicius classifies theories about place, as follows. First, there is a distinction between those who make place a corporeal thing and those who suppose it is incorporeal. Only Proclus falls into the first class. O f the latter, some think it is without extension, the rest think it is extended. The first group consists of Plato, who said place is the material substrate of bodies, and Damascius, who said it is that which completes the nature of bodies. The second group is further subdivided, into those who held place to be extended in two dimen sions, “as Aristotle and the whole Peripatos did”, and those who gave it three dimensions. The latter can be subdivided again: on the one hand, there is the school of Democritus and Epicurus, who held that place is everywhere undifferentiated, and sometimes persists without any body in it, and on the other hand, “the famous Plato- nists and Strato of Lampsacus”, who said that place is an extended interval (diastema) that always contains body and is adapted to its particular occupant... [p. 594]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/67tMakGWPrXgZyV

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The End of Aristotle's on Prayer, 1985
By: Rist, John M.

Title	The End of Aristotle's on Prayer
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1985
Journal	The American Journal of Philology
Volume	106
Issue	1
Pages	110-113
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rist, John M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Jean Pépin recently devoted a lengthy study to Aristotle's On Prayer. There is good reason to think that the work never existed. On Prayer is listed in Diogenes Laertius' catalogue of Aristotle's writings (5.22) and in the Vita Hesychii. The only other evidence for its existence is a passage of Simplicius that tells us that at the end of On Prayer, Aristotle says clearly that God is either mind or somehow beyond mind (ἢ ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ). The claim that God is beyond mind is unique in an unemended Aristotelian text, but the notion would be acceptable to Simplicius both because, as a Neoplatonist, he would believe it to be true, and because as a Neoplatonic commentator on Aristotle, he would be happy to find evidence of the basic philosophical harmony of Aristotle and Plato. Our problem, therefore, is to see why Simplicius thought that Aristotle held this view. The immediate answer is that he thought he had found it in a text of Aristotle's called On Prayer (or perhaps more likely in an anthology of Aristotelian material claiming that this was Aristotle's view in such a work). But if there was no such work On Prayer, how could Simplicius (or his source) think there was, and what is the actual source of the apparent fragment that claims that for Aristotle, God might be "beyond mind"? It is possible to understand how Simplicius was misled. There is a Latin work in two chapters called De Bona Fortuna. It is composed of Magna Moralia 2.8 and Eudemian Ethics 8.2. Of the 56 surviving manuscripts of De Bona Fortuna, the earliest datable version is Vat. Lat. 2083, of the year 1284. The producer of this text is unknown. De Bona Fortuna is not an excerpt from existing Latin translations of Magna Moralia and Eudemian Ethics, because although Bartholomew of Messina translated the Magna Moralia between 1258 and 1266, and although a Greek manuscript of the Eudemian Ethics may have been known in Messina before 1250, there are no medieval Latin translations of the Eudemian Ethics as a whole; indeed, the only other section of the text translated is E.E. 8.3. The original sources of De Bona Fortuna were known to at least some of those who copied it in Latin, but the work itself is a direct translation from Greek. So, unless the translator also both excerpted and combined the two parts of the De Bona Fortuna himself, and showed no concern for the fact that the rest of the Eudemian Ethics was still untranslated, and perhaps even still unknown (which is highly unlikely), he must have used a Greek original of De Bona Fortuna in the form of a separate treatise composed of M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2. The title of the treatise, presumably, was the Greek equivalent of De Bona Fortuna, that is, Περὶ Εὐτυχίας. We have no means of telling when it was assembled, but there is no reason why it should not be ancient and indeed have been available to Simplicius or (if Simplicius is quoting an anthology of some sort) to his source. E.E. 8.2 (1248A28) unemended, reads as follows: Τί οὖν ἂν κρεῖττον καὶ ἐπισημότερον εἴποι τις ἢ θεὸς. Spengel added the words καὶ νοῦ after εἴποι, following the reading et intellectu found in De Bona Fortuna. Thus, the Greek original of De Bona Fortuna read: Τί οὖν ἂν κρεῖττον καὶ ἐπισημότερον εἴποι καὶ νοῦ πάλιν θεὸς. Thus, in Περὶ Εὐτυχίας, God is greater than mind. Admittedly, Περὶ Εὐτυχίας did not say that God is "beyond mind" (ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ), only that he is greater than mind. But in Platonic or Neopythagorean writings of late antiquity, these phrases are virtually interchangeable. The most striking evidence is from Plotinus, who uses ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ dozens of times and also gives the best examples of the One being "greater (κρείττων)" than mind (5.3.14.16-18, 5.3.16.38, 5.3.17.1-3). Simplicius thought he knew about an Aristotelian text On Prayer (Περὶ Εὐχῆς). Let us suppose that he had direct or indirect access to a work originally called On Good Fortune (Περὶ Εὐτυχίας). The corruption of Εὐτυχίας to Εὐχῆς is easy. In this text, Simplicius found the remark that God is "greater than mind." There is no reason to assume that Simplicius is quoting On Good Fortune verbatim. For Simplicius, as a Neoplatonist, to say that God is "greater than mind" is the same as to say that he is "beyond (ἐπέκεινα) mind." The use of ἐπέκεινα in this way derives, of course, from Neoplatonic, Middle Platonic, and Neopythagorean interpretations of Plato's Republic 509B. Let us therefore posit the following sequence of events. A Greek text, including (but not necessarily restricted to) M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2, is compiled and originally entitled Περὶ Εὐτυχίας. It comes to contain, at some point, an un-Aristotelian phrase (absent from the original text of the E.E. and based on a misinterpretation of that text) saying that God is "greater than mind." The title of the work is at some stage corrupted: Περὶ Εὐτυχίας becomes Περὶ Εὐχῆς. Simplicius either reads it under this title or, more likely, finds it so cited by an excerpter or commentator of Platonizing tendencies. Either Simplicius or the excerpter paraphrases κρείττον τοῦ νοῦ as ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ. Hence, our alleged fragment of Aristotle's work On Prayer, found in Simplicius, is really a corrupted fragment of Περὶ Εὐτυχίας, a work whose origin is lost but which reaches Simplicius, or becomes known to him, through the medium of a Platonizing tradition. The date of the original compilation Περὶ Εὐτυχίας remains unknown, but it must have been early enough for its title, in a mistaken form, to have found its way onto the lists of Aristotle's writings. The corruption of the title was probably achieved by a librarian's error long before the crucial phrase καὶ νοῦ (absent, as we have seen, from the Eudemian Ethics) was imported into the text itself. This can hardly have occurred before the revival of Neopythagoreanism, that is, before the second century B.C. It is not impossible that it was post-Plotinian. [the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/7iwkew2wm2p3qeo

{"_index":"sire","_id":"858","_score":null,"_source":{"id":858,"authors_free":[{"id":1262,"entry_id":858,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":303,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rist, John M.","free_first_name":"John M.","free_last_name":"Rist","norm_person":{"id":303,"first_name":"John M.","last_name":"Rist","full_name":"Rist, John M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137060440","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The End of Aristotle's on Prayer","main_title":{"title":"The End of Aristotle's on Prayer"},"abstract":"Jean P\u00e9pin recently devoted a lengthy study to Aristotle's On Prayer. There is good reason to think that the work never existed. On Prayer is listed in Diogenes Laertius' catalogue of Aristotle's writings (5.22) and in the Vita Hesychii. The only other evidence for its existence is a passage of Simplicius that tells us that at the end of On Prayer, Aristotle says clearly that God is either mind or somehow beyond mind (\u1f22 \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6).\r\n\r\nThe claim that God is beyond mind is unique in an unemended Aristotelian text, but the notion would be acceptable to Simplicius both because, as a Neoplatonist, he would believe it to be true, and because as a Neoplatonic commentator on Aristotle, he would be happy to find evidence of the basic philosophical harmony of Aristotle and Plato. Our problem, therefore, is to see why Simplicius thought that Aristotle held this view. The immediate answer is that he thought he had found it in a text of Aristotle's called On Prayer (or perhaps more likely in an anthology of Aristotelian material claiming that this was Aristotle's view in such a work).\r\n\r\nBut if there was no such work On Prayer, how could Simplicius (or his source) think there was, and what is the actual source of the apparent fragment that claims that for Aristotle, God might be \"beyond mind\"? It is possible to understand how Simplicius was misled.\r\n\r\nThere is a Latin work in two chapters called De Bona Fortuna. It is composed of Magna Moralia 2.8 and Eudemian Ethics 8.2. Of the 56 surviving manuscripts of De Bona Fortuna, the earliest datable version is Vat. Lat. 2083, of the year 1284. The producer of this text is unknown. De Bona Fortuna is not an excerpt from existing Latin translations of Magna Moralia and Eudemian Ethics, because although Bartholomew of Messina translated the Magna Moralia between 1258 and 1266, and although a Greek manuscript of the Eudemian Ethics may have been known in Messina before 1250, there are no medieval Latin translations of the Eudemian Ethics as a whole; indeed, the only other section of the text translated is E.E. 8.3.\r\n\r\nThe original sources of De Bona Fortuna were known to at least some of those who copied it in Latin, but the work itself is a direct translation from Greek. So, unless the translator also both excerpted and combined the two parts of the De Bona Fortuna himself, and showed no concern for the fact that the rest of the Eudemian Ethics was still untranslated, and perhaps even still unknown (which is highly unlikely), he must have used a Greek original of De Bona Fortuna in the form of a separate treatise composed of M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2.\r\n\r\nThe title of the treatise, presumably, was the Greek equivalent of De Bona Fortuna, that is, \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2. We have no means of telling when it was assembled, but there is no reason why it should not be ancient and indeed have been available to Simplicius or (if Simplicius is quoting an anthology of some sort) to his source.\r\n\r\nE.E. 8.2 (1248A28) unemended, reads as follows: \u03a4\u03af \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u1f02\u03bd \u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03b7\u03bc\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f34\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9 \u03c4\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f22 \u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2. Spengel added the words \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 after \u03b5\u1f34\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9, following the reading et intellectu found in De Bona Fortuna. Thus, the Greek original of De Bona Fortuna read: \u03a4\u03af \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u1f02\u03bd \u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03b7\u03bc\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f34\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd \u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2. Thus, in \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2, God is greater than mind.\r\n\r\nAdmittedly, \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 did not say that God is \"beyond mind\" (\u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6), only that he is greater than mind. But in Platonic or Neopythagorean writings of late antiquity, these phrases are virtually interchangeable. The most striking evidence is from Plotinus, who uses \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 dozens of times and also gives the best examples of the One being \"greater (\u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03c4\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd)\" than mind (5.3.14.16-18, 5.3.16.38, 5.3.17.1-3).\r\n\r\nSimplicius thought he knew about an Aristotelian text On Prayer (\u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c7\u1fc6\u03c2). Let us suppose that he had direct or indirect access to a work originally called On Good Fortune (\u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2). The corruption of \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 to \u0395\u1f50\u03c7\u1fc6\u03c2 is easy. In this text, Simplicius found the remark that God is \"greater than mind.\" There is no reason to assume that Simplicius is quoting On Good Fortune verbatim. For Simplicius, as a Neoplatonist, to say that God is \"greater than mind\" is the same as to say that he is \"beyond (\u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1) mind.\"\r\n\r\nThe use of \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 in this way derives, of course, from Neoplatonic, Middle Platonic, and Neopythagorean interpretations of Plato's Republic 509B.\r\n\r\nLet us therefore posit the following sequence of events. A Greek text, including (but not necessarily restricted to) M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2, is compiled and originally entitled \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2. It comes to contain, at some point, an un-Aristotelian phrase (absent from the original text of the E.E. and based on a misinterpretation of that text) saying that God is \"greater than mind.\" The title of the work is at some stage corrupted: \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 becomes \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c7\u1fc6\u03c2.\r\n\r\nSimplicius either reads it under this title or, more likely, finds it so cited by an excerpter or commentator of Platonizing tendencies. Either Simplicius or the excerpter paraphrases \u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 as \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6. Hence, our alleged fragment of Aristotle's work On Prayer, found in Simplicius, is really a corrupted fragment of \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2, a work whose origin is lost but which reaches Simplicius, or becomes known to him, through the medium of a Platonizing tradition.\r\n\r\nThe date of the original compilation \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 remains unknown, but it must have been early enough for its title, in a mistaken form, to have found its way onto the lists of Aristotle's writings. The corruption of the title was probably achieved by a librarian's error long before the crucial phrase \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 (absent, as we have seen, from the Eudemian Ethics) was imported into the text itself. This can hardly have occurred before the revival of Neopythagoreanism, that is, before the second century B.C. It is not impossible that it was post-Plotinian. [the entire text]","btype":3,"date":"1985","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/7iwkew2wm2p3qeo","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":303,"full_name":"Rist, John M.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":858,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The American Journal of Philology","volume":"106","issue":"1","pages":"110-113"}},"sort":[1985]}

Puzzles about Identity. Aristotle and his Greek Commentators, 1985
By: Mignucci, Mario, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Puzzles about Identity. Aristotle and his Greek Commentators
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1985
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule
Pages	57-97
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mignucci, Mario
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Aristotle’s conception of identity is too large a subject to be analyzed in a single article. I will try to discuss here just one of the many problems raised by his views on sameness. It is not, perhaps, the most stimulating question one could wish to see treated, but it is a question about logic, where I feel a little more at ease than among the complicated and obscure riddles of metaphysics. My subject will be Aristotle’s references to what is nowadays called ‘Leibniz’s Law’ (LL): if two objects x and y are the same, they both share all the same properties. A formal version of it could be: (1) x=y ⟹ ∀F(F(x) ⟺ F(y))x=y⟹∀F(F(x)⟺F(y)) It is perhaps worth remembering that (LL) must be distinguished from what is normally called the ‘principle of substitutivity’ (SP), according to which substitution of expressions that are said to be the same is truth-preserving. As has been shown, (LL) does not entail (SP), since there are counterexamples to (SP) that do not falsify (LL). Not only (SP), but also (LL) has been doubted by some modern logicians. The question is far from being settled, and it is perhaps of interest to examine how ancient logicians tried to manage this problem. First, I will consider Aristotle’s statements about (LL) and the analyses he gives of some supposed counterexamples to this principle. Secondly, the interpretations of his view among his Greek commentators will be taken into account, and their distance from the position of the master evaluated. As Professor Moraux has taught us, the study of the Aristotelian tradition often gives us the opportunity of understanding Aristotle’s own meaning better. [introduction p. 57-58]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VYZdFzrmNGSDth4

{"_index":"sire","_id":"959","_score":null,"_source":{"id":959,"authors_free":[{"id":1439,"entry_id":959,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":259,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mignucci, Mario","free_first_name":"Mario","free_last_name":"Mignucci","norm_person":{"id":259,"first_name":"Mignucci","last_name":"Mario","full_name":"Mignucci, Mario","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1194188885","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2083,"entry_id":959,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Puzzles about Identity. Aristotle and his Greek Commentators","main_title":{"title":"Puzzles about Identity. Aristotle and his Greek Commentators"},"abstract":"Aristotle\u2019s conception of identity is too large a subject to be analyzed in a single article. I will try to discuss here just one of the many problems raised by his views on sameness. It is not, perhaps, the most stimulating question one could wish to see treated, but it is a question about logic, where I feel a little more at ease than among the complicated and obscure riddles of metaphysics. My subject will be Aristotle\u2019s references to what is nowadays called \u2018Leibniz\u2019s Law\u2019 (LL): if two objects x and y are the same, they both share all the same properties. A formal version of it could be:\r\n\r\n (1) x=y\u2005\u200a\u27f9\u2005\u200a\u2200F(F(x)\u2005\u200a\u27fa\u2005\u200aF(y))x=y\u27f9\u2200F(F(x)\u27faF(y))\r\n\r\nIt is perhaps worth remembering that (LL) must be distinguished from what is normally called the \u2018principle of substitutivity\u2019 (SP), according to which substitution of expressions that are said to be the same is truth-preserving. As has been shown, (LL) does not entail (SP), since there are counterexamples to (SP) that do not falsify (LL). Not only (SP), but also (LL) has been doubted by some modern logicians. The question is far from being settled, and it is perhaps of interest to examine how ancient logicians tried to manage this problem.\r\n\r\nFirst, I will consider Aristotle\u2019s statements about (LL) and the analyses he gives of some supposed counterexamples to this principle. Secondly, the interpretations of his view among his Greek commentators will be taken into account, and their distance from the position of the master evaluated. As Professor Moraux has taught us, the study of the Aristotelian tradition often gives us the opportunity of understanding Aristotle\u2019s own meaning better. [introduction p. 57-58]","btype":2,"date":"1985","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VYZdFzrmNGSDth4","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":259,"full_name":"Mignucci, Mario","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":959,"section_of":190,"pages":"57-97","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":190,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Wiesner\/Plezia\/Verdenius\/P\u00e9pin1985","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1985","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1985","abstract":"Der hier vorgelegte erste Band eines zweiteiligen Werkes, das \r\nAristoteles und dem Aristotelismus gewidmet ist, enth\u00e4lt 31 Origi-\r\nnalbeitr\u00e4ge zum Corpus Aristotelicum und zum alten Peripatos. \r\nKommentierung, Uberlieferung und Nachleben des Aristoteles bil-\r\nden das Thema des zweiten Bandes, der so bald als m\u00f6glich folgen \r\nwird. [Vorwort]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/fo2YolqZedXU2Im","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":190,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"","volume":"1","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1985]}

Theophrastus of Eresus. On his Life and Work, 1985
By: Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Huby, Pamela M. (Ed.), Long, Anthony A. (Ed.)

Title	Theophrastus of Eresus. On his Life and Work
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1985
Publication Place	New Brunswick
Publisher	Transaction Books
Series	Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities
Volume	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Huby, Pamela M. , Long, Anthony A.
Translator(s)

This series in the field of classics grew out of Project Theophrastus, an international undertaking whose goal is to collect, edit, and comment on the fragments of Theophrastus, Greek philosopher, Aristotle's pupil and second head of the Peripatetic School. Contributions are by international experts, and each volume will have a particular focus. Volume I is devoted to Arius Didymus, court philosopher to Caesar Augustus and author of an extensive survey of Stoic and Peripatetic ethics. Volumes II and III will concentrate on Theophrastus and disseminate knowledge gained through work on the project. Volume IV will focus on Cicero and his knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pfDsepdfrPg1Fk8

{"_index":"sire","_id":"284","_score":null,"_source":{"id":284,"authors_free":[{"id":2508,"entry_id":284,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":7,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W.","free_first_name":"William W.","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":7,"first_name":"William W. ","last_name":"Fortenbaugh","full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/110233700","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2509,"entry_id":284,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":200,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Huby, Pamela M. ","free_first_name":"Pamela M.","free_last_name":"Huby","norm_person":{"id":200,"first_name":"Pamela M.","last_name":"Huby","full_name":"Huby, Pamela M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/120868962","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2510,"entry_id":284,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":515,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Long, Anthony A.","free_first_name":"Anthony A.","free_last_name":"Long","norm_person":{"id":515,"first_name":"Anthony A.","last_name":"Long","full_name":"Long, Anthony A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118959603","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Theophrastus of Eresus. On his Life and Work","main_title":{"title":"Theophrastus of Eresus. On his Life and Work"},"abstract":"This series in the field of classics grew out of Project Theophrastus, an international undertaking whose goal is to collect, edit, and comment on the fragments of Theophrastus, Greek philosopher, Aristotle's pupil and second head of the Peripatetic School. Contributions are by international experts, and each volume will have a particular focus. Volume I is devoted to Arius Didymus, court philosopher to Caesar Augustus and author of an extensive survey of Stoic and Peripatetic ethics. Volumes II and III will concentrate on Theophrastus and disseminate knowledge gained through work on the project. Volume IV will focus on Cicero and his knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy.","btype":1,"date":"1985","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/pfDsepdfrPg1Fk8","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":7,"full_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":200,"full_name":"Huby, Pamela M.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":515,"full_name":"Long, Anthony A.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":284,"pubplace":"New Brunswick","publisher":"Transaction Books","series":"Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"2","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1985]}

Aristotelica: Mélanges offerts à Marcel de Corte, 1985
By: Motte, André (Ed.), Rutten, Christian (Ed.)

Title	Aristotelica: Mélanges offerts à Marcel de Corte
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1985
Publication Place	Bruxelles – Liège
Publisher	Éditions Ousia – Presses universitaires
Series	Cahiers de philosophie ancienne
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Motte, André , Rutten, Christian
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vbTKdtbzJ5KxKIX

{"_index":"sire","_id":"297","_score":null,"_source":{"id":297,"authors_free":[{"id":2114,"entry_id":297,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":468,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Motte, Andre\u0301","free_first_name":"Andre\u0301","free_last_name":"Motte","norm_person":{"id":468,"first_name":"Andr\u00e9","last_name":"Motte","full_name":"Motte, Andr\u00e9","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124510663","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2408,"entry_id":297,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":469,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Rutten, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Rutten","norm_person":{"id":469,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Rutten","full_name":"Rutten, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119515512","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotelica: M\u00e9langes offerts \u00e0 Marcel de Corte","main_title":{"title":"Aristotelica: M\u00e9langes offerts \u00e0 Marcel de Corte"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"1985","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vbTKdtbzJ5KxKIX","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":468,"full_name":"Motte, Andr\u00e9","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":469,"full_name":"Rutten, Christian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":297,"pubplace":"Bruxelles \u2013 Lie\u0300ge","publisher":"E\u0301ditions Ousia \u2013 Presses universitaires","series":"Cahiers de philosophie ancienne","volume":"3","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1985]}

Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule, 1985
By: Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.), Marian Plezia (Ed.), W. J. Verdenius (Ed.), Jean Pépin (Ed.)

Title	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1985
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen , Marian Plezia , W. J. Verdenius , Jean Pépin
Translator(s)

Der hier vorgelegte erste Band eines zweiteiligen Werkes, das Aristoteles und dem Aristotelismus gewidmet ist, enthält 31 Origi- nalbeiträge zum Corpus Aristotelicum und zum alten Peripatos. Kommentierung, Uberlieferung und Nachleben des Aristoteles bil- den das Thema des zweiten Bandes, der so bald als möglich folgen wird. [Vorwort]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fo2YolqZedXU2Im

{"_index":"sire","_id":"190","_score":null,"_source":{"id":190,"authors_free":[{"id":1885,"entry_id":190,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2771,"entry_id":190,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Marian Plezia","free_first_name":"Marian","free_last_name":"Plezia","norm_person":null},{"id":2772,"entry_id":190,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"W. J. Verdenius","free_first_name":"W. J.","free_last_name":"Verdenius","norm_person":null},{"id":2773,"entry_id":190,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Jean P\u00e9pin","free_first_name":"Jean","free_last_name":"P\u00e9pin","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule","main_title":{"title":"Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule"},"abstract":"Der hier vorgelegte erste Band eines zweiteiligen Werkes, das \r\nAristoteles und dem Aristotelismus gewidmet ist, enth\u00e4lt 31 Origi-\r\nnalbeitr\u00e4ge zum Corpus Aristotelicum und zum alten Peripatos. \r\nKommentierung, Uberlieferung und Nachleben des Aristoteles bil-\r\nden das Thema des zweiten Bandes, der so bald als m\u00f6glich folgen \r\nwird. [Vorwort]","btype":4,"date":"1985","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/fo2YolqZedXU2Im","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":190,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"","volume":"1","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1985]}

Porfirio e la fisica aristotelica, 1985
By: Romano, Francesco

Title	Porfirio e la fisica aristotelica
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	1985
Publication Place	Catania
Publisher	Universita di Catania
Series	Symbolon
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Romano, Francesco
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Tra i commentari ad Aristotele quelli di Porfirio occupano senza dubbio un posto preminente. Francesco Romano presenta uno studio sulla figura e sull’opera di Porfirio di cui analizza l’attività commentaria e i termini dell’interesse specifico per Aristotele attraverso la ricostruzione dei frammenti e delle testimonianze relativi al Commentario alla Fisica. Per fare questo l’autore presenta la traduzione dell’opera chiarendo anche i rapporti di Porfirio con Eudemo, Nicola, Alessandro, Temistio e Simplicio. [a.a.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tivi4S8KV7VK4gv

{"_index":"sire","_id":"60","_score":null,"_source":{"id":60,"authors_free":[{"id":68,"entry_id":60,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":305,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Romano, Francesco","free_first_name":"Francesco","free_last_name":"Romano","norm_person":{"id":305,"first_name":"Francesco","last_name":"Romano","full_name":"Romano, Francesco","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1028249454","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Porfirio e la fisica aristotelica","main_title":{"title":"Porfirio e la fisica aristotelica"},"abstract":"Tra i commentari ad Aristotele quelli di Porfirio occupano senza dubbio un posto preminente.\r\nFrancesco Romano presenta uno studio sulla figura e sull\u2019opera di Porfirio di cui analizza l\u2019attivit\u00e0 commentaria e i termini dell\u2019interesse specifico per Aristotele attraverso la ricostruzione dei frammenti e delle testimonianze relativi al Commentario alla Fisica.\r\nPer fare questo l\u2019autore presenta la traduzione dell\u2019opera chiarendo anche i rapporti di Porfirio con Eudemo, Nicola, Alessandro, Temistio e Simplicio. [a.a.]","btype":1,"date":"1985","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tivi4S8KV7VK4gv","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":305,"full_name":"Romano, Francesco","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":60,"pubplace":"Catania","publisher":"Universita di Catania","series":"Symbolon","volume":"3","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1985]}

The Presidential Address: Analyses of Matter, Ancient and Modern, 1985
By: Sorabji, Richard

Title	The Presidential Address: Analyses of Matter, Ancient and Modern
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1985
Journal	Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, New Series
Volume	86
Pages	1-22
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I want to draw attention to two recurrent themes in the analysis of matter or body. The first theme is the idea that body is extension endowed with properties. To explain this, I shall go back as far as a famous text in Aristotle's Metaphysics, Book 7, Chapter 3. Aristotle is here discussing matter in a rather special sense. He does not mean by 'matter' what we might mean, namely, body. He means rather the subject of the properties in a body. The table in front of me may be made of wood. From one point of view, the wood might be thought of as a subject which carries the properties of the table—its rectilinearity, its hardness, its brownness. But according to one persuasive interpretation, Aristotle is looking for the most fundamental subject of properties in a body. He calls it the first subject (hupokeimenon proton, 1029a1-2). The wood of the table is made up of the four elements—earth, air, fire, and water—and these might be thought of as a more fundamental subject carrying the properties of the wood. But the most fundamental subject would be one which carried the properties of the four elements: hot, cold, fluid, and dry. This first subject is referred to by commentators as first or prime matter. [introduction p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Dk2wV9MF91LwVgZ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"490","_score":null,"_source":{"id":490,"authors_free":[{"id":671,"entry_id":490,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Presidential Address: Analyses of Matter, Ancient and Modern","main_title":{"title":"The Presidential Address: Analyses of Matter, Ancient and Modern"},"abstract":"I want to draw attention to two recurrent themes in the analysis of matter or body. The first theme is the idea that body is extension endowed with properties. To explain this, I shall go back as far as a famous text in Aristotle's Metaphysics, Book 7, Chapter 3.\r\n\r\nAristotle is here discussing matter in a rather special sense. He does not mean by 'matter' what we might mean, namely, body. He means rather the subject of the properties in a body. The table in front of me may be made of wood. From one point of view, the wood might be thought of as a subject which carries the properties of the table\u2014its rectilinearity, its hardness, its brownness.\r\n\r\nBut according to one persuasive interpretation, Aristotle is looking for the most fundamental subject of properties in a body. He calls it the first subject (hupokeimenon proton, 1029a1-2). The wood of the table is made up of the four elements\u2014earth, air, fire, and water\u2014and these might be thought of as a more fundamental subject carrying the properties of the wood.\r\n\r\nBut the most fundamental subject would be one which carried the properties of the four elements: hot, cold, fluid, and dry. This first subject is referred to by commentators as first or prime matter. [introduction p. 1]","btype":3,"date":"1985","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Dk2wV9MF91LwVgZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":490,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, New Series","volume":"86","issue":"","pages":"1-22"}},"sort":[1985]}

Porphyre, Commentateur de la Physique d'Aristote, 1985
By: Moraux, Paul, Motte, André (Ed.), Rutten, Christian (Ed.)

Title	Porphyre, Commentateur de la Physique d'Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1985
Published in	Aristotelica: Mélanges offerts à Marcel de Corte
Pages	227-239
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)	Motte, André , Rutten, Christian
Translator(s)

Comme nous l’avons vu, il ne semble pas que Simplicius ait utilisé systématiquement la synopsis des livres V à VIII. Celle-ci a-t-elle laissé des traces ailleurs dans la littérature tardive ? Nous n’en avons aucune preuve formelle. Je voudrais pourtant attirer l’attention sur un passage du commentaire de Macrobe au Somnium Scipionis de Cicéron. Il s’agit d’une discussion de la thèse platonicienne selon laquelle l’âme est immortelle parce qu’elle est automotrice. Macrobe note qu’Aristote a contesté la légitimité de cette thèse et affirmé que l’âme ne peut se mouvoir elle-même et ne peut même subir aucun mouvement. Aristote montrait d’abord qu’il y a, dans la nature, quelque chose d’immobile. Ensuite, il cherchait à prouver que tout ce qui est mû l’est par quelque chose d’autre. Puis il établissait l’existence d’un premier moteur non mû. Contre Platon, il montrait alors que tout principe de mouvement est immobile, et que donc, si l’âme est principe de mouvement, elle doit être immobile. Pour illustrer ces diverses thèses d’Aristote, Macrobe reproduit, sous une forme assez squelettique, des arguments présentés par Aristote au livre VIII de la Physique. Il ne s’agit pas là de citations ou d’extraits littéraux, mais bien de résumés où la substance des développements d’Aristote est réduite à l’essentiel, donc d’une sorte d’epidromê ou de synopsis des passages utilisés. Or, nous savons que de tous les néoplatoniciens, Porphyre est l’un de ceux que Macrobe, qui dépend d’ordinaire de sources plus anciennes, utilise le plus volontiers et le plus fréquemment. Dans son ensemble, la critique moderne admet comme très probable l’hypothèse selon laquelle Macrobe aurait emprunté au traité de Porphyre Peri Psychês pros Boêthon les développements qu’il consacre au passage du Phèdre, traduit par Cicéron, sur l’automotricité et l’immortalité de l’âme. La question se pose donc de savoir si les objections d’Aristote ont été tirées de la même source, ou si Macrobe les a trouvées ailleurs, chez un péripatéticien, par exemple. Si l’on tient compte du fait que Porphyre connaissait très bien Aristote, dont il avait en partie commenté et en partie résumé la Physique, on pourra, ce me semble, fort bien imaginer que, dans son ouvrage sur l’âme, il s’était attaché non seulement à présenter les vues de Platon, mais aussi à les défendre contre les objections auxquelles elles pouvaient se heurter. Il est donc tout naturel que Porphyre se soit assez longuement étendu sur les difficultés que les théories aristotéliciennes du mouvement et du premier moteur suscitaient contre les arguments de Platon sur l’automotricité de l’âme. À cet effet, Porphyre avait exploité surtout le dernier livre de la Physique. Et comme il avait résumé sous la forme d’une synopsis les livres V à VIII, tout nous invite à croire qu’il avait largement utilisé cette synopsis en rédigeant son propre Peri Psychês. Mais pour le dire en toute franchise, cette hypothèse, tout alléchante qu’elle est, ne dépasse pas la vraisemblance. Nous ne disposons pas de fragments certains du résumé porphyrien du huitième livre de la Physique et, dès lors, nous ne sommes pas en mesure de prouver, par voie de comparaison, que les objections d’Aristote présentées par Macrobe remontent bien, en dernière analyse, à la synopsis qui a fait l’objet de la présente étude. [conclusion p. 237-239]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HITY0gikmySrLA8

{"_index":"sire","_id":"494","_score":null,"_source":{"id":494,"authors_free":[{"id":681,"entry_id":494,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":137,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Moraux, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Moraux","norm_person":{"id":137,"first_name":"Paul ","last_name":"Moraux","full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117755591","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2115,"entry_id":494,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":468,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Motte, Andre\u0301","free_first_name":"Andr\u00e9","free_last_name":"Motte","norm_person":{"id":468,"first_name":"Andr\u00e9","last_name":"Motte","full_name":"Motte, Andr\u00e9","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124510663","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2409,"entry_id":494,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":469,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Rutten, Christian","free_first_name":"Christian","free_last_name":"Rutten","norm_person":{"id":469,"first_name":"Christian","last_name":"Rutten","full_name":"Rutten, Christian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119515512","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Porphyre, Commentateur de la Physique d'Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Porphyre, Commentateur de la Physique d'Aristote"},"abstract":"Comme nous l\u2019avons vu, il ne semble pas que Simplicius ait utilis\u00e9 syst\u00e9matiquement la synopsis des livres V \u00e0 VIII. Celle-ci a-t-elle laiss\u00e9 des traces ailleurs dans la litt\u00e9rature tardive ? Nous n\u2019en avons aucune preuve formelle. Je voudrais pourtant attirer l\u2019attention sur un passage du commentaire de Macrobe au Somnium Scipionis de Cic\u00e9ron. Il s\u2019agit d\u2019une discussion de la th\u00e8se platonicienne selon laquelle l\u2019\u00e2me est immortelle parce qu\u2019elle est automotrice.\r\n\r\nMacrobe note qu\u2019Aristote a contest\u00e9 la l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 de cette th\u00e8se et affirm\u00e9 que l\u2019\u00e2me ne peut se mouvoir elle-m\u00eame et ne peut m\u00eame subir aucun mouvement. Aristote montrait d\u2019abord qu\u2019il y a, dans la nature, quelque chose d\u2019immobile. Ensuite, il cherchait \u00e0 prouver que tout ce qui est m\u00fb l\u2019est par quelque chose d\u2019autre. Puis il \u00e9tablissait l\u2019existence d\u2019un premier moteur non m\u00fb. Contre Platon, il montrait alors que tout principe de mouvement est immobile, et que donc, si l\u2019\u00e2me est principe de mouvement, elle doit \u00eatre immobile.\r\n\r\nPour illustrer ces diverses th\u00e8ses d\u2019Aristote, Macrobe reproduit, sous une forme assez squelettique, des arguments pr\u00e9sent\u00e9s par Aristote au livre VIII de la Physique. Il ne s\u2019agit pas l\u00e0 de citations ou d\u2019extraits litt\u00e9raux, mais bien de r\u00e9sum\u00e9s o\u00f9 la substance des d\u00e9veloppements d\u2019Aristote est r\u00e9duite \u00e0 l\u2019essentiel, donc d\u2019une sorte d\u2019epidrom\u00ea ou de synopsis des passages utilis\u00e9s. Or, nous savons que de tous les n\u00e9oplatoniciens, Porphyre est l\u2019un de ceux que Macrobe, qui d\u00e9pend d\u2019ordinaire de sources plus anciennes, utilise le plus volontiers et le plus fr\u00e9quemment.\r\n\r\nDans son ensemble, la critique moderne admet comme tr\u00e8s probable l\u2019hypoth\u00e8se selon laquelle Macrobe aurait emprunt\u00e9 au trait\u00e9 de Porphyre Peri Psych\u00eas pros Bo\u00eathon les d\u00e9veloppements qu\u2019il consacre au passage du Ph\u00e8dre, traduit par Cic\u00e9ron, sur l\u2019automotricit\u00e9 et l\u2019immortalit\u00e9 de l\u2019\u00e2me. La question se pose donc de savoir si les objections d\u2019Aristote ont \u00e9t\u00e9 tir\u00e9es de la m\u00eame source, ou si Macrobe les a trouv\u00e9es ailleurs, chez un p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticien, par exemple.\r\n\r\nSi l\u2019on tient compte du fait que Porphyre connaissait tr\u00e8s bien Aristote, dont il avait en partie comment\u00e9 et en partie r\u00e9sum\u00e9 la Physique, on pourra, ce me semble, fort bien imaginer que, dans son ouvrage sur l\u2019\u00e2me, il s\u2019\u00e9tait attach\u00e9 non seulement \u00e0 pr\u00e9senter les vues de Platon, mais aussi \u00e0 les d\u00e9fendre contre les objections auxquelles elles pouvaient se heurter. Il est donc tout naturel que Porphyre se soit assez longuement \u00e9tendu sur les difficult\u00e9s que les th\u00e9ories aristot\u00e9liciennes du mouvement et du premier moteur suscitaient contre les arguments de Platon sur l\u2019automotricit\u00e9 de l\u2019\u00e2me.\r\n\r\n\u00c0 cet effet, Porphyre avait exploit\u00e9 surtout le dernier livre de la Physique. Et comme il avait r\u00e9sum\u00e9 sous la forme d\u2019une synopsis les livres V \u00e0 VIII, tout nous invite \u00e0 croire qu\u2019il avait largement utilis\u00e9 cette synopsis en r\u00e9digeant son propre Peri Psych\u00eas. Mais pour le dire en toute franchise, cette hypoth\u00e8se, tout all\u00e9chante qu\u2019elle est, ne d\u00e9passe pas la vraisemblance. Nous ne disposons pas de fragments certains du r\u00e9sum\u00e9 porphyrien du huiti\u00e8me livre de la Physique et, d\u00e8s lors, nous ne sommes pas en mesure de prouver, par voie de comparaison, que les objections d\u2019Aristote pr\u00e9sent\u00e9es par Macrobe remontent bien, en derni\u00e8re analyse, \u00e0 la synopsis qui a fait l\u2019objet de la pr\u00e9sente \u00e9tude. [conclusion p. 237-239]","btype":2,"date":"1985","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/HITY0gikmySrLA8","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":137,"full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":468,"full_name":"Motte, Andr\u00e9","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":469,"full_name":"Rutten, Christian","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":494,"section_of":297,"pages":"227-239","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":297,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Aristotelica: M\u00e9langes offerts \u00e0 Marcel de Corte","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Motte1985","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1985","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1985","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/vbTKdtbzJ5KxKIX","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":297,"pubplace":"Bruxelles \u2013 Lie\u0300ge","publisher":"E\u0301ditions Ousia \u2013 Presses universitaires","series":"Cahiers de philosophie ancienne","volume":"3","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1985]}

Aurore, Éros et Ananké autour des dieux Parménidiens (f. 12-f. 13), 1985
By: Frère, Jean

Title	Aurore, Éros et Ananké autour des dieux Parménidiens (f. 12-f. 13)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1985
Journal	Les Études philosophiques
Volume	4
Pages	459-470
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Frère, Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Deux textes de Platon dans Le Banquet et un d'Aristote dans La Métaphysique commentent ce passage de Parménide sur Éros. Dans Le Banquet, en 195a, Agathon dit : « Je déclare que c'est Éros le plus jeune des dieux... ; qu'inversement ces antiques divinités qu'énoncent sur les dieux Hésiode et Parménide appartiendraient à la Nécessité et non pas à l'Amour. » Et en 178a, Phèdre s'exprimait ainsi : « Quant à Parménide, voici ce qu'il dit de la génération : le premier de tous les dieux dont s'avisa [la Déesse], ce fut l'Amour. » Pour ce qui est d'Aristote, au livre A, chapitre 4, de La Métaphysique, examinant la thèse des penseurs qui, tel Anaxagore, firent du « la fois la cause de la beauté et la cause du mouvement des êtres », Aristote rapproche à son tour Hésiode et Parménide comme penseurs qui ont posé l'Amour ou le Désir pour principes des êtres ; Aristote cite alors le vers que citait Le Banquet en 178a, vers qui constitue le fragment 13 du poème de Parménide. Ainsi, les deux témoignages de Platon et d'Aristote s'accordent-ils : dans le panthéon parménidien, Anankè est l'origine ; en provient l'Amour, Éros, lequel domine les autres dieux. Dans le commentaire de La Physique d'Aristote, Simplicius apporte à son tour des textes et des indications concernant Anankè et Éros. C'est grâce à ces passages de Simplicius que les éditeurs de Parménide ont ordonné plusieurs fragments de la seconde partie du poème (f. 9 et suiv.). Cependant, l'ordonnance des fragments ici retenue par la plupart des éditeurs, si l'on y apporte quelque attention, semble loin de s'imposer. Relisant de près le texte de Simplicius, nous voudrions ici dégager conjointement plusieurs thèmes. D'abord, en ce qui concerne Simplicius, nous voudrions apporter des précisions sur sa technique de citation des fragments. À partir de là, nous pourrions envisager une nouvelle structuration des fragments portant sur Anankè et Éros. Enfin, nous pourrions ainsi essayer de mieux dégager certains aspects de la place du divin dans l'œuvre parménidienne. [introduction p. 460]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RFpfl1LBytLVPZJ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"593","_score":null,"_source":{"id":593,"authors_free":[{"id":844,"entry_id":593,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":101,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","free_first_name":"Jean","free_last_name":"Fr\u00e8re","norm_person":{"id":101,"first_name":"Jean","last_name":"Fr\u00e8re","full_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130051187","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aurore, \u00c9ros et Anank\u00e9 autour des dieux Parm\u00e9nidiens (f. 12-f. 13)","main_title":{"title":"Aurore, \u00c9ros et Anank\u00e9 autour des dieux Parm\u00e9nidiens (f. 12-f. 13)"},"abstract":"Deux textes de Platon dans Le Banquet et un d'Aristote dans La M\u00e9taphysique commentent ce passage de Parm\u00e9nide sur \u00c9ros. Dans Le Banquet, en 195a, Agathon dit : \u00ab Je d\u00e9clare que c'est \u00c9ros le plus jeune des dieux... ; qu'inversement ces antiques divinit\u00e9s qu'\u00e9noncent sur les dieux H\u00e9siode et Parm\u00e9nide appartiendraient \u00e0 la N\u00e9cessit\u00e9 et non pas \u00e0 l'Amour. \u00bb Et en 178a, Ph\u00e8dre s'exprimait ainsi : \u00ab Quant \u00e0 Parm\u00e9nide, voici ce qu'il dit de la g\u00e9n\u00e9ration : le premier de tous les dieux dont s'avisa [la D\u00e9esse], ce fut l'Amour. \u00bb\r\n\r\nPour ce qui est d'Aristote, au livre A, chapitre 4, de La M\u00e9taphysique, examinant la th\u00e8se des penseurs qui, tel Anaxagore, firent du \u00ab la fois la cause de la beaut\u00e9 et la cause du mouvement des \u00eatres \u00bb, Aristote rapproche \u00e0 son tour H\u00e9siode et Parm\u00e9nide comme penseurs qui ont pos\u00e9 l'Amour ou le D\u00e9sir pour principes des \u00eatres ; Aristote cite alors le vers que citait Le Banquet en 178a, vers qui constitue le fragment 13 du po\u00e8me de Parm\u00e9nide. Ainsi, les deux t\u00e9moignages de Platon et d'Aristote s'accordent-ils : dans le panth\u00e9on parm\u00e9nidien, Anank\u00e8 est l'origine ; en provient l'Amour, \u00c9ros, lequel domine les autres dieux.\r\n\r\nDans le commentaire de La Physique d'Aristote, Simplicius apporte \u00e0 son tour des textes et des indications concernant Anank\u00e8 et \u00c9ros. C'est gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 ces passages de Simplicius que les \u00e9diteurs de Parm\u00e9nide ont ordonn\u00e9 plusieurs fragments de la seconde partie du po\u00e8me (f. 9 et suiv.). Cependant, l'ordonnance des fragments ici retenue par la plupart des \u00e9diteurs, si l'on y apporte quelque attention, semble loin de s'imposer. Relisant de pr\u00e8s le texte de Simplicius, nous voudrions ici d\u00e9gager conjointement plusieurs th\u00e8mes.\r\n\r\nD'abord, en ce qui concerne Simplicius, nous voudrions apporter des pr\u00e9cisions sur sa technique de citation des fragments. \u00c0 partir de l\u00e0, nous pourrions envisager une nouvelle structuration des fragments portant sur Anank\u00e8 et \u00c9ros. Enfin, nous pourrions ainsi essayer de mieux d\u00e9gager certains aspects de la place du divin dans l'\u0153uvre parm\u00e9nidienne. [introduction p. 460]","btype":3,"date":"1985","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RFpfl1LBytLVPZJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":101,"full_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":593,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"4","issue":"","pages":" 459-470"}},"sort":[1985]}

Levels of human thinking in Philoponus, 1985
By: Verbeke, Gérard, Laga, Carl (Ed.), Munitiz, Joseph A. (Ed.), Rompay, Lucas van (Ed.)

Title	Levels of human thinking in Philoponus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1985
Published in	After Chalcedon. Studies in Theology and Church History. Offered to Professor Albert van Roey for his seventieth birthday
Pages	451-470
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verbeke, Gérard
Editor(s)	Laga, Carl , Munitiz, Joseph A. , Rompay, Lucas van
Translator(s)

What is finally the meaning of Philoponus’s teaching on the levels of thought? Taking into account the previous considerations, we may conclude that this doctrine is intended to disclose the true nature of philosophical reflection as a direct and immediate intuition of the intelligible world. This disclosure is an internal one: each individual bears within himself, in the hidden abodes of his consciousness, a treasure of philosophical wisdom". In order to contemplate the highest truth, man should not leave himself, on the contrary he should come back and turn to himself, to his true self. Most people live outside themselves in a permanent forgetfulness of their real nature: they hardly participate in philosophical wisdom, they only possess some common intuitions, which are a kind of trace or vestige of rational truth. They never come to the level of a direct contemplation of the intelligibles. In order to reach the supreme level of thinking man needs a moral preparation, which makes him able to overcome the influence of irrational movements; he also needs an intellectual training by means of discursive reasoning in order to free himself from the impact of senses and imagination. If these requirements are fulfilled, man be comes able to contemplate directly true reality in the internal world of his consciousness. [conclusion, p. 469]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PBqIyB5guZfHl6C

After Chalcedon. Studies in Theology and Church History. Offered to Professor Albert van Roey for his seventieth birthday, 1985
By: Laga, Carl (Ed.), Munitiz, Joseph A. (Ed.), Rompay, Lucas van (Ed.)

Title	After Chalcedon. Studies in Theology and Church History. Offered to Professor Albert van Roey for his seventieth birthday
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1985
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Itgeverij Peeters Leuven
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Laga, Carl , Munitiz, Joseph A. , Rompay, Lucas van
Translator(s)

This volume in honour of Prof. P.H.L. Eggermont, Indologist and Classicist, is focused on North and Northwest India, and on the adjacent regions to the west, with special attention to the Hellenistic monarchies, the historical geography of India, the ancient trade routes, and the contacts between India, Greece and Rome. The contributions of this Festschrift provide a bulk of material, especially for those interested in relations between Classical and Oriental philological, historical, archaeological, and geographical sources. Besides, the volume contains a biography and a bibliography of Prof. Eggermont. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GSkAPkgJ17bDZ3g

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Empedocles B 96 (462 Bollack) and the Poetry of Adhesion, 1984
By: Sider, David

Title	Empedocles B 96 (462 Bollack) and the Poetry of Adhesion
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1984
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	37
Issue	1-2
Pages	14-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sider, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Notes on Empedocles B 96

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gIM2YVFw7r7XnSS

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(Neo-) Platonica, 1984
By: Steel, Carlos

Title	(Neo-) Platonica
Type	Article
Language	Dutch
Date	1984
Journal	Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume	46
Issue	2
Pages	319-330
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Filosofie is ons vooral in de vorm van teksten toegankelijk. Wie filosofie wil studeren, zal onvermijdelijk teksten moeten bestuderen en zal het resultaat van zijn eigen onderzoek weer in de vorm van teksten produceren. Wel heeft de filosofie van oudsher ook met de mogelijkheid rekening gehouden dat men inzichten kan verwerven die niet discursief uitgedrukt kunnen worden, die niet „textfähig“ zijn; maar toch is de filosofie weinig beïnvloed geworden door deze principiële mogelijkheid. Tenslotte kan men weer reflecteren en schrijven over deze niet-tekstmatige inzichten, zodat het erop lijkt dat men nooit uit de toverban van de tekst geraken kan. Niemand zal eraan denken het voordeel prijs te geven dat de filosofie heeft door zich aan teksten te binden en zo haar inzichten te objectiveren. Maar toch is het bedenkelijk dat men de binding van filosofisch inzicht aan de tekst als vanzelfsprekend ziet. Zo wordt ook niet meer duidelijk wat de „zaak“ is waarop de filosofische tekst betrekking heeft. Is er wel een „zaak-los-van-de-tekst“? Het is bekend dat Plato tegenover het fenomeen „tekst“ bewust afstand heeft genomen. Men kan hem zeker niet verwijten dat hij een naïef vertrouwen heeft in de tekst als medium van filosofisch inzicht: waar het in de filosofie eigenlijk om gaat is niet in tekst uit te drukken. Al is hij zelf meer dan wie ook tekst-kunstenaar, hij blijft zich bewust van de grenzen van de tekst. Wie uit Plato’s dialogen een doctrine construeert, een systeem van uitspraken over „wat het geval is“, verliest deze reserve ten opzichte van de tekst en reduceert de vele „vormen van kennis“ tot objectief „propositioneel“ kennen. Dit is de invalshoek van waaruit Wolfgang Wieland, vooral bekend wegens zijn originele studie over Aristoteles’ Physica, zijn Plato-boek geschreven heeft: Platon und die Formen des Wissens. Het boek bevat drie delen. Het eerste is gewijd aan Plato’s verhouding tot de geschreven tekst. Uitgaande van de bekende passage in de Phaidros onderzoekt Wieland waarom Plato zo kritisch is ten opzichte van het schrift. Plato verzet zich tegen elke poging om het weten te objectiveren alsof men in de tekst over inzicht als over een stuk bezit zou kunnen beschikken. Elke formulering in taal blijft werktuig, iets voorlopigs. Het „gebruiksweten“ dat in de omgang met de dingen tot stand komt, heeft voorrang op het weten dat in proposities is uitgedrukt. Hier staan we meteen voor het centrale thema van Wielands boek. Het is echter de vraag of dit bij Plato wel zo centraal is. Bij Plato gaat het vooreerst om kritiek op het schrift, en niet op het propositionele weten als zodanig. Vanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook de dialoog als medium van filosofisch denken begrijpen. Indien men ondanks alle reserves toch niet aan tekst verzaken kan, dan biedt de dialoogvorm een uitweg. Eén van de tekorten van de tekst heeft namelijk te maken met het ontbreken van een reële context van het woord. De dialoog brengt deze context op dramatisch-fictieve wijze tot stand. De dialoog is geen didactisch hulpmiddel, geen inkleding van een leer. De uitspraken blijven er als „werktuigen“ in de gespreksactie fungeren. Vanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook het statuut van de mythe binnen de tekst begrijpen, het metaforische karakter van vele passages, het gebruik van de ironie. Tenslotte wijst Wieland in § 5 op het belang van de fictieve chronologie bij het beoordelen van een dialoog. Men kan namelijk, uitgaande van de dramatische situatie van de verschillende dialogen, een fictieve chronologie opstellen: zo zal niemand betwisten dat de Parmenides later is geschreven dan de Phaidon (reële chronologie), maar in de fictieve chronologie komt de Parmenides veel eerder, omdat hierin de jonge Socrates optreedt, terwijl in de Phaidon Socrates voor de dood staat. In de interpretatie heeft men te weinig rekening gehouden met de plaats van een dialoog in deze fictieve chronologie. [introduction p. 319-320] Übersetzung: Philosophie ist uns vor allem in der Form von Texten zugänglich. Wer Philosophie studieren will, muss zwangsläufig Texte studieren und wird die Ergebnisse seiner eigenen Forschung wiederum in Form von Texten präsentieren. Die Philosophie hat jedoch seit jeher auch die Möglichkeit berücksichtigt, dass Erkenntnisse gewonnen werden können, die nicht diskursiv ausgedrückt werden können, die also nicht „textfähig“ sind. Dennoch hat diese prinzipielle Möglichkeit die Philosophie kaum beeinflusst. Letztendlich kann man auch über diese nicht-textlichen Erkenntnisse reflektieren und schreiben, sodass es scheint, als könne man niemals aus dem Bann des Textes entkommen. Niemand wird daran denken, den Vorteil aufzugeben, den die Philosophie dadurch hat, sich an Texte zu binden und ihre Erkenntnisse so zu objektivieren. Doch es ist bedenklich, dass man die Bindung philosophischer Erkenntnis an den Text als selbstverständlich betrachtet. Dadurch wird auch unklar, was die „Sache“ ist, auf die sich der philosophische Text bezieht. Gibt es überhaupt eine „Sache außerhalb des Textes“? Es ist bekannt, dass Platon dem Phänomen „Text“ bewusst distanziert gegenüberstand. Man kann ihm sicher nicht vorwerfen, ein naives Vertrauen in den Text als Medium philosophischer Erkenntnis gehabt zu haben: Worauf es in der Philosophie eigentlich ankommt, lässt sich nicht in Texten ausdrücken. Auch wenn er selbst mehr als jeder andere ein Künstler des Textes war, war er sich stets der Grenzen des Textes bewusst. Wer aus Platons Dialogen eine Doktrin konstruiert, ein System von Aussagen über „das, was der Fall ist“, verliert diese kritische Distanz zum Text und reduziert die vielen „Formen des Wissens“ auf ein objektives „propositionales“ Wissen. Dies ist die Perspektive, aus der Wolfgang Wieland, vor allem bekannt für seine originelle Studie über Aristoteles’ Physik, sein Platon-Buch Platon und die Formen des Wissens geschrieben hat. Das Buch besteht aus drei Teilen. Der erste Teil widmet sich Platons Verhältnis zum geschriebenen Text. Ausgehend von der bekannten Passage im Phaidros untersucht Wieland, warum Platon dem Schreiben so kritisch gegenüberstand. Platon wendet sich gegen jede Versuchung, Wissen zu objektivieren, als könne man in einem Text über Erkenntnisse verfügen wie über einen Besitz. Jede Formulierung in Sprache bleibt ein Werkzeug, etwas Vorläufiges. Das „Gebrauchswissen“, das im Umgang mit den Dingen entsteht, hat Vorrang vor dem Wissen, das in Propositionen ausgedrückt ist. Hier begegnen wir dem zentralen Thema von Wielands Buch. Es bleibt jedoch die Frage, ob dies bei Platon tatsächlich zentral ist. Bei Platon geht es zunächst um Kritik am Schreiben und nicht um Kritik am propositionalen Wissen als solches. Aus der Schriftkritik lässt sich auch die Dialogform als Medium des philosophischen Denkens verstehen. Wenn man trotz aller Vorbehalte nicht auf den Text verzichten kann, bietet die Dialogform einen Ausweg. Ein Mangel des Textes liegt nämlich im Fehlen eines realen Kontexts des Wortes. Der Dialog stellt diesen Kontext auf dramatisch-fiktive Weise her. Der Dialog ist kein didaktisches Hilfsmittel, keine Verpackung einer Lehre. Die Aussagen fungieren in der Dialoghandlung weiterhin als „Werkzeuge“. Aus der Schriftkritik lässt sich auch der Status des Mythos im Text verstehen, ebenso wie der metaphorische Charakter vieler Passagen und die Verwendung von Ironie. Schließlich weist Wieland in § 5 auf die Bedeutung der fiktiven Chronologie für die Beurteilung eines Dialogs hin. Ausgehend von der dramatischen Situation der verschiedenen Dialoge lässt sich eine fiktive Chronologie erstellen: Niemand wird bestreiten, dass der Parmenides später geschrieben wurde als der Phaidon (reale Chronologie), aber in der fiktiven Chronologie kommt der Parmenides viel früher, da dort der junge Sokrates auftritt, während im Phaidon Sokrates vor seinem Tod steht. In der Interpretation hat man die Stellung eines Dialogs in dieser fiktiven Chronologie bisher zu wenig berücksichtigt.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H1e3T5fZsfMIh5O

{"_index":"sire","_id":"845","_score":null,"_source":{"id":845,"authors_free":[{"id":1249,"entry_id":845,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"(Neo-) Platonica","main_title":{"title":"(Neo-) Platonica"},"abstract":"Filosofie is ons vooral in de vorm van teksten toegankelijk. Wie filosofie wil studeren, zal onvermijdelijk teksten moeten bestuderen en zal het resultaat van zijn eigen onderzoek weer in de vorm van teksten produceren. Wel heeft de filosofie van oudsher ook met de mogelijkheid rekening gehouden dat men inzichten kan verwerven die niet discursief uitgedrukt kunnen worden, die niet \u201etextf\u00e4hig\u201c zijn; maar toch is de filosofie weinig be\u00efnvloed geworden door deze principi\u00eble mogelijkheid. Tenslotte kan men weer reflecteren en schrijven over deze niet-tekstmatige inzichten, zodat het erop lijkt dat men nooit uit de toverban van de tekst geraken kan. Niemand zal eraan denken het voordeel prijs te geven dat de filosofie heeft door zich aan teksten te binden en zo haar inzichten te objectiveren. Maar toch is het bedenkelijk dat men de binding van filosofisch inzicht aan de tekst als vanzelfsprekend ziet. Zo wordt ook niet meer duidelijk wat de \u201ezaak\u201c is waarop de filosofische tekst betrekking heeft. Is er wel een \u201ezaak-los-van-de-tekst\u201c? Het is bekend dat Plato tegenover het fenomeen \u201etekst\u201c bewust afstand heeft genomen. Men kan hem zeker niet verwijten dat hij een na\u00efef vertrouwen heeft in de tekst als medium van filosofisch inzicht: waar het in de filosofie eigenlijk om gaat is niet in tekst uit te drukken. Al is hij zelf meer dan wie ook tekst-kunstenaar, hij blijft zich bewust van de grenzen van de tekst. Wie uit Plato\u2019s dialogen een doctrine construeert, een systeem van uitspraken over \u201ewat het geval is\u201c, verliest deze reserve ten opzichte van de tekst en reduceert de vele \u201evormen van kennis\u201c tot objectief \u201epropositioneel\u201c kennen.\r\n\r\nDit is de invalshoek van waaruit Wolfgang Wieland, vooral bekend wegens zijn originele studie over Aristoteles\u2019 Physica, zijn Plato-boek geschreven heeft: Platon und die Formen des Wissens. Het boek bevat drie delen. Het eerste is gewijd aan Plato\u2019s verhouding tot de geschreven tekst. Uitgaande van de bekende passage in de Phaidros onderzoekt Wieland waarom Plato zo kritisch is ten opzichte van het schrift. Plato verzet zich tegen elke poging om het weten te objectiveren alsof men in de tekst over inzicht als over een stuk bezit zou kunnen beschikken. Elke formulering in taal blijft werktuig, iets voorlopigs. Het \u201egebruiksweten\u201c dat in de omgang met de dingen tot stand komt, heeft voorrang op het weten dat in proposities is uitgedrukt. Hier staan we meteen voor het centrale thema van Wielands boek. Het is echter de vraag of dit bij Plato wel zo centraal is. Bij Plato gaat het vooreerst om kritiek op het schrift, en niet op het propositionele weten als zodanig.\r\n\r\nVanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook de dialoog als medium van filosofisch denken begrijpen. Indien men ondanks alle reserves toch niet aan tekst verzaken kan, dan biedt de dialoogvorm een uitweg. E\u00e9n van de tekorten van de tekst heeft namelijk te maken met het ontbreken van een re\u00eble context van het woord. De dialoog brengt deze context op dramatisch-fictieve wijze tot stand. De dialoog is geen didactisch hulpmiddel, geen inkleding van een leer. De uitspraken blijven er als \u201ewerktuigen\u201c in de gespreksactie fungeren. Vanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook het statuut van de mythe binnen de tekst begrijpen, het metaforische karakter van vele passages, het gebruik van de ironie. Tenslotte wijst Wieland in \u00a7 5 op het belang van de fictieve chronologie bij het beoordelen van een dialoog. Men kan namelijk, uitgaande van de dramatische situatie van de verschillende dialogen, een fictieve chronologie opstellen: zo zal niemand betwisten dat de Parmenides later is geschreven dan de Phaidon (re\u00eble chronologie), maar in de fictieve chronologie komt de Parmenides veel eerder, omdat hierin de jonge Socrates optreedt, terwijl in de Phaidon Socrates voor de dood staat. In de interpretatie heeft men te weinig rekening gehouden met de plaats van een dialoog in deze fictieve chronologie.\r\n[introduction p. 319-320] \u00dcbersetzung: Philosophie ist uns vor allem in der Form von Texten zug\u00e4nglich. Wer Philosophie studieren will, muss zwangsl\u00e4ufig Texte studieren und wird die Ergebnisse seiner eigenen Forschung wiederum in Form von Texten pr\u00e4sentieren. Die Philosophie hat jedoch seit jeher auch die M\u00f6glichkeit ber\u00fccksichtigt, dass Erkenntnisse gewonnen werden k\u00f6nnen, die nicht diskursiv ausgedr\u00fcckt werden k\u00f6nnen, die also nicht \u201etextf\u00e4hig\u201c sind. Dennoch hat diese prinzipielle M\u00f6glichkeit die Philosophie kaum beeinflusst. Letztendlich kann man auch \u00fcber diese nicht-textlichen Erkenntnisse reflektieren und schreiben, sodass es scheint, als k\u00f6nne man niemals aus dem Bann des Textes entkommen. Niemand wird daran denken, den Vorteil aufzugeben, den die Philosophie dadurch hat, sich an Texte zu binden und ihre Erkenntnisse so zu objektivieren. Doch es ist bedenklich, dass man die Bindung philosophischer Erkenntnis an den Text als selbstverst\u00e4ndlich betrachtet. Dadurch wird auch unklar, was die \u201eSache\u201c ist, auf die sich der philosophische Text bezieht. Gibt es \u00fcberhaupt eine \u201eSache au\u00dferhalb des Textes\u201c?\r\n\r\nEs ist bekannt, dass Platon dem Ph\u00e4nomen \u201eText\u201c bewusst distanziert gegen\u00fcberstand. Man kann ihm sicher nicht vorwerfen, ein naives Vertrauen in den Text als Medium philosophischer Erkenntnis gehabt zu haben: Worauf es in der Philosophie eigentlich ankommt, l\u00e4sst sich nicht in Texten ausdr\u00fccken. Auch wenn er selbst mehr als jeder andere ein K\u00fcnstler des Textes war, war er sich stets der Grenzen des Textes bewusst. Wer aus Platons Dialogen eine Doktrin konstruiert, ein System von Aussagen \u00fcber \u201edas, was der Fall ist\u201c, verliert diese kritische Distanz zum Text und reduziert die vielen \u201eFormen des Wissens\u201c auf ein objektives \u201epropositionales\u201c Wissen.\r\n\r\nDies ist die Perspektive, aus der Wolfgang Wieland, vor allem bekannt f\u00fcr seine originelle Studie \u00fcber Aristoteles\u2019 Physik, sein Platon-Buch Platon und die Formen des Wissens geschrieben hat. Das Buch besteht aus drei Teilen. Der erste Teil widmet sich Platons Verh\u00e4ltnis zum geschriebenen Text. Ausgehend von der bekannten Passage im Phaidros untersucht Wieland, warum Platon dem Schreiben so kritisch gegen\u00fcberstand. Platon wendet sich gegen jede Versuchung, Wissen zu objektivieren, als k\u00f6nne man in einem Text \u00fcber Erkenntnisse verf\u00fcgen wie \u00fcber einen Besitz. Jede Formulierung in Sprache bleibt ein Werkzeug, etwas Vorl\u00e4ufiges. Das \u201eGebrauchswissen\u201c, das im Umgang mit den Dingen entsteht, hat Vorrang vor dem Wissen, das in Propositionen ausgedr\u00fcckt ist. Hier begegnen wir dem zentralen Thema von Wielands Buch. Es bleibt jedoch die Frage, ob dies bei Platon tats\u00e4chlich zentral ist. Bei Platon geht es zun\u00e4chst um Kritik am Schreiben und nicht um Kritik am propositionalen Wissen als solches.\r\n\r\nAus der Schriftkritik l\u00e4sst sich auch die Dialogform als Medium des philosophischen Denkens verstehen. Wenn man trotz aller Vorbehalte nicht auf den Text verzichten kann, bietet die Dialogform einen Ausweg. Ein Mangel des Textes liegt n\u00e4mlich im Fehlen eines realen Kontexts des Wortes. Der Dialog stellt diesen Kontext auf dramatisch-fiktive Weise her. Der Dialog ist kein didaktisches Hilfsmittel, keine Verpackung einer Lehre. Die Aussagen fungieren in der Dialoghandlung weiterhin als \u201eWerkzeuge\u201c. Aus der Schriftkritik l\u00e4sst sich auch der Status des Mythos im Text verstehen, ebenso wie der metaphorische Charakter vieler Passagen und die Verwendung von Ironie. Schlie\u00dflich weist Wieland in \u00a7 5 auf die Bedeutung der fiktiven Chronologie f\u00fcr die Beurteilung eines Dialogs hin. Ausgehend von der dramatischen Situation der verschiedenen Dialoge l\u00e4sst sich eine fiktive Chronologie erstellen: Niemand wird bestreiten, dass der Parmenides sp\u00e4ter geschrieben wurde als der Phaidon (reale Chronologie), aber in der fiktiven Chronologie kommt der Parmenides viel fr\u00fcher, da dort der junge Sokrates auftritt, w\u00e4hrend im Phaidon Sokrates vor seinem Tod steht. In der Interpretation hat man die Stellung eines Dialogs in dieser fiktiven Chronologie bisher zu wenig ber\u00fccksichtigt.","btype":3,"date":"1984","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/H1e3T5fZsfMIh5O","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":845,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Tijdschrift voor Filosofie","volume":"46","issue":"2","pages":"319-330"}},"sort":[1984]}

Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 2: Der Aristotelismus im I. und II. Jh. n.Chr., 1984
By: Moraux, Paul

Title	Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 2: Der Aristotelismus im I. und II. Jh. n.Chr.
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1984
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Peripatoi
Volume	6
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Durch seine Tendenzen und seine Leistungen unterscheidet sich der Aristotelismus der beiden ersten nachchristlichen Jahrhunderte kaum von dem der zweiten Hälfte des ersten Jahrhunderts v. Chr. In der hier behandelten frühen Kaiserzeit lassen sich keine neuen Merkmale beobachten, die eine scharfe Trennung zwischen diesen beiden Jahrhunderten und dem vorhergehenden rechtfertigten. Vielmehr erscheint die Periode von Andronikos bis einschließlich Alexander von Aphrodisias als relativ einheitlich in ihrer Interpretation des Aristoteles. Sie unterscheidet sich vom neuplatonischen Aristotelesverständnis hauptsächlich dadurch, dass sie sich noch nicht zur grundsätzlichen Identität zwischen Aristoteles und Platon bekennt. Nur die Menge des Materials, das es zu untersuchen galt, hat mich gezwungen, die Darstellung dieser ganzen Periode auf drei Bände zu verteilen. [...] In der zweiten Hälfte dieser Arbeit wollen wir uns mit dem Aristotelismus in der Sicht anderer Schulen befassen. Die Entlehnungen aus dem Aristotelismus bei einigen Mittelplatonikern, ferner die gegen Aristoteles gerichtete Kritik und schließlich die Auseinandersetzungen von Nicht-Aristotelikern mit Schriften des Stagiriten dürfen in einer Untersuchung über den Aristotelismus in den ersten beiden nachchristlichen Jahrhunderten nicht außer Acht gelassen werden. Auch dort wird sich zeigen, wie in der Einleitung zum zweiten Buch ausführlicher dargelegt wird, dass etwa bei Platonikern das grundsätzliche Bekenntnis zum Platonismus oft Hand in Hand geht mit einem tatsächlichen Eklektizismus. Die Deutung Platons unter Benutzung typisch aristotelischer Errungenschaften erschien also als durchaus legitim. [preface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nSxL9S7Z1RoD9mZ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"65","_score":null,"_source":{"id":65,"authors_free":[{"id":73,"entry_id":65,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":137,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Moraux, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Moraux","norm_person":{"id":137,"first_name":"Paul ","last_name":"Moraux","full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117755591","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 2: Der Aristotelismus im I. und II. Jh. n.Chr.","main_title":{"title":"Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 2: Der Aristotelismus im I. und II. Jh. n.Chr."},"abstract":"Durch seine Tendenzen und seine Leistungen unterscheidet sich der Aristotelismus der beiden ersten nachchristlichen Jahrhunderte kaum von dem der zweiten H\u00e4lfte des ersten Jahrhunderts v. Chr. In der hier behandelten fr\u00fchen Kaiserzeit lassen sich keine neuen Merkmale beobachten, die eine scharfe Trennung zwischen diesen beiden Jahrhunderten und dem vorhergehenden rechtfertigten. Vielmehr erscheint die Periode von Andronikos bis einschlie\u00dflich Alexander von Aphrodisias als relativ einheitlich in ihrer Interpretation des Aristoteles. Sie unterscheidet sich vom neuplatonischen Aristotelesverst\u00e4ndnis haupts\u00e4chlich dadurch, dass sie sich noch nicht zur grunds\u00e4tzlichen Identit\u00e4t zwischen Aristoteles und Platon bekennt. Nur die Menge des Materials, das es zu untersuchen galt, hat mich gezwungen, die Darstellung dieser ganzen Periode auf drei B\u00e4nde zu verteilen. [...]\r\nIn der zweiten H\u00e4lfte dieser Arbeit wollen wir uns mit dem Aristotelismus in der Sicht anderer Schulen befassen. Die Entlehnungen aus dem Aristotelismus bei einigen Mittelplatonikern, ferner die gegen Aristoteles gerichtete Kritik und schlie\u00dflich die Auseinandersetzungen von Nicht-Aristotelikern mit Schriften des Stagiriten d\u00fcrfen in einer Untersuchung \u00fcber den Aristotelismus in den ersten beiden nachchristlichen Jahrhunderten nicht au\u00dfer Acht gelassen werden. Auch dort wird sich zeigen, wie in der Einleitung zum zweiten Buch ausf\u00fchrlicher dargelegt wird, dass etwa bei Platonikern das grunds\u00e4tzliche Bekenntnis zum Platonismus oft Hand in Hand geht mit einem tats\u00e4chlichen Eklektizismus. Die Deutung Platons unter Benutzung typisch aristotelischer Errungenschaften erschien also als durchaus legitim. [preface]","btype":1,"date":"1984","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nSxL9S7Z1RoD9mZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":137,"full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":65,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi","volume":"6","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1984]}

Conférence de M. Philippe Hoffmann: Sens et dénomination. Homonymie, analogie, métaphore selon le commentaire de Simplicius sur les Catégories d'Aristote, 1984
By: Hoffmann, Philippe

Title	Conférence de M. Philippe Hoffmann: Sens et dénomination. Homonymie, analogie, métaphore selon le commentaire de Simplicius sur les Catégories d'Aristote
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1984
Journal	École pratique des hautes études, Section des sciences religieuses. Annuaire
Volume	93
Pages	343-356
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Notre lecture du Commentaire de Simplicius s'est organisée selon plusieurs fils directeurs. Nous avons examiné, tout d'abord, les méthodes mêmes de l'exégèse : Simplicius lit le texte d'Aristote mot à mot (kata tên lexin), en scrutant au besoin tous les sens possibles d'un même mot ; l'explication proprement doctrinale procède en partie par des citations (ou paraphrases) d'auteurs antérieurs : Porphyre (Commentaire par questions et réponses, et surtout Commentaire à Gédalios), Jamblique et Syrianus. Nous avons aussi tenté de dégager les traits proprement néoplatoniciens du commentaire : ainsi, à propos du couple « nom-définition », dont l'interprétation ne peut se comprendre que dans la perspective plus générale du système néoplatonicien. Il apparaît en outre que la condition de possibilité de l'homonymie, et de son contraire la polyonymie, est le caractère « conventionnel » (thesei et non phusei) du langage : il fallait donc situer la réflexion néoplatonicienne dans le cadre des discussions traditionnelles sur l'origine du langage. D'autres questions se posaient encore : quelle est, au fond, la justification et l'utilité d'un tel exposé préliminaire dans un ouvrage consacré aux catégories ? La doctrine des homonymes, synonymes et paronymes exprime-t-elle des propriétés des réalités, ou des noms (onomata) ? Quelle est la spécificité de la recherche philosophique d'Aristote par rapport à la grammaire, ou à l'étude littéraire du langage, qui relève de la Rhétorique ? Le commentaire de Simplicius cite le témoignage de Boèthos de Sidon sur la doctrine de Speusippe, qui, à la différence d'Aristote, divise les onomata : ce fut l'occasion d'une mise au point portant à la fois sur les théories antiques de l'homonymie et de la synonymie, et sur l'importance de ces commentaires comme sources de nos connaissances en matière de philosophie antique. [introduction p. 344-345]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oqTrFiRR6jzhlNL

{"_index":"sire","_id":"507","_score":null,"_source":{"id":507,"authors_free":[{"id":701,"entry_id":507,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Conf\u00e9rence de M. Philippe Hoffmann: Sens et d\u00e9nomination. Homonymie, analogie, m\u00e9taphore selon le commentaire de Simplicius sur les Cat\u00e9gories d'Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Conf\u00e9rence de M. Philippe Hoffmann: Sens et d\u00e9nomination. Homonymie, analogie, m\u00e9taphore selon le commentaire de Simplicius sur les Cat\u00e9gories d'Aristote"},"abstract":"Notre lecture du Commentaire de Simplicius s'est organis\u00e9e selon plusieurs fils directeurs. Nous avons examin\u00e9, tout d'abord, les m\u00e9thodes m\u00eames de l'ex\u00e9g\u00e8se : Simplicius lit le texte d'Aristote mot \u00e0 mot (kata t\u00ean lexin), en scrutant au besoin tous les sens possibles d'un m\u00eame mot ; l'explication proprement doctrinale proc\u00e8de en partie par des citations (ou paraphrases) d'auteurs ant\u00e9rieurs : Porphyre (Commentaire par questions et r\u00e9ponses, et surtout Commentaire \u00e0 G\u00e9dalios), Jamblique et Syrianus.\r\n\r\nNous avons aussi tent\u00e9 de d\u00e9gager les traits proprement n\u00e9oplatoniciens du commentaire : ainsi, \u00e0 propos du couple \u00ab nom-d\u00e9finition \u00bb, dont l'interpr\u00e9tation ne peut se comprendre que dans la perspective plus g\u00e9n\u00e9rale du syst\u00e8me n\u00e9oplatonicien. Il appara\u00eet en outre que la condition de possibilit\u00e9 de l'homonymie, et de son contraire la polyonymie, est le caract\u00e8re \u00ab conventionnel \u00bb (thesei et non phusei) du langage : il fallait donc situer la r\u00e9flexion n\u00e9oplatonicienne dans le cadre des discussions traditionnelles sur l'origine du langage.\r\n\r\nD'autres questions se posaient encore : quelle est, au fond, la justification et l'utilit\u00e9 d'un tel expos\u00e9 pr\u00e9liminaire dans un ouvrage consacr\u00e9 aux cat\u00e9gories ? La doctrine des homonymes, synonymes et paronymes exprime-t-elle des propri\u00e9t\u00e9s des r\u00e9alit\u00e9s, ou des noms (onomata) ? Quelle est la sp\u00e9cificit\u00e9 de la recherche philosophique d'Aristote par rapport \u00e0 la grammaire, ou \u00e0 l'\u00e9tude litt\u00e9raire du langage, qui rel\u00e8ve de la Rh\u00e9torique ?\r\n\r\nLe commentaire de Simplicius cite le t\u00e9moignage de Bo\u00e8thos de Sidon sur la doctrine de Speusippe, qui, \u00e0 la diff\u00e9rence d'Aristote, divise les onomata : ce fut l'occasion d'une mise au point portant \u00e0 la fois sur les th\u00e9ories antiques de l'homonymie et de la synonymie, et sur l'importance de ces commentaires comme sources de nos connaissances en mati\u00e8re de philosophie antique. [introduction p. 344-345]","btype":3,"date":"1984","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/oqTrFiRR6jzhlNL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":507,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":" \u00c9cole pratique des hautes \u00e9tudes, Section des sciences religieuses. Annuaire","volume":"93","issue":"","pages":"343-356"}},"sort":[1984]}

Les circonstances de la transmission des fragments de Diogène et la reconstruction de l’argument (Simplicius, Commentaire de la Physique, p. 148,26-153,24), 1983
By: Laks, André

Title	Les circonstances de la transmission des fragments de Diogène et la reconstruction de l’argument (Simplicius, Commentaire de la Physique, p. 148,26-153,24)
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1983
Published in	Diogène d’Apollonie: Edition, traduction et commentaire des fragments et témoignages
Pages	37-53
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The article discusses the circumstances of the transmission of the fragments of Diogenes and the reconstruction of his argument by Simplicius in his Commentary on Physics. It highlights the significance of Simplicius' work in shedding light on the ancient philosopher, and explains how Simplicius came to cite Diogenes verbatim. The article also explores the issue of intermediaries in the texts and the difficulties in their construction. The study is important in understanding the history of philosophy and the transmission of ancient texts. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NoBGGFCfD4qd7PP

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1188","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1188,"authors_free":[{"id":1760,"entry_id":1188,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":225,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","free_first_name":"Andr\u00e9","free_last_name":"Laks","norm_person":{"id":225,"first_name":"Andr\u00e9","last_name":"Laks","full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/135869161","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les circonstances de la transmission des fragments de Diog\u00e8ne et la reconstruction de l\u2019argument (Simplicius, Commentaire de la Physique, p. 148,26-153,24)","main_title":{"title":"Les circonstances de la transmission des fragments de Diog\u00e8ne et la reconstruction de l\u2019argument (Simplicius, Commentaire de la Physique, p. 148,26-153,24)"},"abstract":"The article discusses the circumstances of the transmission of the fragments of Diogenes and the reconstruction of his argument by Simplicius in his Commentary on Physics. It highlights the significance of Simplicius' work in shedding light on the ancient philosopher, and explains how Simplicius came to cite Diogenes verbatim. The article also explores the issue of intermediaries in the texts and the difficulties in their construction. The study is important in understanding the history of philosophy and the transmission of ancient texts. [introduction]","btype":2,"date":"1983","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NoBGGFCfD4qd7PP","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":225,"full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1188,"section_of":1367,"pages":"37-53","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1367,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":1,"language":"fr","title":"Diog\u00e8ne d\u2019Apollonie: Edition, traduction et commentaire des fragments et t\u00e9moignages","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Laks2008","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"2008","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"Depuis la premi\u00e8re \u00e9dition de ce livre, Diog\u00e8ne d'Apollonie, un des derniers \"physiciens\" pr\u00e9socratiques, longtemps d\u00e9valoris\u00e9 par la r\u00e9putation d' \"\u00e9clectique\" que H. Diels avait attach\u00e9e \u00e0 son nom dans un article de 1881, a suscit\u00e9 un regain d'int\u00e9r\u00eat.\r\n\r\nCette seconde \u00e9dition d'un ouvrage qui reste \u00e0 ce jour le seul commentaire exhaustif des fragments et des t\u00e9moignages de Diog\u00e8ne, a \u00e9t\u00e9 revue et corrig\u00e9e, mais elle prend aussi en compte, dans une s\u00e9rie d'ajouts marqu\u00e9s comme tels, les travaux parus au cours des vint-cinq ann\u00e9es \u00e9coul\u00e9es. Le livre retrace l'histoire de la transmission des fragments de Diog\u00e8ne, analyse les positions de la critique moderne depuis l'article s\u00e9minal de F. Schleiermacher (1811), et offre, pour chacun des douze fragments et des quelques trente-six t\u00e9moignages, dont un nouveau classement est propos\u00e9, une analyse visant \u00e0 reconstruire la logique de l'original perdu.\r\n\r\nQuatre des Notes additionnelles abordent des probl\u00e8mes sp\u00e9cifiques, qui requ\u00e9raient un traitement s\u00e9par\u00e9. Une cinqui\u00e8me, en anglais, offre une pr\u00e9sentation synth\u00e9tique de l'interpr\u00e9tation ici d\u00e9fendue, qui situe l'importance de Diog\u00e8ne dans son rapport \u00e0 Anaxagore et \u00e0 sa doctrine de l' \"intellect\". [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/WWBP0kG5a0nZ1I3","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1367,"pubplace":"Sankt Augustin","publisher":"Academia Verlag","series":"International Pre-Platonic Studies","volume":"6","edition_no":"2 (1st 1983)","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1983]}

Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs à une définition du temps dans le néoplatonisme tardif, 1983
By: Hoffmann, Philippe

Title	Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs à une définition du temps dans le néoplatonisme tardif
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1983
Journal	Revue des Études Grecques
Volume	96
Issue	455/459
Pages	1-26
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ainsi, le concept de paralasis est profondément solidaire d’un thème qui est au cœur de la pensée de Damascius : la distinction entre ce qui est en train de se différencier et ce dont la différenciation est achevée. C’est aussi la distinction entre la procession et la conversion, entre la puissance et l’activité, entre la vie et l’intellect, entre le second diacosme (intelligible et intellectif) et le troisième (intellectif) : dans tous ces couples, le premier terme se distingue du second comme, dans Physique VI, « l’action de se mouvoir se distingue du mouvement accompli » (95). Aristote est la source avouée de Damascius, qui lui consacrait des cours (on sait par exemple que le premier livre du Commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo a vraisemblablement été rédigé à partir de notes prises au cours de Damascius) (96) : il « pense le temps à la fois à partir du Parménide de Platon et à partir des livres IV et VI de la Physique d’Aristote. C’est à la lumière d’Aristote qu’il interprète Platon. C’est à Aristote lui-même qu’il emprunte les éléments de sa résolution des apories posées en Physique IV. Et la clé de sa doctrine du temps est à chercher en Physique VI » (97). Il faut ajouter immédiatement que c’est à partir de la pensée stoïcienne du temps que Damascius lit Physique VI et élabore sa théorie du « temps intégral ». Le « temps intégral », qui demeure « tout entier à la fois dans la subsistance », est pensé selon l’être-ensemble de ses parties. Analogue au maintenant diastèmatique, qui est partie et non limite du temps, il a pour image le présent de la danse, en qui passé et futur sont contenus et résorbés : bien qu’elle se déroute dans une succession, la danse est présentement en train d’être dansée (98), et c’est sur le même mode que le combat est lui aussi présent. La subsistance d’un tel présent se fonde sur l’unité d’une action en devenir, qui s’exprime par un verbe au présent extensif. L’influence du stoïcisme sur Damascius semble déterminante : on reconnaît sans peine dans ses analyses le présent étendu qui est le présent sensible de l’expérience pratique, celui en qui vient se loger une action comme « je marche » (action portée à élocution par un présent extensif) ; et son « temps intégral » n’est pas sans analogie avec le mode de présence de la période cosmique stoïcienne (99). À cette influence philosophique du stoïcisme, il faut ajouter son influence grammaticale. Damascius fut pendant neuf ans professeur de rhétorique. C’est sans aucun doute à cette longue pratique des textes et des mots qu’il faut rapporter l’attention extrême qu’il prête au langage, ainsi que la thématisation des problèmes du langage au sein même de sa pensée philosophique (100). C’est à une grammaire d’inspiration stoïcienne qu’il faut rapporter sa méthode d’exégèse, ou plutôt le contenu de son exégèse de Physique IV (221 a 6-9) : l’infinitif être, compris comme activité d’être, est envisagé dans l’extension aspectuelle, et Damascius le considère comme l’équivalent de paratasis tou einai. Cette explication de texte scrupuleuse, qui est bien dans la manière de Damascius, permet à celui-ci de proposer sa définition du temps, tout en soulignant sa fidélité par rapport à la double autorité d’Archytas et d’Aristote. [conclusion p. 23-25]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LNb8H8UiMDNsVyS

{"_index":"sire","_id":"713","_score":null,"_source":{"id":713,"authors_free":[{"id":1063,"entry_id":713,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs \u00e0 une d\u00e9finition du temps dans le n\u00e9oplatonisme tardif","main_title":{"title":"Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs \u00e0 une d\u00e9finition du temps dans le n\u00e9oplatonisme tardif"},"abstract":"Ainsi, le concept de paralasis est profond\u00e9ment solidaire d\u2019un th\u00e8me qui est au c\u0153ur de la pens\u00e9e de Damascius : la distinction entre ce qui est en train de se diff\u00e9rencier et ce dont la diff\u00e9renciation est achev\u00e9e. C\u2019est aussi la distinction entre la procession et la conversion, entre la puissance et l\u2019activit\u00e9, entre la vie et l\u2019intellect, entre le second diacosme (intelligible et intellectif) et le troisi\u00e8me (intellectif) : dans tous ces couples, le premier terme se distingue du second comme, dans Physique VI, \u00ab l\u2019action de se mouvoir se distingue du mouvement accompli \u00bb (95).\r\n\r\nAristote est la source avou\u00e9e de Damascius, qui lui consacrait des cours (on sait par exemple que le premier livre du Commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo a vraisemblablement \u00e9t\u00e9 r\u00e9dig\u00e9 \u00e0 partir de notes prises au cours de Damascius) (96) : il \u00ab pense le temps \u00e0 la fois \u00e0 partir du Parm\u00e9nide de Platon et \u00e0 partir des livres IV et VI de la Physique d\u2019Aristote. C\u2019est \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re d\u2019Aristote qu\u2019il interpr\u00e8te Platon. C\u2019est \u00e0 Aristote lui-m\u00eame qu\u2019il emprunte les \u00e9l\u00e9ments de sa r\u00e9solution des apories pos\u00e9es en Physique IV. Et la cl\u00e9 de sa doctrine du temps est \u00e0 chercher en Physique VI \u00bb (97).\r\n\r\nIl faut ajouter imm\u00e9diatement que c\u2019est \u00e0 partir de la pens\u00e9e sto\u00efcienne du temps que Damascius lit Physique VI et \u00e9labore sa th\u00e9orie du \u00ab temps int\u00e9gral \u00bb. Le \u00ab temps int\u00e9gral \u00bb, qui demeure \u00ab tout entier \u00e0 la fois dans la subsistance \u00bb, est pens\u00e9 selon l\u2019\u00eatre-ensemble de ses parties. Analogue au maintenant diast\u00e8matique, qui est partie et non limite du temps, il a pour image le pr\u00e9sent de la danse, en qui pass\u00e9 et futur sont contenus et r\u00e9sorb\u00e9s : bien qu\u2019elle se d\u00e9route dans une succession, la danse est pr\u00e9sentement en train d\u2019\u00eatre dans\u00e9e (98), et c\u2019est sur le m\u00eame mode que le combat est lui aussi pr\u00e9sent.\r\n\r\nLa subsistance d\u2019un tel pr\u00e9sent se fonde sur l\u2019unit\u00e9 d\u2019une action en devenir, qui s\u2019exprime par un verbe au pr\u00e9sent extensif. L\u2019influence du sto\u00efcisme sur Damascius semble d\u00e9terminante : on reconna\u00eet sans peine dans ses analyses le pr\u00e9sent \u00e9tendu qui est le pr\u00e9sent sensible de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience pratique, celui en qui vient se loger une action comme \u00ab je marche \u00bb (action port\u00e9e \u00e0 \u00e9locution par un pr\u00e9sent extensif) ; et son \u00ab temps int\u00e9gral \u00bb n\u2019est pas sans analogie avec le mode de pr\u00e9sence de la p\u00e9riode cosmique sto\u00efcienne (99).\r\n\r\n\u00c0 cette influence philosophique du sto\u00efcisme, il faut ajouter son influence grammaticale. Damascius fut pendant neuf ans professeur de rh\u00e9torique. C\u2019est sans aucun doute \u00e0 cette longue pratique des textes et des mots qu\u2019il faut rapporter l\u2019attention extr\u00eame qu\u2019il pr\u00eate au langage, ainsi que la th\u00e9matisation des probl\u00e8mes du langage au sein m\u00eame de sa pens\u00e9e philosophique (100). C\u2019est \u00e0 une grammaire d\u2019inspiration sto\u00efcienne qu\u2019il faut rapporter sa m\u00e9thode d\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se, ou plut\u00f4t le contenu de son ex\u00e9g\u00e8se de Physique IV (221 a 6-9) : l\u2019infinitif \u00eatre, compris comme activit\u00e9 d\u2019\u00eatre, est envisag\u00e9 dans l\u2019extension aspectuelle, et Damascius le consid\u00e8re comme l\u2019\u00e9quivalent de paratasis tou einai. Cette explication de texte scrupuleuse, qui est bien dans la mani\u00e8re de Damascius, permet \u00e0 celui-ci de proposer sa d\u00e9finition du temps, tout en soulignant sa fid\u00e9lit\u00e9 par rapport \u00e0 la double autorit\u00e9 d\u2019Archytas et d\u2019Aristote. [conclusion p. 23-25]","btype":3,"date":"1983","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/LNb8H8UiMDNsVyS","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":713,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue des \u00c9tudes Grecques","volume":"96","issue":"455\/459","pages":"1-26"}},"sort":[1983]}

On Some Epicurean and Lucretian Arguments for the Infinity of the Universe, 1983
By: Avotins, Ivars

Title	On Some Epicurean and Lucretian Arguments for the Infinity of the Universe
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1983
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	33
Issue	2
Pages	421-427
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Avotins, Ivars
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

As is well known, Epicurus and his followers held that the universe was infinite and that its two primary components, void and atoms, were each infinite. The void was infinite in extension, the atoms were infinite in number and their total was infinite also in extension.' The chief Epicurean proofs of these infinities are found in Epicurus, Ad Herod. 41-2, and in Lucretius 1. 951-1020. As far as I can see, both the commentators to these works and writers on Epicurean physics in general have neglected to take into account some material pertinent to these proofs, material found in Aristotle and especially in his commentators Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius, Simplicius, and Philoponus.2 In this article I wish to compare this neglected information with the proofs of infinity found in Epicurus and Lucretius and to discuss their authorship. [p. 421]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ZJK8o9VUGwRqW5s

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Review of Erwin Sonderegger: Simplikios: Über die Zeit, 1983
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Review of Erwin Sonderegger: Simplikios: Über die Zeit
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1983
Journal	The Classical Review, New Series
Volume	33
Issue	2
Pages	337-338
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Like a well-trained Neoplatonist commentator, Sonderegger outlines the skopos of his book on the first page. It is to consider Simplicius' thought about time and make it available to a wider audience (an audience that would, however, need to know Greek). His basis is the 28-page excursus at the end of Simplicius' commentary on Physics 4, known as the Corollarium de Tempore (hereafter, with S., CdT), to which, in the main body of the book, he attends with the minimum of excursions. This is partly dictated by his announced interest in Simplicius himself rather than his relation to other thinkers: as he rightly says, that cannot be treated until it is clear what Simplicius himself thought. In the present state of work on late Neoplatonism, this is not a trivial point. Sonderegger's aims have produced a very different book from the little-noticed work of H. Meyer, Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles über die Zeit (Meisenheim am Glan, 1969). Meyer's book is more philosophical and also differs in that his purpose was primarily to understand Aristotle, with no notion of being exoteric. Of this book, Sonderegger takes virtually no account, on the grounds that its presuppositions are very different from his own. What Sonderegger has given us is a very detailed and careful descriptive analysis of CdT, with special attention to the organization of the discussions (pp. 38–139), preceded by an introduction on Simplicius' Physics commentary, his excursuses, and Neoplatonism in general, and followed by some 30 pages of translation and 20 of appendices. These include a table of the uses and contexts of key terms in CdT, examinations of the extent and authenticity of quotations from Ps.-Archytas, Iamblichus, and Damascius, and a translation of Simplicius In Categorias 356.8–25, which contains in nuce much of the thought of CdT. Sonderegger is clearly aware that Simplicius wrote commentaries to expound his own philosophy, yet he tends to exaggerate the difference in thought rather than merely presentation, which might be expected in CdT and the analogous digressions on chance and place, as opposed to those parts of the commentary that start from specific lemmata. Even if CdT is more connected, it still proceeds largely by discussing quoted texts, and, as Sonderegger reminds us, Simplicius' aim is always to arrive at his own view of time. That, he claims, will help us to understand Aristotle (773.12–14): one recalls uneasily the project of expounding the De anima while following Iamblichus (In De an. 1.18–20). Sonderegger perhaps underestimates the extent to which Simplicius saw himself as engaged in the same enterprise as Aristotle—and Plato. Though he can cite texts for Simplicius' awareness of the difference between what he and Aristotle say, it does not always follow that Simplicius saw the difference between what he and Aristotle think. The texts Sonderegger quotes at p. 25 n.50 rather point out that Aristotle's intentions are the same, even if his language is not. Thus, 356.31 ff. clearly shows that Simplicius thinks the views on time (chronos) of Aristotle and hoi Neoteroi (the Neoplatonists) are not different. Conversely, in his sketch of the Neoplatonist background, which, as he says, constantly appears in Simplicius' commentary, Sonderegger is inclined to underplay divergences. It is only in the broadest sense true that the outlines of Simplicius' Neoplatonism were determined by Plotinus. The qualification that he liked to attach himself to Iamblichus and used terminology that can be traced back to Proclus is more important. The extent of Proclus' influence is thoroughly documented by I. Hadot, Le Problème du Néoplatonisme Alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius (Paris, 1978), cited on p. 26 n. 51. I cannot understand the arguments here (29–35) that, for Simplicius, the hypostases are somehow unreal. This is conducted in terms drawn from Husserl and Heidegger, which, to an English-speaking reader, are not immediately illuminating. Incidentally, diakrisis is not an entity. To treat it as if it were is a kind of hyper-Neoplatonic realism: the meaning of "differentiation" is normally adequate. On time itself, there is a major difference between Plotinus and his post-Iamblichean successors on a point which concerns Sonderegger throughout: the invention of a further type of time that almost becomes a separate hypostasis. This is the psychic time that Simplicius calls protos chronos, as opposed to ordinary physical time on the one hand and aion on the other. The exposition and defense of this first time is the main aim of CdT. It is even more clearly a product of late Neoplatonic triadic thinking than Sonderegger's discussion (69–74) shows. If there is a triad of things permanent and ungenerated, permanent and generated, impermanent and generated, a mediating time is required for the second member of the triad. That this is Simplicius' thinking is shown by the way he has opposed aion as adiakritos and physical time as ho en ti thesei theôrmenos (784.34 ff.), a relation justifying, if not requiring, a higher time. The most notable recasting of Aristotle in Neoplatonist terms is the transformation of his definition into metron tou kata to einai rhontos (not quite "Mass des Seins des Physischen"), which, for all his concern to show that Simplicius distinguishes between Aristotle's views and his own, Sonderegger seems inclined to accept (cf. esp. 43 f. and 138). The translation aims at utility rather than elegance. Its value is greater at a time when interest in the thought of late antiquity is spreading among the wholly or nearly Greekless. Translations are increasingly called for. But who would translate the 1,366 pages of Simplicius' Physics commentary, or, indeed, publish the translation? [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ZCYOjLO9LGrxQNt

{"_index":"sire","_id":"770","_score":null,"_source":{"id":770,"authors_free":[{"id":1134,"entry_id":770,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of Erwin Sonderegger: Simplikios: \u00dcber die Zeit","main_title":{"title":"Review of Erwin Sonderegger: Simplikios: \u00dcber die Zeit"},"abstract":"Like a well-trained Neoplatonist commentator, Sonderegger outlines the skopos of his book on the first page. It is to consider Simplicius' thought about time and make it available to a wider audience (an audience that would, however, need to know Greek). His basis is the 28-page excursus at the end of Simplicius' commentary on Physics 4, known as the Corollarium de Tempore (hereafter, with S., CdT), to which, in the main body of the book, he attends with the minimum of excursions. This is partly dictated by his announced interest in Simplicius himself rather than his relation to other thinkers: as he rightly says, that cannot be treated until it is clear what Simplicius himself thought. In the present state of work on late Neoplatonism, this is not a trivial point.\r\n\r\nSonderegger's aims have produced a very different book from the little-noticed work of H. Meyer, Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles \u00fcber die Zeit (Meisenheim am Glan, 1969). Meyer's book is more philosophical and also differs in that his purpose was primarily to understand Aristotle, with no notion of being exoteric. Of this book, Sonderegger takes virtually no account, on the grounds that its presuppositions are very different from his own. What Sonderegger has given us is a very detailed and careful descriptive analysis of CdT, with special attention to the organization of the discussions (pp. 38\u2013139), preceded by an introduction on Simplicius' Physics commentary, his excursuses, and Neoplatonism in general, and followed by some 30 pages of translation and 20 of appendices. These include a table of the uses and contexts of key terms in CdT, examinations of the extent and authenticity of quotations from Ps.-Archytas, Iamblichus, and Damascius, and a translation of Simplicius In Categorias 356.8\u201325, which contains in nuce much of the thought of CdT.\r\n\r\nSonderegger is clearly aware that Simplicius wrote commentaries to expound his own philosophy, yet he tends to exaggerate the difference in thought rather than merely presentation, which might be expected in CdT and the analogous digressions on chance and place, as opposed to those parts of the commentary that start from specific lemmata. Even if CdT is more connected, it still proceeds largely by discussing quoted texts, and, as Sonderegger reminds us, Simplicius' aim is always to arrive at his own view of time. That, he claims, will help us to understand Aristotle (773.12\u201314): one recalls uneasily the project of expounding the De anima while following Iamblichus (In De an. 1.18\u201320). Sonderegger perhaps underestimates the extent to which Simplicius saw himself as engaged in the same enterprise as Aristotle\u2014and Plato.\r\n\r\nThough he can cite texts for Simplicius' awareness of the difference between what he and Aristotle say, it does not always follow that Simplicius saw the difference between what he and Aristotle think. The texts Sonderegger quotes at p. 25 n.50 rather point out that Aristotle's intentions are the same, even if his language is not. Thus, 356.31 ff. clearly shows that Simplicius thinks the views on time (chronos) of Aristotle and hoi Neoteroi (the Neoplatonists) are not different. Conversely, in his sketch of the Neoplatonist background, which, as he says, constantly appears in Simplicius' commentary, Sonderegger is inclined to underplay divergences. It is only in the broadest sense true that the outlines of Simplicius' Neoplatonism were determined by Plotinus. The qualification that he liked to attach himself to Iamblichus and used terminology that can be traced back to Proclus is more important.\r\n\r\nThe extent of Proclus' influence is thoroughly documented by I. Hadot, Le Probl\u00e8me du N\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin: Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius (Paris, 1978), cited on p. 26 n. 51. I cannot understand the arguments here (29\u201335) that, for Simplicius, the hypostases are somehow unreal. This is conducted in terms drawn from Husserl and Heidegger, which, to an English-speaking reader, are not immediately illuminating. Incidentally, diakrisis is not an entity. To treat it as if it were is a kind of hyper-Neoplatonic realism: the meaning of \"differentiation\" is normally adequate.\r\n\r\nOn time itself, there is a major difference between Plotinus and his post-Iamblichean successors on a point which concerns Sonderegger throughout: the invention of a further type of time that almost becomes a separate hypostasis. This is the psychic time that Simplicius calls protos chronos, as opposed to ordinary physical time on the one hand and aion on the other. The exposition and defense of this first time is the main aim of CdT. It is even more clearly a product of late Neoplatonic triadic thinking than Sonderegger's discussion (69\u201374) shows.\r\n\r\nIf there is a triad of things permanent and ungenerated, permanent and generated, impermanent and generated, a mediating time is required for the second member of the triad. That this is Simplicius' thinking is shown by the way he has opposed aion as adiakritos and physical time as ho en ti thesei the\u00f4rmenos (784.34 ff.), a relation justifying, if not requiring, a higher time. The most notable recasting of Aristotle in Neoplatonist terms is the transformation of his definition into metron tou kata to einai rhontos (not quite \"Mass des Seins des Physischen\"), which, for all his concern to show that Simplicius distinguishes between Aristotle's views and his own, Sonderegger seems inclined to accept (cf. esp. 43 f. and 138).\r\n\r\nThe translation aims at utility rather than elegance. Its value is greater at a time when interest in the thought of late antiquity is spreading among the wholly or nearly Greekless. Translations are increasingly called for. But who would translate the 1,366 pages of Simplicius' Physics commentary, or, indeed, publish the translation? [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"1983","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ZCYOjLO9LGrxQNt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":770,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review, New Series","volume":"33","issue":"2","pages":"337-338"}},"sort":[1983]}

Aristoteles als Wissenschaftstheoretiker. Eine Aufsatzsammlung, 1983
By: Irmscher, Johannes (Ed.), Müller, Reimar (Ed.)

Title	Aristoteles als Wissenschaftstheoretiker. Eine Aufsatzsammlung
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	1983
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Akademie-Verlag
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Irmscher, Johannes , Müller, Reimar
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/A1XXLVpd3w2XvXY

{"_index":"sire","_id":"325","_score":null,"_source":{"id":325,"authors_free":[{"id":414,"entry_id":325,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":352,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Irmscher, Johannes","free_first_name":"Johannes","free_last_name":"Irmscher","norm_person":{"id":352,"first_name":"Johannes","last_name":"Irmscher","full_name":"Irmscher, Johannes","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119489201","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":415,"entry_id":325,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":353,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"M\u00fcller, Reimar","free_first_name":"Reimar","free_last_name":"M\u00fcller","norm_person":{"id":353,"first_name":"Reimar","last_name":"M\u00fcller","full_name":"M\u00fcller, Reimar","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/106717707","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristoteles als Wissenschaftstheoretiker. Eine Aufsatzsammlung","main_title":{"title":"Aristoteles als Wissenschaftstheoretiker. Eine Aufsatzsammlung"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"1983","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/A1XXLVpd3w2XvXY","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":352,"full_name":"Irmscher, Johannes","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":353,"full_name":"M\u00fcller, Reimar","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":325,"pubplace":"Berlin","publisher":"Akademie-Verlag","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1983]}

Diogène d'Apollonie: La dernière cosmologie présocratique, 1983
By: Laks, André

Title	Diogène d'Apollonie: La dernière cosmologie présocratique
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1983
Publication Place	Sankt Augustin
Publisher	Academia-Verlag
Series	International pre-Platonic studies
Volume	6
Edition No.	2 (1st 1998)
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Cet ouvrage s'inscrit dans la série des travaux que le Centre de Recherche Philosophique de l'Université de Lille III consacre à l'étude des cosmologies grecques. Après le système classique d'Empédocle et la réflexion critique d'Epicure à l'époque hellénistique, on s'intéresse ici à un penseur charnière, le dernier représentant de l' "ancienne physique".La notoriété de Diogène d'Apollonie est faible, au-delà du cercle restreint des spécialistes du Ve siècle grec. Ce tard venu n'a pas le renom d'Anaximandre ou d'Empédocle, ni celui de Démocrite, dont il est contemporain. Et pourtant, sa pensée n'est pas seulement l'ultime avatar d'une lignée dont il serait au fond indigne. Elle représente au contraire une forme d'achèvement, offrant une solution possible, dans le cadre du paradigme cosmologique hérité, au problème, laissé ouvert par le système d'Anaxagore, du mode d'action de "l'intellect" (νούς) dans le monde. La pertinence et la spécificité de la démarche, qui induit une doctrine de l'immanence, ressortent clairement quand on la confronte avec la célèbre critique d'Anaxagore menée par Socrate au nom de la téléologie dans le Phédon de Platon, et qui signe l'arrêt de mort de la spéculation présocratique. [a.a]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KVFpTS2HQXnKwpF

{"_index":"sire","_id":"20","_score":null,"_source":{"id":20,"authors_free":[{"id":21,"entry_id":20,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":225,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","free_first_name":"Andr\u00e9","free_last_name":"Laks","norm_person":{"id":225,"first_name":"Andr\u00e9","last_name":"Laks","full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/135869161","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Diog\u00e8ne d'Apollonie: La derni\u00e8re cosmologie pr\u00e9socratique","main_title":{"title":"Diog\u00e8ne d'Apollonie: La derni\u00e8re cosmologie pr\u00e9socratique"},"abstract":"Cet ouvrage s'inscrit dans la s\u00e9rie des travaux que le Centre de Recherche Philosophique de l'Universit\u00e9 de Lille III consacre \u00e0 l'\u00e9tude des cosmologies grecques. Apr\u00e8s le syst\u00e8me classique d'Emp\u00e9docle et la r\u00e9flexion critique d'Epicure \u00e0 l'\u00e9poque hell\u00e9nistique, on s'int\u00e9resse ici \u00e0 un penseur charni\u00e8re, le dernier repr\u00e9sentant de l' \"ancienne physique\".La notori\u00e9t\u00e9 de Diog\u00e8ne d'Apollonie est faible, au-del\u00e0 du cercle restreint des sp\u00e9cialistes du Ve si\u00e8cle grec. Ce tard venu n'a pas le renom d'Anaximandre ou d'Emp\u00e9docle, ni celui de D\u00e9mocrite, dont il est contemporain. Et pourtant, sa pens\u00e9e n'est pas seulement l'ultime avatar d'une lign\u00e9e dont il serait au fond indigne. Elle repr\u00e9sente au contraire une forme d'ach\u00e8vement, offrant une solution possible, dans le cadre du paradigme cosmologique h\u00e9rit\u00e9, au probl\u00e8me, laiss\u00e9 ouvert par le syst\u00e8me d'Anaxagore, du mode d'action de \"l'intellect\" (\u03bd\u03bf\u03cd\u03c2) dans le monde. La pertinence et la sp\u00e9cificit\u00e9 de la d\u00e9marche, qui induit une doctrine de l'immanence, ressortent clairement quand on la confronte avec la c\u00e9l\u00e8bre critique d'Anaxagore men\u00e9e par Socrate au nom de la t\u00e9l\u00e9ologie dans le Ph\u00e9don de Platon, et qui signe l'arr\u00eat de mort de la sp\u00e9culation pr\u00e9socratique. [a.a]","btype":1,"date":"1983","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KVFpTS2HQXnKwpF","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":225,"full_name":"Laks, Andr\u00e9","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":20,"pubplace":"Sankt Augustin","publisher":"Academia-Verlag","series":"International pre-Platonic studies","volume":"6","edition_no":"2 (1st 1998)","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1983]}

La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle "Categorie" di Aristotele, 1983
By: Conti, Alessandro D.

Title	La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle "Categorie" di Aristotele
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1983
Journal	Rivista critica di storia della filosofia
Volume	38
Issue	3
Pages	259-283
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Conti, Alessandro D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Uno dei contributi particolari più rilevanti che i commentatori neoplatonici hanno recato allo sviluppo e alla sistemazione della dottrina categoriale aristotelica è senza dubbio quello relativo all'analisi della nozione di πρός τι. Essi, infatti, nel tentativo di fornire un'interpretazione del settimo capitolo delle Categorie che fosse (i) internamente coerente e (ii) solidale con la lettura generale del trattato, sono giunti a elaborare in forma sufficientemente compiuta un concetto di relazione analogo al moderno concetto di relazione binaria, del tutto assente, invece, negli scritti di Aristotele, che pare conoscere solo un non ben definito concetto di relativo (πρός τι). In altre parole: mentre lo Stagirita (i) operava con la sola nozione di relativo e (ii) concepiva i relativi — sotto l'influenza di evidenti suggestioni grammaticali — come le entità che corrispondono ai termini non assoluti del linguaggio (cioè non aventi significato se non in riferimento a un altro termine), i neoplatonici, al contrario, saranno in grado (i) di servirsi sia della nozione di relativo che di quella di relazione (σχέσις), e (ii) di concepire, in un certo qual modo, le relazioni come funzioni diadiche (o meglio, come una sorta di corrispettivo ontologico delle nostre funzioni diadiche) e i relativi come gli argomenti che tali funzioni soddisfano. Le precise scelte interpretative su alcuni problemi cruciali del trattato, e cioè: la valenza della tavola categoriale, la distinzione delle categorie, il tipo d'esistenza degli accidenti da una parte, e l'accettazione dell'idea, aristotelicamente corretta, che i πρός τι devono essere presi a coppie, dall'altra, sono gli elementi che hanno reso possibile ai neoplatonici la formulazione del concetto di relazione (binaria). Essi infatti ritenevano: che la tavola categoriale avesse una precisa valenza ontologica, ripartendo non solo nomi e concetti, ma anche cose; che la distinzione tra le dieci categorie fosse reale e non concettuale; che gli accidenti fossero forme inerenti alle sostanze. In conseguenza dei primi due punti, i neoplatonici erano indotti a difendere l'oggettività, la realtà e l'indipendenza della categoria dei πρός τι e dei suoi appartenenti, e a rifiutare, quindi, qualsiasi tentativo di interpretazione che volesse ridurla, direttamente o indirettamente, alle altre categorie. D'altra parte, concepire gli accidenti come forme inerenti alle sostanze equivaleva a considerare il rapporto tra ciascun genere degli accidenti e la sostanza alla stregua di quello della qualità, e quindi secondo il modello qualità-cosa qualificata. Così, nel caso dei πρός τι, i neoplatonici pensavano che l'entità "padre" fosse un'entità composta di una sostanza e di una certa forma accidentale, la paternità, ad essa inerente, non diversamente da come "bianco" è un'entità composta da una sostanza e dalla forma della bianchezza. Per avere un concetto corretto di relazione bastava, a questo punto, assumere, coerentemente con l'idea che i πρός τι vanno presi a coppie, che la caratteristica peculiare di queste particolari forme accidentali fosse quella di riferirsi e collegare tra loro due entità distinte. Scrive, ad esempio, Simplicio: «È proprio soltanto della relazione il sussistere una in molti enti, cosa che non capita a nessuna delle altre categorie» (Simplicio, In Cat., p. 161, 6-8). E si legge in Olimpiodoro: «Infatti nei relativi una è la relazione, ma distinte le entità che l'accolgono» (Olimpiodoro, In Cat., p. 97, 30-1). Su queste nuove basi concettuali, i commentatori neoplatonici potranno sviluppare una teoria dei πρός τι sufficientemente omogenea e coerente nelle sue linee più generali, che adopereranno come modello interpretativo della confusa dottrina aristotelica. In questo modo, essi riusciranno a presentare quest'ultima come un sistema sostanzialmente compiuto e ordinato. E anzi, i punti e gli elementi incongrui che ancora vi sopravviveranno saranno dovuti più a un evidente desiderio di giustificare e spiegare comunque — per lo meno parzialmente se non in toto — le affermazioni dello Stagirita, che a delle effettive carenze nella teoria da essi elaborata. [introduction p. 259-263]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9gdQy8F1p83C8kj

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1275","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1275,"authors_free":[{"id":1864,"entry_id":1275,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":52,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Conti, Alessandro D.","free_first_name":"Alessandro D.","free_last_name":"Conti","norm_person":{"id":52,"first_name":"Alessandro D.","last_name":"Conti","full_name":"Conti, Alessandro D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1047115123","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle \"Categorie\" di Aristotele","main_title":{"title":"La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle \"Categorie\" di Aristotele"},"abstract":"Uno dei contributi particolari pi\u00f9 rilevanti che i commentatori neoplatonici hanno recato allo sviluppo e alla sistemazione della dottrina categoriale aristotelica \u00e8 senza dubbio quello relativo all'analisi della nozione di \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9.\r\n\r\nEssi, infatti, nel tentativo di fornire un'interpretazione del settimo capitolo delle Categorie che fosse (i) internamente coerente e (ii) solidale con la lettura generale del trattato, sono giunti a elaborare in forma sufficientemente compiuta un concetto di relazione analogo al moderno concetto di relazione binaria, del tutto assente, invece, negli scritti di Aristotele, che pare conoscere solo un non ben definito concetto di relativo (\u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9).\r\n\r\nIn altre parole: mentre lo Stagirita (i) operava con la sola nozione di relativo e (ii) concepiva i relativi \u2014 sotto l'influenza di evidenti suggestioni grammaticali \u2014 come le entit\u00e0 che corrispondono ai termini non assoluti del linguaggio (cio\u00e8 non aventi significato se non in riferimento a un altro termine), i neoplatonici, al contrario, saranno in grado (i) di servirsi sia della nozione di relativo che di quella di relazione (\u03c3\u03c7\u03ad\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2), e (ii) di concepire, in un certo qual modo, le relazioni come funzioni diadiche (o meglio, come una sorta di corrispettivo ontologico delle nostre funzioni diadiche) e i relativi come gli argomenti che tali funzioni soddisfano.\r\n\r\nLe precise scelte interpretative su alcuni problemi cruciali del trattato, e cio\u00e8:\r\n\r\n la valenza della tavola categoriale,\r\n la distinzione delle categorie,\r\n il tipo d'esistenza degli accidenti\r\n\r\nda una parte, e l'accettazione dell'idea, aristotelicamente corretta, che i \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9 devono essere presi a coppie, dall'altra, sono gli elementi che hanno reso possibile ai neoplatonici la formulazione del concetto di relazione (binaria).\r\n\r\nEssi infatti ritenevano:\r\n\r\n che la tavola categoriale avesse una precisa valenza ontologica, ripartendo non solo nomi e concetti, ma anche cose;\r\n che la distinzione tra le dieci categorie fosse reale e non concettuale;\r\n che gli accidenti fossero forme inerenti alle sostanze.\r\n\r\nIn conseguenza dei primi due punti, i neoplatonici erano indotti a difendere l'oggettivit\u00e0, la realt\u00e0 e l'indipendenza della categoria dei \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9 e dei suoi appartenenti, e a rifiutare, quindi, qualsiasi tentativo di interpretazione che volesse ridurla, direttamente o indirettamente, alle altre categorie.\r\n\r\nD'altra parte, concepire gli accidenti come forme inerenti alle sostanze equivaleva a considerare il rapporto tra ciascun genere degli accidenti e la sostanza alla stregua di quello della qualit\u00e0, e quindi secondo il modello qualit\u00e0-cosa qualificata.\r\n\r\nCos\u00ec, nel caso dei \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9, i neoplatonici pensavano che l'entit\u00e0 \"padre\" fosse un'entit\u00e0 composta di una sostanza e di una certa forma accidentale, la paternit\u00e0, ad essa inerente, non diversamente da come \"bianco\" \u00e8 un'entit\u00e0 composta da una sostanza e dalla forma della bianchezza.\r\n\r\nPer avere un concetto corretto di relazione bastava, a questo punto, assumere, coerentemente con l'idea che i \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9 vanno presi a coppie, che la caratteristica peculiare di queste particolari forme accidentali fosse quella di riferirsi e collegare tra loro due entit\u00e0 distinte.\r\n\r\nScrive, ad esempio, Simplicio:\r\n\r\n \u00ab\u00c8 proprio soltanto della relazione il sussistere una in molti enti, cosa che non capita a nessuna delle altre categorie\u00bb (Simplicio, In Cat., p. 161, 6-8).\r\n\r\nE si legge in Olimpiodoro:\r\n\r\n \u00abInfatti nei relativi una \u00e8 la relazione, ma distinte le entit\u00e0 che l'accolgono\u00bb (Olimpiodoro, In Cat., p. 97, 30-1).\r\n\r\nSu queste nuove basi concettuali, i commentatori neoplatonici potranno sviluppare una teoria dei \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9 sufficientemente omogenea e coerente nelle sue linee pi\u00f9 generali, che adopereranno come modello interpretativo della confusa dottrina aristotelica.\r\n\r\nIn questo modo, essi riusciranno a presentare quest'ultima come un sistema sostanzialmente compiuto e ordinato.\r\n\r\nE anzi, i punti e gli elementi incongrui che ancora vi sopravviveranno saranno dovuti pi\u00f9 a un evidente desiderio di giustificare e spiegare comunque \u2014 per lo meno parzialmente se non in toto \u2014 le affermazioni dello Stagirita, che a delle effettive carenze nella teoria da essi elaborata. [introduction p. 259-263]","btype":3,"date":"1983","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9gdQy8F1p83C8kj","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":52,"full_name":"Conti, Alessandro D.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1275,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rivista critica di storia della filosofia","volume":"38","issue":"3","pages":"259-283"}},"sort":[1983]}

Ort und Raum nach Aristoteles und Simplikios. Eine philosophische Topologie, 1983
By: Verbeke, Gérard, Irmscher, Johannes (Ed.), Müller, Reimar (Ed.)

Title	Ort und Raum nach Aristoteles und Simplikios. Eine philosophische Topologie
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1983
Published in	Aristoteles als Wissenschaftstheoretiker. Eine Aufsatzsammlung
Pages	113-122
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verbeke, Gérard
Editor(s)	Irmscher, Johannes , Müller, Reimar
Translator(s)

Der Text diskutiert die aristotelische Perspektive zu Ort und Raum sowie die Interpretationen, die Simplikios in späteren neuplatonischen Kommentaren dazu geliefert hat. Die Studie widmet sich drei Hauptfragen bezüglich des Orts: ob er ein Bestandteil von Körpern ist, ob er ein Zwischenraum zwischen umgebenden Körpern ist und welche Bedeutung der Ort hat und welchen Einfluss er auf die Dinge hat. Die aristotelische Physik strebt nach einer grundlegenden Erklärung der sinnlichen Welt und untersucht die Essenz der Bewegung, die Zusammensetzung physischer Körper, Notwendigkeit, Zufall, Unendlichkeit, Ort und Zeit. Der Artikel vergleicht zudem Physik und Metaphysik und betont, dass beide nach umfassenden Erklärungen der Realität streben. Die Untersuchung beleuchtet das aristotelische Verständnis von Ort und Raum und unterstreicht die Wechselwirkung zwischen Ort und der Struktur physischer Objekte. Es wird erörtert, ob Ort ein räumliches Substrat oder eine Form ist und welche Bedeutung die Lokalisierung und ihr Einfluss auf Körper haben. Spätere neuplatonische Kommentare, insbesondere die von Simplikios, haben Aristoteles' Ideen zu diesen Themen kritisch bewertet und weiterentwickelt. [Introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gefH5Atxe7LieDs

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La teoria della relazione nei commenti neoplatonici alle Categorie di Aristotele, 1983
By: Conti, A. D.

Title	La teoria della relazione nei commenti neoplatonici alle Categorie di Aristotele
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1983
Journal	Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofía
Volume	3
Pages	159-283
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Conti, A. D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OTIdcLG5JO15mv8

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Simplicius as a Source for and an Interpreter of Parmenides, 1983
By: Perry, Bruce M.

Title	Simplicius as a Source for and an Interpreter of Parmenides
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1983
Publication Place	University of Washington
Series	Ph.D. Dissertation
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perry, Bruce M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius, a Neoplatonist of the sixth century, wrote extensive commentaries on Aristotle's works, with his commentary on Physics I being of particular significance for the history of ancient philosophy. In this commentary, Simplicius aimed to demonstrate the harmony of doctrines presented by the Presocratic philosophers, both in the physical and metaphysical realms. However, his work has been largely overlooked, partly due to the dominance of the Vorsokratiker collection as the standard source for Presocratic material. This neglect is also attributed to Simplicius being a late Neoplatonist and a commentator, which led to simplistic assessments of his interpretations. Despite being dismissed as derivative and his interpretations considered anachronistic, Simplicius' commentaries and quotations of the Presocratic authors are valuable sources for understanding their philosophies. His work cannot be separated from his interpretations, and their examination can provide important insights into the context and focus of the Presocratics' ideas. While Simplicius employs Neoplatonic concepts in his interpretations, dismissing them solely on this basis overlooks the depth and philological rigor present in his work. Rejecting his interpretations on these grounds may hinder a comprehensive understanding of the Presocratic philosophers and their contributions to ancient philosophy. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oMg5HcpRdXBRWKI

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La tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d'Épictète. Addenda et Corrigenda, 1983
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	La tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d'Épictète. Addenda et Corrigenda
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1983
Journal	Revue d'histoire des textes
Volume	11
Pages	387-395
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The present study, as the title indicates, brings some supplementary information and minor corrections to my article on La tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius sur le « Manuel » d'Épictète, which appeared in volume VIII (1978) if the Revue d'Histoire des Textes (pp. 1-108). As part of these addenda, I have identified two new Greek texts, contained in the Neapolitans III. B. 12 : one fragment of Aristotle's Metaphysics, and another fragment of the commentary by Simplicius on Aristotle's De caelo ; each of these fragments is the length of a quaternion. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IyOsWDpihx7t4Q1

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La taille et la forme des atomes dans les systèmes de Démocrite et d'Épicure («Préjugé» et «présupposé» en histoire de la philosophie), 1982
By: O'Brien, Denis

Title	La taille et la forme des atomes dans les systèmes de Démocrite et d'Épicure («Préjugé» et «présupposé» en histoire de la philosophie)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1982
Journal	Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume	172
Issue	2
Pages	187-203
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Qu'on n'aille pas en conclure que nous suivons aveuglément tout propos du Stagirite. Une observation permettra d'atténuer la valeur de son témoignage et de nuancer la conclusion à laquelle nous sommes arrivés jusqu'ici. Selon l'hypothèse élaborée ci-dessus, Démocrite et Épicure ne se seraient pas opposés sur la question de la grandeur des atomes. Pour l'un et l'autre philosophe, la gamme des grandeurs aura été en effet finie. Mais scrutons de plus près les deux thèses concernant la forme des atomes. Épicure précise que les variétés de forme sont, non pas « infinies », mais « insaisissables » (ἀπερίληπτοι). Quant à Démocrite et à Leucippe, Aristote affirme deux fois que les variétés de forme sont « infinies », d'une part en parlant de la multiplicité « infinie » des atomes, d'autre part en opposant la théorie de Leucippe à celle de Platon. En revanche, lorsqu'il présente le système atomiste dans le fragment Sur Démocrite, les différences de forme sont dites, non plus « infinies », mais « innombrables » (ἀναρίθμητος). À en juger d'après l'Index de Bonitz, ce dernier terme est un hapax dans l'œuvre d'Aristote. S'ensuit-il qu'il soit, sinon un vocable d'emprunt, du moins un terme transposé, plus proche de l'expression originale de Démocrite ? Mais qu'est-ce qui sépare alors la doctrine des Abdéritains et celle d'Épicure ? Où passe la distinction entre différences « innombrables » (Démocrite) et différences « insaisissables » (Épicure) ? Un dernier paradoxe semble poindre : on peut en effet se demander si, en refusant l'hypothèse d'une variété infinie de formes, Épicure ne s'opposait pas à la formulation qu'en avait donnée Aristote, bien plus qu'il ne songeait à rectifier la théorie de Démocrite. Mais nous effleurons ici un problème nouveau, celui de l'élaboration progressive des notions d'infini et de fini ; impossible de l'approfondir sans balayer les « préjugés » et les « présupposés » qui, sur ce point aussi, nous séparent des notions primitives par une proximité illusoire. Problème trop vaste pour qu'on puisse l'aborder dans cet article. [conclusion 201-203]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AhK7pfqowUhUex4

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1101","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1101,"authors_free":[{"id":1664,"entry_id":1101,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":144,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"O'Brien, Denis","free_first_name":"Denis","free_last_name":"O'Brien","norm_person":{"id":144,"first_name":"Denis","last_name":"O'Brien","full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134134079","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La taille et la forme des atomes dans les syst\u00e8mes de D\u00e9mocrite et d'\u00c9picure (\u00abPr\u00e9jug\u00e9\u00bb et \u00abpr\u00e9suppos\u00e9\u00bb en histoire de la philosophie)","main_title":{"title":"La taille et la forme des atomes dans les syst\u00e8mes de D\u00e9mocrite et d'\u00c9picure (\u00abPr\u00e9jug\u00e9\u00bb et \u00abpr\u00e9suppos\u00e9\u00bb en histoire de la philosophie)"},"abstract":"Qu'on n'aille pas en conclure que nous suivons aveugl\u00e9ment tout propos du Stagirite. Une observation permettra d'att\u00e9nuer la valeur de son t\u00e9moignage et de nuancer la conclusion \u00e0 laquelle nous sommes arriv\u00e9s jusqu'ici.\r\n\r\nSelon l'hypoth\u00e8se \u00e9labor\u00e9e ci-dessus, D\u00e9mocrite et \u00c9picure ne se seraient pas oppos\u00e9s sur la question de la grandeur des atomes. Pour l'un et l'autre philosophe, la gamme des grandeurs aura \u00e9t\u00e9 en effet finie. Mais scrutons de plus pr\u00e8s les deux th\u00e8ses concernant la forme des atomes. \u00c9picure pr\u00e9cise que les vari\u00e9t\u00e9s de forme sont, non pas \u00ab infinies \u00bb, mais \u00ab insaisissables \u00bb (\u1f00\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af\u03bb\u03b7\u03c0\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9). Quant \u00e0 D\u00e9mocrite et \u00e0 Leucippe, Aristote affirme deux fois que les vari\u00e9t\u00e9s de forme sont \u00ab infinies \u00bb, d'une part en parlant de la multiplicit\u00e9 \u00ab infinie \u00bb des atomes, d'autre part en opposant la th\u00e9orie de Leucippe \u00e0 celle de Platon.\r\n\r\nEn revanche, lorsqu'il pr\u00e9sente le syst\u00e8me atomiste dans le fragment Sur D\u00e9mocrite, les diff\u00e9rences de forme sont dites, non plus \u00ab infinies \u00bb, mais \u00ab innombrables \u00bb (\u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03c1\u03af\u03b8\u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2).\r\n\r\n\u00c0 en juger d'apr\u00e8s l'Index de Bonitz, ce dernier terme est un hapax dans l'\u0153uvre d'Aristote. S'ensuit-il qu'il soit, sinon un vocable d'emprunt, du moins un terme transpos\u00e9, plus proche de l'expression originale de D\u00e9mocrite ?\r\n\r\nMais qu'est-ce qui s\u00e9pare alors la doctrine des Abd\u00e9ritains et celle d'\u00c9picure ? O\u00f9 passe la distinction entre diff\u00e9rences \u00ab innombrables \u00bb (D\u00e9mocrite) et diff\u00e9rences \u00ab insaisissables \u00bb (\u00c9picure) ?\r\n\r\nUn dernier paradoxe semble poindre : on peut en effet se demander si, en refusant l'hypoth\u00e8se d'une vari\u00e9t\u00e9 infinie de formes, \u00c9picure ne s'opposait pas \u00e0 la formulation qu'en avait donn\u00e9e Aristote, bien plus qu'il ne songeait \u00e0 rectifier la th\u00e9orie de D\u00e9mocrite.\r\n\r\nMais nous effleurons ici un probl\u00e8me nouveau, celui de l'\u00e9laboration progressive des notions d'infini et de fini ; impossible de l'approfondir sans balayer les \u00ab pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s \u00bb et les \u00ab pr\u00e9suppos\u00e9s \u00bb qui, sur ce point aussi, nous s\u00e9parent des notions primitives par une proximit\u00e9 illusoire.\r\n\r\nProbl\u00e8me trop vaste pour qu'on puisse l'aborder dans cet article. [conclusion 201-203]","btype":3,"date":"1982","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/AhK7pfqowUhUex4","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":144,"full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1101,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'\u00c9tranger","volume":"172","issue":"2","pages":"187-203"}},"sort":[1982]}

Digging up a Paradox: A Philological Note on Zeno's Stadium, 1982
By: Mansfeld, Jaap

Title	Digging up a Paradox: A Philological Note on Zeno's Stadium
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1982
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	125
Issue	1
Pages	1-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Of Zeno's four arguments against the reality of motion transmitted by Aristotle, the fourth, the so-called Stadium (Vors. 29 A 28), is perhaps the most difficult. The difficulties involved are of two sorts: philological problems on the one hand, questions of a philosophical nature on the other. In the present paper, I am concerned with the first sort, not the second, although I shall perhaps not be successful in keeping the latter out altogether. A study of the philosophical discussions to be found in the learned literature, however, has convinced me that the first problem to be solved is that of the interpretation of Aristotle's text. There is a general feeling that Aristotle, in reporting and arguing against Zeno's argument, somehow failed. I believe his report is sufficiently clear; although Aristotle's argument contra Zeno is not, perhaps, satisfactory in every respect, Zeno's original paradox can be found in his text. I shall attempt to show that, in order to find it, we must begin by taking both the topography of the stadium and the position of the bodies in it into account, which several recent reconstructions, however satisfactory they may appear to be in other respects, fail to do. I wish to start from a consideration concerned with a non-philosophical feature the four arguments against motion have in common: the fact that they are fun. They undoubtedly are very serious arguments, but they were also written in order to épater le bourgeois. The first argument proves that a runner will never get to the end of the stadium: once he has got halfway, he still has to get halfway the remaining half, halfway the remaining quarter, and so on, in infinitum. The second proves that swift-footed Achilles will never catch up with the slowest thing on earth, because the distance in between, although constantly diminishing, forever remains proportionally the same. The third proves that a flying arrow, which occupies a place equal to its own size, is at rest, because it does not move at the place where it is, and not at the place where it is not either. The first three arguments, then, are genuine and rather hilarious paradoxes. They reveal Zeno as a wit. To ask what is so funny about the fourth argument against motion, therefore, is a legitimate question. Yet I have hardly ever read an account of the fourth paradox which brought out the inevitable smile fetched by the others. Instead, one finds complicated discussions about infinite divisibility versus discrete or granular structure, and endless shufflings and reshufflings of the runners on the course. There are several reasons for this unfortunate situation, the most important of which, I believe, is that both ancient commentators (to judge from Simplicius' account) and modern scholars have failed to distinguish (or to distinguish sufficiently) between Zeno's paradox on the one hand and Aristotle's refutation on the other. Another reason is that Aristotle's text is plagued in parts with variae lectiones that seriously affect the meaning of the argument as a whole. Some of these readings enjoy the support of Simplicius, but this does not prove them right, for Simplicius points out one passage where Alexander of Aphrodisias followed a reading different from that accepted by himself and which, as he believes, Alexander "found in some manuscripts" (ἐν ταῖς ἀντιγράφοις εὗρον, In Phys. 1017, 19). Furthermore, as Simplicius likewise tells us (In Phys. 1019, 27–31), Alexander proposed to interpolate Phys. Z 9, 240a15-16 λαὸν-φρήσιν immediately after 240a11 διελῆλυθεν. Alexander, then, found it difficult to understand the argument of the text as transmitted (which, at at least one other point, differed from Simplicius’). Simplicius' lengthy reconstruction of the fourth argument against motion and of Aristotle's critique thereof (In Phys. 1016, 7–1020, 6, printed—as far as 1019, 9—by Lee as T 36) appears to have no other authority than his own, for he differs from Alexander, and the only other person cited (Eudemus, Fr. 106 Wehrli) is only adduced for points which do not affect the interpretation of the more difficult parts of Phys. Z 9, 239b33–240a17. Although scholars have dealt rather freely with Simplicius' commentary, using only those sections which fit their own views, it should be acknowledged that his reconstruction of the paradox, and especially his diagram of the stadium featuring three rows of runners, have been of crucial importance to the modern history of interpretation of Zeno's argument. I believe, however, that Simplicius (and perhaps Alexander as well) already made the fundamental mistake of failing to distinguish in the proper way between Zeno's paradox and Aristotle's refutation, although in Simplicius' case this is somewhat mitigated by the fact that he apparently noticed the joke of Zeno's argument (one doesn’t know if Alexander did). We are not bound, then, to follow Simplicius all, or even half the way, and need not even accept his guidance as to the choice to be made among the variae lectiones. These different readings themselves, so it seems, reflect different ancient interpretations of Aristotle's exposition. In some manuscripts, interpretamenta may have got into the text (as at 240a6), or even have ousted other, more difficult readings (as at 240a11). [introduction p. 1-3]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/y2jILmoDyxD389y

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1108","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1108,"authors_free":[{"id":2070,"entry_id":1108,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":29,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","free_first_name":"Jaap","free_last_name":"Mansfeld","norm_person":{"id":29,"first_name":"Jaap","last_name":"Mansfeld","full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119383217","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Digging up a Paradox: A Philological Note on Zeno's Stadium","main_title":{"title":"Digging up a Paradox: A Philological Note on Zeno's Stadium"},"abstract":"Of Zeno's four arguments against the reality of motion transmitted by Aristotle, the fourth, the so-called Stadium (Vors. 29 A 28), is perhaps the most difficult. The difficulties involved are of two sorts: philological problems on the one hand, questions of a philosophical nature on the other. In the present paper, I am concerned with the first sort, not the second, although I shall perhaps not be successful in keeping the latter out altogether. A study of the philosophical discussions to be found in the learned literature, however, has convinced me that the first problem to be solved is that of the interpretation of Aristotle's text. There is a general feeling that Aristotle, in reporting and arguing against Zeno's argument, somehow failed. I believe his report is sufficiently clear; although Aristotle's argument contra Zeno is not, perhaps, satisfactory in every respect, Zeno's original paradox can be found in his text. I shall attempt to show that, in order to find it, we must begin by taking both the topography of the stadium and the position of the bodies in it into account, which several recent reconstructions, however satisfactory they may appear to be in other respects, fail to do.\r\n\r\nI wish to start from a consideration concerned with a non-philosophical feature the four arguments against motion have in common: the fact that they are fun. They undoubtedly are very serious arguments, but they were also written in order to \u00e9pater le bourgeois. The first argument proves that a runner will never get to the end of the stadium: once he has got halfway, he still has to get halfway the remaining half, halfway the remaining quarter, and so on, in infinitum. The second proves that swift-footed Achilles will never catch up with the slowest thing on earth, because the distance in between, although constantly diminishing, forever remains proportionally the same. The third proves that a flying arrow, which occupies a place equal to its own size, is at rest, because it does not move at the place where it is, and not at the place where it is not either.\r\n\r\nThe first three arguments, then, are genuine and rather hilarious paradoxes. They reveal Zeno as a wit. To ask what is so funny about the fourth argument against motion, therefore, is a legitimate question. Yet I have hardly ever read an account of the fourth paradox which brought out the inevitable smile fetched by the others. Instead, one finds complicated discussions about infinite divisibility versus discrete or granular structure, and endless shufflings and reshufflings of the runners on the course. There are several reasons for this unfortunate situation, the most important of which, I believe, is that both ancient commentators (to judge from Simplicius' account) and modern scholars have failed to distinguish (or to distinguish sufficiently) between Zeno's paradox on the one hand and Aristotle's refutation on the other. Another reason is that Aristotle's text is plagued in parts with variae lectiones that seriously affect the meaning of the argument as a whole. Some of these readings enjoy the support of Simplicius, but this does not prove them right, for Simplicius points out one passage where Alexander of Aphrodisias followed a reading different from that accepted by himself and which, as he believes, Alexander \"found in some manuscripts\" (\u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9\u03b3\u03c1\u03ac\u03c6\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f57\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd, In Phys. 1017, 19). Furthermore, as Simplicius likewise tells us (In Phys. 1019, 27\u201331), Alexander proposed to interpolate Phys. Z 9, 240a15-16 \u03bb\u03b1\u1f78\u03bd-\u03c6\u03c1\u03ae\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd immediately after 240a11 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b5\u03bb\u1fc6\u03bb\u03c5\u03b8\u03b5\u03bd. Alexander, then, found it difficult to understand the argument of the text as transmitted (which, at at least one other point, differed from Simplicius\u2019). Simplicius' lengthy reconstruction of the fourth argument against motion and of Aristotle's critique thereof (In Phys. 1016, 7\u20131020, 6, printed\u2014as far as 1019, 9\u2014by Lee as T 36) appears to have no other authority than his own, for he differs from Alexander, and the only other person cited (Eudemus, Fr. 106 Wehrli) is only adduced for points which do not affect the interpretation of the more difficult parts of Phys. Z 9, 239b33\u2013240a17.\r\n\r\nAlthough scholars have dealt rather freely with Simplicius' commentary, using only those sections which fit their own views, it should be acknowledged that his reconstruction of the paradox, and especially his diagram of the stadium featuring three rows of runners, have been of crucial importance to the modern history of interpretation of Zeno's argument. I believe, however, that Simplicius (and perhaps Alexander as well) already made the fundamental mistake of failing to distinguish in the proper way between Zeno's paradox and Aristotle's refutation, although in Simplicius' case this is somewhat mitigated by the fact that he apparently noticed the joke of Zeno's argument (one doesn\u2019t know if Alexander did). We are not bound, then, to follow Simplicius all, or even half the way, and need not even accept his guidance as to the choice to be made among the variae lectiones. These different readings themselves, so it seems, reflect different ancient interpretations of Aristotle's exposition. In some manuscripts, interpretamenta may have got into the text (as at 240a6), or even have ousted other, more difficult readings (as at 240a11). [introduction p. 1-3]","btype":3,"date":"1982","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/y2jILmoDyxD389y","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":29,"full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1108,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rheinisches Museum f\u00fcr Philologie","volume":"125","issue":"1","pages":"1-24"}},"sort":[1982]}

Neoplatonism, the Greek Commentators, and Renaissance Aristotelianism, 1982
By: Mahoney, Edward P., O'Meara, Dominic J. (Ed.)

Title	Neoplatonism, the Greek Commentators, and Renaissance Aristotelianism
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1982
Published in	Neoplatonism and Christian thought
Pages	169-177
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mahoney, Edward P.
Editor(s)	O'Meara, Dominic J.
Translator(s)

In this paper I should like to share with my fellow students of Neoplatonism the results of researches in medieval and Renaissance Aristotelianism that have brought to light interesting ways in which Neoplatonism came to have a special impact on the development of Renaissance Aristotelianism. It is certainly not my aim to exclude other possible ways in which Neoplatonism had its effect, but I do believe that historians of ancient Neoplatonism will themselves be surprised to learn of the pervasiveness of certain themes among supposed proponents of Aristotle during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The two topics on which I wish to concentrate are (1) the influence on late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century Aristotelianism of two late ancient commentators on Aristotle, namely, Themistius <317—388) and Simplicius (Jl. 530),1 and (2) a conceptual scheme of metaphysical hierarchy whose origins are clearly Neoplatonic and which was constantly debated during the same period. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2eyv4WzmHFlkenV

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1111","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1111,"authors_free":[{"id":1678,"entry_id":1111,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":459,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mahoney, Edward P.","free_first_name":"Edward P.","free_last_name":"Mahoney","norm_person":{"id":459,"first_name":"Edward P.","last_name":"Mahoney","full_name":"Mahoney, Edward P.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123905818","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1679,"entry_id":1111,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":279,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"O'Meara, Dominic J.","free_first_name":"Dominic J.","free_last_name":"O'Meara","norm_person":{"id":279,"first_name":"Dominic J.","last_name":"O'Meara","full_name":"O'Meara, Dominic J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/11180664X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Neoplatonism, the Greek Commentators, and Renaissance Aristotelianism","main_title":{"title":"Neoplatonism, the Greek Commentators, and Renaissance Aristotelianism"},"abstract":"In this paper I should like to share with my fellow students of Neoplatonism the results of researches in medieval and Renaissance Aristotelianism that have brought to light interesting ways in which Neoplatonism came to have a special impact on the development of Renaissance Aristotelianism. It is certainly not my aim to exclude other possible ways in which Neoplatonism had its effect, but I do believe that historians of ancient Neoplatonism will themselves be surprised to learn of the pervasiveness of certain themes among supposed proponents of Aris\u00adtotle during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The two topics on which I wish to concentrate are (1) the influence on late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century Aristotelianism of two late ancient commentators on Aristotle, namely, Themistius <317\u2014388) and Simplicius (Jl. 530),1 and (2) a conceptual scheme of metaphysical hierarchy whose origins are clearly Neoplatonic and which was constantly debated during the same period. [Author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"1982","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2eyv4WzmHFlkenV","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":459,"full_name":"Mahoney, Edward P.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":279,"full_name":"O'Meara, Dominic J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1111,"section_of":12,"pages":"169-177","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":12,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Neoplatonism and Christian thought","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"O'Meara1982","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1982","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1981","abstract":"In this volume, the relationships between two of the most vital currents in Western thought are examined by a group of nineteen internationally known specialists in a variety of disciplines\u2014classics, patristics, philosophy, theology, history of ideas, literature. The contributing scholars discuss Neoplatonic theories about God, creation, man, and salvation, in relation to the ways in which they were adopted, adapted, or rejected by major Christian thinkers of five periods: Patristic, Later Greek and Byzantine, Medieval, Renaissance, and Modern. [a.a]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/8tb5ZmmacZhgjDn","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":12,"pubplace":"Albany","publisher":"State University of New York Press","series":"Studies in Neoplatonism: Ancient and Modern","volume":"3","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1982]}

Zeno on Plurality, 1982
By: Makin, Stephen

Title	Zeno on Plurality
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1982
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	27
Issue	3
Pages	223-238
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Makin, Stephen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

We want to discuss some Eleatic arguments against plurality, which are of interest both in themselves and as precursors of Atomist thought. The arguments to be considered are from Zeno. We will have two guides in interpreting the arguments. First, they should be such that Atomist theory provides a plausible response to them; second, they should pose no threat to the Eleatic theory. [introduction p. 223]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wOq1opqPtXhX1E6

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Simplikios: Über die Zeit. Ein Kommentar zum Corollarium de tempore, 1982
By: Sonderegger, Erwin, Simplicius

Title	Simplikios: Über die Zeit. Ein Kommentar zum Corollarium de tempore
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1982
Publication Place	Göttingen
Publisher	Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht
Series	Hypomnemata
Volume	70
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sonderegger, Erwin , Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In dieser Arbeit sollen die Gedanken des Simplikios zum Thema ,Zeit‘ nachgedacht und dadurch einem weiteren Kreis zugänglich gemacht wer¬den. Als Bezugstext dieses Nachdenkens wird das sogenannte ,Corollarium de tempore gewählt. Dieser Text am Ende der ersten Hälfte des Physik¬kommentars von Simplikios bildet eine Art Anhang zum Kommentar der Zeitabhandlung. An dieser Stelle trägt Simplikios ausdrücklich seine eigenen Gedanken zum Thema Zeit vor. In dem hier geübten Nach¬denken soll der Gedanke des Simplikios in seiner ganzen Entfaltung wiederholt werden. Wenn die vorliegende Arbeit dem Verständnis dieses Textes geholfen und dadurch einen Einblick in die Sache möglich ge¬ macht hat, dann hat sie ihren Zweck erfüllt.Das Hauptinteresse gilt also dem Gedanken des Simplikios in seinem eigenen Wert und Gehalt, weniger seiner philosophiegeschichtlichen Ein¬ordnung. Denn um sagen zu können, wo und wie dieser Gedanke einzu¬ordnen ist, müßte schon klar sein, was in ihm gedacht ist. Da dies nicht der Fall ist, ist die verlangte Einordnung noch gar nicht möglich. Ebenso unmöglich aber ist es, einen Gedanken ohne alle Voraussetzungen zu verstehen. Jedes Verstehen geht von zum Teil jedem menschlichen Tun, zum Teil dem Denken spezifischen Voraussetzungen aus. Auch diese Ar¬beit enthält deshalb mannigfache Voraussetzungen allgemeinster Art, auf die hier nicht eingegangen werden kann, dann aber auch Voraussetzungen spezieller Art, besonders aus dem Gebiet der Literatur- und der Geistes¬geschichte. Da diese weder selbstverständlich noch für alle, die an ähnliehen Themen arbeiten, gleich sind, sollen die Voraussetzungen dieser Arbeit in einer Einführung vorgestellt werden. Dies geschieht in der Hoffnung, daß dadurch die einzelnen Äußerungen des Kommentars leichter verständlich werden.Die Themen dieser Einführung ergeben sich aus folgenden Überlegungen. Das Werk des Simplikios hat die literarische Form eines Kommentars.Es handelt sich dabei aber nicht um einen Kommentar im modernen Sinne des Wortes, denn es ist nicht sein Zweck, in der Form gesammel¬ter Anmerkungen ein .technisches Hilfsmittel zu sein, sondern Kom¬mentieren heißt für Simplikios Philosophieren. Auf dieses Kommentar¬verständnis ist also in der Einführung näher einzugehen. [Introduction p. 13-14]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dkf2hbbbbjfRfuu

{"_index":"sire","_id":"235","_score":null,"_source":{"id":235,"authors_free":[{"id":301,"entry_id":235,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":322,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sonderegger, Erwin","free_first_name":"Erwin","free_last_name":"Sonderegger","norm_person":{"id":322,"first_name":"Erwin","last_name":"Sonderegger","full_name":"Sonderegger, Erwin","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130152013","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2313,"entry_id":235,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplikios: \u00dcber die Zeit. Ein Kommentar zum Corollarium de tempore","main_title":{"title":"Simplikios: \u00dcber die Zeit. Ein Kommentar zum Corollarium de tempore"},"abstract":"In dieser Arbeit sollen die Gedanken des Simplikios zum Thema ,Zeit\u2018 nachgedacht und dadurch einem weiteren Kreis zug\u00e4nglich gemacht wer\u00acden. Als Bezugstext dieses Nachdenkens wird das sogenannte ,Corollarium de tempore gew\u00e4hlt. Dieser Text am Ende der ersten H\u00e4lfte des Physik\u00ackommentars von Simplikios bildet eine Art Anhang zum Kommentar der Zeitabhandlung. An dieser Stelle tr\u00e4gt Simplikios ausdr\u00fccklich seine \r\neigenen Gedanken zum Thema Zeit vor. In dem hier ge\u00fcbten Nach\u00acdenken soll der Gedanke des Simplikios in seiner ganzen Entfaltung wiederholt werden. Wenn die vorliegende Arbeit dem Verst\u00e4ndnis dieses Textes geholfen und dadurch einen Einblick in die Sache m\u00f6glich ge\u00ac\r\nmacht hat, dann hat sie ihren Zweck erf\u00fcllt.Das Hauptinteresse gilt also dem Gedanken des Simplikios in seinem eigenen Wert und Gehalt, weniger seiner philosophiegeschichtlichen Ein\u00acordnung. Denn um sagen zu k\u00f6nnen, wo und wie dieser Gedanke einzu\u00acordnen ist, m\u00fc\u00dfte schon klar sein, was in ihm gedacht ist. Da dies nicht der Fall ist, ist die verlangte Einordnung noch gar nicht m\u00f6glich. Ebenso unm\u00f6glich aber ist es, einen Gedanken ohne alle Voraussetzungen zu verstehen. Jedes Verstehen geht von zum Teil jedem menschlichen Tun, zum Teil dem Denken spezifischen Voraussetzungen aus. Auch diese Ar\u00acbeit enth\u00e4lt deshalb mannigfache Voraussetzungen allgemeinster Art, auf die hier nicht eingegangen werden kann, dann aber auch Voraussetzungen spezieller Art, besonders aus dem Gebiet der Literatur- und der Geistes\u00acgeschichte. Da diese weder selbstverst\u00e4ndlich noch f\u00fcr alle, die an \u00e4hnliehen Themen arbeiten, gleich sind, sollen die Voraussetzungen dieser Arbeit in einer Einf\u00fchrung vorgestellt werden. Dies geschieht in der Hoffnung, da\u00df dadurch die einzelnen \u00c4u\u00dferungen des Kommentars leichter verst\u00e4ndlich werden.Die Themen dieser Einf\u00fchrung ergeben sich aus folgenden \u00dcberlegungen. \r\nDas Werk des Simplikios hat die literarische Form eines Kommentars.Es handelt sich dabei aber nicht um einen Kommentar im modernen Sinne des Wortes, denn es ist nicht sein Zweck, in der Form gesammel\u00acter Anmerkungen ein .technisches Hilfsmittel zu sein, sondern Kom\u00acmentieren hei\u00dft f\u00fcr Simplikios Philosophieren. Auf dieses Kommentar\u00acverst\u00e4ndnis ist also in der Einf\u00fchrung n\u00e4her einzugehen. [Introduction p. 13-14]","btype":1,"date":"1982","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dkf2hbbbbjfRfuu","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":322,"full_name":"Sonderegger, Erwin","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":235,"pubplace":"G\u00f6ttingen","publisher":"Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht","series":"Hypomnemata","volume":"70","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1982]}

Porphyre. La vie de Plotin. Travaux préliminaires et index grec complet, 1982
By: Brisson, Luc (Ed.), Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile (Ed.), Goulet, Richard (Ed.), O’Brien, Denis (Ed.)

Title	Porphyre. La vie de Plotin. Travaux préliminaires et index grec complet
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1982
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Histoire des doctrines de l'Antiquité classique
Volume	6
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Brisson, Luc , Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile , Goulet, Richard , O’Brien, Denis
Translator(s)

Il est apparu que le dernier mot n'avait pas été dit sur ce texte de Porphyre, capital pour notre connaissance de la personne et de l'école de Plotin, et plus largement de la vie philosophique au IIIe siècle de notre ère. Car on est en présence d'un document dont la simplicité est illusoire : la traduction même en est hérissée de difficultés, qui, dans nombre de cas, semblent avoir jusqu'ici échappé à l'attention ; d'autre part, la valeur historique de cette biographie, indubitable en apparence, ne cesse en vérité de faire problème par suite de l'application de Porphyre à se donner en toute circonstance le beau rôle. De telles considérations, et d'autres encore, ont donné à penser que l'on ne perdrait pas son temps en reprenant l'étude de ce vieux texte sur des bases entièrement nouvelles. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dg4i4rIRJWOzIZa

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Soul and the structure of being in late Neoplatonism : Syrianus, Proclus, and Simplicius ; Papers and discussions of a colloquium held at Liverpool, 15-16 April 1982, 1982
By: Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Lloyd, Antony C. (Ed.)

Title	Soul and the structure of being in late Neoplatonism : Syrianus, Proclus, and Simplicius ; Papers and discussions of a colloquium held at Liverpool, 15-16 April 1982
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1982
Publication Place	Liverpool
Publisher	Liverpool University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Lloyd, Antony C.
Translator(s)

This short and not inexpensive book contains the papers and discussions of a colloquium held at Liverpool on 15-16 April 1982. There are four papers dealing in turn with 'Monad and Dyad as Cosmic Principles in Syrianus' by A. D. R. Sheppard; 'Procession and Division in Proclus' by A. C. Lloyd; 'La doctrine de Simplicius sur l'âme raisonnable humaine dans le Commentaire sur le manuel d'Epictète' by I. Hadot, and fourthly 'The Psychology of (?) Simplicius' Commentary on the De anima' by H. J. Blumenthal. The other participants in the colloquium must have made it a memorable and worthwhile, though rather short-lived occasion. The foremost living experts in the field of later Platonism were present, including A. H. Armstrong, P. Hadot, J. Rist, and A. Smith. Arguably the most interesting feature of the collection is the difference of opinion among at least two of the participants about the validity of C. G. Steel's 'The changing self: a study of the soul in later Neoplatonism; Iamblichus, Damascius, and Priscianus' (cf. the review by A. Smith in JHS 100 [1980]). There, it is argued that the three authors mentioned were the only later Platonists to teach the mutability as distinct from the fall of the soul. So it is well enough known that Proclus dissented from Plotinus in his assertion at e.g. Elements 211 that the soul completely falls. But it is also argued that Proclus dissented from Iamblichus in denying the changeableness of the fallen soul. With Steel's hypothesis, Blumenthal is in a large measure of agreement, whereas Ilsetraut Hadot feels that such a view is oversimplified. She suggests that even Plotinus is prepared to admit a greater degree of alteration in the soul than some exegetes allow for. It must be said in defense of her position that despite the evidence of Ennead 4.8.8 and 4.1, there are disturbing passages at 4.4.3 and 5.1.1 which challenge a too simple evaluation of Plotinus. In this particular collection, the issue is rather over the interpretation of Simplicius, De Anima 220.2-4 (cf. p. 91). Blumenthal argues that Simplicius' language need only mean that the soul has a temporary change. Against such an interpretation, Hadot argues that it overlooks the fact that Simplicius was a pupil of Damascius and he certainly believed in the change of the human soul. Perhaps, though, the views are not as far apart as the foregoing remarks may suggest. After all, it is hard to be supposed that the change in the soul argued for by Iamblichus and his followers was in itself irreversible. The whole Platonist school had to offer some sort of rationale for the obvious fact of the weakness and sinfulness of the human being. Whether one talks of 'fall', 'change', or 'weakness' seems hardly to matter. Nor is the problem restricted to pagans. A few apt quotations from St. Augustine illustrate the universal nature of the problem which faces any thinker who is prepared to take seriously both the goodness of the human soul and the existence of evil. (Review by Anthony Meredith)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lObq1J6nadR8CdJ

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There are four papers dealing in turn with 'Monad and Dyad as Cosmic Principles in Syrianus' by A. D. R. Sheppard; 'Procession and Division in Proclus' by A. C. Lloyd; 'La doctrine de Simplicius sur l'\u00e2me raisonnable humaine dans le Commentaire sur le manuel d'Epict\u00e8te' by I. Hadot, and fourthly 'The Psychology of (?) Simplicius' Commentary on the De anima' by H. J. Blumenthal. The other participants in the colloquium must have made it a memorable and worthwhile, though rather short-lived occasion. The foremost living experts in the field of later Platonism were present, including A. H. Armstrong, P. Hadot, J. Rist, and A. Smith.\r\nArguably the most interesting feature of the collection is the difference of opinion among at least two of the participants about the validity of C. G. Steel's 'The changing self: a study of the soul in later Neoplatonism; Iamblichus, Damascius, and Priscianus' (cf. the review by A. Smith in JHS 100 [1980]). There, it is argued that the three authors mentioned were the only later Platonists to teach the mutability as distinct from the fall of the soul. So it is well enough known that Proclus dissented from Plotinus in his assertion at e.g. Elements 211 that the soul completely falls. But it is also argued that Proclus dissented from Iamblichus in denying the changeableness of the fallen soul. With Steel's hypothesis, Blumenthal is in a large measure of agreement, whereas Ilsetraut Hadot feels that such a view is oversimplified. She suggests that even Plotinus is prepared to admit a greater degree of alteration in the soul than some exegetes allow for. It must be said in defense of her position that despite the evidence of Ennead 4.8.8 and 4.1, there are disturbing passages at 4.4.3 and 5.1.1 which challenge a too simple evaluation of Plotinus. In this particular collection, the issue is rather over the interpretation of Simplicius, De Anima 220.2-4 (cf. p. 91). Blumenthal argues that Simplicius' language need only mean that the soul has a temporary change. Against such an interpretation, Hadot argues that it overlooks the fact that Simplicius was a pupil of Damascius and he certainly believed in the change of the human soul. Perhaps, though, the views are not as far apart as the foregoing remarks may suggest. After all, it is hard to be supposed that the change in the soul argued for by Iamblichus and his followers was in itself irreversible. The whole Platonist school had to offer some sort of rationale for the obvious fact of the weakness and sinfulness of the human being. Whether one talks of 'fall', 'change', or 'weakness' seems hardly to matter. Nor is the problem restricted to pagans. A few apt quotations from St. Augustine illustrate the universal nature of the problem which faces any thinker who is prepared to take seriously both the goodness of the human soul and the existence of evil. (Review by Anthony Meredith)","btype":4,"date":"1982","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lObq1J6nadR8CdJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":465,"full_name":"Lloyd, Antony C.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":133,"pubplace":"Liverpool","publisher":"Liverpool University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1982]}

Neoplatonism and Christian thought, 1982
By: O'Meara, Dominic, J. (Ed.)

Title	Neoplatonism and Christian thought
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1982
Publication Place	Albany
Publisher	State University of New York Press
Series	Studies in Neoplatonism: Ancient and Modern
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	O'Meara, Dominic, J.
Translator(s)

In this volume, the relationships between two of the most vital currents in Western thought are examined by a group of nineteen internationally known specialists in a variety of disciplines—classics, patristics, philosophy, theology, history of ideas, literature. The contributing scholars discuss Neoplatonic theories about God, creation, man, and salvation, in relation to the ways in which they were adopted, adapted, or rejected by major Christian thinkers of five periods: Patristic, Later Greek and Byzantine, Medieval, Renaissance, and Modern. [a.a]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8tb5ZmmacZhgjDn

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Le programme d'enseignement dans les Ecoles neoplatoniciennes, 1982
By: Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile, Brisson, Luc (Ed.), Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile (Ed.), Goulet, Richard (Ed.), O’Brien, Denis (Ed.)

Title	Le programme d'enseignement dans les Ecoles neoplatoniciennes
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1982
Published in	Porphyre. La vie de Plotin. Travaux préliminaires et index grec complet
Pages	277-280
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile
Editor(s)	Brisson, Luc , Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile , Goulet, Richard , O’Brien, Denis
Translator(s)

Les écoles néoplatoniciennes postérieures ont établi un programme d’enseignement qu’on peut reconstituer dans ses grandes lignes. Voici quelles sont les principales étapes de ce cursus : a) Propédeutique morale : Étude de textes comme le Manuel d’Épictète et le Carmen aureum pythagoricien pour introduire la vie morale. Ces œuvres étaient souvent accompagnées de commentaires, notamment par Simplicius et Hiéroclès. b) Introduction générale à la philosophie : Basée sur l'Isagogè de Porphyre, cette étape proposait une définition et des divisions de la philosophie (théorétique et pratique), suivant un schéma attribué à Porphyre ou Andronicus. c) Étude préparatoire à Aristote : Lecture et commentaire de l'Isagogè comme introduction indispensable aux Catégories d’Aristote, en appliquant un cadre méthodologique précis avant d’entamer le commentaire. d) Introduction à Aristote : Les commentaires sur les Catégories soulevaient dix questions essentielles sur Aristote, incluant son style, la structure de ses écrits, et les qualités requises pour ses lecteurs et exégètes. e) Cycle d’études aristotéliciennes : Études couvrant logique, éthique, politique, physique et théologie sur une durée estimée à deux ou trois ans. Ce cycle préparait les étudiants à l’étude des dialogues platoniciens. f) Étude de Platon : Introduction systématique à Platon, incluant l’ordre de lecture des dialogues. Cette phase s’inspirait également des médio-platoniciens comme Albinus et Alcinoos. g) Oracles chaldaïques : Étudiés comme le sommet de la formation philosophique. Proclus et d’autres néoplatoniciens harmonisaient ces enseignements avec ceux de Platon. h) Poésie orphique : Considérée comme le niveau suprême, la poésie orphique, notamment les Hymnes, faisait l’objet de commentaires approfondis, particulièrement chez Proclus et Syrianus. [derived from the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kPjIT5NBhbhdLeA

Simplikios in der arabischen Überlieferung, 1982
By: Gätje, Helmut

Title	Simplikios in der arabischen Überlieferung
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1982
Journal	Der Islam; Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients
Volume	59
Pages	6-31
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gätje, Helmut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Wenn Simplikios in der philosophischen Tradition des Islams nicht zu einer so festen Größe geworden ist wie Alexander von Aphrodisias oder Themistios, so hängt das mit der historischen Stellung dieser Exegeten innerhalb der peripatetischen Schule zusammen. Ihnen gegenüber ist Simplikios nachgeboren. Auf der anderen Seite hat aber offenbar sein Zeitgenosse Johannes Philoponos, dem freilich im islamischen Bereich zu Unrecht eine Reihe medizinischer Werke zugeschrieben wurden, einen größeren Widerhall gefunden, was wiederum mit Ausgangspunkt und Wegen der Überlieferung zusammenhängt. Wenn man dem Urteil Praechters folgt und in Simplikios einen der bedeutendsten Kommentatoren des Altertums sieht, so stehen diese Bewertung des Simplikios und seine Wirkung im Islam nicht im rechten Verhältnis zueinander. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nULzjIVmZSFqXQi

{"_index":"sire","_id":"540","_score":null,"_source":{"id":540,"authors_free":[{"id":764,"entry_id":540,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":134,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"G\u00e4tje, Helmut ","free_first_name":"Helmut ","free_last_name":"G\u00e4tje","norm_person":{"id":134,"first_name":"Helmut ","last_name":"G\u00e4tje","full_name":"G\u00e4tje, Helmut ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1021419966","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplikios in der arabischen \u00dcberlieferung","main_title":{"title":"Simplikios in der arabischen \u00dcberlieferung"},"abstract":"Wenn Simplikios in der philosophischen Tradition des Islams nicht zu einer so festen Gr\u00f6\u00dfe geworden ist wie Alexander von Aphrodisias oder Themistios, so h\u00e4ngt das mit der historischen Stellung dieser Exegeten inner\u00adhalb der peripatetischen Schule zusammen. Ihnen gegen\u00fcber ist Simplikios nachgeboren. Auf der anderen Seite hat aber offenbar sein Zeitgenosse Johannes Philoponos, dem freilich im islamischen Bereich zu Unrecht eine Reihe medizinischer Werke zugeschrieben wurden, einen gr\u00f6\u00dferen Wider\u00adhall gefunden, was wiederum mit Ausgangspunkt und Wegen der \u00dcberlie\u00adferung zusammenh\u00e4ngt. Wenn man dem Urteil Praechters folgt und in Simplikios einen der bedeutendsten Kommentatoren des Altertums sieht, so stehen diese Bewertung des Simplikios und seine Wirkung im Islam nicht im rechten Verh\u00e4ltnis zueinander. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1982","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nULzjIVmZSFqXQi","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":134,"full_name":"G\u00e4tje, Helmut ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":540,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Der Islam; Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients","volume":"59","issue":"","pages":"6-31"}},"sort":[1982]}

A Fragment of Aristotle's Poetics from Porphyry, concerning Synonymy, 1982
By: Janko, Richard

Title	A Fragment of Aristotle's Poetics from Porphyry, concerning Synonymy
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1982
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	32
Issue	2
Pages	323-326
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Janko, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

An important fragment of the lost portion of Aristotle's Poetics is the definition of synonyms preserved by Simplicius,' which corresponds to Aristotle's own citation of the Poetics for synonyms in the Rhetoric, 3. 2. 1404b 37 ff. I shall argue elsewhere that this derives from a discussion of the sources of verbal humour in the lost account of comedy and humour. Here it is my aim to show that Simplicius definitely derived the quotation from Porphyry, which pushes back the attestation of this part of the Poetics by more than two centuries (although the citation in the Antiatticist, Poet. fr. 4 Kassel, is older still). Furthermore, I shall show that some of the words in the definition are a gloss added by Porphyry for the purposes of his own polemic. [introduction, p. 323]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FEkzGy6BAHpTaIG

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L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs néo-platoniciens, 1981
By: Narcy, Michel

Title	L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs néo-platoniciens
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1981
Journal	Les Études philosophiques
Volume	1
Pages	35-52
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Narcy, Michel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses the expression of Neoplatonism after Plotinus, which was primarily in the form of commentary on earlier works. However, this method can lead to errors and departures from the original ideas. The article examines how this applies to interpretations of homonymy in Aristotle's Categories, which are inconsistent among commentators. The author suggests that by examining how homonymy is used to resolve specific problems, one can better understand its meaning and transformation from Aristotle to Neoplatonism. The discussion centers on a passage in Simplicius's commentary on Categories in which he comments on Aristotle's remarks about the paronymous naming of beings defined by their quality. The author compares Simplicius's comments to Aristotle's original text, and argues that the former intentionally misrepresents the latter. [derived from the introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LehHtPQbB1BKLEC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1104","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1104,"authors_free":[{"id":1667,"entry_id":1104,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":277,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Narcy, Michel","free_first_name":"Michel","free_last_name":"Narcy","norm_person":{"id":277,"first_name":"Michel","last_name":"Narcy","full_name":"Narcy, Michel","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129449512","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs n\u00e9o-platoniciens","main_title":{"title":"L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs n\u00e9o-platoniciens"},"abstract":"This text discusses the expression of Neoplatonism after Plotinus, which was primarily in the form of commentary on earlier works. However, this method can lead to errors and departures from the original ideas. The article examines how this applies to interpretations of homonymy in Aristotle's Categories, which are inconsistent among commentators. The author suggests that by examining how homonymy is used to resolve specific problems, one can better understand its meaning and transformation from Aristotle to Neoplatonism. The discussion centers on a passage in Simplicius's commentary on Categories in which he comments on Aristotle's remarks about the paronymous naming of beings defined by their quality. The author compares Simplicius's comments to Aristotle's original text, and argues that the former intentionally misrepresents the latter. [derived from the introduction]","btype":3,"date":"1981","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/LehHtPQbB1BKLEC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":277,"full_name":"Narcy, Michel","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1104,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"1","issue":"","pages":"35-52"}},"sort":[1981]}

Les présocratiques et la question de l'infini, 1981
By: Frère, Jean

Title	Les présocratiques et la question de l'infini
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1981
Journal	Les Études philosophiques
Volume	1
Pages	19-33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Frère, Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Bien avant la philosophie de Platon et celle d'Aristote, la pensée grecque a rencontré la question du rapport entre l'infini (apeiros) et la perfection. Mais, pour aborder ce que les Grecs veulent nommer par le « non-limité », il convient de partir du débat que les linguistes ont engagé autour du terme. Plusieurs interprétations sémantiques sont envisagées dans le rapport entre apeiros et peirar/peras. Dans une première solution, le préfixe négatif a- se combine avec peras ; dans une seconde, le a- privatif porte sur la racine per (perô, peirô, perainô), qui signifie passage et traversée. En ce qui concerne peras, les linguistes sont de nouveau partagés entre « limite, bout, extrémité » ou « lien ». Pour ce qui est de la langue grecque, non encore conceptualisée par la démarche philosophique, ce que « illimité » peut véhiculer de non clair pour la raison ou de non rassurant pour le sentiment ne comporte pourtant aucune dimension de cette angoisse et de ce vertige que retiendra Pascal. Lorsque Homère ou Hésiode parlent de la « terre sans limite », lorsque Pindare chante la « renommée infinie » du héros, l’adjectif apeirôn se relie généralement à l’éloge de qualités concernant choses ou hommes. Il y a aussi l’idée de profondeur sans fin (le sommeil, hypnos, Odyssée VII, 286) ou d’ampleur (une foule d’hommes, Iliade XXIV, 776). C’est moins son aspect infini que son pouvoir d’engloutir qui fait caractériser comme terrible la mer infinie. De même, l’adjectif apeirôn, infini, renvoie à l’immensité comme profusion et comme richesse, qu’il s’agisse du lieu, du temps ou du nombre. Avec les présocratiques, apeiros/to apeiron s’installent dans la pensée philosophique. À travers des textes fragmentaires, il est difficile de savoir avec certitude la conception de l’infini (apeiron) que les présocratiques, de Thalès à Anaxagore et aux sophistes, avaient pu élaborer. Néanmoins, le problème de apeiron n’a pas été sans importance pour eux. Que l’un d’eux, Anaximandre, ait fait de l’apeiron l’archê de l’univers en est la marque. Et Mélissos caractérise le principe (archê) comme infini (apeiron). L’apeiron n’est donc point pour les présocratiques uniquement lié à l’imperfection que sera l’apeiron du Philebe. Il y a dans la pensée grecque des premiers temps comme un pressentiment de la richesse de l’infini, aussi bien qu’il désigne une absence de limite où la raison se perd. L’apeiron renvoie surtout à la spatialité, se lie à la grandeur (megethos), comme l’éternité (to aidion) se lie au temps. Dans les philosophies où la nature (physis) est aux confins du divin et du matériel, le principe, le tout, les mondes sont caractérisés d’abord par l’infini de grandeur, l’illimité. Mais l’infini est aussi envisagé comme indéfini qualitatif. Toutefois, face à l’infini qui est déterminé par sa richesse, certains présocratiques ont envisagé aussi l’infini qui est pure indétermination, degré incomplet de l’Être et forme du moindre Être. On trouve ici l’esquisse des conceptions philosophiques qui vont se préciser dans les théories plus élaborées de Platon et d’Aristote. [introduction p. 19-20]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TpFRmhxNzvv4XUL

{"_index":"sire","_id":"745","_score":null,"_source":{"id":745,"authors_free":[{"id":1108,"entry_id":745,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":101,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","free_first_name":"Jean","free_last_name":"Fr\u00e8re","norm_person":{"id":101,"first_name":"Jean","last_name":"Fr\u00e8re","full_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130051187","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les pr\u00e9socratiques et la question de l'infini","main_title":{"title":"Les pr\u00e9socratiques et la question de l'infini"},"abstract":"Bien avant la philosophie de Platon et celle d'Aristote, la pens\u00e9e grecque a rencontr\u00e9 la question du rapport entre l'infini (apeiros) et la perfection. Mais, pour aborder ce que les Grecs veulent nommer par le \u00ab non-limit\u00e9 \u00bb, il convient de partir du d\u00e9bat que les linguistes ont engag\u00e9 autour du terme. Plusieurs interpr\u00e9tations s\u00e9mantiques sont envisag\u00e9es dans le rapport entre apeiros et peirar\/peras. Dans une premi\u00e8re solution, le pr\u00e9fixe n\u00e9gatif a- se combine avec peras ; dans une seconde, le a- privatif porte sur la racine per (per\u00f4, peir\u00f4, perain\u00f4), qui signifie passage et travers\u00e9e. En ce qui concerne peras, les linguistes sont de nouveau partag\u00e9s entre \u00ab limite, bout, extr\u00e9mit\u00e9 \u00bb ou \u00ab lien \u00bb.\r\n\r\nPour ce qui est de la langue grecque, non encore conceptualis\u00e9e par la d\u00e9marche philosophique, ce que \u00ab illimit\u00e9 \u00bb peut v\u00e9hiculer de non clair pour la raison ou de non rassurant pour le sentiment ne comporte pourtant aucune dimension de cette angoisse et de ce vertige que retiendra Pascal. Lorsque Hom\u00e8re ou H\u00e9siode parlent de la \u00ab terre sans limite \u00bb, lorsque Pindare chante la \u00ab renomm\u00e9e infinie \u00bb du h\u00e9ros, l\u2019adjectif apeir\u00f4n se relie g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9loge de qualit\u00e9s concernant choses ou hommes. Il y a aussi l\u2019id\u00e9e de profondeur sans fin (le sommeil, hypnos, Odyss\u00e9e VII, 286) ou d\u2019ampleur (une foule d\u2019hommes, Iliade XXIV, 776). C\u2019est moins son aspect infini que son pouvoir d\u2019engloutir qui fait caract\u00e9riser comme terrible la mer infinie. De m\u00eame, l\u2019adjectif apeir\u00f4n, infini, renvoie \u00e0 l\u2019immensit\u00e9 comme profusion et comme richesse, qu\u2019il s\u2019agisse du lieu, du temps ou du nombre.\r\n\r\nAvec les pr\u00e9socratiques, apeiros\/to apeiron s\u2019installent dans la pens\u00e9e philosophique. \u00c0 travers des textes fragmentaires, il est difficile de savoir avec certitude la conception de l\u2019infini (apeiron) que les pr\u00e9socratiques, de Thal\u00e8s \u00e0 Anaxagore et aux sophistes, avaient pu \u00e9laborer. N\u00e9anmoins, le probl\u00e8me de apeiron n\u2019a pas \u00e9t\u00e9 sans importance pour eux. Que l\u2019un d\u2019eux, Anaximandre, ait fait de l\u2019apeiron l\u2019arch\u00ea de l\u2019univers en est la marque. Et M\u00e9lissos caract\u00e9rise le principe (arch\u00ea) comme infini (apeiron). L\u2019apeiron n\u2019est donc point pour les pr\u00e9socratiques uniquement li\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019imperfection que sera l\u2019apeiron du Philebe.\r\n\r\nIl y a dans la pens\u00e9e grecque des premiers temps comme un pressentiment de la richesse de l\u2019infini, aussi bien qu\u2019il d\u00e9signe une absence de limite o\u00f9 la raison se perd. L\u2019apeiron renvoie surtout \u00e0 la spatialit\u00e9, se lie \u00e0 la grandeur (megethos), comme l\u2019\u00e9ternit\u00e9 (to aidion) se lie au temps. Dans les philosophies o\u00f9 la nature (physis) est aux confins du divin et du mat\u00e9riel, le principe, le tout, les mondes sont caract\u00e9ris\u00e9s d\u2019abord par l\u2019infini de grandeur, l\u2019illimit\u00e9. Mais l\u2019infini est aussi envisag\u00e9 comme ind\u00e9fini qualitatif.\r\n\r\nToutefois, face \u00e0 l\u2019infini qui est d\u00e9termin\u00e9 par sa richesse, certains pr\u00e9socratiques ont envisag\u00e9 aussi l\u2019infini qui est pure ind\u00e9termination, degr\u00e9 incomplet de l\u2019\u00catre et forme du moindre \u00catre. On trouve ici l\u2019esquisse des conceptions philosophiques qui vont se pr\u00e9ciser dans les th\u00e9ories plus \u00e9labor\u00e9es de Platon et d\u2019Aristote. [introduction p. 19-20]","btype":3,"date":"1981","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TpFRmhxNzvv4XUL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":101,"full_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":745,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"1","issue":"","pages":"19-33"}},"sort":[1981]}

Plotinus in later Platonism, 1981
By: Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Markus, R. A. (Ed.), Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Plotinus in later Platonism
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1981
Published in	Neoplatonism and early Christian thought: Essays in honour of A.H. Armstrong
Pages	212-222
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Markus, R. A.
Translator(s)

We have seen, then, that in some areas later Neoplatonists introduced Plotinus’ views to corroborate their own. This was equally true of his opinions as a Platonist and, as they understood him, as an interpreter of Aristotle. These agreements are most often found in relatively uncontroversial areas of their thought. However, at the extremes of the metaphysical world and in those other areas where difficulties were likely to arise, we do find substantial differences. We must, however, be cautious about interpreting these differences in terms of chronological changes. The later Neoplatonists continued to disagree among themselves, and the process we have examined was not one of linear development away from Plotinus. [conclusion p. 220]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ydcrCuFuFOAFW6r

{"_index":"sire","_id":"873","_score":null,"_source":{"id":873,"authors_free":[{"id":1282,"entry_id":873,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1283,"entry_id":873,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":403,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Markus, R. A.","free_first_name":"R. A.","free_last_name":"Markus","norm_person":{"id":403,"first_name":"R. A.","last_name":"Markus","full_name":"Markus, R. A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/121838862","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2229,"entry_id":873,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Plotinus in later Platonism","main_title":{"title":"Plotinus in later Platonism"},"abstract":"We have seen, then, that in some areas later Neoplatonists introduced Plotinus\u2019 views to corroborate their own. This was equally true of his opinions as a Platonist and, as they understood him, as an interpreter of Aristotle. These agreements are most often found in relatively uncontroversial areas of their thought.\r\n\r\nHowever, at the extremes of the metaphysical world and in those other areas where difficulties were likely to arise, we do find substantial differences. We must, however, be cautious about interpreting these differences in terms of chronological changes. The later Neoplatonists continued to disagree among themselves, and the process we have examined was not one of linear development away from Plotinus. [conclusion p. 220]","btype":2,"date":"1981","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ydcrCuFuFOAFW6r","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":403,"full_name":"Markus, R. A.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":873,"section_of":131,"pages":"212-222","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":131,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"en","title":"Neoplatonism and early Christian thought: Essays in honour of A.H. Armstrong","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Blumenthal\/Markus1981a","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1981","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1981","abstract":"The studies collected in this book are all concerned with aspects of the Platonic tradition, either in its own internal development in the Hellenistic age and the period of the Roman Empire, or with the influence of Platonism, in one or other of its forms, on other spiritual traditions, especially that of Christianity. [offical abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PcJka3NQUzhA8jZ","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":131,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Variorum","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1981]}

Neoplatonism and early Christian thought: Essays in honour of A.H. Armstrong, 1981
By: Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Markus, R. A. (Ed.)

Title	Neoplatonism and early Christian thought: Essays in honour of A.H. Armstrong
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1981
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Variorum
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Markus, R. A.
Translator(s)

The studies collected in this book are all concerned with aspects of the Platonic tradition, either in its own internal development in the Hellenistic age and the period of the Roman Empire, or with the influence of Platonism, in one or other of its forms, on other spiritual traditions, especially that of Christianity. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PcJka3NQUzhA8jZ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"131","_score":null,"_source":{"id":131,"authors_free":[{"id":162,"entry_id":131,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2228,"entry_id":131,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":403,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Markus, R. A.","free_first_name":"R. A.","free_last_name":"Markus","norm_person":{"id":403,"first_name":"R. A.","last_name":"Markus","full_name":"Markus, R. A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/121838862","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Neoplatonism and early Christian thought: Essays in honour of A.H. Armstrong","main_title":{"title":"Neoplatonism and early Christian thought: Essays in honour of A.H. Armstrong"},"abstract":"The studies collected in this book are all concerned with aspects of the Platonic tradition, either in its own internal development in the Hellenistic age and the period of the Roman Empire, or with the influence of Platonism, in one or other of its forms, on other spiritual traditions, especially that of Christianity. [offical abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1981","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/PcJka3NQUzhA8jZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":403,"full_name":"Markus, R. A.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":131,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Variorum","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1981]}

La Physique d’Aristote et les anciens commentateurs grecs, 1981
By: Verbeke, Gérard, Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs N. (Ed.)

Title	La Physique d’Aristote et les anciens commentateurs grecs
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1981
Published in	Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Thessaloniki August 7-14 1978
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verbeke, Gérard
Editor(s)	Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs N.
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WCFPRwh1E2k3zgK

{"_index":"sire","_id":"185","_score":null,"_source":{"id":185,"authors_free":[{"id":241,"entry_id":185,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":348,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Verbeke, G\u00e9rard","free_first_name":"G\u00e9rard","free_last_name":"Verbeke","norm_person":{"id":348,"first_name":"G\u00e9rard","last_name":"Verbeke","full_name":"Verbeke, G\u00e9rard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118947583","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2506,"entry_id":185,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":514,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Theod\u014drakopulos, I\u014dann\u0113s N.","free_first_name":" I\u014dann\u0113s N.","free_last_name":"Theod\u014drakopulos","norm_person":{"id":514,"first_name":" Io\u0304anne\u0304s Nikolaou ","last_name":"Theodo\u0304rakopoulos","full_name":"Theodo\u0304rakopoulos, Io\u0304anne\u0304s Nikolaou ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117302619","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La Physique d\u2019Aristote et les anciens commentateurs grecs","main_title":{"title":"La Physique d\u2019Aristote et les anciens commentateurs grecs"},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"1981","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/WCFPRwh1E2k3zgK","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":348,"full_name":"Verbeke, G\u00e9rard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":514,"full_name":"Theodo\u0304rakopoulos, Io\u0304anne\u0304s Nikolaou ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":185,"pubplace":"Athen","publisher":"Minist\u00e8re de la culture et des sciences","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":{"id":185,"section_of":1459,"pages":"","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1459,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Thessaloniki August 7-14 1978","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1981","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/O3DQotq4JIjFp7W","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1459,"pubplace":"Athen","publisher":"Athe\u0304na : Ministry of Culture and Sciences","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1981]}

Aristotle and Simplicius on Mathematical Infinity, 1981
By: Mueller, Ian, Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs Nikolaou (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle and Simplicius on Mathematical Infinity
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1981
Published in	Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Thessaloniki August 7-14 1978
Pages	179-182
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mueller, Ian
Editor(s)	Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs Nikolaou
Translator(s)

Aristotle was the first not only to distinguish between potential and actual infinity but also to insist that potential infinity alone is enough for mathematics thus initiating an issue still central to the philosophy of mathematics. Modern scholarship, however, has attacked Aristotle's thesis because, according to the received doctrine, it does not square with Euclidean geometry and it also seems to contravene Aristotle's belief in the finitude of the physical universe. This monograph, the first thorough study of the issue, puts Aristotle's views on infinity in the proper perspective. Through a close study of the relevant Aristotelian passages it shows that the Stagirite's theory of infinity forms a well argued philosophical position which does not bear on his belief in a finite cosmos and does not undermine the Euclidean nature of geometry. The monograph draws a much more positive picture of Aristotle's views and reaffirms his disputed stature as a serious philosopher of mathematics. This innovative and stimulating contribution will be essential reading to a wide range of scholars, including classicists, philosophers of science and mathematics as well as historians of ideas. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XpR1jO7FPHTJmR4

{"_index":"sire","_id":"63","_score":null,"_source":{"id":63,"authors_free":[{"id":71,"entry_id":63,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":270,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mueller, Ian","free_first_name":"Ian","free_last_name":"Mueller","norm_person":{"id":270,"first_name":"Ian","last_name":"Mueller","full_name":"Mueller, Ian","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2505,"entry_id":63,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":514,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Theod\u014drakopulos, I\u014dann\u0113s Nikolaou","free_first_name":"I\u014dann\u0113s Nikolaou","free_last_name":"Theod\u014drakopulos","norm_person":{"id":514,"first_name":" Io\u0304anne\u0304s Nikolaou ","last_name":"Theodo\u0304rakopoulos","full_name":"Theodo\u0304rakopoulos, Io\u0304anne\u0304s Nikolaou ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117302619","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle and Simplicius on Mathematical Infinity","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle and Simplicius on Mathematical Infinity"},"abstract":"Aristotle was the first not only to distinguish between potential and actual infinity but also to insist that potential infinity alone is enough for mathematics thus initiating an issue still central to the philosophy of mathematics. Modern scholarship, however, has attacked Aristotle's thesis because, according to the received doctrine, it does not square with Euclidean geometry and it also seems to contravene Aristotle's belief in the finitude of the physical universe. This monograph, the first thorough study of the issue, puts Aristotle's views on infinity in the proper perspective. Through a close study of the relevant Aristotelian passages it shows that the Stagirite's theory of infinity forms a well argued philosophical position which does not bear on his belief in a finite cosmos and does not undermine the Euclidean nature of geometry. The monograph draws a much more positive picture of Aristotle's views and reaffirms his disputed stature as a serious philosopher of mathematics. This innovative and stimulating contribution will be essential reading to a wide range of scholars, including classicists, philosophers of science and mathematics as well as historians of ideas. [author's abstract]","btype":2,"date":"1981","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/XpR1jO7FPHTJmR4","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":270,"full_name":"Mueller, Ian","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":514,"full_name":"Theodo\u0304rakopoulos, Io\u0304anne\u0304s Nikolaou ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":63,"pubplace":"Athen","publisher":"International Association for Greek Philosophy","series":"Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Ath\u00e8nes, Minist\u00e8re de la culture et des sciences","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":{"id":63,"section_of":1459,"pages":"179-182","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1459,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Thessaloniki August 7-14 1978","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1981","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/O3DQotq4JIjFp7W","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1459,"pubplace":"Athen","publisher":"Athe\u0304na : Ministry of Culture and Sciences","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1981]}

Recherches sur la tradition manuscrite du Commentaire de Simplicius au De caelo d'Aristote, 1981
By: Hoffmann, Philippe

Title	Recherches sur la tradition manuscrite du Commentaire de Simplicius au De caelo d'Aristote
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1981
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Université Paris IV-Sorbonne
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FCQ06BefzUIofrf

{"_index":"sire","_id":"70","_score":null,"_source":{"id":70,"authors_free":[{"id":78,"entry_id":70,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Recherches sur la tradition manuscrite du Commentaire de Simplicius au De caelo d'Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Recherches sur la tradition manuscrite du Commentaire de Simplicius au De caelo d'Aristote"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1981","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FCQ06BefzUIofrf","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":70,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Universit\u00e9 Paris IV-Sorbonne","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1981]}

Commentators and commentaries on Aristotle's Sophistici Elenchi. A study of Post-Aristotelian ancient and medieval writings on fallacies. Vol. 1 The Greek Tradition, 1981
By: Ebbesen, S

Title	Commentators and commentaries on Aristotle's Sophistici Elenchi. A study of Post-Aristotelian ancient and medieval writings on fallacies. Vol. 1 The Greek Tradition
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1981
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ebbesen, S
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

About thirteen years ago when I was preparing an edition of some Latin 13th century quaestiones on the Sophistici Elenchi, I discovered some puzzling references to a commentary by "Alexander", obviously a Greek. He appeared to have been a very important man to the Westerners, for often he was simply called 'Commentator', a title reserved in other contexts for Averroes. This discovery gave rise to the questions,(!) Who was Alexander? (2) Are there more references to him in other Latin texts? (3) Is his work extant in Latin? (4) Is it extant in Greek? Re 1 At first I thought he must be Alexander of Aphrodisias. Now I do not know how to answer the question. Re 2 I soon found that Minio-Paluello and De Rijk had already signalled some other references to Alexander. Re 3 My first investigations indicated the answer would be no, and I still have not found the text in any manuscript. Re 4 My early research indicated the answer would be no, but that extant Greek scholia were often comparable to the Latin quotations of Alexander. The preliminary probings suggested that a search for more Latin references to Alexander and an inquiry into the Greek scholia on the Elenchi might throw light on the origins of Western scholasticism and at the same time prove the existence of a Byzantine scholasticism comparable to that of Western Europe in the High Middle Ages. A systematic search for more fragments of the Latin translation of Alexanders's commentary resulted in the collection that figures as Vol. II, Part 2, of this study. Studying the Greek scholia I soon realized that they could not be used for any serious purpose as long as elementary questions of dating and attribution had not been solved. Trying to find the answer to such questions, I found that investigating the whole manuscript tradition was inescapable. The results of that investigation are presented in Vol. 1 chapter V and the appendices (in Vol. III). Reading the Greek scholia I became convinced that Byzantine scholasticism never produced results comparable to those of its Western counterpart; but, on the other hand, a study of the late ancient and medieval Greek scholastic tradition could, indeed, throw light on the origins of Western logic. The results of my investigations are presented partly in the notes on "Alexander's" fragments (in Vol. Ill), partly in a series of essays on central problems (Vol. I ch.IV). Vol. I chapters I-II contain sketches of pre-scholastic theories of fallacies, some of which were to influence the scholastics, whereas chapter III introduces scholasticism. As both Vol. I and Vol. III discuss Greek texts that have never been printed, I have collected a number of such texts in Vol. II, editing also Galen's De captionibus because the earlier editions are no longer satisfactory. Chapters I through W of Vol. I all have a speculative character. I have tried to rein in my imagination, but I may not always have achieved my aim. I feel sure I have misunderstood the old philosophers on several points. Perhaps it can serve as an excuse that most of the problems I deal with have not been investigated before. If there are fundamental errors in chapter V, the consequences for the rest of 'Commentators and Commentaries' will be serious, if not disastrous. I trust, however, that my results concerning the Byzantine tradition are essentially correct. [preface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gtXiqKQ2uGtS14q

{"_index":"sire","_id":"34","_score":null,"_source":{"id":34,"authors_free":[{"id":40,"entry_id":34,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Ebbesen, S","free_first_name":"S","free_last_name":"Ebbesen","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Commentators and commentaries on Aristotle's Sophistici Elenchi. A study of Post-Aristotelian ancient and medieval writings on fallacies. Vol. 1 The Greek Tradition","main_title":{"title":"Commentators and commentaries on Aristotle's Sophistici Elenchi. A study of Post-Aristotelian ancient and medieval writings on fallacies. Vol. 1 The Greek Tradition"},"abstract":"About thirteen years ago when I was preparing an edition of some Latin 13th century quaestiones on the Sophistici Elenchi, I discovered some puzzling references to a commentary\r\nby \"Alexander\", obviously a Greek. He appeared to have been a very important man to the\r\nWesterners, for often he was simply called 'Commentator', a title reserved in other contexts for Averroes.\r\nThis discovery gave rise to the questions,(!) Who was Alexander? (2) Are there more references to him in other Latin texts? (3) Is his work extant in Latin? (4) Is it extant in Greek?\r\nRe 1 At first I thought he must be Alexander of Aphrodisias. Now I do not know how to answer the question.\r\nRe 2 I soon found that Minio-Paluello and De Rijk had already signalled some other references to Alexander.\r\nRe 3 My first investigations indicated the answer would be no, and I still have not found the text in any manuscript. \r\nRe 4 My early research indicated the answer would be no, but that extant Greek scholia were often comparable to the Latin quotations of Alexander.\r\nThe preliminary probings suggested that a search for more Latin references to Alexander and an inquiry into the Greek scholia on the Elenchi might throw light on the origins of Western scholasticism and at the same time prove the existence of a Byzantine scholasticism comparable to that of Western Europe in the High Middle Ages. A systematic search for more fragments of the Latin translation of Alexanders's commentary resulted in the collection that figures as Vol. II, Part 2, of this study.\r\nStudying the Greek scholia I soon realized that they could not be used for any serious purpose as long as elementary questions of dating and attribution had not been solved. Trying to find the answer to such questions, I found that investigating the whole manuscript tradition\r\nwas inescapable. The results of that investigation are presented in Vol. 1 chapter V and the appendices (in Vol. III).\r\nReading the Greek scholia I became convinced that Byzantine scholasticism never produced results comparable to those of its Western counterpart; but, on the other hand, a study of the late ancient and medieval Greek scholastic tradition could, indeed, throw light on the\r\norigins of Western logic.\r\nThe results of my investigations are presented partly in the notes on \"Alexander's\" fragments (in Vol. Ill), partly in a series of essays on central problems (Vol. I ch.IV).\r\nVol. I chapters I-II contain sketches of pre-scholastic theories of fallacies, some of which were to influence the scholastics, whereas chapter III introduces scholasticism.\r\nAs both Vol. I and Vol. III discuss Greek texts that have never been printed, I have collected a number of such texts in Vol. II, editing also Galen's De captionibus because the earlier editions are no longer satisfactory.\r\nChapters I through W of Vol. I all have a speculative character. I have tried to rein in my imagination, but I may not always have achieved my aim. I feel sure I have misunderstood the old philosophers on several points. Perhaps it can serve as an excuse that most of the problems I deal with have not been investigated before. If there are fundamental errors in chapter V, the consequences for the rest of 'Commentators and Commentaries' will be serious, if not disastrous. I trust, however, that my results concerning the Byzantine tradition are\r\nessentially correct. [preface]\r\n","btype":1,"date":"1981","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gtXiqKQ2uGtS14q","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":34,"pubplace":"Leiden","publisher":"Brill","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1981]}

Some Later Neoplatonic Views on Divine Creation and the Eternity of the World, 1981
By: Verbeke, Gérard, O'Meara, Dominic J. (Ed.)

Title	Some Later Neoplatonic Views on Divine Creation and the Eternity of the World
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1981
Published in	Neoplatonism and Christian thought
Pages	45-53
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verbeke, Gérard
Editor(s)	O'Meara, Dominic J.
Translator(s)

The commentary of Simplicius on Aristotle’s Physics is particularly inter esting thanks to the rich information it provides concerning the doctrines of pre vious philosophers. His interpretation shows a great erudition, but it is not always faithful to the authentic thought of Aristotle. The first cause of Aristotle is not that of Simplicius and this is not the only case in which Simplicius gave to Aristotelian thought a turn that does not correspond to its original content. A similar distortion may be found in the interpretation of the intricate question of chance and fortune. It is more difficult to formulate a judgment about the commentary of Philoponus: to what extent does it reflect the teaching of Ammonius? In any case, the interpretation is very penetrating, especially in those passages where the author criticizes the doctrine of Aristotle and expresses manifestly his own ideas. Alfarabi takes Philoponus to task for settling a philosophical question with the help of religious doctrines:60 nothing is less true, as W. Wieland has already noticed. Philoponus, rather, uses Aristotelian philosophy in order to refute Aristotle.61 On the other hand he appeals to the concept of creation against the eternity of the world: he very sharply notices, perhaps also under the influence of Ammonius, that creation as an integral causation is not a movement and does not belong to the continuous process of coming-to-be and passing away. Thanks mainly to the concept of creation, the author escapes from the eternity of movement and time. [conclusion p. 52-53]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QSUX1JffS4trd4H

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An Excerpt from Boethus of Sidon's Commentary on the Categories?, 1981
By: Huby, Pamela M.

Title	An Excerpt from Boethus of Sidon's Commentary on the Categories?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1981
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	31
Issue	2
Pages	398-409
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Huby, Pamela M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The text discusses an excerpt of a set of leaves from a fourteenth-century manuscript called Laurentianus 71, 32, containing paraphrases of several works. Theodore Waitz uses these leaves for scholia on Aristotle's Categories and De Interpretatione. The heading of the leaves is "Peri tês tou pote katêgorias," and the work consists of two parts. The first part discusses Time, based on Physics 4, while the second part deals with the category of When, which Aristotle only briefly mentions. The author of the work is believed to be Boethus of Sidon, the Peripatetic, who wrote a commentary on the Categories, as mentioned by Simplicius in his own commentary on the same work. Boethus is seen as a conservative who defended Aristotle against innovations, particularly Andronicus of Rhodes' attempt to substitute the category of Time for When. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MEh6PB5J3LpaDg5

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Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Thessaloniki August 7-14 1978, 1981
By: Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs Nikolaou (Ed.)

Title	Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Thessaloniki August 7-14 1978
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1981
Publication Place	Athen
Publisher	Athēna : Ministry of Culture and Sciences
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs Nikolaou
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/I0bn1qB2TUZcu8q

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Simplicios, commentateur représentatif d’Aristote dans le néoplatonisme tardif, 1981
By: Vamvoukakis, Nicolas, Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs N. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicios, commentateur représentatif d’Aristote dans le néoplatonisme tardif
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1981
Published in	Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Thessaloniki August 7-14 1978
Pages	250
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Vamvoukakis, Nicolas
Editor(s)	Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs N.
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UItMYMORGj0gHKz

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Aristote: quantité et contrariété. Une critique de l’école d’Oxford, 1980
By: O'Brien, Denis, Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Aristote: quantité et contrariété. Une critique de l’école d’Oxford
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1980
Published in	Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique
Pages	89-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

Avant-propos L’école d’Oxford et le commentaire du Professeur J. L. Ackrill sur les Catégories d’Aristote. Les divisions du texte — un point de repère. Objet de l’argument (5b11-15) Distinction entre propriétés et possesseurs de propriétés. Distinction entre l’aire et la surface, le volume et le corps. Distinction entre quantités déterminées et quantités indéterminées. Le premier argument (5b15-29) La grandeur relative et la grandeur en soi. Les nombreux et les peu nombreux : motif de la double comparaison. Commentaire de Simplicius : les deux formes du paradoxe. Commentaire de Simplicius : la grandeur relative et la grandeur absolue. Le doublet (5b26-29). Le deuxième argument (5b30-33) Rubrique liminaire : une même chose peut-elle se rencontrer dans plus d’une catégorie ? Les relatifs peuvent-ils avoir des contraires ? Les deux groupes de relatifs : ceux qui peuvent avoir un contraire, ceux qui ne peuvent pas avoir de contraire. Relation et contrariété : la prémisse sous-jacente de l’argument. Le troisième argument (5b33-6a11) Introduction à l’argument (5b33-35). Première partie de l’argument : une chose admettra deux contraires à la fois (5b35-6a4). Seconde partie de l’argument : les choses contraires seront, à elles-mêmes, contraires (6a4-8). Conclusion de l’argument (6a8-11). Traduction-Paraphrase du chapitre six des Catégories (4b20-6a35) [structure by the author]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fSSFgeHBQMgQH3p

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1099","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1099,"authors_free":[{"id":1661,"entry_id":1099,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":144,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"O'Brien, Denis","free_first_name":"Denis","free_last_name":"O\u2019Brien","norm_person":{"id":144,"first_name":"Denis","last_name":"O'Brien","full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134134079","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1662,"entry_id":1099,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":149,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Aubenque","norm_person":{"id":149,"first_name":"Pierre","last_name":"Aubenque","full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118919458","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristote: quantit\u00e9 et contrari\u00e9t\u00e9. Une critique de l\u2019\u00e9cole d\u2019Oxford","main_title":{"title":"Aristote: quantit\u00e9 et contrari\u00e9t\u00e9. Une critique de l\u2019\u00e9cole d\u2019Oxford"},"abstract":"Avant-propos\r\nL\u2019\u00e9cole d\u2019Oxford et le commentaire du Professeur J. L. Ackrill sur les Cat\u00e9gories d\u2019Aristote.\r\nLes divisions du texte \u2014 un point de rep\u00e8re.\r\nObjet de l\u2019argument (5b11-15)\r\n\r\n Distinction entre propri\u00e9t\u00e9s et possesseurs de propri\u00e9t\u00e9s.\r\n Distinction entre l\u2019aire et la surface, le volume et le corps.\r\n Distinction entre quantit\u00e9s d\u00e9termin\u00e9es et quantit\u00e9s ind\u00e9termin\u00e9es.\r\n\r\nLe premier argument (5b15-29)\r\n\r\n La grandeur relative et la grandeur en soi.\r\n Les nombreux et les peu nombreux : motif de la double comparaison.\r\n Commentaire de Simplicius : les deux formes du paradoxe.\r\n Commentaire de Simplicius : la grandeur relative et la grandeur absolue.\r\n Le doublet (5b26-29).\r\n\r\nLe deuxi\u00e8me argument (5b30-33)\r\n\r\n Rubrique liminaire : une m\u00eame chose peut-elle se rencontrer dans plus d\u2019une cat\u00e9gorie ?\r\n Les relatifs peuvent-ils avoir des contraires ?\r\n Les deux groupes de relatifs : ceux qui peuvent avoir un contraire, ceux qui ne peuvent pas avoir de contraire.\r\n Relation et contrari\u00e9t\u00e9 : la pr\u00e9misse sous-jacente de l\u2019argument.\r\n\r\nLe troisi\u00e8me argument (5b33-6a11)\r\n\r\n Introduction \u00e0 l\u2019argument (5b33-35).\r\n Premi\u00e8re partie de l\u2019argument : une chose admettra deux contraires \u00e0 la fois (5b35-6a4).\r\n Seconde partie de l\u2019argument : les choses contraires seront, \u00e0 elles-m\u00eames, contraires (6a4-8).\r\n Conclusion de l\u2019argument (6a8-11).\r\n\r\nTraduction-Paraphrase du chapitre six des Cat\u00e9gories (4b20-6a35) [structure by the author]","btype":2,"date":"1980","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/fSSFgeHBQMgQH3p","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":144,"full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":149,"full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1099,"section_of":302,"pages":"89-165","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":302,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Concepts et cat\u00e9gories dans la pens\u00e9e antique","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Aubenque1980b","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1980","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1980","abstract":"Depuis Aristote, on entend par cat\u00e9gories des concepts tr\u00e8s g\u00e9n\u00e9raux, dont la g\u00e9n\u00e9ralit\u00e9 ne d\u00e9rive pas de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience, mais en quelque sorte la pr\u00e9c\u00e8de, puisque c\u2019est eux et eux seuls qui nous permettent de l\u2019organiser et de la penser. Ces concepts \u2013 substance, quantit\u00e9, relation, qualit\u00e9, lieu, temps, action, passion, situation, avoir \u2013 sont-ils des structures universelles de toute pens\u00e9e ou bien sont-ils li\u00e9s aux particularit\u00e9s s\u00e9mantiques ou syntaxiques d\u2019un syst\u00e8me linguistique particulier, en l\u2019occurrence de la langue grecque, \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur de laquelle ils ont \u00e9t\u00e9 pour la premi\u00e8re fois \u00e9nonc\u00e9s et rassembl\u00e9s?\r\nLes \u00e9tudes ici r\u00e9unies, issues d\u2019un s\u00e9minaire qui s\u2019est poursuivi durant plusieurs ann\u00e9es au Centre de recherche sur la Pens\u00e9e antique de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 de Paris-Sorbonne, associ\u00e9 au C.N.R.S. (Centre L\u00e9on-Robin), s\u2019efforcent d\u2019apporter des \u00e9l\u00e9ments de r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 cette grande question, qui demeure au centre des discussions contemporaines sur les rapports de la philosophie et du langage. Leur apport sp\u00e9cifique consiste dans une ex\u00e9g\u00e8se rigoureuse des analyses du trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien des Cat\u00e9gories, \u00e9clair\u00e9 par les d\u00e9veloppements ult\u00e9rieurs de la doctrine, tels que nous les connaissons notamment \u00e0 travers le Commentaire du N\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius. Certaines de ces \u00e9tudes examinent l\u2019influence ou les transformations des cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes chez les Sto\u00efciens, les grammairiens grecs de la fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9, les N\u00e9oplatoniciens tardifs, les P\u00e8res de l\u2019\u00c9glise et dans la tradition latine antique et m\u00e9di\u00e9vale. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FGpf7U5Cy1dboYI","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":302,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Bibliotheque d\u2019histoire de la philosophie","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1980]}

Jamblique exégète du pythagoricien Archytas: trois originalités d’une doctrine du temps, 1980
By: Hoffmann, Philippe

Title	Jamblique exégète du pythagoricien Archytas: trois originalités d’une doctrine du temps
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1980
Journal	Les Études philosophiques
Volume	3
Pages	307-323
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Le développement de la philosophie grecque tardive est inséparable de l'exégèse de textes canoniques, parmi lesquels les traités d'Aristote et les dialogues de Platon occupent une place tout à fait particulière. Dans le cadre d'une pratique essentiellement scolaire, la tâche du commentateur est d'expliciter une vérité supposée donnée à l'origine, présente dans le texte qui est lu. On a déjà fait remarquer la fécondité philosophique des faux sens, contresens ou déviations qui ne manquent pas de se produire à l'occasion de ces exégèses : c'est par ce travail de l'erreur qu'apparaît souvent une nouveauté doctrinale, et tout se passe comme si la philosophie aimait à se nourrir d'analyses philologiquement erronées ou insoutenables. Nous voudrions présenter ici un exemple typique de ce phénomène : comment une exégèse néoplatonicienne d'un "faux" pythagoricien a permis l'apparition d'une pensée nouvelle du temps. Lorsqu'il explique la doctrine aristotélicienne du temps dans ses commentaires aux Catégories et à la Physique, Simplicius suit les traces de Jamblique, aux yeux de qui la source d'Aristote est le pythagoricien Archytas de Tarente. [introduction p. 307]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/67kpJTeAGPd2zao

{"_index":"sire","_id":"686","_score":null,"_source":{"id":686,"authors_free":[{"id":1019,"entry_id":686,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Jamblique ex\u00e9g\u00e8te du pythagoricien Archytas: trois originalit\u00e9s d\u2019une doctrine du temps","main_title":{"title":"Jamblique ex\u00e9g\u00e8te du pythagoricien Archytas: trois originalit\u00e9s d\u2019une doctrine du temps"},"abstract":"Le d\u00e9veloppement de la philosophie grecque tardive est ins\u00e9parable de l'ex\u00e9g\u00e8se de textes canoniques, parmi lesquels les trait\u00e9s d'Aristote et les dialogues de Platon occupent une place tout \u00e0 fait particuli\u00e8re. Dans le cadre d'une pratique essentiellement scolaire, la t\u00e2che du commentateur est d'expliciter une v\u00e9rit\u00e9 suppos\u00e9e donn\u00e9e \u00e0 l'origine, pr\u00e9sente dans le texte qui est lu. On a d\u00e9j\u00e0 fait remarquer la f\u00e9condit\u00e9 philosophique des faux sens, contresens ou d\u00e9viations qui ne manquent pas de se produire \u00e0 l'occasion de ces ex\u00e9g\u00e8ses : c'est par ce travail de l'erreur qu'appara\u00eet souvent une nouveaut\u00e9 doctrinale, et tout se passe comme si la philosophie aimait \u00e0 se nourrir d'analyses philologiquement erron\u00e9es ou insoutenables.\r\n\r\nNous voudrions pr\u00e9senter ici un exemple typique de ce ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne : comment une ex\u00e9g\u00e8se n\u00e9oplatonicienne d'un \"faux\" pythagoricien a permis l'apparition d'une pens\u00e9e nouvelle du temps.\r\n\r\nLorsqu'il explique la doctrine aristot\u00e9licienne du temps dans ses commentaires aux Cat\u00e9gories et \u00e0 la Physique, Simplicius suit les traces de Jamblique, aux yeux de qui la source d'Aristote est le pythagoricien Archytas de Tarente. [introduction p. 307]","btype":3,"date":"1980","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/67kpJTeAGPd2zao","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":686,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"3","issue":"","pages":"307-323"}},"sort":[1980]}

La Récupération d'Anaxagore, 1980
By: Ramnoux, Clémence

Title	La Récupération d'Anaxagore
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1980
Journal	Archives de Philosophie
Volume	43
Issue	1
Pages	75-98
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ramnoux, Clémence
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The author meant to «recuperate» the Fragments of Anaxagoras, most of which are transmitted in the Commentary of Simplicius on Aristotle's Physics I, 4, without severing them from their context. While doing so he was interested in the neo-platonicist presentation itself, and also in the modern interpretations proceeding from it, enhancing an interpretative tradition. The first article inquires into the presentation of doctrines by dichotomic confrontation and into the problem of contrary couples. Following on the recuperation of the Fragments of Anaxagoras in a neo-platonic context, the second article presents the doctrine of the Spirit as agent both of thinking discrimination and of mechanical separation which starts from the original gathering, and which is both thought and subtantial. It examines subsequently how far a doctrine of the plurality of worlds can be attributed to Anaxagoras. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

Qu'est-ce qu'une figure? Une difficulté de la doctrine aristotélicienne de la qualité (Aristote Catégories 8, 10 b 26-11 a 14), 1980
By: Narcy, Michel, Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

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Title	Qu'est-ce qu'une figure? Une difficulté de la doctrine aristotélicienne de la qualité (Aristote Catégories 8, 10 b 26-11 a 14)
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1980
Published in	Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique
Pages	197-216
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Narcy, Michel
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

Au chapitre 8 des Catégories, consacré à la qualité (poiotes), Aristote, comme il l’a fait à propos des catégories précédentes (substance, quantité, relation), fait suivre son exposé de l’examen de deux questions : savoir si, dans l’ordre de la qualité, se trouvent contrariété (enantiótes) et accroissement ou diminution (to mallon kai to héttion). On peut noter d’ailleurs qu’à la réponse à ces deux questions se limiteront, au chapitre 9, les indications fournies au sujet des catégories de l’action et de la passion. Questions dont on a pu reconnaître qu’elles constituent comme l’application aux catégories aristotéliciennes d’un système catégorial plus ancien, provenant de l’Académie et dérivé, à travers le platonisme, du pythagorisme. Il peut paraître étrange de délimiter ici, en vue d’une étude de la catégorie de qualité, un passage d’allure adventice, où vient pour ainsi dire s’entrecroiser avec le fil de l’exposé d’Aristote, et contredire l’assurance de sa classification, une problématique qui semble d’autant moins lui appartenir en propre qu’elle contribue surtout à jeter le doute sur la cohérence de l’exposé qui précède. À chacune des deux questions, en effet, Aristote donne tout d’abord une réponse affirmative (contrariété : 10 b 12 ; accroissement et diminution : 10 b 26), mais c’est pour noter ensuite, à la règle ainsi posée, des exceptions. Ainsi, donnant comme exemple de contrariété le blanc et le noir (10 b 13), il remarque un peu plus bas que d’autres couleurs, telles que le rouge et le jaune, n’ont pas de contraires (10 b 16-17). De même, dans le passage qui va nous occuper, affirme-t-il qu’à la différence des autres qualités, la figure n’est pas susceptible de plus et de moins : exception de taille, cette fois, puisque c’est ainsi l’une des quatre subdivisions de la qualité qui se voit assigner un statut à part. Rejoignant là l’objection que fait Plotin au principe même d’une division au sein de la qualité, on ne peut éviter de se demander pourquoi la figure est rangée sous cette catégorie. Soit donc que, dans la rencontre avec le système catégorial académique, Aristote se trouve confronté à une difficulté dont il ne vient pas à bout, soit qu’il souligne ainsi l’inadéquation de la « grille » qu’il abandonne, ce passage peut sembler rien moins que central dans le chapitre. À moins que se révèlent, dans la difficulté précisément, pour autant qu’elle est comme une trace de la cassure opérée, et à moins que, pourquoi pas, dans cette cassure se constituent, la signification et la raison d’être de la catégorie aristotélicienne de la qualité, et avec elle, la doctrine des catégories. L’exception constituée par la figure, en effet, n’est pas une faiblesse qui se laisse seulement apercevoir : Aristote, au contraire, loin de la masquer ou de la mentionner sans plus, comme il fait du rouge et du jaune à propos de la contrariété, non seulement l’expose avec un soin particulier, mais produit une argumentation à l’appui. Ce qui doit d’autant plus retenir l’attention, qu’il a tout d’abord travaillé à réduire une première exception, celle que constitueraient des dispositions telles que la justice ou la santé (10 b 30-11 a 5). Le soin égal apporté, d’abord à réduire une première exception, puis à en produire une autre, donne à croire qu’à entendre au plus près la difficulté, on a chance d’y saisir une ligne de force de la doctrine. Examinons donc tout d’abord la première partie de notre passage (10 b 26-11 a 5). C’est l’affirmation que les qualités (tà poià) reçoivent « le plus et le moins » (tà mallon kai tà héttion) : « du blanc, en effet : l’un est dit plus et moins qu’un autre. Et du juste : l’un qu’un autre, plus ». [introduction p. 197-198]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qCqUG7AShSYKtrM

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Une difficult\u00e9 de la doctrine aristot\u00e9licienne de la qualit\u00e9 (Aristote Cat\u00e9gories 8, 10 b 26-11 a 14)","main_title":{"title":"Qu'est-ce qu'une figure? Une difficult\u00e9 de la doctrine aristot\u00e9licienne de la qualit\u00e9 (Aristote Cat\u00e9gories 8, 10 b 26-11 a 14)"},"abstract":"Au chapitre 8 des Cat\u00e9gories, consacr\u00e9 \u00e0 la qualit\u00e9 (poiotes), Aristote, comme il l\u2019a fait \u00e0 propos des cat\u00e9gories pr\u00e9c\u00e9dentes (substance, quantit\u00e9, relation), fait suivre son expos\u00e9 de l\u2019examen de deux questions : savoir si, dans l\u2019ordre de la qualit\u00e9, se trouvent contrari\u00e9t\u00e9 (enanti\u00f3tes) et accroissement ou diminution (to mallon kai to h\u00e9ttion). On peut noter d\u2019ailleurs qu\u2019\u00e0 la r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 ces deux questions se limiteront, au chapitre 9, les indications fournies au sujet des cat\u00e9gories de l\u2019action et de la passion. Questions dont on a pu reconna\u00eetre qu\u2019elles constituent comme l\u2019application aux cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes d\u2019un syst\u00e8me cat\u00e9gorial plus ancien, provenant de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie et d\u00e9riv\u00e9, \u00e0 travers le platonisme, du pythagorisme.\r\n\r\nIl peut para\u00eetre \u00e9trange de d\u00e9limiter ici, en vue d\u2019une \u00e9tude de la cat\u00e9gorie de qualit\u00e9, un passage d\u2019allure adventice, o\u00f9 vient pour ainsi dire s\u2019entrecroiser avec le fil de l\u2019expos\u00e9 d\u2019Aristote, et contredire l\u2019assurance de sa classification, une probl\u00e9matique qui semble d\u2019autant moins lui appartenir en propre qu\u2019elle contribue surtout \u00e0 jeter le doute sur la coh\u00e9rence de l\u2019expos\u00e9 qui pr\u00e9c\u00e8de. \u00c0 chacune des deux questions, en effet, Aristote donne tout d\u2019abord une r\u00e9ponse affirmative (contrari\u00e9t\u00e9 : 10 b 12 ; accroissement et diminution : 10 b 26), mais c\u2019est pour noter ensuite, \u00e0 la r\u00e8gle ainsi pos\u00e9e, des exceptions. Ainsi, donnant comme exemple de contrari\u00e9t\u00e9 le blanc et le noir (10 b 13), il remarque un peu plus bas que d\u2019autres couleurs, telles que le rouge et le jaune, n\u2019ont pas de contraires (10 b 16-17). De m\u00eame, dans le passage qui va nous occuper, affirme-t-il qu\u2019\u00e0 la diff\u00e9rence des autres qualit\u00e9s, la figure n\u2019est pas susceptible de plus et de moins : exception de taille, cette fois, puisque c\u2019est ainsi l\u2019une des quatre subdivisions de la qualit\u00e9 qui se voit assigner un statut \u00e0 part.\r\n\r\nRejoignant l\u00e0 l\u2019objection que fait Plotin au principe m\u00eame d\u2019une division au sein de la qualit\u00e9, on ne peut \u00e9viter de se demander pourquoi la figure est rang\u00e9e sous cette cat\u00e9gorie. Soit donc que, dans la rencontre avec le syst\u00e8me cat\u00e9gorial acad\u00e9mique, Aristote se trouve confront\u00e9 \u00e0 une difficult\u00e9 dont il ne vient pas \u00e0 bout, soit qu\u2019il souligne ainsi l\u2019inad\u00e9quation de la \u00ab grille \u00bb qu\u2019il abandonne, ce passage peut sembler rien moins que central dans le chapitre. \u00c0 moins que se r\u00e9v\u00e8lent, dans la difficult\u00e9 pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment, pour autant qu\u2019elle est comme une trace de la cassure op\u00e9r\u00e9e, et \u00e0 moins que, pourquoi pas, dans cette cassure se constituent, la signification et la raison d\u2019\u00eatre de la cat\u00e9gorie aristot\u00e9licienne de la qualit\u00e9, et avec elle, la doctrine des cat\u00e9gories.\r\n\r\nL\u2019exception constitu\u00e9e par la figure, en effet, n\u2019est pas une faiblesse qui se laisse seulement apercevoir : Aristote, au contraire, loin de la masquer ou de la mentionner sans plus, comme il fait du rouge et du jaune \u00e0 propos de la contrari\u00e9t\u00e9, non seulement l\u2019expose avec un soin particulier, mais produit une argumentation \u00e0 l\u2019appui. Ce qui doit d\u2019autant plus retenir l\u2019attention, qu\u2019il a tout d\u2019abord travaill\u00e9 \u00e0 r\u00e9duire une premi\u00e8re exception, celle que constitueraient des dispositions telles que la justice ou la sant\u00e9 (10 b 30-11 a 5). Le soin \u00e9gal apport\u00e9, d\u2019abord \u00e0 r\u00e9duire une premi\u00e8re exception, puis \u00e0 en produire une autre, donne \u00e0 croire qu\u2019\u00e0 entendre au plus pr\u00e8s la difficult\u00e9, on a chance d\u2019y saisir une ligne de force de la doctrine.\r\n\r\nExaminons donc tout d\u2019abord la premi\u00e8re partie de notre passage (10 b 26-11 a 5). C\u2019est l\u2019affirmation que les qualit\u00e9s (t\u00e0 poi\u00e0) re\u00e7oivent \u00ab le plus et le moins \u00bb (t\u00e0 mallon kai t\u00e0 h\u00e9ttion) : \u00ab du blanc, en effet : l\u2019un est dit plus et moins qu\u2019un autre. Et du juste : l\u2019un qu\u2019un autre, plus \u00bb. [introduction p. 197-198]","btype":2,"date":"1980","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qCqUG7AShSYKtrM","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":277,"full_name":"Narcy, Michel","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":149,"full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":792,"section_of":302,"pages":"197-216","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":302,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Concepts et cat\u00e9gories dans la pens\u00e9e antique","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Aubenque1980b","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1980","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1980","abstract":"Depuis Aristote, on entend par cat\u00e9gories des concepts tr\u00e8s g\u00e9n\u00e9raux, dont la g\u00e9n\u00e9ralit\u00e9 ne d\u00e9rive pas de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience, mais en quelque sorte la pr\u00e9c\u00e8de, puisque c\u2019est eux et eux seuls qui nous permettent de l\u2019organiser et de la penser. Ces concepts \u2013 substance, quantit\u00e9, relation, qualit\u00e9, lieu, temps, action, passion, situation, avoir \u2013 sont-ils des structures universelles de toute pens\u00e9e ou bien sont-ils li\u00e9s aux particularit\u00e9s s\u00e9mantiques ou syntaxiques d\u2019un syst\u00e8me linguistique particulier, en l\u2019occurrence de la langue grecque, \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur de laquelle ils ont \u00e9t\u00e9 pour la premi\u00e8re fois \u00e9nonc\u00e9s et rassembl\u00e9s?\r\nLes \u00e9tudes ici r\u00e9unies, issues d\u2019un s\u00e9minaire qui s\u2019est poursuivi durant plusieurs ann\u00e9es au Centre de recherche sur la Pens\u00e9e antique de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 de Paris-Sorbonne, associ\u00e9 au C.N.R.S. (Centre L\u00e9on-Robin), s\u2019efforcent d\u2019apporter des \u00e9l\u00e9ments de r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 cette grande question, qui demeure au centre des discussions contemporaines sur les rapports de la philosophie et du langage. Leur apport sp\u00e9cifique consiste dans une ex\u00e9g\u00e8se rigoureuse des analyses du trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien des Cat\u00e9gories, \u00e9clair\u00e9 par les d\u00e9veloppements ult\u00e9rieurs de la doctrine, tels que nous les connaissons notamment \u00e0 travers le Commentaire du N\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius. Certaines de ces \u00e9tudes examinent l\u2019influence ou les transformations des cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes chez les Sto\u00efciens, les grammairiens grecs de la fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9, les N\u00e9oplatoniciens tardifs, les P\u00e8res de l\u2019\u00c9glise et dans la tradition latine antique et m\u00e9di\u00e9vale. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FGpf7U5Cy1dboYI","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":302,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Bibliotheque d\u2019histoire de la philosophie","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1980]}

Some Concepts in Physical Theory in John Philoponus' Aristotelian Commentaries, 1980
By: Todd, Robert B.

Title	Some Concepts in Physical Theory in John Philoponus' Aristotelian Commentaries
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1980
Journal	Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume	24
Issue	2
Pages	151-170
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Todd, Robert B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I have tried, then, to establish the significance of some ideas in Philoponus' commentaries that, in different ways, reveal this commentator's individuality. Individuality is not, of course, the same as originality, and indeed both my examples have shown how dependent Philoponus was on the many philosophical sources that converge in his commentaries. But this very complexity, at times reaching an eclectic inconsistency, is what makes the Aristotelian exegetical tradition in antiquity worth continued study. At their best, these commentaries involve the interaction between, on the one hand, an inventive commentator with prejudices of his own and, on the other hand, a mass of inherited material. The result may not always illuminate Aristotle, but it will invariably shed light on the continuity of the Greek philosophical tradition in late antiquity. [conclusion p. 170]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6cdjUb25vOM63SC

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Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique, 1980
By: Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1980
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Bibliotheque d’histoire de la philosophie
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

Depuis Aristote, on entend par catégories des concepts très généraux, dont la généralité ne dérive pas de l’expérience, mais en quelque sorte la précède, puisque c’est eux et eux seuls qui nous permettent de l’organiser et de la penser. Ces concepts – substance, quantité, relation, qualité, lieu, temps, action, passion, situation, avoir – sont-ils des structures universelles de toute pensée ou bien sont-ils liés aux particularités sémantiques ou syntaxiques d’un système linguistique particulier, en l’occurrence de la langue grecque, à l’intérieur de laquelle ils ont été pour la première fois énoncés et rassemblés? Les études ici réunies, issues d’un séminaire qui s’est poursuivi durant plusieurs années au Centre de recherche sur la Pensée antique de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, associé au C.N.R.S. (Centre Léon-Robin), s’efforcent d’apporter des éléments de réponse à cette grande question, qui demeure au centre des discussions contemporaines sur les rapports de la philosophie et du langage. Leur apport spécifique consiste dans une exégèse rigoureuse des analyses du traité aristotélicien des Catégories, éclairé par les développements ultérieurs de la doctrine, tels que nous les connaissons notamment à travers le Commentaire du Néoplatonicien Simplicius. Certaines de ces études examinent l’influence ou les transformations des catégories aristotéliciennes chez les Stoïciens, les grammairiens grecs de la fin de l’Antiquité, les Néoplatoniciens tardifs, les Pères de l’Église et dans la tradition latine antique et médiévale. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FGpf7U5Cy1dboYI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"302","_score":null,"_source":{"id":302,"authors_free":[{"id":377,"entry_id":302,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":149,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Aubenque","norm_person":{"id":149,"first_name":"Pierre","last_name":"Aubenque","full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118919458","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Concepts et cat\u00e9gories dans la pens\u00e9e antique","main_title":{"title":"Concepts et cat\u00e9gories dans la pens\u00e9e antique"},"abstract":"Depuis Aristote, on entend par cat\u00e9gories des concepts tr\u00e8s g\u00e9n\u00e9raux, dont la g\u00e9n\u00e9ralit\u00e9 ne d\u00e9rive pas de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience, mais en quelque sorte la pr\u00e9c\u00e8de, puisque c\u2019est eux et eux seuls qui nous permettent de l\u2019organiser et de la penser. Ces concepts \u2013 substance, quantit\u00e9, relation, qualit\u00e9, lieu, temps, action, passion, situation, avoir \u2013 sont-ils des structures universelles de toute pens\u00e9e ou bien sont-ils li\u00e9s aux particularit\u00e9s s\u00e9mantiques ou syntaxiques d\u2019un syst\u00e8me linguistique particulier, en l\u2019occurrence de la langue grecque, \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur de laquelle ils ont \u00e9t\u00e9 pour la premi\u00e8re fois \u00e9nonc\u00e9s et rassembl\u00e9s?\r\nLes \u00e9tudes ici r\u00e9unies, issues d\u2019un s\u00e9minaire qui s\u2019est poursuivi durant plusieurs ann\u00e9es au Centre de recherche sur la Pens\u00e9e antique de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 de Paris-Sorbonne, associ\u00e9 au C.N.R.S. (Centre L\u00e9on-Robin), s\u2019efforcent d\u2019apporter des \u00e9l\u00e9ments de r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 cette grande question, qui demeure au centre des discussions contemporaines sur les rapports de la philosophie et du langage. Leur apport sp\u00e9cifique consiste dans une ex\u00e9g\u00e8se rigoureuse des analyses du trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien des Cat\u00e9gories, \u00e9clair\u00e9 par les d\u00e9veloppements ult\u00e9rieurs de la doctrine, tels que nous les connaissons notamment \u00e0 travers le Commentaire du N\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius. Certaines de ces \u00e9tudes examinent l\u2019influence ou les transformations des cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes chez les Sto\u00efciens, les grammairiens grecs de la fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9, les N\u00e9oplatoniciens tardifs, les P\u00e8res de l\u2019\u00c9glise et dans la tradition latine antique et m\u00e9di\u00e9vale. [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1980","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FGpf7U5Cy1dboYI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":149,"full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":302,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Bibliotheque d\u2019histoire de la philosophie","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1980]}

Les catégories aristotéliciennes d’action et de passion vues par Simplicius, 1980
By: Vamvoukakis, Nicolas, Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Les catégories aristotéliciennes d’action et de passion vues par Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1980
Published in	Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique
Pages	253-269
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Vamvoukakis, Nicolas
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

L’analyse du commentaire de Simplicius sur les catégories aristotéliciennes d’action et de passion (ou, plus exactement, d’«agir» et de «pâtir») est d’un intérêt multiple. Les notions mêmes sont d’une importance capitale aussi bien pour Aristote que pour le néoplatonisme tardif : en tant que catégories, elles désignent la mobilité, le dynamisme et la créativité de l’être ; en tant que réalités physiques ou métaphysiques désignées par ces mots, l’action et la passion sont directement liées à la théorie aristotélicienne de puissance, d’acte et de mouvement, et non moins à la problématique néoplatonicienne sur la Procession. L’importance du sujet fait du commentaire de Simplicius une bonne occasion pour manifester l’utilité de ce genre de commentaires pour la meilleure compréhension de la pensée aristotélicienne ; et cela d’autant plus que Simplicius consacre aux catégories d’action et de passion quarante pages de commentaire alors que le texte aristotélicien dans le traité des Catégories ne dépasse pas huit lignes. Par l’exposé exhaustif et raisonné de tous les points de vue concernant ces deux catégories, Simplicius nous offre un tableau aussi complet que possible des problèmes sur l’action et la passion qu’Aristote aurait pu ou aurait dû se poser lui-même dans son discours sur les Catégories. Ainsi l’examen portera sur les caractères principaux de l’action et de la passion, sur ce qui est le propre de chacune et justifie sa position comme une catégorie à part, sur le problème de la réductibilité de ces deux catégories aux autres ou à une seule et sur leur division en espèces. Toutes ces questions, prises dans leur généralité, sont indiscutablement conformes à l’esprit de l’auteur du traité des Catégories ; mais lorsqu’on aborde leur examen détaillé dans le commentaire de Simplicius, on est souvent étonné par l’intrusion d’éléments, surtout spéculatifs, qui, en apparence, relèvent d’un mode de pensée complètement étranger à celui d’Aristote. Mais, en fait, une étude serrée du commentaire montre qu’il est possible (et même nécessaire, si l’on veut tirer le meilleur parti de ce texte) de distinguer : les éléments purement aristotéliciens ; ceux qui, exprimés en termes néoplatoniciens, sont aisément transposables dans l’univers d’Aristote ; ceux qui prolongent la problématique aristotélicienne dans la perspective du néoplatonisme tardif. Ces prolongements ne sont pourtant pas dépourvus d’intérêt pour l’aristotélisme : en posant et en résolvant des problèmes qu’Aristote lui-même n’avait pas posés, mais qui, en dernière analyse, découlent de ses propres thèses, et auxquels on doit donc chercher une réponse même si Aristote ne l’a pas donnée, on comprend beaucoup plus à fond toutes les ramifications de sa problématique ; et de même par l’examen des réponses proposées ou en essayant de répondre soi-même à la place d’Aristote. D’où il ressort que la bonne compréhension et l’appréciation juste d’un commentaire de Simplicius sur Aristote présupposent une connaissance adéquate de la philosophie aristotélicienne ainsi qu’une certaine expérience des traits particuliers à la pensée et à la sensibilité des néoplatoniciens tardifs. Car ces commentaires ne sont pas exégétiques au sens, malheureusement si familier pour nous, de la paraphrase élaborée, mais, sans négliger les nuances, s’attaquent au cœur même des problèmes, sur lesquels ils proposent des solutions bien articulées. [introduction p. 253-254]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/O07AYBHdocDRTVL

{"_index":"sire","_id":"455","_score":null,"_source":{"id":455,"authors_free":[{"id":611,"entry_id":455,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":344,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Vamvoukakis, Nicolas","free_first_name":"Nicolas","free_last_name":"Vamvoukakis","norm_person":{"id":344,"first_name":"Nicolas","last_name":"Vamvoukakis","full_name":"Vamvoukakis, Nicolas","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":612,"entry_id":455,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":149,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Aubenque","norm_person":{"id":149,"first_name":"Pierre","last_name":"Aubenque","full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118919458","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes d\u2019action et de passion vues par Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Les cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes d\u2019action et de passion vues par Simplicius"},"abstract":"L\u2019analyse du commentaire de Simplicius sur les cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes d\u2019action et de passion (ou, plus exactement, d\u2019\u00abagir\u00bb et de \u00abp\u00e2tir\u00bb) est d\u2019un int\u00e9r\u00eat multiple. Les notions m\u00eames sont d\u2019une importance capitale aussi bien pour Aristote que pour le n\u00e9oplatonisme tardif : en tant que cat\u00e9gories, elles d\u00e9signent la mobilit\u00e9, le dynamisme et la cr\u00e9ativit\u00e9 de l\u2019\u00eatre ; en tant que r\u00e9alit\u00e9s physiques ou m\u00e9taphysiques d\u00e9sign\u00e9es par ces mots, l\u2019action et la passion sont directement li\u00e9es \u00e0 la th\u00e9orie aristot\u00e9licienne de puissance, d\u2019acte et de mouvement, et non moins \u00e0 la probl\u00e9matique n\u00e9oplatonicienne sur la Procession.\r\n\r\nL\u2019importance du sujet fait du commentaire de Simplicius une bonne occasion pour manifester l\u2019utilit\u00e9 de ce genre de commentaires pour la meilleure compr\u00e9hension de la pens\u00e9e aristot\u00e9licienne ; et cela d\u2019autant plus que Simplicius consacre aux cat\u00e9gories d\u2019action et de passion quarante pages de commentaire alors que le texte aristot\u00e9licien dans le trait\u00e9 des Cat\u00e9gories ne d\u00e9passe pas huit lignes. Par l\u2019expos\u00e9 exhaustif et raisonn\u00e9 de tous les points de vue concernant ces deux cat\u00e9gories, Simplicius nous offre un tableau aussi complet que possible des probl\u00e8mes sur l\u2019action et la passion qu\u2019Aristote aurait pu ou aurait d\u00fb se poser lui-m\u00eame dans son discours sur les Cat\u00e9gories.\r\n\r\nAinsi l\u2019examen portera sur les caract\u00e8res principaux de l\u2019action et de la passion, sur ce qui est le propre de chacune et justifie sa position comme une cat\u00e9gorie \u00e0 part, sur le probl\u00e8me de la r\u00e9ductibilit\u00e9 de ces deux cat\u00e9gories aux autres ou \u00e0 une seule et sur leur division en esp\u00e8ces. Toutes ces questions, prises dans leur g\u00e9n\u00e9ralit\u00e9, sont indiscutablement conformes \u00e0 l\u2019esprit de l\u2019auteur du trait\u00e9 des Cat\u00e9gories ; mais lorsqu\u2019on aborde leur examen d\u00e9taill\u00e9 dans le commentaire de Simplicius, on est souvent \u00e9tonn\u00e9 par l\u2019intrusion d\u2019\u00e9l\u00e9ments, surtout sp\u00e9culatifs, qui, en apparence, rel\u00e8vent d\u2019un mode de pens\u00e9e compl\u00e8tement \u00e9tranger \u00e0 celui d\u2019Aristote.\r\n\r\nMais, en fait, une \u00e9tude serr\u00e9e du commentaire montre qu\u2019il est possible (et m\u00eame n\u00e9cessaire, si l\u2019on veut tirer le meilleur parti de ce texte) de distinguer :\r\n\r\n les \u00e9l\u00e9ments purement aristot\u00e9liciens ;\r\n ceux qui, exprim\u00e9s en termes n\u00e9oplatoniciens, sont ais\u00e9ment transposables dans l\u2019univers d\u2019Aristote ;\r\n ceux qui prolongent la probl\u00e9matique aristot\u00e9licienne dans la perspective du n\u00e9oplatonisme tardif.\r\n\r\nCes prolongements ne sont pourtant pas d\u00e9pourvus d\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat pour l\u2019aristot\u00e9lisme : en posant et en r\u00e9solvant des probl\u00e8mes qu\u2019Aristote lui-m\u00eame n\u2019avait pas pos\u00e9s, mais qui, en derni\u00e8re analyse, d\u00e9coulent de ses propres th\u00e8ses, et auxquels on doit donc chercher une r\u00e9ponse m\u00eame si Aristote ne l\u2019a pas donn\u00e9e, on comprend beaucoup plus \u00e0 fond toutes les ramifications de sa probl\u00e9matique ; et de m\u00eame par l\u2019examen des r\u00e9ponses propos\u00e9es ou en essayant de r\u00e9pondre soi-m\u00eame \u00e0 la place d\u2019Aristote.\r\n\r\nD\u2019o\u00f9 il ressort que la bonne compr\u00e9hension et l\u2019appr\u00e9ciation juste d\u2019un commentaire de Simplicius sur Aristote pr\u00e9supposent une connaissance ad\u00e9quate de la philosophie aristot\u00e9licienne ainsi qu\u2019une certaine exp\u00e9rience des traits particuliers \u00e0 la pens\u00e9e et \u00e0 la sensibilit\u00e9 des n\u00e9oplatoniciens tardifs. Car ces commentaires ne sont pas ex\u00e9g\u00e9tiques au sens, malheureusement si familier pour nous, de la paraphrase \u00e9labor\u00e9e, mais, sans n\u00e9gliger les nuances, s\u2019attaquent au c\u0153ur m\u00eame des probl\u00e8mes, sur lesquels ils proposent des solutions bien articul\u00e9es. [introduction p. 253-254]","btype":2,"date":"1980","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/O07AYBHdocDRTVL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":344,"full_name":"Vamvoukakis, Nicolas","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":149,"full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":455,"section_of":302,"pages":"253-269","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":302,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Concepts et cat\u00e9gories dans la pens\u00e9e antique","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Aubenque1980b","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1980","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1980","abstract":"Depuis Aristote, on entend par cat\u00e9gories des concepts tr\u00e8s g\u00e9n\u00e9raux, dont la g\u00e9n\u00e9ralit\u00e9 ne d\u00e9rive pas de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience, mais en quelque sorte la pr\u00e9c\u00e8de, puisque c\u2019est eux et eux seuls qui nous permettent de l\u2019organiser et de la penser. Ces concepts \u2013 substance, quantit\u00e9, relation, qualit\u00e9, lieu, temps, action, passion, situation, avoir \u2013 sont-ils des structures universelles de toute pens\u00e9e ou bien sont-ils li\u00e9s aux particularit\u00e9s s\u00e9mantiques ou syntaxiques d\u2019un syst\u00e8me linguistique particulier, en l\u2019occurrence de la langue grecque, \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur de laquelle ils ont \u00e9t\u00e9 pour la premi\u00e8re fois \u00e9nonc\u00e9s et rassembl\u00e9s?\r\nLes \u00e9tudes ici r\u00e9unies, issues d\u2019un s\u00e9minaire qui s\u2019est poursuivi durant plusieurs ann\u00e9es au Centre de recherche sur la Pens\u00e9e antique de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 de Paris-Sorbonne, associ\u00e9 au C.N.R.S. (Centre L\u00e9on-Robin), s\u2019efforcent d\u2019apporter des \u00e9l\u00e9ments de r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 cette grande question, qui demeure au centre des discussions contemporaines sur les rapports de la philosophie et du langage. Leur apport sp\u00e9cifique consiste dans une ex\u00e9g\u00e8se rigoureuse des analyses du trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien des Cat\u00e9gories, \u00e9clair\u00e9 par les d\u00e9veloppements ult\u00e9rieurs de la doctrine, tels que nous les connaissons notamment \u00e0 travers le Commentaire du N\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius. Certaines de ces \u00e9tudes examinent l\u2019influence ou les transformations des cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes chez les Sto\u00efciens, les grammairiens grecs de la fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9, les N\u00e9oplatoniciens tardifs, les P\u00e8res de l\u2019\u00c9glise et dans la tradition latine antique et m\u00e9di\u00e9vale. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FGpf7U5Cy1dboYI","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":302,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Bibliotheque d\u2019histoire de la philosophie","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1980]}

Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le problème du néoplatonisme Alexandrin, Hiéroclès et Simplicius, 1980
By: Steel, Carlos

Title	Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le problème du néoplatonisme Alexandrin, Hiéroclès et Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	Dutch
Date	1980
Journal	Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume	42
Issue	3
Pages	606-608
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The whole review: In een historisch overzicht van de antieke wijsbegeerte wordt doorgaans, wanneer over het Neoplatonisme gehandeld wordt, een onderscheid gemaakt tussen de 'school' van Athene en die van Alexandrië. Dit onderscheid gaat terug op de bekende studies van K. Praechter (1910-12). Volgens deze geleerde zou er een opvallend doctrineel verschil bestaan tussen beide richtingen in het latere Neoplatonisme. In Alexandrië zou de invloed van de christelijke omgeving zo groot geweest zijn dat de heidense filosofen zich verplicht zagen bepaalde wijzigingen in de doctrine aan te brengen. Het Neoplatonisme vertoont hier niet de complexe structuur die kenmerkend is voor het Atheense speculatieve denken (cf. de hiërarchie van de goddelijke principes zoals die door Proclus ontwikkeld is); het geeft een eenvoudiger verklaring van de leer waarbij dikwijls teruggegrepen wordt naar het Midden-Platonisme (vóór Plotinus); op sommige gebieden (zoals de scheppingsleer) benadert het christelijke standpunten. Deze originaliteit van het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme komt het duidelijkst tot uiting in het œuvre van Hierocles (eerste helft 5de eeuw) en in de commentaar van Simplicius (eerste helft 6de eeuw) op Epictetus. Deze visie van Praechter werd kritiekloos overgenomen in talrijke studies over deze periode. Zo verscheen in 1976 nog een boek over Hierocles (Th. Kobusch, Studien zur Philosophie des Hierokles von Alexandrien, München) waarin de thesis verdedigd wordt dat Hierocles' filosofie „vermittelt“ tussen het Christendom en het „excessieve“ Neoplatonisme zoals het vooral door Proclus uitgewerkt is. „Die Interpretation ergab dass die Hierokleische Philosophie im wesentlichen auf vorneuplatonischer Basis beruht“ (Besluit, p. 193). Het boek van Mme Hadot, die sinds jaren een uitgave voorbereidt van Simplicius' commentaar op Epictetus, komt tot een conclusie die precies het tegenovergestelde beweert. Op grond van een nieuwe lectuur van Hierocles en Simplicius toont zij aan dat de hypothese van Praechter over het latere Neoplatonisme totaal ongegrond is; er bestaat geen enkel doctrineel verschil tussen het Atheense en het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme: „l'évolution du néoplatonisme s'est poursuivie d'une manière homogène“. Het is verkeerd Hierocles of Simplicius vanuit het Midden-Platonisme te willen interpreteren: hun uiteenzetting veronderstelt de ontwikkeling van het latere Neoplatonisme, wat kan geïllustreerd worden door talrijke parallelle passages met Iamblichus en Proclus, en zelfs – voor Simplicius – met Damascius. In het eerste deel van dit boek worden de historische gegevens over beide filosofen onderzocht. Het tweede deel onderzoekt in welke mate zij kunnen beschouwd worden als vertegenwoordigers van een originele Alexandrijnse traditie. Achtereenvolgens worden bestudeerd: de theologie van Simplicius in het Epictetus-commentaar, de opvattingen van Hierocles over de ontwikkeling van het Platonisme, over de materie, over de demiurg en de schepping, over de voorzienigheid en het noodlot. In het derde deel volgen enige capita selecta betreffende de commentaar van Simplicius (o.a. zijn leer over de ziel). Uit al deze analyses komt de auteur tot het besluit dat er geen enkele doctrinaire divergentie aan te wijzen is ten opzichte van de Atheense school. Wel geven beide werken – de commentaar van Hierocles op Pythagoras en die van Simplicius op Epictetus – een eenvoudiger en minder complexe versie van het Neoplatonisme. Dit kan echter verklaard worden door het feit dat beide commentaren bedoeld waren als inleidingen en gericht tot beginnelingen in de school. In een appendix gaat de auteur uitvoerig in op een artikel dat ik zelf samen met F. Bossier in dit tijdschrift gepubliceerd heb (1972, 761-822) over de authenticiteit van de De Anima-commentaar die aan Simplicius wordt toegeschreven. Alhoewel zij onze conclusie aanvaardt – het werk is waarschijnlijk door Priscianus Lydus geschreven – toch meent zij dat er geen enkel doctrineel verschil met de authentieke Simplicius kan aangewezen worden. Haar argumenten lijken ons soms erg zwak: het is echter niet mogelijk om hierover in deze recensie polemiek te voeren. Slechts één ding: indien men aanvaardt dat de In de Anima door iemand anders geschreven is dan Simplicius, waarom is het dan zo nodig te beklemtonen dat zijn opvattingen over de ziel in niets van die van Simplicius verschillen? Dit bezwaar geldt ook voor het gehele werk. Terecht wijst de auteur op de continuïteit die er bestond tussen de school van Athene en die van Alexandrië (zoals dit o.m. tot uiting komt in de veelvuldige persoonlijke relaties van docenten en studenten). Het lijkt ons echter overdreven elk doctrineel verschil tussen beide scholen te ontkennen. De ontwikkeling binnen het latere Neoplatonisme was zeker niet zo homogeen als mevrouw Hadot beweert. Reeds ten tijde van Plotinus bestonden er belangrijke controversen over de doctrine, en die discussies werden verder gezet in de latere school. Indien men de originaliteit van de Alexandrijnse school in vraag stelt, dan volstaat het niet Hierocles en één werk van Simplicius te onderzoeken. Men zou er ook de andere filosofen uit de school moeten bij betrekken, voornamelijk Ammonius. Men kan moeilijk betwisten dat het Neoplatonisme dat door Ammonius uiteengezet werd nogal verschillend is van het systeem van Damascius. En is het ook niet opvallend dat Simplicius, die zowel bij Ammonius als Damascius studeerde, dikwijls afstand neemt van de al te speculatieve beschouwingen van Iamblichus en Damascius? Het boek van mevrouw Hadot is, zoals de auteur zelf toegeeft, vooral polemisch van aard: zij weerlegt hypothesen en interpretaties die niet op de teksten gegrond zijn. Door een nauwkeurige analyse van de teksten ontmaskert zij het stereotiepe beeld dat men over het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme geeft. Haar studie is zo een waardevolle bijdrage tot beter inzicht in deze laatste ontwikkeling van het antieke denken. [p. 606-608]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lIWBQQ2Q5dbWMLm

{"_index":"sire","_id":"484","_score":null,"_source":{"id":484,"authors_free":[{"id":659,"entry_id":484,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le probl\u00e8me du n\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin, Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le probl\u00e8me du n\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin, Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius"},"abstract":"The whole review: In een historisch overzicht van de antieke wijsbegeerte wordt doorgaans, wanneer over het Neoplatonisme gehandeld wordt, een onderscheid gemaakt tussen de 'school' van Athene en die van Alexandri\u00eb. Dit onderscheid gaat terug op de bekende studies van K. Praechter (1910-12). Volgens deze geleerde zou er een opvallend doctrineel verschil bestaan tussen beide richtingen in het latere Neoplatonisme. In Alexandri\u00eb zou de invloed van de christelijke omgeving zo groot geweest zijn dat de heidense filosofen zich verplicht zagen bepaalde wijzigingen in de doctrine aan te brengen.\r\n\r\nHet Neoplatonisme vertoont hier niet de complexe structuur die kenmerkend is voor het Atheense speculatieve denken (cf. de hi\u00ebrarchie van de goddelijke principes zoals die door Proclus ontwikkeld is); het geeft een eenvoudiger verklaring van de leer waarbij dikwijls teruggegrepen wordt naar het Midden-Platonisme (v\u00f3\u00f3r Plotinus); op sommige gebieden (zoals de scheppingsleer) benadert het christelijke standpunten. Deze originaliteit van het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme komt het duidelijkst tot uiting in het \u0153uvre van Hierocles (eerste helft 5de eeuw) en in de commentaar van Simplicius (eerste helft 6de eeuw) op Epictetus.\r\n\r\nDeze visie van Praechter werd kritiekloos overgenomen in talrijke studies over deze periode. Zo verscheen in 1976 nog een boek over Hierocles (Th. Kobusch, Studien zur Philosophie des Hierokles von Alexandrien, M\u00fcnchen) waarin de thesis verdedigd wordt dat Hierocles' filosofie \u201evermittelt\u201c tussen het Christendom en het \u201eexcessieve\u201c Neoplatonisme zoals het vooral door Proclus uitgewerkt is. \u201eDie Interpretation ergab dass die Hierokleische Philosophie im wesentlichen auf vorneuplatonischer Basis beruht\u201c (Besluit, p. 193).\r\n\r\nHet boek van Mme Hadot, die sinds jaren een uitgave voorbereidt van Simplicius' commentaar op Epictetus, komt tot een conclusie die precies het tegenovergestelde beweert. Op grond van een nieuwe lectuur van Hierocles en Simplicius toont zij aan dat de hypothese van Praechter over het latere Neoplatonisme totaal ongegrond is; er bestaat geen enkel doctrineel verschil tussen het Atheense en het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme: \u201el'\u00e9volution du n\u00e9oplatonisme s'est poursuivie d'une mani\u00e8re homog\u00e8ne\u201c.\r\n\r\nHet is verkeerd Hierocles of Simplicius vanuit het Midden-Platonisme te willen interpreteren: hun uiteenzetting veronderstelt de ontwikkeling van het latere Neoplatonisme, wat kan ge\u00efllustreerd worden door talrijke parallelle passages met Iamblichus en Proclus, en zelfs \u2013 voor Simplicius \u2013 met Damascius.\r\n\r\nIn het eerste deel van dit boek worden de historische gegevens over beide filosofen onderzocht. Het tweede deel onderzoekt in welke mate zij kunnen beschouwd worden als vertegenwoordigers van een originele Alexandrijnse traditie. Achtereenvolgens worden bestudeerd: de theologie van Simplicius in het Epictetus-commentaar, de opvattingen van Hierocles over de ontwikkeling van het Platonisme, over de materie, over de demiurg en de schepping, over de voorzienigheid en het noodlot. In het derde deel volgen enige capita selecta betreffende de commentaar van Simplicius (o.a. zijn leer over de ziel).\r\n\r\nUit al deze analyses komt de auteur tot het besluit dat er geen enkele doctrinaire divergentie aan te wijzen is ten opzichte van de Atheense school. Wel geven beide werken \u2013 de commentaar van Hierocles op Pythagoras en die van Simplicius op Epictetus \u2013 een eenvoudiger en minder complexe versie van het Neoplatonisme. Dit kan echter verklaard worden door het feit dat beide commentaren bedoeld waren als inleidingen en gericht tot beginnelingen in de school.\r\n\r\nIn een appendix gaat de auteur uitvoerig in op een artikel dat ik zelf samen met F. Bossier in dit tijdschrift gepubliceerd heb (1972, 761-822) over de authenticiteit van de De Anima-commentaar die aan Simplicius wordt toegeschreven. Alhoewel zij onze conclusie aanvaardt \u2013 het werk is waarschijnlijk door Priscianus Lydus geschreven \u2013 toch meent zij dat er geen enkel doctrineel verschil met de authentieke Simplicius kan aangewezen worden.\r\n\r\nHaar argumenten lijken ons soms erg zwak: het is echter niet mogelijk om hierover in deze recensie polemiek te voeren. Slechts \u00e9\u00e9n ding: indien men aanvaardt dat de In de Anima door iemand anders geschreven is dan Simplicius, waarom is het dan zo nodig te beklemtonen dat zijn opvattingen over de ziel in niets van die van Simplicius verschillen?\r\n\r\nDit bezwaar geldt ook voor het gehele werk. Terecht wijst de auteur op de continu\u00efteit die er bestond tussen de school van Athene en die van Alexandri\u00eb (zoals dit o.m. tot uiting komt in de veelvuldige persoonlijke relaties van docenten en studenten). Het lijkt ons echter overdreven elk doctrineel verschil tussen beide scholen te ontkennen.\r\n\r\nDe ontwikkeling binnen het latere Neoplatonisme was zeker niet zo homogeen als mevrouw Hadot beweert. Reeds ten tijde van Plotinus bestonden er belangrijke controversen over de doctrine, en die discussies werden verder gezet in de latere school. Indien men de originaliteit van de Alexandrijnse school in vraag stelt, dan volstaat het niet Hierocles en \u00e9\u00e9n werk van Simplicius te onderzoeken. Men zou er ook de andere filosofen uit de school moeten bij betrekken, voornamelijk Ammonius.\r\n\r\nMen kan moeilijk betwisten dat het Neoplatonisme dat door Ammonius uiteengezet werd nogal verschillend is van het systeem van Damascius. En is het ook niet opvallend dat Simplicius, die zowel bij Ammonius als Damascius studeerde, dikwijls afstand neemt van de al te speculatieve beschouwingen van Iamblichus en Damascius?\r\n\r\nHet boek van mevrouw Hadot is, zoals de auteur zelf toegeeft, vooral polemisch van aard: zij weerlegt hypothesen en interpretaties die niet op de teksten gegrond zijn. Door een nauwkeurige analyse van de teksten ontmaskert zij het stereotiepe beeld dat men over het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme geeft. Haar studie is zo een waardevolle bijdrage tot beter inzicht in deze laatste ontwikkeling van het antieke denken. [p. 606-608]","btype":3,"date":"1980","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lIWBQQ2Q5dbWMLm","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":484,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Tijdschrift voor Filosofie","volume":"42","issue":"3","pages":"606-608"}},"sort":[1980]}

Les catégories ΠΟΙ et ΠΟΤΕ chez Aristote et Simplicius, 1980
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Les catégories ΠΟΙ et ΠΟΤΕ chez Aristote et Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1980
Published in	Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique
Pages	217-245
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

L'exposé que l'on va lire ne se propose pas d'étudier les concepts de lieu ou de temps chez Aristote et son commentateur Simplicius, mais de scruter les quelques indications qu’Aristote, dans son Traité des Catégories, nous donne sur les prédicats ποῦ et ποτέ, ou que l'on peut trouver dans certains passages de Physique IV. La matière fournie par les textes aristotéliciens étant peu abondante, notre attention se portera principalement sur le Commentaire de Simplicius. Si les catégories ποῦ et ποτέ ne se confondent pas avec les concepts de lieu et de temps, c’est pourtant par rapport à eux, c'est-à-dire par différence avec eux, qu'elles prennent sens et consistance. C'est pourquoi, et bien que ce ne soit qu’à titre secondaire, la méditation sur le temps et le lieu nourrit le commentaire de Simplicius, chez qui elle fonde (ainsi d’ailleurs que chez nombre de commentateurs antérieurs) l'ordre relatif des deux catégories : selon que le temps ou le lieu est considéré comme plus « proche » de l'essence, plus « apparenté » à elle, la catégorie ποῦ (ou la catégorie ποτέ) se situera plus près de l’ousia dans la liste des catégories. Tel étant le critère du classement, l'analyse catégoriale court toujours le risque d’être remplacée par une étude « physique » du temps ou du lieu. Mais Simplicius situe la doctrine des catégories au niveau d’une étude des signifiés et des significations. Un second danger se présente alors, qui est de confondre l'analyse catégoriale et l'analyse grammaticale des « parties du discours ». En effet, les catégories ποῦ et ποτέ correspondent presque exclusivement à deux classes d’adverbes, qui sont, respectivement, les adverbes de lieu et les adverbes de temps. Nous verrons que Simplicius, analysant et classant les significations des adverbes (et compléments) de lieu, ne fait que reprendre, sur ce point, la doctrine grammaticale classique, telle qu'on la voit exposée dans la Grammaire de Denys le Thrace, dans les scholies relatives à cette grammaire, ou chez un auteur comme Apollonius Dyscole. Guidé par l'idée d’une étroite parenté entre les catégories ποῦ et ποτέ, Simplicius étudie les adverbes de temps en suivant comme modèle la doctrine grammaticale des adverbes de lieu. À la suite de Jamblique, il défend, contre les attaques de Plotin, la thèse soutenue par Aristote dans son Traité des Catégories : ποτέ et ποῦ sont des catégories distinctes et propres, tandis que temps et lieu relèvent de la quantité. Pour fonder cette distinction, Jamblique et Simplicius établissent que ποῦ signifie « la relation au lieu de ce qui est dans le lieu », et ποτέ « la relation au temps de ce qui est dans le temps ». D'autre part, ποῦ et ποτέ se différencient des relatifs, en ce que la relation constitutive de ces derniers est convertible, ce qui n’est pas le cas de la relation constitutive de ces deux catégories : il s'agit, par exemple, de la relation au lieu de ce qui est dans le lieu, et non de la relation du lieu à ce qui est en lui. [introduction p. 217-218]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NQv0lwgedEPlhBo

{"_index":"sire","_id":"508","_score":null,"_source":{"id":508,"authors_free":[{"id":702,"entry_id":508,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":703,"entry_id":508,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":149,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Aubenque","norm_person":{"id":149,"first_name":"Pierre","last_name":"Aubenque","full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118919458","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les cat\u00e9gories \u03a0\u039f\u0399 et \u03a0\u039f\u03a4\u0395 chez Aristote et Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Les cat\u00e9gories \u03a0\u039f\u0399 et \u03a0\u039f\u03a4\u0395 chez Aristote et Simplicius"},"abstract":"L'expos\u00e9 que l'on va lire ne se propose pas d'\u00e9tudier les concepts de lieu ou de temps chez Aristote et son commentateur Simplicius, mais de scruter les quelques indications qu\u2019Aristote, dans son Trait\u00e9 des Cat\u00e9gories, nous donne sur les pr\u00e9dicats \u03c0\u03bf\u1fe6 et \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad, ou que l'on peut trouver dans certains passages de Physique IV. La mati\u00e8re fournie par les textes aristot\u00e9liciens \u00e9tant peu abondante, notre attention se portera principalement sur le Commentaire de Simplicius.\r\n\r\nSi les cat\u00e9gories \u03c0\u03bf\u1fe6 et \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad ne se confondent pas avec les concepts de lieu et de temps, c\u2019est pourtant par rapport \u00e0 eux, c'est-\u00e0-dire par diff\u00e9rence avec eux, qu'elles prennent sens et consistance. C'est pourquoi, et bien que ce ne soit qu\u2019\u00e0 titre secondaire, la m\u00e9ditation sur le temps et le lieu nourrit le commentaire de Simplicius, chez qui elle fonde (ainsi d\u2019ailleurs que chez nombre de commentateurs ant\u00e9rieurs) l'ordre relatif des deux cat\u00e9gories : selon que le temps ou le lieu est consid\u00e9r\u00e9 comme plus \u00ab proche \u00bb de l'essence, plus \u00ab apparent\u00e9 \u00bb \u00e0 elle, la cat\u00e9gorie \u03c0\u03bf\u1fe6 (ou la cat\u00e9gorie \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad) se situera plus pr\u00e8s de l\u2019ousia dans la liste des cat\u00e9gories.\r\n\r\nTel \u00e9tant le crit\u00e8re du classement, l'analyse cat\u00e9goriale court toujours le risque d\u2019\u00eatre remplac\u00e9e par une \u00e9tude \u00ab physique \u00bb du temps ou du lieu. Mais Simplicius situe la doctrine des cat\u00e9gories au niveau d\u2019une \u00e9tude des signifi\u00e9s et des significations. Un second danger se pr\u00e9sente alors, qui est de confondre l'analyse cat\u00e9goriale et l'analyse grammaticale des \u00ab parties du discours \u00bb. En effet, les cat\u00e9gories \u03c0\u03bf\u1fe6 et \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad correspondent presque exclusivement \u00e0 deux classes d\u2019adverbes, qui sont, respectivement, les adverbes de lieu et les adverbes de temps.\r\n\r\nNous verrons que Simplicius, analysant et classant les significations des adverbes (et compl\u00e9ments) de lieu, ne fait que reprendre, sur ce point, la doctrine grammaticale classique, telle qu'on la voit expos\u00e9e dans la Grammaire de Denys le Thrace, dans les scholies relatives \u00e0 cette grammaire, ou chez un auteur comme Apollonius Dyscole. Guid\u00e9 par l'id\u00e9e d\u2019une \u00e9troite parent\u00e9 entre les cat\u00e9gories \u03c0\u03bf\u1fe6 et \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad, Simplicius \u00e9tudie les adverbes de temps en suivant comme mod\u00e8le la doctrine grammaticale des adverbes de lieu.\r\n\r\n\u00c0 la suite de Jamblique, il d\u00e9fend, contre les attaques de Plotin, la th\u00e8se soutenue par Aristote dans son Trait\u00e9 des Cat\u00e9gories : \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad et \u03c0\u03bf\u1fe6 sont des cat\u00e9gories distinctes et propres, tandis que temps et lieu rel\u00e8vent de la quantit\u00e9. Pour fonder cette distinction, Jamblique et Simplicius \u00e9tablissent que \u03c0\u03bf\u1fe6 signifie \u00ab la relation au lieu de ce qui est dans le lieu \u00bb, et \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad \u00ab la relation au temps de ce qui est dans le temps \u00bb.\r\n\r\nD'autre part, \u03c0\u03bf\u1fe6 et \u03c0\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad se diff\u00e9rencient des relatifs, en ce que la relation constitutive de ces derniers est convertible, ce qui n\u2019est pas le cas de la relation constitutive de ces deux cat\u00e9gories : il s'agit, par exemple, de la relation au lieu de ce qui est dans le lieu, et non de la relation du lieu \u00e0 ce qui est en lui. [introduction p. 217-218]","btype":2,"date":"1980","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NQv0lwgedEPlhBo","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":149,"full_name":"Aubenque, Pierre","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":508,"section_of":302,"pages":"217-245","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":302,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Concepts et cat\u00e9gories dans la pens\u00e9e antique","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Aubenque1980b","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1980","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1980","abstract":"Depuis Aristote, on entend par cat\u00e9gories des concepts tr\u00e8s g\u00e9n\u00e9raux, dont la g\u00e9n\u00e9ralit\u00e9 ne d\u00e9rive pas de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience, mais en quelque sorte la pr\u00e9c\u00e8de, puisque c\u2019est eux et eux seuls qui nous permettent de l\u2019organiser et de la penser. Ces concepts \u2013 substance, quantit\u00e9, relation, qualit\u00e9, lieu, temps, action, passion, situation, avoir \u2013 sont-ils des structures universelles de toute pens\u00e9e ou bien sont-ils li\u00e9s aux particularit\u00e9s s\u00e9mantiques ou syntaxiques d\u2019un syst\u00e8me linguistique particulier, en l\u2019occurrence de la langue grecque, \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur de laquelle ils ont \u00e9t\u00e9 pour la premi\u00e8re fois \u00e9nonc\u00e9s et rassembl\u00e9s?\r\nLes \u00e9tudes ici r\u00e9unies, issues d\u2019un s\u00e9minaire qui s\u2019est poursuivi durant plusieurs ann\u00e9es au Centre de recherche sur la Pens\u00e9e antique de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 de Paris-Sorbonne, associ\u00e9 au C.N.R.S. (Centre L\u00e9on-Robin), s\u2019efforcent d\u2019apporter des \u00e9l\u00e9ments de r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 cette grande question, qui demeure au centre des discussions contemporaines sur les rapports de la philosophie et du langage. Leur apport sp\u00e9cifique consiste dans une ex\u00e9g\u00e8se rigoureuse des analyses du trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien des Cat\u00e9gories, \u00e9clair\u00e9 par les d\u00e9veloppements ult\u00e9rieurs de la doctrine, tels que nous les connaissons notamment \u00e0 travers le Commentaire du N\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius. Certaines de ces \u00e9tudes examinent l\u2019influence ou les transformations des cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes chez les Sto\u00efciens, les grammairiens grecs de la fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9, les N\u00e9oplatoniciens tardifs, les P\u00e8res de l\u2019\u00c9glise et dans la tradition latine antique et m\u00e9di\u00e9vale. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FGpf7U5Cy1dboYI","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":302,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Bibliotheque d\u2019histoire de la philosophie","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1980]}

Le temps intégral selon Damascius, 1980
By: Galperine, Marie-Claire

Title	Le temps intégral selon Damascius
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1980
Journal	Les Études philosophiques
Volume	3: Doctrines du temps
Pages	325-341
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Galperine, Marie-Claire
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text explores Aristotle's unresolved aporias on the nature of time in Physics IV (217b30 - 218a30), highlighting a metaphysical dilemma: whether time belongs to being or non-being. Aristotle leaves the question undecided, shifting focus to the nature of time, a problem he may have deliberately avoided. Ancient thinkers, however, did not shy away from addressing these aporias. Damascius offers a resolution to Aristotle’s dilemmas in his commentary on Plato’s Parmenides and his lost treatise on number, place, and time, fragments of which are preserved by Simplicius. Damascius’ concept of "integral time" distinguishes between two meanings of "now": Aristotle’s punctual "now," a limit of time, and Damascius’ "present," a temporal continuum. Simplicius, though critical of Damascius’ ideas, acknowledges this distinction as key to resolving Aristotle’s aporias. Simplicius' Corollarium de tempore expands on this, presenting time as simultaneously existent in its entirety ("integral time"), a concept rooted in Damascius’ philosophy. However, Simplicius’ partial understanding of Damascius’ thought highlights his struggle to reconcile Damascius’ notion of time with Aristotelian paradigms. The analysis situates Damascius’ ideas within the framework of both Plato’s Parmenides and Aristotle’s Physics, showcasing how he integrates Platonic metaphysics with Aristotelian logic to address foundational questions about the nature and being of time. [introduction p. 325-327]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/K2X5R1lQigoI37E

{"_index":"sire","_id":"544","_score":null,"_source":{"id":544,"authors_free":[{"id":768,"entry_id":544,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":123,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Galperine, Marie-Claire","free_first_name":"Marie-Claire","free_last_name":"Galperine","norm_person":{"id":123,"first_name":"Marie-Claire","last_name":"Galperine","full_name":"Galperine, Marie-Claire","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le temps int\u00e9gral selon Damascius","main_title":{"title":"Le temps int\u00e9gral selon Damascius"},"abstract":"This text explores Aristotle's unresolved aporias on the nature of time in Physics IV (217b30 - 218a30), highlighting a metaphysical dilemma: whether time belongs to being or non-being. Aristotle leaves the question undecided, shifting focus to the nature of time, a problem he may have deliberately avoided. Ancient thinkers, however, did not shy away from addressing these aporias.\r\n\r\nDamascius offers a resolution to Aristotle\u2019s dilemmas in his commentary on Plato\u2019s Parmenides and his lost treatise on number, place, and time, fragments of which are preserved by Simplicius. Damascius\u2019 concept of \"integral time\" distinguishes between two meanings of \"now\": Aristotle\u2019s punctual \"now,\" a limit of time, and Damascius\u2019 \"present,\" a temporal continuum. Simplicius, though critical of Damascius\u2019 ideas, acknowledges this distinction as key to resolving Aristotle\u2019s aporias.\r\n\r\nSimplicius' Corollarium de tempore expands on this, presenting time as simultaneously existent in its entirety (\"integral time\"), a concept rooted in Damascius\u2019 philosophy. However, Simplicius\u2019 partial understanding of Damascius\u2019 thought highlights his struggle to reconcile Damascius\u2019 notion of time with Aristotelian paradigms.\r\n\r\nThe analysis situates Damascius\u2019 ideas within the framework of both Plato\u2019s Parmenides and Aristotle\u2019s Physics, showcasing how he integrates Platonic metaphysics with Aristotelian logic to address foundational questions about the nature and being of time. [introduction p. 325-327]","btype":3,"date":"1980","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/K2X5R1lQigoI37E","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":123,"full_name":"Galperine, Marie-Claire","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":544,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"3: Doctrines du temps","issue":"","pages":"325-341"}},"sort":[1980]}

La Récupération d'Anaxagore II, 1980
By: Ramnoux, Clémence

Title	La Récupération d'Anaxagore II
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1980
Journal	Archives de Philosophie
Volume	43
Pages	279-297
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ramnoux, Clémence
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The text discusses the concept of the mind and plurality of worlds in Anaxagoras' philosophy. It focuses on a fragment that is the longest and most extensive in relation to the mind. The author explores the vocabulary used by Anaxagoras to articulate his doctrine and how it uses oppositions such as one and multiple, similar and different, light and dark, hot and cold, dry and wet to categorize things. The author also discusses Anaxagoras' use of the concept of infinity in relation to both numbers and spatial dimensions. The text also highlights the attributes of the mind, such as its spatial greatness, lightness, and purity, which allow for quick movement and perception. The author concludes that Anaxagoras' conception of the mind is not divine, but rather characterized by its separation from everything else. [introduction]

Online Resources

The Interpretation of Parmenides by the Neoplatonist Simplicius, 1979
By: Bormann, Karl

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Title	The Interpretation of Parmenides by the Neoplatonist Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1979
Journal	The Monist
Volume	62
Issue	1
Pages	30–42
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bormann, Karl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The doctrines of Parmenides of the one being and of the world of seeming were—as is well known—interpreted in different ways in the course of the history of philosophy, and even in twentieth-century historic-philosophical research, there is no agreement on the meaning of the two parts of the poem.Regarding the one being, there are four attempts of explanation to be distinguished: (1) The being is material; (2) the being is immaterial; (3) it is the esse copulae or must be seen as a modal category; (4) it is the entity of being ("Sein des Seienden"). This latter interpretation, if we can call it an interpretation, is chiefly influenced by Heidegger. The Doxa-part, however, is seen as (1) a more or less critical demography; (2) a second-best, hypothetic explanation of phenomena which is not truth but verisimilitude; (3) a systematic unit together with the First part, the aletheia. We do not have to discuss the differences between the outlined explanations separately; in the following, we shall show that some modern interpretations were already expressed in a similar way in antiquity. With this, we shall concentrate especially on the Neoplatonist Simplicius who in his commentary on Aristotle's Physics expounds the first part of the Parmenidean poem completely and, in addition, the most important doctrines of the second part. [Introduction, p. 30]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KVjmlyMlPhuG3iK

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Confirmation of Two "Conjectures" in the Presocratics: Parmenides B 12 and Anaxagoras B 15, 1979
By: Sider, David

Title	Confirmation of Two "Conjectures" in the Presocratics: Parmenides B 12 and Anaxagoras B 15
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1979
Journal	Phoenix
Volume	33
Issue	1
Pages	67-69
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sider, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In each of the two passages discussed below, the indisputably correct reading is given by Diels as an editorial conjecture, when in fact, for each, there is manuscript authority. [introduction p. 67]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RDFVugAzW2NIhCB

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L'Astronomie dans l'antiquité classique. Actes du Colloque tenu à l'Université de Toulouse-le-Mirail, 21–23 Octobre, 1977, 1979
By: Aujac, Germaine (Ed.), Soubiran, Jean (Ed.)

Title	L'Astronomie dans l'antiquité classique. Actes du Colloque tenu à l'Université de Toulouse-le-Mirail, 21–23 Octobre, 1977
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1979
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Les Belles Lettres
Series	Collection d'Études Anciennes
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Aujac, Germaine , Soubiran, Jean
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TPeLfUa6KvbM1BN

{"_index":"sire","_id":"140","_score":null,"_source":{"id":140,"authors_free":[{"id":175,"entry_id":140,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":183,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Aujac, Germaine","free_first_name":"Germaine","free_last_name":"Aujac","norm_person":{"id":183,"first_name":"Germaine","last_name":"Aujac","full_name":"Aujac, Germaine","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132761629","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":176,"entry_id":140,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":184,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Soubiran, Jean","free_first_name":"Jean","free_last_name":"Soubiran","norm_person":{"id":184,"first_name":"Jean","last_name":"Soubiran","full_name":"Soubiran, Jean","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124279694","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"L'Astronomie dans l'antiquit\u00e9 classique. Actes du Colloque tenu \u00e0 l'Universit\u00e9 de Toulouse-le-Mirail, 21\u201323 Octobre, 1977","main_title":{"title":"L'Astronomie dans l'antiquit\u00e9 classique. Actes du Colloque tenu \u00e0 l'Universit\u00e9 de Toulouse-le-Mirail, 21\u201323 Octobre, 1977"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"1979","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TPeLfUa6KvbM1BN","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":183,"full_name":"Aujac, Germaine","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":184,"full_name":"Soubiran, Jean","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":140,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Les Belles Lettres","series":"Collection d'\u00c9tudes Anciennes","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1979]}

Simplicius: Corollarium de loco, 1979
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Aujac, Germaine (Ed.), Soubiran, Jean (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius: Corollarium de loco
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1979
Published in	L'Astronomie dans l'antiquité classique. Actes du Colloque tenu à l'Université de Toulouse-le-Mirail, 21–23 Octobre, 1977
Pages	143-161
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Aujac, Germaine , Soubiran, Jean
Translator(s)

En conclusion : La définition aristotélicienne du lieu comme « première limite immobile de l'enveloppant » tente de concilier deux exigences contradictoires : le lieu est une enveloppe et il est immobile. Aristote est contraint de dire que le Monde n'est pas en un lieu, puisqu'il n'est enveloppé par rien : s'il n'est nulle part, il ne peut non plus se mouvoir localement, ce qui est en contradiction avec l'« expérience » et avec d’autres exigences du système (la dignité du mouvement circulaire uniforme et éternel convient à la substance céleste). Proclus, sur la base de la problématique aristotélicienne, interprète l'enveloppement par le lieu du corps situé en lui comme une compénétration totale de l’un et de l'autre. Sa solution est plus physique et plus cosmologique que celle de Damascius : le lieu est une sphère corporelle de lumière pure en coïncidence parfaite avec la sphère cosmique. Le lieu est immobile, tandis que l'Univers se meut en lui. Damascius propose une solution plus métaphysique : le lieu est la mesure (incorporelle, quoique sensible) de la position. L'Univers a un lieu fixe, son lieu essentiel, d'où procèdent les lieux successifs qui sont les siens au cours de son mouvement. Proclus et Damascius, chacun à leur manière, établissent donc : que le Monde a un lieu (fixe) ; que le Monde se meut localement. Ils triomphent ainsi des apories dans lesquelles s'engageait la pensée d'Aristote. [conclusion p. 161]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2CpsO1R1mVMqjay

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Speusippus and Aristotle on Homonymy and Synonymy, 1978
By: Tarán, Leonardo

Title	Speusippus and Aristotle on Homonymy and Synonymy
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1978
Journal	Hermes
Volume	106
Issue	1
Pages	73-99
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarán, Leonardo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Modern scholarship since the middle of the last century has generally accepted it as an established fact that Speusippus made an exhaustive classification of words or names (onomata) in relation to the concepts they express and that he gave definitions of homonyma and synonyma only in reference to words and their meanings. That is to say, for him, homonyma and synonyma are properties of linguistic terms and not of things, whereas for Aristotle, especially in the first chapter of the Categories, they are properties of things. In 1904, E. Hambruch attempted to show that sometimes Aristotle himself uses synonyma in the Speusippean sense just outlined and that in so doing, he was influenced by Speusippus. This thesis of Hambruch has been accepted by several scholars, including Lang, Stenzel, and Cherniss. Although some doubts about its soundness were expressed from different perspectives, it was only in 1971 that Mr. Jonathan Barnes made a systematic assault on it. Barnes contends, first, that Speusippus’s conception of homonyma and synonyma is essentially the same as that of Aristotle, with the slight differences between their respective definitions being trivial, and second, that even though Aristotle occasionally uses homonyma and synonyma as properties of linguistic terms, this is because Aristotle's use of these words is not as rigid as the Categories might suggest. Barnes argues that Aristotle could not have been influenced by Speusippus, because Speusippus conceived homonymy and synonymy as properties of things, and, in any case, if influence were assumed, it could as well have been Aristotle influencing Speusippus. Though I believe Barnes’ two main contentions are mistaken, I am here mainly concerned with the first part of his thesis. If he were right in believing that, for Speusippus, homonyma and synonyma are properties of things and not of names or linguistic terms, then Hambruch’s notion that Speusippus influenced Aristotle when the latter uses synonymon as a property of names would be wrong, even if Barnes were mistaken in his analysis of the Aristotelian passages he reviews in the second part of his paper. On the other hand, if Speusippus's classification is truly of onomata, then, since Barnes himself admits that Aristotle sometimes uses homonyma and synonyma as properties of names, the influence of Speusippus on Aristotle is at least possible. It becomes plausible and probable—regardless of the relative chronology of their respective works—when it is seen, as I shall try to show, that in some cases, Aristotle is in fact attacking doctrines that presuppose a use of homonyma and synonyma such as can be ascribed to Speusippus or is using synonymon in the Speusippean sense, different from Aristotle's own notion of synonymous words. [introduction p. 73-75]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DXL3umbA2JfHxYC

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529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?, 1978
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1978
Journal	Byzantion
Volume	48
Issue	2
Pages	369–385
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In an excellent and already well-known article, Professor Alan Cameron has made a strong case for the thesis that, notwithstanding the evidence of Malalas and a long-established tradition, Justinian did not succeed in finally closing the Platonic Academy in 529, and that its activities continued after a short interruption. The purpose of this paper is, firstly, to argue that some of the evidence usually adduced in favor of the view that the Academy was closed may not be applicable, but that it seems nevertheless to have succumbed to some form of imperial pressure, and, secondly, to question the view that philosophy continued to be taught, or even studied, at Athens from 532 until the Slavs sacked the city nearly fifty years later. The most important piece of evidence for the continued existence of the Academy is a passage from Olympiodorus' commentary on Plato's 1st Alcibiades which says, "Perhaps Plato made a practice of taking no fees because he was well-off. That is why the diadochika have lasted till now, in spite of many confiscations." Diadochika is left untranslated since its meaning is by no means certain. It could refer to the salary of the Head of the Academy. It could also, however, be a term for the Academy's endowments in general. A third meaning, suggested by J. Whittaker, is spiritual rather than material heritage, but despite arguments, it is unlikely that the word in its context does not refer to some form of funding. To this point, we must return shortly. Cameron argues convincingly that this passage was written somewhere around 560, on the grounds that it refers to an incident in the career of a grammaticus called Anatolius, dateable to the late 540s, as one that his readers can no longer be expected to remember. He infers from this that the Academy was still operating at that time and, moreover, in possession of substantial funds some thirty years after its alleged closure and expropriation. At about the same time, Whittaker, apparently writing before the appearance of Cameron's paper and arguing against Westerink, questioned whether the text adduced provided evidence either for confiscations at the time when Olympiodorus was writing or for the continued availability of material resources. Olympiodorus' report certainly raises some serious problems. The first relates to the confiscations. Cameron has discussed a number of possible occasions between 529 and the date of the composition of Olympiodorus' commentary about 560. If Academy funds were being confiscated during that period, then clearly there must have been a conspicuous Academy to be subject to the confiscations. But, as Whittaker has pointed out, the reference of the present participle stating that there were confiscations could be to any time during the reference of the main verb, that is, to the whole period between Plato and the time of writing. One possible inference is that the funds had been subjected to confiscations even before 529 but still survived in the hands of the scholarchs after that date. Justinian's edict is quite likely not to have been new but, like much of his legislation, a re-enactment of former decrees—some of which were in any case disregarded. Nevertheless, it is difficult to find a suitable earlier occasion, or occasions, to be the time of the confiscations in question. A second, and more basic, problem attaches to the funds themselves. There is no other evidence, except a report in the Suda article on Plato, and a parallel text in Photius, which attributes any of the late Academy's resources, or those of its office-holders, to inheritance from Plato. This Suda article, which is based on Damascius' Life of Isidore, tells us that only the Academy garden had been Plato's—he was not well-off—and that there were large accretions of funds in the fifth century. We know that most of the major buildings in Athens were destroyed by the Heruls in 267. Damascius, moreover, in the extract provided by Photius, made a point of denying what he says was a commonly held view that the resources of the Academy went back to Plato himself: τῶν δὲ διαδόχων οὐσία οὐκ ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ νομίζουσι Πλάτωνος ἦν τὸ ἀνέκαθεν. This summary too continues with the points that Plato was not rich, that only the garden was his, and that there were large additions through bequests later. From this text, we may infer that Olympiodorus' diadochika must have been school resources under the control of the school's head: Damascius is talking about sums of money, and the garden could hardly have been part of the scholarch's salary. If, then, such funds as were available to the Academy in the 5th and 6th centuries were not the product of Plato's own endowments, Olympiodorus—or his source—has wrongly inferred from the Academy's current, or recent, wealth, and Plato's aristocratic background and refusal to take fees, that Plato himself was responsible for the endowments. Damascius' disclaimer shows that he was not the first to do so. And if Olympiodorus was wrong about that, then he might also, though less obviously, have been wrong in saying that the funds existed in his own day. His information could have been some thirty years out of date, a period for the survival of obsolete information by no means inconceivable even with modern methods of disseminating information. We need look no further than the reputations of university departments in our own times. If the close relation between Athenian and Alexandrian philosophers that had obtained in the fifth century were by now a thing of the past—whether because of odium academicum, as manifested in the bitter attacks launched by Philoponus on the views of Proclus in a previous generation, and Simplicius in his own, the latter being furiously reciprocated—or because nothing was any longer happening at Athens, or for some other reason, that would be sufficient to explain such an error. To return to the question of a re-endowment in the 5th century. There are a number of indications that this happened. In the first place, negatively, there is little if any evidence that the Academy, or any but insignificant Platonists, were active at Athens in the preceding period. Positively, we have a report from Synesius that he went to Athens and found nothing going on at all: "It is like a sacrificial victim at the end of the proceedings, with only the skin left as a token of the animal that once was. So philosophy has moved its home, and all that is left for a visitor is to wander around looking at the Academy, the Lyceum, and, yes, the Stoa Poikile..." [introduction p. 369-372]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8waAtP8ixbo8cmC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"876","_score":null,"_source":{"id":876,"authors_free":[{"id":1287,"entry_id":876,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?","main_title":{"title":"529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?"},"abstract":"In an excellent and already well-known article, Professor Alan Cameron has made a strong case for the thesis that, notwithstanding the evidence of Malalas and a long-established tradition, Justinian did not succeed in finally closing the Platonic Academy in 529, and that its activities continued after a short interruption. The purpose of this paper is, firstly, to argue that some of the evidence usually adduced in favor of the view that the Academy was closed may not be applicable, but that it seems nevertheless to have succumbed to some form of imperial pressure, and, secondly, to question the view that philosophy continued to be taught, or even studied, at Athens from 532 until the Slavs sacked the city nearly fifty years later.\r\n\r\nThe most important piece of evidence for the continued existence of the Academy is a passage from Olympiodorus' commentary on Plato's 1st Alcibiades which says, \"Perhaps Plato made a practice of taking no fees because he was well-off. That is why the diadochika have lasted till now, in spite of many confiscations.\" Diadochika is left untranslated since its meaning is by no means certain. It could refer to the salary of the Head of the Academy. It could also, however, be a term for the Academy's endowments in general. A third meaning, suggested by J. Whittaker, is spiritual rather than material heritage, but despite arguments, it is unlikely that the word in its context does not refer to some form of funding. To this point, we must return shortly.\r\n\r\nCameron argues convincingly that this passage was written somewhere around 560, on the grounds that it refers to an incident in the career of a grammaticus called Anatolius, dateable to the late 540s, as one that his readers can no longer be expected to remember. He infers from this that the Academy was still operating at that time and, moreover, in possession of substantial funds some thirty years after its alleged closure and expropriation. At about the same time, Whittaker, apparently writing before the appearance of Cameron's paper and arguing against Westerink, questioned whether the text adduced provided evidence either for confiscations at the time when Olympiodorus was writing or for the continued availability of material resources.\r\n\r\nOlympiodorus' report certainly raises some serious problems. The first relates to the confiscations. Cameron has discussed a number of possible occasions between 529 and the date of the composition of Olympiodorus' commentary about 560. If Academy funds were being confiscated during that period, then clearly there must have been a conspicuous Academy to be subject to the confiscations. But, as Whittaker has pointed out, the reference of the present participle stating that there were confiscations could be to any time during the reference of the main verb, that is, to the whole period between Plato and the time of writing. One possible inference is that the funds had been subjected to confiscations even before 529 but still survived in the hands of the scholarchs after that date. Justinian's edict is quite likely not to have been new but, like much of his legislation, a re-enactment of former decrees\u2014some of which were in any case disregarded. Nevertheless, it is difficult to find a suitable earlier occasion, or occasions, to be the time of the confiscations in question.\r\n\r\nA second, and more basic, problem attaches to the funds themselves. There is no other evidence, except a report in the Suda article on Plato, and a parallel text in Photius, which attributes any of the late Academy's resources, or those of its office-holders, to inheritance from Plato. This Suda article, which is based on Damascius' Life of Isidore, tells us that only the Academy garden had been Plato's\u2014he was not well-off\u2014and that there were large accretions of funds in the fifth century. We know that most of the major buildings in Athens were destroyed by the Heruls in 267. Damascius, moreover, in the extract provided by Photius, made a point of denying what he says was a commonly held view that the resources of the Academy went back to Plato himself: \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03b4\u03cc\u03c7\u03c9\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u1f61\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f31 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03af\u03b6\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03a0\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f26\u03bd \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f00\u03bd\u03ad\u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b5\u03bd. This summary too continues with the points that Plato was not rich, that only the garden was his, and that there were large additions through bequests later. From this text, we may infer that Olympiodorus' diadochika must have been school resources under the control of the school's head: Damascius is talking about sums of money, and the garden could hardly have been part of the scholarch's salary.\r\n\r\nIf, then, such funds as were available to the Academy in the 5th and 6th centuries were not the product of Plato's own endowments, Olympiodorus\u2014or his source\u2014has wrongly inferred from the Academy's current, or recent, wealth, and Plato's aristocratic background and refusal to take fees, that Plato himself was responsible for the endowments. Damascius' disclaimer shows that he was not the first to do so. And if Olympiodorus was wrong about that, then he might also, though less obviously, have been wrong in saying that the funds existed in his own day. His information could have been some thirty years out of date, a period for the survival of obsolete information by no means inconceivable even with modern methods of disseminating information. We need look no further than the reputations of university departments in our own times. If the close relation between Athenian and Alexandrian philosophers that had obtained in the fifth century were by now a thing of the past\u2014whether because of odium academicum, as manifested in the bitter attacks launched by Philoponus on the views of Proclus in a previous generation, and Simplicius in his own, the latter being furiously reciprocated\u2014or because nothing was any longer happening at Athens, or for some other reason, that would be sufficient to explain such an error.\r\n\r\nTo return to the question of a re-endowment in the 5th century. There are a number of indications that this happened. In the first place, negatively, there is little if any evidence that the Academy, or any but insignificant Platonists, were active at Athens in the preceding period. Positively, we have a report from Synesius that he went to Athens and found nothing going on at all:\r\n\r\n\"It is like a sacrificial victim at the end of the proceedings, with only the skin left as a token of the animal that once was. So philosophy has moved its home, and all that is left for a visitor is to wander around looking at the Academy, the Lyceum, and, yes, the Stoa Poikile...\" [introduction p. 369-372]","btype":3,"date":"1978","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/8waAtP8ixbo8cmC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":876,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Byzantion","volume":"48","issue":"2","pages":"369\u2013385"}},"sort":[1978]}

Le Problème du Néoplatonisme Alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius., 1978
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Le Problème du Néoplatonisme Alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius.
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1978
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Études Augustiniennes
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Review by Victor Goldschmidt: "La modestie de son titre ne révèle qu'imparfaitement l'objet et la portée de ce livre. Il s'agit en réalité de réformer l'idée traditionnelle qu'on se faisait de deux courants de la pensée antique. C'est entre le début du ve siècle de notre ère, en effet, jusqu'au début du viie que s'étend l'espace temporel où K. Praechter, suivi par tous les savants venus après lui, avait situé ce qu'il appelait « L'École alexandrine ». Ce mouvement se distinguerait fondamentalement de l'École d'Athènes, par son abandon partiel des constructions métaphysiques de Proclus et de ses élèves, par un retour au « moyen platonisme », par ses rapports de bon voisinage avec les milieux chrétiens, et représenterait « un lieu de culture philosophiquement neutre, sans credo platonico-païen », et plaçant l'étude d'Aristote au-dessus de celle de Platon. Les traits de cette École se verraient avec une particulière netteté dans le commentaire d'Hiéroclès sur les Vers Dorés attribués à Pythagore, et dans le commentaire que Simplicius, avant d'être entré en rapport avec l'École d'Athènes, a consacré au Manuel d'Épictète. Or c'est précisément en préparant une édition commentée du commentaire de Simplicius (à paraître dans la Collection G. Budé), que l'A. a rencontré « le problème du néoplatonisme alexandrin » ; la thèse traditionnelle lui a semblé alors insoutenable, pour des raisons tant historiques que de doctrine. En bref, comme le dit l'auteur dans une formule remarquable, ce que l'on a pris pour un « néoplatonisme plus simple » est en réalité un « néoplatonisme simplifié », et même « fragmenté », et cela uniquement pour les besoins de l'enseignement. Il est montré, en effet, d'une façon convaincante, que les deux Commentaires, d'Hiéroclès et de Simplicius, relèvent de ce que nous appellerions une propédeutique, c'est-à-dire qu'ils s'adressent à des débutants qu'il s'agit d'initier dans la « première » partie de la philosophie, réputée la plus accessible, en l'espèce l'éthique. On sait que ce problème pédagogique s'est posé dès le début dans l'École stoïcienne et qu'il a été longuement discuté par les commentateurs d'Aristote, qui donnent toutefois, généralement, la première place à la logique. Le VIIe chapitre apporte une contribution importante à l'histoire de ce problème. D'où l'on voit déjà que c'est en apparence seulement que le résultat de l'ouvrage est négatif. Sans doute s'agit-il surtout de réfuter la thèse de K. Praechter, renouvelée par A. Cameron et Ph. Merlan ; la Conclusion se termine sur cette affirmation qu'« il n'y a pas d'école néoplatonicienne d'Alexandrie dont les tendances doctrinales différeraient des tendances propres à l'école d'Athènes ». De fait, le livre contient une interprétation développée des fragments d'Hiéroclès conservés par Photius et, surtout, de son Commentaire sur les Vers Dorés, montrant l'accord de ces textes avec le néoplatonisme « athénien ». Ces exégèses sont conduites avec fermeté, appuyées sur une vaste information, et emportent la conviction, quoi qu'il en soit de tel ou tel point de détail. Quelques questions, d'ordre plus général, pourraient être pesées. — P. 37 : il est certain que le thème du « philosophe dans l'État corrompu » est un lieu commun et que le τειχίον, dans le texte de Simplicius est clairement une réminiscence de la République (VI, 496 c-d). Est-ce suffisant pour infirmer la thèse d'A. Cameron, qui voit dans ce texte une allusion à la place faite aux philosophes néoplatoniciens après l'édit de Justinien ? De telles citations, l'auteur en convient lui-même deux pages plus loin, n'excluent nullement un « intérêt personnel » et, plus généralement, la négation de principe de « remarques autobiographiques chez les auteurs antiques » (p. 39) est exagérée et même inexacte. — P. 128 : l'exposé de Chalcidius sur le Destin, qui est un texte canonique et qui au surplus avait servi à K. Praechter à caractériser le « moyen platonisme », méritait mieux qu'un bref résumé : il était bon de rappeler qu'il s'agit, à la suite d'ailleurs de Chrysippe, du commentaire d'un texte du Xe Livre de la République ; on ne peut pas, en l'espèce, parler de « l'implication mutuelle de la providence et de VHeimarménè », et la note 40 simplifie le problème de la liberté stoïcienne, qu'on n'était pas sans doute obligé de traiter, mais auquel il fallait laisser sa complexité de problème, précisément ; l'on ne saurait écrire, en tout état de cause, que « pour les choses qui sont faites par fatalité, leur contraire aurait pu aussi bien se faire », thèse qui ne semble avoir été soutenue que par le seul Cléanthe. — Le chapitre VII répond à la question, naguère posée par R. Walzer : « Comment peut-on expliquer le fait que Simplicius, en tant que platonicien, commente les maximes éthiques d'un stoïcien ? ». La réponse combine essentiellement deux considérations : l'apathie du sage stoïcien est déjà admise dans le traité de Plotin Sur les Vertus (I, ii) et le caractère sententieux du Manuel qui convient bien à des débutants. Sans doute, du point de vue historique, est-ce là tout ce qu'on peut alléguer. De fait, l'éthique plotinienne ne se résume pas à l'idéal d'apathie et le genre gnomologique qu'on peut faire remonter aux Sept Sages avait trouvé bien d'autres illustrations, ne serait-ce que, comme l'auteur le rappelle avec raison, chez les Pythagoriciens. On se demandera plutôt si, de la part de Simplicius, le choix du Manuel ne s'explique pas plus simplement par l'attrait extraordinaire que ce petit livre a exercé de tout temps sur les lecteurs, et cela en dehors de toute appartenance à telle ou telle secte. Une dernière question, enfin. On doit considérer que Mme Hadot a établi son propos, et que l'on ne parlera plus d'une « école alexandrine », opposée à celle d'Athènes et différenciée de celle-ci selon les traits que Praechter avait cru pouvoir constater. Il reste qu'il y a eu, dans la période en question, des néoplatoniciens vivant et enseignant à Alexandrie. Même en admettant leur « orthodoxie » foncière, ces hommes (sans parler d'Hypatie qui a subi pour la philosophie un martyre qui lui eût été épargné à Athènes) ne présentent-ils pas quelques caractères communs : rien que leur environnement culturel le ferait conjecturer. Mais ce serait là l'objet d'une autre recherche, complémentaire de celle-ci. En attendant, on saura gré à l'auteur de cet ouvrage doublement précieux : par ses résultats intrinsèques, et en tant qu'introduction à son édition à paraître d'un texte jusqu'à présent fort peu étudié."

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wkXALs20MmtJp9g

{"_index":"sire","_id":"180","_score":null,"_source":{"id":180,"authors_free":[{"id":236,"entry_id":180,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le Probl\u00e8me du N\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin: Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius.","main_title":{"title":"Le Probl\u00e8me du N\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin: Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius."},"abstract":"Review by Victor Goldschmidt: \"La modestie de son titre ne r\u00e9v\u00e8le qu'imparfaitement l'objet et la port\u00e9e de ce livre. Il s'agit en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 de r\u00e9former l'id\u00e9e traditionnelle qu'on se faisait de deux courants de la pens\u00e9e antique. C'est entre le d\u00e9but du ve si\u00e8cle de notre \u00e8re, en effet, jusqu'au d\u00e9but du viie que s'\u00e9tend l'espace temporel o\u00f9 K. Praechter, suivi par tous les savants venus apr\u00e8s lui, avait situ\u00e9 ce qu'il appelait \u00ab L'\u00c9cole alexandrine \u00bb. Ce mouvement se distinguerait fondamentalement de l'\u00c9cole d'Ath\u00e8nes, par son abandon partiel des constructions m\u00e9taphysiques de Proclus et de ses \u00e9l\u00e8ves, par un retour au \u00ab moyen platonisme \u00bb, par ses rapports de bon voisinage avec les milieux chr\u00e9tiens, et repr\u00e9senterait \u00ab un lieu de culture philosophiquement neutre, sans credo platonico-pa\u00efen \u00bb, et pla\u00e7ant l'\u00e9tude d'Aristote au-dessus de celle de Platon. Les traits de cette \u00c9cole se verraient avec une particuli\u00e8re nettet\u00e9 dans le commentaire d'Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s sur les Vers Dor\u00e9s attribu\u00e9s \u00e0 Pythagore, et dans le commentaire que Simplicius, avant d'\u00eatre entr\u00e9 en rapport avec l'\u00c9cole d'Ath\u00e8nes, a consacr\u00e9 au Manuel d'\u00c9pict\u00e8te. Or c'est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment en pr\u00e9parant une \u00e9dition comment\u00e9e du commentaire de Simplicius (\u00e0 para\u00eetre dans la Collection G. Bud\u00e9), que l'A. a rencontr\u00e9 \u00ab le probl\u00e8me du n\u00e9oplatonisme alexandrin \u00bb ; la th\u00e8se traditionnelle lui a sembl\u00e9 alors insoutenable, pour des raisons tant historiques que de doctrine.\r\nEn bref, comme le dit l'auteur dans une formule remarquable, ce que l'on a pris pour un \u00ab n\u00e9oplatonisme plus simple \u00bb est en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 un \u00ab n\u00e9oplatonisme simplifi\u00e9 \u00bb, et m\u00eame \u00ab fragment\u00e9 \u00bb, et cela uniquement pour les besoins de l'enseignement. Il est montr\u00e9, en effet, d'une fa\u00e7on convaincante, que les deux Commentaires, d'Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et de Simplicius, rel\u00e8vent de ce que nous appellerions une prop\u00e9deutique, c'est-\u00e0-dire qu'ils s'adressent \u00e0 des d\u00e9butants qu'il s'agit d'initier dans la \u00ab premi\u00e8re \u00bb partie de la philosophie, r\u00e9put\u00e9e la plus accessible, en l'esp\u00e8ce l'\u00e9thique. On sait que ce probl\u00e8me p\u00e9dagogique s'est pos\u00e9 d\u00e8s le d\u00e9but dans l'\u00c9cole sto\u00efcienne et qu'il a \u00e9t\u00e9 longuement discut\u00e9 par les commentateurs d'Aristote, qui donnent toutefois, g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement, la premi\u00e8re place \u00e0 la logique. Le VIIe chapitre apporte une contribution importante \u00e0 l'histoire de ce probl\u00e8me.\r\nD'o\u00f9 l'on voit d\u00e9j\u00e0 que c'est en apparence seulement que le r\u00e9sultat de l'ouvrage est n\u00e9gatif. Sans doute s'agit-il surtout de r\u00e9futer la th\u00e8se de K. Praechter, renouvel\u00e9e par A. Cameron et Ph. Merlan ; la Conclusion se termine sur cette affirmation qu'\u00ab il n'y a pas d'\u00e9cole n\u00e9oplatonicienne d'Alexandrie dont les tendances doctrinales diff\u00e9reraient des tendances propres \u00e0 l'\u00e9cole d'Ath\u00e8nes \u00bb. De fait, le livre contient une interpr\u00e9tation d\u00e9velopp\u00e9e des fragments d'Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s conserv\u00e9s par Photius et, surtout, de son Commentaire sur les Vers Dor\u00e9s, montrant l'accord de ces textes avec le n\u00e9oplatonisme \u00ab ath\u00e9nien \u00bb. Ces ex\u00e9g\u00e8ses sont conduites avec fermet\u00e9, appuy\u00e9es sur une vaste information, et emportent la conviction, quoi qu'il en soit de tel ou tel point de d\u00e9tail. Quelques questions, d'ordre plus g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, pourraient \u00eatre pes\u00e9es. \u2014 P. 37 : il est certain que le th\u00e8me du \u00ab philosophe dans l'\u00c9tat corrompu \u00bb est un lieu commun et que le \u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03c7\u03af\u03bf\u03bd, dans le texte de Simplicius est clairement une r\u00e9miniscence de la R\u00e9publique (VI, 496 c-d). Est-ce suffisant pour infirmer la th\u00e8se d'A. Cameron, qui voit dans ce texte une allusion \u00e0 la place faite aux philosophes n\u00e9oplatoniciens apr\u00e8s l'\u00e9dit de Justinien ? De telles citations, l'auteur en convient lui-m\u00eame deux pages plus loin, n'excluent nullement un \u00ab int\u00e9r\u00eat personnel \u00bb et, plus g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement, la n\u00e9gation de principe de \u00ab remarques autobiographiques chez les auteurs antiques \u00bb (p. 39) est exag\u00e9r\u00e9e et m\u00eame inexacte. \u2014 P. 128 : l'expos\u00e9 de Chalcidius sur le Destin, qui est un texte canonique et qui au surplus avait servi \u00e0 K. Praechter \u00e0 caract\u00e9riser le \u00ab moyen platonisme \u00bb, m\u00e9ritait mieux qu'un bref r\u00e9sum\u00e9 : il \u00e9tait bon de rappeler qu'il s'agit, \u00e0 la suite d'ailleurs de Chrysippe, du commentaire d'un texte du Xe Livre de la R\u00e9publique ; on ne peut pas, en l'esp\u00e8ce, parler de \u00ab l'implication mutuelle de la providence et de VHeimarm\u00e9n\u00e8 \u00bb, et la note 40 simplifie le probl\u00e8me de la libert\u00e9 sto\u00efcienne, qu'on n'\u00e9tait pas sans doute oblig\u00e9 de traiter, mais auquel il fallait laisser sa complexit\u00e9 de probl\u00e8me, pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment ; l'on ne saurait \u00e9crire, en tout \u00e9tat de cause, que \u00ab pour les choses qui sont faites par fatalit\u00e9, leur contraire aurait pu aussi bien se faire \u00bb, th\u00e8se qui ne semble avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 soutenue que par le seul Cl\u00e9anthe. \u2014 Le chapitre VII r\u00e9pond \u00e0 la question, nagu\u00e8re pos\u00e9e par R. Walzer : \u00ab Comment peut-on expliquer le fait que Simplicius, en tant que platonicien, commente les maximes \u00e9thiques d'un sto\u00efcien ? \u00bb. La r\u00e9ponse combine essentiellement deux consid\u00e9rations : l'apathie du sage sto\u00efcien est d\u00e9j\u00e0 admise dans le trait\u00e9 de Plotin Sur les Vertus (I, ii) et le caract\u00e8re sententieux du Manuel qui convient bien \u00e0 des d\u00e9butants. Sans doute, du point de vue historique, est-ce l\u00e0 tout ce qu'on peut all\u00e9guer. De fait, l'\u00e9thique plotinienne ne se r\u00e9sume pas \u00e0 l'id\u00e9al d'apathie et le genre gnomologique qu'on peut faire remonter aux Sept Sages avait trouv\u00e9 bien d'autres illustrations, ne serait-ce que, comme l'auteur le rappelle avec raison, chez les Pythagoriciens. On se demandera plut\u00f4t si, de la part de Simplicius, le choix du Manuel ne s'explique pas plus simplement par l'attrait extraordinaire que ce petit livre a exerc\u00e9 de tout temps sur les lecteurs, et cela en dehors de toute appartenance \u00e0 telle ou telle secte.\r\nUne derni\u00e8re question, enfin. On doit consid\u00e9rer que Mme Hadot a \u00e9tabli son propos, et que l'on ne parlera plus d'une \u00ab \u00e9cole alexandrine \u00bb, oppos\u00e9e \u00e0 celle d'Ath\u00e8nes et diff\u00e9renci\u00e9e de celle-ci selon les traits que Praechter avait cru pouvoir constater. Il reste qu'il y a eu, dans la p\u00e9riode en question, des n\u00e9oplatoniciens vivant et enseignant \u00e0 Alexandrie. M\u00eame en admettant leur \u00ab orthodoxie \u00bb fonci\u00e8re, ces hommes (sans parler d'Hypatie qui a subi pour la philosophie un martyre qui lui e\u00fbt \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9pargn\u00e9 \u00e0 Ath\u00e8nes) ne pr\u00e9sentent-ils pas quelques caract\u00e8res communs : rien que leur environnement culturel le ferait conjecturer. Mais ce serait l\u00e0 l'objet d'une autre recherche, compl\u00e9mentaire de celle-ci.\r\nEn attendant, on saura gr\u00e9 \u00e0 l'auteur de cet ouvrage doublement pr\u00e9cieux : par ses r\u00e9sultats intrins\u00e8ques, et en tant qu'introduction \u00e0 son \u00e9dition \u00e0 para\u00eetre d'un texte jusqu'\u00e0 pr\u00e9sent fort peu \u00e9tudi\u00e9.\"","btype":1,"date":"1978","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wkXALs20MmtJp9g","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":180,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"\u00c9tudes Augustiniennes","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1978]}

The Changing Self: A Study on the Soul in Later Neoplatonism; Iamblichus, Damascius and Priscianus, 1978
By: Steel, Carlos

Title	The Changing Self: A Study on the Soul in Later Neoplatonism; Iamblichus, Damascius and Priscianus
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1978
Publication Place	Brüssel
Publisher	Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The later Neoplatonist writers are not easy to read or sympathize with for several reasons. To begin with, it is necessary to reconstruct their views not with the help of their own writings, but with extracts and summaries in later writers. This is particularly true of Iamblichus. Only fragments of his treatise De Anima may be found in Stobaeus (Ecl. 1, 362, 23–367, 9), and to this somewhat exiguous number may be added what is reported in various places by Proclus, Damascius, and Priscianus, fifth- and sixth-century writers living two centuries after the death of Iamblichus in 326. This makes any attempt at reconstruction particularly uncertain. Iamblichus' views, insofar as we can reconstruct them, are primarily interesting because they represent the first and in many ways most serious challenge to the doctrines of Plotinus. And the challenge itself may be said to have split the later Neoplatonists, with Damascius and Priscianus following Iamblichus and Proclus reverting to the views of Plotinus. The real question at issue, and one dealt with with admirable fairness and clarity by Steel, is the nature of the soul and, more particularly, "Does it fall or not?" Plotinus maintained on many occasions that it remained, at least in its upper and true self, unfallen. This is clear, for example, at Enn. IV.1.12. Iamblichus' critique of this view is instructive and sympathetic. The view of Plotinus fails to explain far too many factors in our moral and empirical lives—the fact of sin, our awareness of unhappiness, and the apparent betrayal of the vision of the soul offered by Plato in the Phaedrus 248a ff. Not that Plotinus was unaware of these drawbacks to his theory. He had anticipated and dealt with some already at Enn. I.1 and III.6. Iamblichus also objected to the Plotinian doctrine that all souls were homogeneous (cf. Enn. IV.7.10.19). To obviate these difficulties, Iamblichus developed a theory about the substantial change of the soul (cf. p. 53 ff.). The evidence for this view comes largely from Priscianus, so it is perhaps unwise to be too uncritical about accepting it as Iamblichus' own, especially when considering the reverence in which he was held by many later writers, who, beginning at least as early as Julian, called him "the divine." The arguments produced in favor of such a view of the mutable substance of the soul all seem to argue from perceived activities to the unperceived cause—a methodological principle that derives from Aristotle and seems to run counter to the method employed by Plotinus. The system of Plotinus, like that of the great systematizer Proclus, is deductive rather than inductive. The central vision around which the Iamblichean picture revolves is of a soul that remains in itself and simultaneously proceeds from itself—a view that is often repeated in Priscianus. Whereas in Plotinus the upper, true soul never sallies forth and only the image of the soul does, here it is the whole soul. This reduced cosmic status of the soul may be the reason why Iamblichus was willing to allow people to approach the divine through theurgy and not simply through the activity of the soul. Two points may be mentioned. One is the relation of Iamblichus to Proclus. It has often been assumed that the former had a great influence on the latter, and this is the view put forward by Professor Dodds in his edition of the Elements of Proclus (cf. Introd., xvi ff.). Just how much influence was there? Again, on p. 157, it is stated that much later pagan psychology was occasioned by the desire to refute either the views or objections of Christians, or both. But there is a considerable question as to the knowledge of and interest in what Christians believed and wrote on the part of educated pagans. It really is an open question whether there is any reference at all to anything Christian in Iamblichus or Plotinus. It would be most interesting if any serious evidence could be found in favor of such a hypothesis. [review by Anthony Meredith p. 290-291 ]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tntYMFyZHiMovai

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1445","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1445,"authors_free":[{"id":2314,"entry_id":1445,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Changing Self: A Study on the Soul in Later Neoplatonism; Iamblichus, Damascius and Priscianus","main_title":{"title":"The Changing Self: A Study on the Soul in Later Neoplatonism; Iamblichus, Damascius and Priscianus"},"abstract":"The later Neoplatonist writers are not easy to read or sympathize with for several reasons. To begin with, it is necessary to reconstruct their views not with the help of their own writings, but with extracts and summaries in later writers. This is particularly true of Iamblichus. Only fragments of his treatise De Anima may be found in Stobaeus (Ecl. 1, 362, 23\u2013367, 9), and to this somewhat exiguous number may be added what is reported in various places by Proclus, Damascius, and Priscianus, fifth- and sixth-century writers living two centuries after the death of Iamblichus in 326. This makes any attempt at reconstruction particularly uncertain.\r\n\r\nIamblichus' views, insofar as we can reconstruct them, are primarily interesting because they represent the first and in many ways most serious challenge to the doctrines of Plotinus. And the challenge itself may be said to have split the later Neoplatonists, with Damascius and Priscianus following Iamblichus and Proclus reverting to the views of Plotinus.\r\n\r\nThe real question at issue, and one dealt with with admirable fairness and clarity by Steel, is the nature of the soul and, more particularly, \"Does it fall or not?\" Plotinus maintained on many occasions that it remained, at least in its upper and true self, unfallen. This is clear, for example, at Enn. IV.1.12. Iamblichus' critique of this view is instructive and sympathetic. The view of Plotinus fails to explain far too many factors in our moral and empirical lives\u2014the fact of sin, our awareness of unhappiness, and the apparent betrayal of the vision of the soul offered by Plato in the Phaedrus 248a ff.\r\n\r\nNot that Plotinus was unaware of these drawbacks to his theory. He had anticipated and dealt with some already at Enn. I.1 and III.6. Iamblichus also objected to the Plotinian doctrine that all souls were homogeneous (cf. Enn. IV.7.10.19). To obviate these difficulties, Iamblichus developed a theory about the substantial change of the soul (cf. p. 53 ff.). The evidence for this view comes largely from Priscianus, so it is perhaps unwise to be too uncritical about accepting it as Iamblichus' own, especially when considering the reverence in which he was held by many later writers, who, beginning at least as early as Julian, called him \"the divine.\"\r\n\r\nThe arguments produced in favor of such a view of the mutable substance of the soul all seem to argue from perceived activities to the unperceived cause\u2014a methodological principle that derives from Aristotle and seems to run counter to the method employed by Plotinus. The system of Plotinus, like that of the great systematizer Proclus, is deductive rather than inductive.\r\n\r\nThe central vision around which the Iamblichean picture revolves is of a soul that remains in itself and simultaneously proceeds from itself\u2014a view that is often repeated in Priscianus. Whereas in Plotinus the upper, true soul never sallies forth and only the image of the soul does, here it is the whole soul. This reduced cosmic status of the soul may be the reason why Iamblichus was willing to allow people to approach the divine through theurgy and not simply through the activity of the soul.\r\n\r\nTwo points may be mentioned. One is the relation of Iamblichus to Proclus. It has often been assumed that the former had a great influence on the latter, and this is the view put forward by Professor Dodds in his edition of the Elements of Proclus (cf. Introd., xvi ff.). Just how much influence was there?\r\n\r\nAgain, on p. 157, it is stated that much later pagan psychology was occasioned by the desire to refute either the views or objections of Christians, or both. But there is a considerable question as to the knowledge of and interest in what Christians believed and wrote on the part of educated pagans. It really is an open question whether there is any reference at all to anything Christian in Iamblichus or Plotinus. It would be most interesting if any serious evidence could be found in favor of such a hypothesis. [review by Anthony Meredith p. 290-291 ]","btype":1,"date":"1978","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tntYMFyZHiMovai","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1445,"pubplace":"Br\u00fcssel","publisher":"Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1978]}

Ficino's Lecture on the Good?, 1977
By: Allen, Michael J. B.

Title	Ficino's Lecture on the Good?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1977
Journal	Renaissance Quarterly
Volume	30
Issue	2
Pages	160-171
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Allen, Michael J. B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This article discusses Plato's Lecture on the Good, the only lecture attributed to Plato by ancient sources. The lecture was attended by Aristotle and other students of Plato and was described as a blend of formal exposition, digressions, and asides. Although it was not a public success, the Lecture became famous in the ancient world for what the Neoplatonists presumed was its Pythagorean content. The Lecture played a role in the history of fifteenth-century Florentine Platonism under its chief architect, Marsilio Ficino, who was interested in reviving Neoplatonism and wedding it to Christianity while also dreaming of revitalizing the day-to-day life of the ancient Athenian Academy. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/P2WTHK3pKgeUa4u

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1261","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1261,"authors_free":[{"id":1847,"entry_id":1261,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":33,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Allen, Michael J. B.","free_first_name":"Michael J. B.","free_last_name":"Allen","norm_person":{"id":33,"first_name":"Michael J. B. ","last_name":"Allen","full_name":"Allen, Michael J. B. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/12310405X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ficino's Lecture on the Good?","main_title":{"title":"Ficino's Lecture on the Good?"},"abstract":"This article discusses Plato's Lecture on the Good, the only lecture attributed to Plato by ancient sources. The lecture was attended by Aristotle and other students of Plato and was described as a blend of formal exposition, digressions, and asides. Although it was not a public success, the Lecture became famous in the ancient world for what the Neoplatonists presumed was its Pythagorean content. The Lecture played a role in the history of fifteenth-century Florentine Platonism under its chief architect, Marsilio Ficino, who was interested in reviving Neoplatonism and wedding it to Christianity while also dreaming of revitalizing the day-to-day life of the ancient Athenian Academy. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":3,"date":"1977","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/P2WTHK3pKgeUa4u","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":33,"full_name":"Allen, Michael J. B. ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1261,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Renaissance Quarterly ","volume":"30","issue":"2","pages":"160-171"}},"sort":[1977]}

Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note, 1977
By: Clay, Diskin

Title	Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1977
Journal	The Classical Journal
Volume	73
Issue	1
Pages	27-29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Clay, Diskin
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In what must be the shortest textual note ever published, Bailey and Maas recovered the text of Lucretius I. 744: aera solem imbrem terras animalia fruges Imbrem scripsimus; ignem codd. This is their note. Why they wrote imbrem for ignem, they did not say, perhaps because any reader familiar with Lucretius' argument and Empedocles' poem On Nature knows why. Our manuscripts present us with a world composed of air, the sun, fire, the earth, and the products of the earth (aera solem ignem terras animalia fruges); Empedocles presents us with a world that is rooted in the four elements of air, earth, fire, and water. These he describes variously, but Lucretius has already powerfully invoked them at the very beginning of his poem, well before he returns to them in his refutation of Empedocles' theory of matter. Within the first nine lines of his proem, he evokes the stars (which are soon associated with fire, I. 231, 1034), the sea, the earth, the light of the sun, winds, the earth, the sea, and again light: in short, not the familiar Roman universe of three elements—the heaven, earth, and water—but the Greek world of air, earth, fire, and water. This world he returns to as he presents the elemental theories of "those who multiply the elements which generate the world," and who join air to fire and earth to water: I 714 et qui quattuor ex rebus posse omnia rentur ex igni terra atque anima procrescere et imbri. There are no textual problems here, although anima and imber are striking and unusual as descriptions of air and water. Nevertheless, they stand in the text. But the theory of four elements presents a problem when it is reduced by one in the manuscripts of Lucretius: aera, solem, ignem, terras. Christ saw the problem, and in 1853 he emended the text to give a world of four elements: he took the offending term to be solem, which he emended to rorem—creating a world of air, dew, fire, and earth. This emendation has the virtue of changing only two letters of the manuscripts to create water from the sun, and rorem is a perfectly good Lucretian word for water (cf. I. 771). Dew is a form of water, but Empedocles does not use it as a term to represent this elemental mass. ὕδωρ (hydor) is a word he used to represent water: Simplicius (commenting on Aristotle's Physics) noticed this—καλεῖ ὕδωρ ὄμβρον—and at least three passages from Empedocles survive to prove him right. Simplicius knew of Empedocles' various ways of naming his elements, but neither Lucretius' ancient nor modern editors seem to. Imber seemed strange for water, so an early editor or reader of Lucretius emended the text of I. 784-785 to read: "first these followers of Empedocles make fire transform itself into the gusts of air," I 784 hinc ignem gigni terramque creari ex igni retroque in terram cuncta reverti. Marullus understood what had gone wrong and emended ignem by imbrem and igni by imbri, making water out of fire and recovering how a Presocratic could imagine a ladder of elemental transformations moving down from air to precipitation to earth. Lucretius' attack on Empedocles' elemental theory is only one of the many signs of his knowledge of the Περὶ φύσεως (Peri Physeōs). De Rerum Natura I. 744 and 784-785 are not the only passages that reveal this, and these passages are not the only ones where Empedocles' Greek allows Lucretius' modern reader to recover his original text: II. 1114 ignem ignes procudent aetheraque (aether) This is restored by Empedocles (DK 31 B 37): (πυρὶ γὰρ αἰεὶ πῦρ ἐπὶ πυρὶ) αἰεὶ δὲ ξυνοίσει καὶ ἀὴρ ἀέρι Lachmann, with the confidence inspired by knowing too much and too little, emended aeraque (aer). Simplicius could have pointed him in the right direction when he gave one of Empedocles' terms for aether as aer, as could Empedocles himself. This has become a long note on one word in the manuscripts of Lucretius. Its justification is this: Bailey and Maas published their note in 1943. The emendation was incorporated into the text that accompanies Bailey's three-volume commentary on Lucretius (Oxford 1947), but unaccountably, it did not appear in the Oxford text reprinted in 1947 or in any later reprinting. In the tenth edition of his Lucrèce (Paris 1959), Ernout prints the text of our manuscripts; so does Josef Martin in the five editions of his Lucretius published since 1953. Büchner (Wiesbaden 1966) accepts Christ's rorem as "less drastic" (levior) than imbrem, and so, evidently, does Müller (Fribourg 1975). Only one of the major editions of Lucretius to appear since 1943, that of Martin Ferguson Smith (London and Cambridge, Mass. 1975), prints what Lucretius wrote: the rest prefer dew to rain. So weak is the force of ratio et res ipsa. [the entire text p. 27-29]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/a3Cc8mgHkQFW4AL

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Why they wrote imbrem for ignem, they did not say, perhaps because any reader familiar with Lucretius' argument and Empedocles' poem On Nature knows why.\r\n\r\nOur manuscripts present us with a world composed of air, the sun, fire, the earth, and the products of the earth (aera solem ignem terras animalia fruges); Empedocles presents us with a world that is rooted in the four elements of air, earth, fire, and water. These he describes variously, but Lucretius has already powerfully invoked them at the very beginning of his poem, well before he returns to them in his refutation of Empedocles' theory of matter.\r\n\r\nWithin the first nine lines of his proem, he evokes the stars (which are soon associated with fire, I. 231, 1034), the sea, the earth, the light of the sun, winds, the earth, the sea, and again light: in short, not the familiar Roman universe of three elements\u2014the heaven, earth, and water\u2014but the Greek world of air, earth, fire, and water.\r\n\r\nThis world he returns to as he presents the elemental theories of \"those who multiply the elements which generate the world,\" and who join air to fire and earth to water:\r\n\r\n I 714 et qui quattuor ex rebus posse omnia rentur\r\n ex igni terra atque anima procrescere et imbri.\r\n\r\nThere are no textual problems here, although anima and imber are striking and unusual as descriptions of air and water. Nevertheless, they stand in the text. But the theory of four elements presents a problem when it is reduced by one in the manuscripts of Lucretius: aera, solem, ignem, terras.\r\n\r\nChrist saw the problem, and in 1853 he emended the text to give a world of four elements: he took the offending term to be solem, which he emended to rorem\u2014creating a world of air, dew, fire, and earth. This emendation has the virtue of changing only two letters of the manuscripts to create water from the sun, and rorem is a perfectly good Lucretian word for water (cf. I. 771).\r\n\r\nDew is a form of water, but Empedocles does not use it as a term to represent this elemental mass. \u1f55\u03b4\u03c9\u03c1 (hydor) is a word he used to represent water: Simplicius (commenting on Aristotle's Physics) noticed this\u2014\u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6 \u1f55\u03b4\u03c9\u03c1 \u1f44\u03bc\u03b2\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd\u2014and at least three passages from Empedocles survive to prove him right.\r\n\r\nSimplicius knew of Empedocles' various ways of naming his elements, but neither Lucretius' ancient nor modern editors seem to. Imber seemed strange for water, so an early editor or reader of Lucretius emended the text of I. 784-785 to read:\r\n\r\n\"first these followers of Empedocles make fire transform itself into the gusts of air,\"\r\n\r\n I 784 hinc ignem gigni terramque creari\r\n ex igni retroque in terram cuncta reverti.\r\n\r\nMarullus understood what had gone wrong and emended ignem by imbrem and igni by imbri, making water out of fire and recovering how a Presocratic could imagine a ladder of elemental transformations moving down from air to precipitation to earth.\r\n\r\nLucretius' attack on Empedocles' elemental theory is only one of the many signs of his knowledge of the \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 (Peri Physe\u014ds). De Rerum Natura I. 744 and 784-785 are not the only passages that reveal this, and these passages are not the only ones where Empedocles' Greek allows Lucretius' modern reader to recover his original text:\r\n\r\n II. 1114 ignem ignes procudent aetheraque (aether)\r\n\r\nThis is restored by Empedocles (DK 31 B 37):\r\n\r\n (\u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03b1\u1f30\u03b5\u1f76 \u03c0\u1fe6\u03c1 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u1f76) \u03b1\u1f30\u03b5\u1f76 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03be\u03c5\u03bd\u03bf\u03af\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\r\n \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u1f74\u03c1 \u1f00\u03ad\u03c1\u03b9\r\n\r\nLachmann, with the confidence inspired by knowing too much and too little, emended aeraque (aer). Simplicius could have pointed him in the right direction when he gave one of Empedocles' terms for aether as aer, as could Empedocles himself.\r\n\r\nThis has become a long note on one word in the manuscripts of Lucretius. Its justification is this: Bailey and Maas published their note in 1943. The emendation was incorporated into the text that accompanies Bailey's three-volume commentary on Lucretius (Oxford 1947), but unaccountably, it did not appear in the Oxford text reprinted in 1947 or in any later reprinting.\r\n\r\nIn the tenth edition of his Lucr\u00e8ce (Paris 1959), Ernout prints the text of our manuscripts; so does Josef Martin in the five editions of his Lucretius published since 1953. B\u00fcchner (Wiesbaden 1966) accepts Christ's rorem as \"less drastic\" (levior) than imbrem, and so, evidently, does M\u00fcller (Fribourg 1975).\r\n\r\nOnly one of the major editions of Lucretius to appear since 1943, that of Martin Ferguson Smith (London and Cambridge, Mass. 1975), prints what Lucretius wrote: the rest prefer dew to rain.\r\n\r\nSo weak is the force of ratio et res ipsa. [the entire text p. 27-29]","btype":3,"date":"1977","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/a3Cc8mgHkQFW4AL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":50,"full_name":"Clay, Diskin","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1272,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Journal","volume":"73","issue":"1","pages":"27-29"}},"sort":[1977]}

Light from Aristotle's "Physics" on the Text of Parmenides B 8 D-K, 1977
By: Solmsen, Friedrich

Title	Light from Aristotle's "Physics" on the Text of Parmenides B 8 D-K
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1977
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	22
Issue	1
Pages	10-12
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Solmsen, Friedrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle's reputation as a historian of philosophy is far from good. We do not plead for a revision of the current estimate. The last sentence copied above suggests a causal relation of doctrines that is hard to square with the facts. On the whole, however, he has in this instance done better than usual; for he has, with genuine historical understanding, realized how the early Presocratics, whose search was for physical explanations, were stopped in their tracks when Parmenides issued his peremptory veto of genesis and phthora (how they worked themselves out of this deadlock is irrelevant). It would be futile to assign this refutation of genesis in both of its forms to any thinker other than Parmenides and no less futile to surmise that Aristotle here, for the sake of completeness or for reasons similar to those operative with Parmenides’ modern interpreters, credited him with an argument he did not use but would have been well advised to use. Throughout a large part of Physics I, Parmenides’ (and Melissus’) position presents the great obstacle to Aristotle's efforts at treating genesis as a reality. The monolithic, unchanging ὄν deprives physics of the principles (archai) without which it cannot build. Aristotle launches attack after attack against the fortress that had so long been considered impregnable. Having conquered it, he constructs his own theory of genesis. It is the "only solution" (monoeidês lysis, 191a23; see above), he declares triumphantly and proceeds to look once more at the objections raised by the Eleatics. In the remainder of chapter 8, he sets forth, on the basis of his own theory, why genesis from Being and from not-Being are perfectly valid concepts. There are more ways than one to show that they are legitimate. [p. 11-12]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/T9uT5aXwXA1HemE

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1015","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1015,"authors_free":[{"id":1531,"entry_id":1015,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":316,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","free_first_name":"Friedrich","free_last_name":"Solmsen","norm_person":{"id":316,"first_name":"Friedrich","last_name":"Solmsen","full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117754641","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Light from Aristotle's \"Physics\" on the Text of Parmenides B 8 D-K","main_title":{"title":"Light from Aristotle's \"Physics\" on the Text of Parmenides B 8 D-K"},"abstract":"Aristotle's reputation as a historian of philosophy is far from good. We do not plead for a revision of the current estimate. The last sentence copied above suggests a causal relation of doctrines that is hard to square with the facts. On the whole, however, he has in this instance done better than usual; for he has, with genuine historical understanding, realized how the early Presocratics, whose search was for physical explanations, were stopped in their tracks when Parmenides issued his peremptory veto of genesis and phthora (how they worked themselves out of this deadlock is irrelevant).\r\nIt would be futile to assign this refutation of genesis in both of its forms to any thinker other than Parmenides and no less futile to surmise that Aristotle here, for the sake of completeness or for reasons similar to those operative with Parmenides\u2019 modern interpreters, credited him with an argument he did not use but would have been well advised to use. Throughout a large part of Physics I, Parmenides\u2019 (and Melissus\u2019) position presents the great obstacle to Aristotle's efforts at treating genesis as a reality. The monolithic, unchanging \u1f44\u03bd deprives physics of the principles (archai) without which it cannot build. Aristotle launches attack after attack against the fortress that had so long been considered impregnable. Having conquered it, he constructs his own theory of genesis. It is the \"only solution\" (monoeid\u00eas lysis, 191a23; see above), he declares triumphantly and proceeds to look once more at the objections raised by the Eleatics.\r\nIn the remainder of chapter 8, he sets forth, on the basis of his own theory, why genesis from Being and from not-Being are perfectly valid concepts. There are more ways than one to show that they are legitimate. [p. 11-12]","btype":3,"date":"1977","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/T9uT5aXwXA1HemE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":316,"full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1015,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"22","issue":"1","pages":"10-12"}},"sort":[1977]}

Place and Space in Late Neoplatonism, 1977
By: Sambûrsqî, Šemûʾēl

Title	Place and Space in Late Neoplatonism
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1977
Journal	Studies in History and Philosophy of Science
Volume	8
Issue	3
Pages	173–187
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sambûrsqî, Šemûʾēl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Three basic notions characterize the physical world, namely space, time and matter, the first of which is usually held by scientists to be simpler than the other two. The history of physics and philosophy has shown, however, that even the concept of space abounds with difficulties, to which the doctrines of the later Neoplatonic philosophers form an impressive witness. It is proposed to give here a brief survey of the theories of topos, meaning variously “place” or “space”, from Iamblichus at the beginning of the fourth century to Simplicius in the middle of the sixth. Although most of their treatises were clad in the modest garb of commentaries on works by Plato or Aristotle, the ideas of these thinkers undoubtedly represent one of the peaks of sophistication and metaphysical acumen in the whole history of philosophy. The deliberations and inquiries of these philosophers on the concept of topos took place against a long historical background, spanning nearly a thousand years from the Presocratics to Plotinus. A short synopsis, however condensed, of the earlier developments of the concept will serve as a useful introduction, leading up to the period in which Iamblichus and his successors started to elaborate their ideas on topos. This summary will be concerned with merely the conceptual aspects of the subject and thus will not adhere to a strict chronological order. [introduction p. 173]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FmKjWoNccS499uH

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1051","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1051,"authors_free":[{"id":1596,"entry_id":1051,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":308,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Samb\u00fbrsq\u00ee, \u0160em\u00fb\u02be\u0113l","free_first_name":"\u0160em\u00fb\u02be\u0113l","free_last_name":"Samb\u00fbrsq\u00ee, \u0160em\u00fb\u02be\u0113l","norm_person":{"id":308,"first_name":"\u0160em\u00fb\u02be\u0113l","last_name":"Samb\u00fbrsq\u00ee","full_name":"Samb\u00fbrsq\u00ee, \u0160em\u00fb\u02be\u0113l","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/120109794","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Place and Space in Late Neoplatonism","main_title":{"title":"Place and Space in Late Neoplatonism"},"abstract":"Three basic notions characterize the physical world, namely space, time and \r\nmatter, the first of which is usually held by scientists to be simpler than the \r\nother two. The history of physics and philosophy has shown, however, that \r\neven the concept of space abounds with difficulties, to which the doctrines of \r\nthe later Neoplatonic philosophers form an impressive witness. It is proposed \r\nto give here a brief survey of the theories of topos, meaning variously \u201cplace\u201d \r\nor \u201cspace\u201d, from Iamblichus at the beginning of the fourth century to \r\nSimplicius in the middle of the sixth. Although most of their treatises were \r\nclad in the modest garb of commentaries on works by Plato or Aristotle, the \r\nideas of these thinkers undoubtedly represent one of the peaks of sophistication \r\nand metaphysical acumen in the whole history of philosophy. The deliberations and inquiries of these philosophers on the concept of \r\ntopos took place against a long historical background, spanning nearly a \r\nthousand years from the Presocratics to Plotinus. A short synopsis, however \r\ncondensed, of the earlier developments of the concept will serve as a useful \r\nintroduction, leading up to the period in which Iamblichus and his successors \r\nstarted to elaborate their ideas on topos. This summary will be concerned with \r\nmerely the conceptual aspects of the subject and thus will not adhere to a \r\nstrict chronological order. [introduction p. 173]","btype":3,"date":"1977","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FmKjWoNccS499uH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":308,"full_name":"Samb\u00fbrsq\u00ee, \u0160em\u00fb\u02be\u0113l","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1051,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Studies in History and Philosophy of Science","volume":"8","issue":"3","pages":"173\u2013187"}},"sort":[1977]}

Neoplatonic Interpretations of Aristotle on "Phantasia", 1977
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Neoplatonic Interpretations of Aristotle on "Phantasia"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1977
Journal	The Review of Metaphysics
Volume	31
Issue	2
Pages	242-257
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The ancient commentaries on Aristotle have for the most part remained in that strange kind of no-man's land between Classical and Medieval studies that even now holds so many of the productions of later antiquity. On the whole it would be true to say that students of Neoplatonism?for the commentators were usually Neoplatonists ?prefer to occupy themselves with openly Neoplatonic writings. Modern Aristotelian scholars, on the other hand, tend to take very little account of the opinions of their ancient predecessors. In this way they differ from the Medie vals, both Christian and Moslem: as is well known, Aquinas instigated the translation of many of these commentaries by his fellow Dominican, William of Moerbeke, while a century before, Averroes, the greatest of the Arabic commentators, had made ample use of at least the earlier Greek expositions. [Introduction, p. 242]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xdGhkQhUkY7sWbE

{"_index":"sire","_id":"877","_score":null,"_source":{"id":877,"authors_free":[{"id":1288,"entry_id":877,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Neoplatonic Interpretations of Aristotle on \"Phantasia\"","main_title":{"title":"Neoplatonic Interpretations of Aristotle on \"Phantasia\""},"abstract":"The ancient commentaries on Aristotle have for the most part \r\nremained in that strange kind of no-man's land between Classical \r\nand Medieval studies that even now holds so many of the productions \r\nof later antiquity. On the whole it would be true to say that students \r\nof Neoplatonism?for the commentators were usually Neoplatonists \r\n?prefer to occupy themselves with openly Neoplatonic writings. \r\nModern Aristotelian scholars, on the other hand, tend to take very \r\nlittle account of the opinions of their ancient predecessors. In this \r\nway they differ from the Medie vals, both Christian and Moslem: as \r\nis well known, Aquinas instigated the translation of many of these \r\ncommentaries by his fellow Dominican, William of Moerbeke, while a \r\ncentury before, Averroes, the greatest of the Arabic commentators, \r\nhad made ample use of at least the earlier Greek expositions. [Introduction, p. 242]","btype":3,"date":"1977","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/xdGhkQhUkY7sWbE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":877,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Review of Metaphysics","volume":"31","issue":"2","pages":"242-257"}},"sort":[1977]}

Analyse de l'édition Aldine du Commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d'Aristote, 1977
By: Cordero, Néstor-Luis

Title	Analyse de l'édition Aldine du Commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d'Aristote
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1977
Journal	Hermes
Volume	105
Issue	1
Pages	42-54
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cordero, Néstor-Luis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Pour compléter notre analyse, nous devrions identifier l’éditeur de Simplicius de 1526. Du temps d’Alde, la plupart des ouvrages d’auteurs grecs (rappelons qu’il éditait aussi des ouvrages latins et italiens) étaient réservés à Musurus. À la mort d’Alde, comme nous l’avons dit, Musurus a continué de collaborer avec Andrea d’Asola, mais seulement jusqu’en 1516. En 1517, le fils d’Andrea, Francesco d’Asola, a commencé à travailler à l’imprimerie, et l’année suivante, il figure déjà en tant qu’éditeur responsable de Térence, de Dioscoride et d’Eschyle. À partir de 1518, sauf pour l’édition de Cicéron de 1519, Francesco d’Asola figure en tant que responsable direct de la plupart des éditions aldines où l’on indique le nom de l’éditeur, tout au moins jusqu’en 1529. Mais nous avons des ouvrages d’éditeur anonyme où Francesco d’Asola ne figure qu’en tant qu’auteur de la préface. C’est précisément le cas de l’édition de Simplicius, dont la préface est dédicacée par F. Asulanus au cardinal Hercule Gonzaga. Avec certaines réserves, nous pouvons donc supposer que, d’une manière ou d’une autre, Francesco d’Asola est le responsable de l’édition et, ainsi, l’auteur des conjectures qu’elle présente. En ce qui concerne sa valeur, Renouard fait remarquer qu’il s’agit d’un éditeur intelligent « mais beaucoup trop hardi dans ses conjectures », ainsi qu’il apparaît dans son édition des Argonautica de C. V. Flaccus, en 1523. Cependant, le cas le plus illustratif est son édition d’Homère (à laquelle nous avons fait précédemment allusion) de 1524, qui présente de telles divergences par rapport aux précédentes qu’elle semblerait être fondée sur un nouveau manuscrit. Mais Renouard rejette cette hypothèse : « Il s’agit simplement de conjectures de Francesco d’Asola lui-même, car s’il avait été appuyé de nouveaux manuscrits, il n’eût pas manqué d’en avertir dans une nouvelle préface, au lieu de copier celle d’Alde de l’édition de 1504, déjà imprimée dans celle de 1517. » Tout porte à croire, par conséquent, que l’édition de Simplicius de 1526 a été effectuée sous la responsabilité de Francesco d’Asola, dont les conjectures, en général, n’ont pas été tellement heureuses. Cependant, nous devons reconnaître une fois de plus que nous nous trouvons sur le plan des conjectures et que la possibilité — lointaine, certes — n’est pas exclue que Francesco d’Asola ait disposé de l’archétype de l’œuvre de Simplicius. Toutefois, nous pouvons constater que les manuscrits conservés actuellement présentent le même texte que E et F et, par conséquent, ne justifient pas quelques conjectures "trop hardies". [conclusion p. 53-54]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ooZGKSisiH1j9G1

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1277","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1277,"authors_free":[{"id":1866,"entry_id":1277,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":54,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_last_name":"Cordero","norm_person":{"id":54,"first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","last_name":"Cordero","full_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1055808973","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Analyse de l'\u00e9dition Aldine du Commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique d'Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Analyse de l'\u00e9dition Aldine du Commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique d'Aristote"},"abstract":"Pour compl\u00e9ter notre analyse, nous devrions identifier l\u2019\u00e9diteur de Simplicius de 1526. Du temps d\u2019Alde, la plupart des ouvrages d\u2019auteurs grecs (rappelons qu\u2019il \u00e9ditait aussi des ouvrages latins et italiens) \u00e9taient r\u00e9serv\u00e9s \u00e0 Musurus.\r\n\r\n\u00c0 la mort d\u2019Alde, comme nous l\u2019avons dit, Musurus a continu\u00e9 de collaborer avec Andrea d\u2019Asola, mais seulement jusqu\u2019en 1516. En 1517, le fils d\u2019Andrea, Francesco d\u2019Asola, a commenc\u00e9 \u00e0 travailler \u00e0 l\u2019imprimerie, et l\u2019ann\u00e9e suivante, il figure d\u00e9j\u00e0 en tant qu\u2019\u00e9diteur responsable de T\u00e9rence, de Dioscoride et d\u2019Eschyle.\r\n\r\n\u00c0 partir de 1518, sauf pour l\u2019\u00e9dition de Cic\u00e9ron de 1519, Francesco d\u2019Asola figure en tant que responsable direct de la plupart des \u00e9ditions aldines o\u00f9 l\u2019on indique le nom de l\u2019\u00e9diteur, tout au moins jusqu\u2019en 1529.\r\n\r\nMais nous avons des ouvrages d\u2019\u00e9diteur anonyme o\u00f9 Francesco d\u2019Asola ne figure qu\u2019en tant qu\u2019auteur de la pr\u00e9face. C\u2019est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment le cas de l\u2019\u00e9dition de Simplicius, dont la pr\u00e9face est d\u00e9dicac\u00e9e par F. Asulanus au cardinal Hercule Gonzaga.\r\n\r\nAvec certaines r\u00e9serves, nous pouvons donc supposer que, d\u2019une mani\u00e8re ou d\u2019une autre, Francesco d\u2019Asola est le responsable de l\u2019\u00e9dition et, ainsi, l\u2019auteur des conjectures qu\u2019elle pr\u00e9sente.\r\n\r\nEn ce qui concerne sa valeur, Renouard fait remarquer qu\u2019il s\u2019agit d\u2019un \u00e9diteur intelligent \u00ab mais beaucoup trop hardi dans ses conjectures \u00bb, ainsi qu\u2019il appara\u00eet dans son \u00e9dition des Argonautica de C. V. Flaccus, en 1523.\r\n\r\nCependant, le cas le plus illustratif est son \u00e9dition d\u2019Hom\u00e8re (\u00e0 laquelle nous avons fait pr\u00e9c\u00e9demment allusion) de 1524, qui pr\u00e9sente de telles divergences par rapport aux pr\u00e9c\u00e9dentes qu\u2019elle semblerait \u00eatre fond\u00e9e sur un nouveau manuscrit. Mais Renouard rejette cette hypoth\u00e8se :\r\n\r\n \u00ab Il s\u2019agit simplement de conjectures de Francesco d\u2019Asola lui-m\u00eame, car s\u2019il avait \u00e9t\u00e9 appuy\u00e9 de nouveaux manuscrits, il n\u2019e\u00fbt pas manqu\u00e9 d\u2019en avertir dans une nouvelle pr\u00e9face, au lieu de copier celle d\u2019Alde de l\u2019\u00e9dition de 1504, d\u00e9j\u00e0 imprim\u00e9e dans celle de 1517. \u00bb\r\n\r\nTout porte \u00e0 croire, par cons\u00e9quent, que l\u2019\u00e9dition de Simplicius de 1526 a \u00e9t\u00e9 effectu\u00e9e sous la responsabilit\u00e9 de Francesco d\u2019Asola, dont les conjectures, en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, n\u2019ont pas \u00e9t\u00e9 tellement heureuses.\r\n\r\nCependant, nous devons reconna\u00eetre une fois de plus que nous nous trouvons sur le plan des conjectures et que la possibilit\u00e9 \u2014 lointaine, certes \u2014 n\u2019est pas exclue que Francesco d\u2019Asola ait dispos\u00e9 de l\u2019arch\u00e9type de l\u2019\u0153uvre de Simplicius.\r\n\r\nToutefois, nous pouvons constater que les manuscrits conserv\u00e9s actuellement pr\u00e9sentent le m\u00eame texte que E et F et, par cons\u00e9quent, ne justifient pas quelques conjectures \"trop hardies\".\r\n[conclusion p. 53-54]","btype":3,"date":"1977","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ooZGKSisiH1j9G1","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":54,"full_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1277,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"105","issue":"1","pages":"42-54"}},"sort":[1977]}

Neoplatonic Elements in the "de Anima" Commentaries, 1976
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Neoplatonic Elements in the "de Anima" Commentaries
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1976
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	21
Issue	1
Pages	64-87
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Most scholars who refer to the Greek commentators for help in the understanding of difficult Aristotelian texts seem to expect straightforward scholarly treatment of their problems. Not infrequently they are disappointed and complain about the irrelevance of the commentary they read, or inveigh against the incompetence of the commentators. Only Alexander is generally exempt from such censure, and that in itself is significant. For he is the only major commentator whose work survives in any considerable quantity who wrote before Neoplatonism. Shortly after Alexander, the kind of thought that is conveniently described by this label came to dominate Greek philosophy, and nearly all pagan philosophy and philosophical scholarship was pursued under its influence, if not by its active adherents. It is the purpose of this paper to argue that these facts are not trivial items of background interest but are fundamental to a proper assessment of the later commentators' opinions on points of Aristotelian scholarship. It is necessary to take account of the ideas and purpose of these commentators if one is to make any serious critical use of their work, and this cannot be done if one merely dips into their voluminous works in the hope of occasional enlightenment. That these men were swayed by their own opinions and preconceptions is perhaps obvious once stated. Even Simplicius, notwithstanding his reputation for careful scholarship, is no exception. Simplicius may have done us a great service by preserving fragments of the pre-Socratics, but he was nevertheless a man who entertained ideas which were not likely to lead to the correct interpretation of Aristotle, as Hicks for one saw—Ross, it seems, did not. In fact, one might go so far as to say that Simplicius was less well-fitted than some of the other commentators to give a good account of his subject. Those whose immediate reaction to such a statement is that it is grossly unfair to so fine a scholar might be disturbed by some of the material in the preface to Simplicius' De Anima commentary—as they would by that in Philoponus' as well—material which often escapes notice for the simple reason that one normally refers to these works for help with specific passages and does not read them as a whole. This is not to say that there are no obvious signs of what is going on in the body of the commentaries, for there certainly are. A case in point is Simplicius' claim in the De Caelo commentary (640.27–32) that Aristotle's criticisms of Plato are directed not against Plato himself but against those who failed to grasp Plato's real meaning. In the preface to the commentary on the Categories, Simplicius goes further and says that in dealing with Aristotle's attacks on Plato, one should not consider only the philosophers' language and complain about their discord, but rather one should concentrate on their thought and seek out their accord on most matters (In Cat. 7.29–32). Here we have two expressions of the normal Neoplatonic view that Plato and Aristotle were usually trying to say the same thing. This view can, of course, be traced back to the revival of positive teaching in the New Academy. This is not to say that no Neoplatonist was aware of the differences, and certain Aristotelian doctrines remained unacceptable. In the passage we have just mentioned, Simplicius talks about he en tois pleistois symphonia, and elsewhere he shows that he is alive to differences (e.g., In De Caelo 454.23 ff.), even if he does regard Aristotle as Plato's truest pupil (ib. 378.20 f.) or his best interpreter (In De An. 245.12). Philoponus, moreover, actually protested against the view that Aristotle's attacks on Plato's ideas were not directed at Plato himself, a view that seems to have had some currency (cf. De Aet. M. II.2 29.2–8 R). None the less, ever since Plotinus, whose adoption of much Aristotelian thought would be clear enough without Porphyry's explicit statement on the point (Vita Plot. 14.4 ff.), the new Platonism had been more or less Aristotelianized: the controversies about whether or not Aristotelian views could be accepted by Platonists which had been current in the Middle Platonic period were no longer live. By the time Simplicius and Philoponus composed their commentaries, Aristotle's philosophy had been used as the standard introduction to Plato for at least two centuries. The tendency among certain modern scholars to see Aristotle simply as a Platonist has a precedent in the activities of the Neoplatonists: in both cases, it depends on a somewhat special understanding of Plato. [introduction 64-66]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3j2gfRYnCCVhtJC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"612","_score":null,"_source":{"id":612,"authors_free":[{"id":867,"entry_id":612,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Neoplatonic Elements in the \"de Anima\" Commentaries","main_title":{"title":"Neoplatonic Elements in the \"de Anima\" Commentaries"},"abstract":"Most scholars who refer to the Greek commentators for help in the understanding of difficult Aristotelian texts seem to expect straightforward scholarly treatment of their problems. Not infrequently they are disappointed and complain about the irrelevance of the commentary they read, or inveigh against the incompetence of the commentators. Only Alexander is generally exempt from such censure, and that in itself is significant. For he is the only major commentator whose work survives in any considerable quantity who wrote before Neoplatonism.\r\n\r\nShortly after Alexander, the kind of thought that is conveniently described by this label came to dominate Greek philosophy, and nearly all pagan philosophy and philosophical scholarship was pursued under its influence, if not by its active adherents. It is the purpose of this paper to argue that these facts are not trivial items of background interest but are fundamental to a proper assessment of the later commentators' opinions on points of Aristotelian scholarship. It is necessary to take account of the ideas and purpose of these commentators if one is to make any serious critical use of their work, and this cannot be done if one merely dips into their voluminous works in the hope of occasional enlightenment.\r\n\r\nThat these men were swayed by their own opinions and preconceptions is perhaps obvious once stated. Even Simplicius, notwithstanding his reputation for careful scholarship, is no exception. Simplicius may have done us a great service by preserving fragments of the pre-Socratics, but he was nevertheless a man who entertained ideas which were not likely to lead to the correct interpretation of Aristotle, as Hicks for one saw\u2014Ross, it seems, did not. In fact, one might go so far as to say that Simplicius was less well-fitted than some of the other commentators to give a good account of his subject.\r\n\r\nThose whose immediate reaction to such a statement is that it is grossly unfair to so fine a scholar might be disturbed by some of the material in the preface to Simplicius' De Anima commentary\u2014as they would by that in Philoponus' as well\u2014material which often escapes notice for the simple reason that one normally refers to these works for help with specific passages and does not read them as a whole.\r\n\r\nThis is not to say that there are no obvious signs of what is going on in the body of the commentaries, for there certainly are. A case in point is Simplicius' claim in the De Caelo commentary (640.27\u201332) that Aristotle's criticisms of Plato are directed not against Plato himself but against those who failed to grasp Plato's real meaning.\r\n\r\nIn the preface to the commentary on the Categories, Simplicius goes further and says that in dealing with Aristotle's attacks on Plato, one should not consider only the philosophers' language and complain about their discord, but rather one should concentrate on their thought and seek out their accord on most matters (In Cat. 7.29\u201332). Here we have two expressions of the normal Neoplatonic view that Plato and Aristotle were usually trying to say the same thing.\r\n\r\nThis view can, of course, be traced back to the revival of positive teaching in the New Academy. This is not to say that no Neoplatonist was aware of the differences, and certain Aristotelian doctrines remained unacceptable. In the passage we have just mentioned, Simplicius talks about he en tois pleistois symphonia, and elsewhere he shows that he is alive to differences (e.g., In De Caelo 454.23 ff.), even if he does regard Aristotle as Plato's truest pupil (ib. 378.20 f.) or his best interpreter (In De An. 245.12).\r\n\r\nPhiloponus, moreover, actually protested against the view that Aristotle's attacks on Plato's ideas were not directed at Plato himself, a view that seems to have had some currency (cf. De Aet. M. II.2 29.2\u20138 R). None the less, ever since Plotinus, whose adoption of much Aristotelian thought would be clear enough without Porphyry's explicit statement on the point (Vita Plot. 14.4 ff.), the new Platonism had been more or less Aristotelianized: the controversies about whether or not Aristotelian views could be accepted by Platonists which had been current in the Middle Platonic period were no longer live.\r\n\r\nBy the time Simplicius and Philoponus composed their commentaries, Aristotle's philosophy had been used as the standard introduction to Plato for at least two centuries. The tendency among certain modern scholars to see Aristotle simply as a Platonist has a precedent in the activities of the Neoplatonists: in both cases, it depends on a somewhat special understanding of Plato. [introduction 64-66]","btype":3,"date":"1976","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3j2gfRYnCCVhtJC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":612,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"21","issue":"1","pages":"64-87"}},"sort":[1976]}

Anaxagoras B 14 DK, 1976
By: Marcovich, Miroslav

Title	Anaxagoras B 14 DK
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1976
Journal	Hermes
Volume	104
Issue	2
Pages	240-241
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Marcovich, Miroslav
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Notes about Anaxagoras B 14 DK

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qjqMabHfJRZhGG4

{"_index":"sire","_id":"987","_score":null,"_source":{"id":987,"authors_free":[{"id":1488,"entry_id":987,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":239,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Marcovich, Miroslav","free_first_name":"Miroslav","free_last_name":"Marcovich","norm_person":{"id":239,"first_name":"Miroslav","last_name":"Marcovich","full_name":"Marcovich, Miroslav","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107592630","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Anaxagoras B 14 DK","main_title":{"title":"Anaxagoras B 14 DK"},"abstract":"Notes about Anaxagoras B 14 DK","btype":3,"date":"1976","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qjqMabHfJRZhGG4","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":239,"full_name":"Marcovich, Miroslav","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":987,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"104","issue":"2","pages":"240-241"}},"sort":[1976]}

Alexander of Aphrodisias on Stoic Physics. A study of the De mixtione with Preliminary Essays, Text, Translation and Commentary, 1976
By: Todd, Robert B.

Title	Alexander of Aphrodisias on Stoic Physics. A study of the De mixtione with Preliminary Essays, Text, Translation and Commentary
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1976
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua
Volume	28
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Todd, Robert B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The importance of Alexander of Aphrodisias in the Aristotelian tradition in Western philosophy is well established. This reputa› tion however rests almost exclusively on his very influential inter› pretation of Aristotle’s doctrine of the active intellect. The subject of the present study, the de mixtione, is a treatise in which he deals with the philosophically less important topic of the mixture of physical bodies. My aim is to show that both as an exposition of Aristotelian thought and as an extended discussion of Stoic physics it offers an excellent opportunity to observe the development of Peripatetic scholasticism in the face of ideas developed in post› Aristotelian philosophy. In this way I shall try to establish the largely unacknowledged importance of Alexander’s contribution to the Greek philosophical tradition. Alexander is still unfortunately a relatively obscure author and so I have devoted Part One of this study to a basic description of his works and a preliminary attempt to place him in his intel› lectual milieu. His philosophical creativity, as this essay will show, has greater rein in his short treatises than in his monumental commentaries, and it is from these works that his relation to other philosophical schools can best be gauged. Like his de Jato the de mixtione is basically an attack on the Stoics, but it also contains a great deal of important source material and some constructive criticisms of Stoic physics. Much of this I shall evaluate in a com› mentary in Part Three, but these aspects of the work must also be seen in the light of similar contributions by our other sources for Stoic physics as well as Alexander’s own overall relation to Stoicism. For this reason in Part Two I survey the latter before undertaking an extended examination of Alexander’s exposition and critique of the Stoic theory of total blending (xpiia~<; 8~’ lSAwv), the main subject of the de mixtione. [preface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4Gg0RFYjZ0oHdLr

{"_index":"sire","_id":"48","_score":null,"_source":{"id":48,"authors_free":[{"id":56,"entry_id":48,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":340,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Todd, Robert B.","free_first_name":"Robert B.","free_last_name":"Todd","norm_person":{"id":340,"first_name":"Robert B.","last_name":"Todd","full_name":"Todd, Robert B.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129460788","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Alexander of Aphrodisias on Stoic Physics. A study of the De mixtione with Preliminary Essays, Text, Translation and Commentary","main_title":{"title":"Alexander of Aphrodisias on Stoic Physics. A study of the De mixtione with Preliminary Essays, Text, Translation and Commentary"},"abstract":"The importance of Alexander of Aphrodisias in the Aristotelian \r\ntradition in Western philosophy is well established. This reputa\u203a\r\ntion however rests almost exclusively on his very influential inter\u203a\r\npretation of Aristotle\u2019s doctrine of the active intellect. The subject \r\nof the present study, the de mixtione, is a treatise in which he deals \r\nwith the philosophically less important topic of the mixture of \r\nphysical bodies. My aim is to show that both as an exposition of \r\nAristotelian thought and as an extended discussion of Stoic physics \r\nit offers an excellent opportunity to observe the development of \r\nPeripatetic scholasticism in the face of ideas developed in post\u203a\r\nAristotelian philosophy. In this way I shall try to establish the \r\nlargely unacknowledged importance of Alexander\u2019s contribution to \r\nthe Greek philosophical tradition. \r\nAlexander is still unfortunately a relatively obscure author \r\nand so I have devoted Part One of this study to a basic description \r\nof his works and a preliminary attempt to place him in his intel\u203a\r\nlectual milieu. His philosophical creativity, as this essay will show, \r\nhas greater rein in his short treatises than in his monumental \r\ncommentaries, and it is from these works that his relation to other \r\nphilosophical schools can best be gauged. Like his de Jato the \r\nde mixtione is basically an attack on the Stoics, but it also contains \r\na great deal of important source material and some constructive \r\ncriticisms of Stoic physics. Much of this I shall evaluate in a com\u203a\r\nmentary in Part Three, but these aspects of the work must also \r\nbe seen in the light of similar contributions by our other sources \r\nfor Stoic physics as well as Alexander\u2019s own overall relation to \r\nStoicism. For this reason in Part Two I survey the latter before \r\nundertaking an extended examination of Alexander\u2019s exposition \r\nand critique of the Stoic theory of total blending (xpiia~<; 8~\u2019 lSAwv), the main subject of the de mixtione. [preface]","btype":1,"date":"1976","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/4Gg0RFYjZ0oHdLr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":340,"full_name":"Todd, Robert B.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":48,"pubplace":"Leiden","publisher":"Brill","series":"Philosophia antiqua","volume":"28","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1976]}

Doxographica Anaxagorea, 1975
By: Schofield, Malcom

Title	Doxographica Anaxagorea
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1975
Journal	Hermes
Volume	103
Issue	1
Pages	1-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schofield, Malcom
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The information provided by these three texts that Anaxagoras made special application of his general theory of mixture to problems of growth and nutrition derives in each case from Theophrastus, whose word we have no reason to doubt, and who is in any case supported by Aristotle in De Generatione Animalium. The view, again presented in all three texts, that it was from reflection upon such problems, chiefly or in part, that Anaxagoras was led to formulate his general theory again derives from Theophrastus (and solely from him in Aetius's case) or from Aristotle glossed by Theophrastus (in the case of Simplicius and the scholium). For it is Aristotle who says that it was from seeing everything coming out of everything that Anaxagoras arrived at the theory of mixture, it is Aristotle who invariably illustrates Anaxagoras's "all things" by flesh and bone, and it is upon texts of Aristotle containing this explanation and these illustrations that both Simplicius's commentary and the scholium are based. Aristotle does not concentrate on biological processes exclusively, to be sure, but no doubt Theophrastus was acting in the spirit of Aristotle when he illustrates his own Aristotelian exposition of Anaxagoras's train of thought by reference to the problem of nutrition. How much, then, are the texts to which Jaeger appealed for his account of Anaxagoras's "methodical point of departure" worth? Just and only as much as are Aristotle and Theophrastus. But whether they are right is, as I have said, another story. [conclusion p. 24]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dX7s9j2RuDMGCdU

{"_index":"sire","_id":"854","_score":null,"_source":{"id":854,"authors_free":[{"id":1258,"entry_id":854,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":285,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Schofield, Malcom","free_first_name":"Malcom","free_last_name":"Schofield","norm_person":{"id":285,"first_name":"Malcolm","last_name":"Schofield","full_name":"Schofield, Malcolm","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132323737","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Doxographica Anaxagorea","main_title":{"title":"Doxographica Anaxagorea"},"abstract":"The information provided by these three texts that Anaxagoras made special application of his general theory of mixture to problems of growth and nutrition derives in each case from Theophrastus, whose word we have no reason to doubt, and who is in any case supported by Aristotle in De Generatione Animalium. The view, again presented in all three texts, that it was from reflection upon such problems, chiefly or in part, that Anaxagoras was led to formulate his general theory again derives from Theophrastus (and solely from him in Aetius's case) or from Aristotle glossed by Theophrastus (in the case of Simplicius and the scholium). For it is Aristotle who says that it was from seeing everything coming out of everything that Anaxagoras arrived at the theory of mixture, it is Aristotle who invariably illustrates Anaxagoras's \"all things\" by flesh and bone, and it is upon texts of Aristotle containing this explanation and these illustrations that both Simplicius's commentary and the scholium are based. Aristotle does not concentrate on biological processes exclusively, to be sure, but no doubt Theophrastus was acting in the spirit of Aristotle when he illustrates his own Aristotelian exposition of Anaxagoras's train of thought by reference to the problem of nutrition.\r\n\r\nHow much, then, are the texts to which Jaeger appealed for his account of Anaxagoras's \"methodical point of departure\" worth? Just and only as much as are Aristotle and Theophrastus. But whether they are right is, as I have said, another story. [conclusion p. 24]","btype":3,"date":"1975","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dX7s9j2RuDMGCdU","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":285,"full_name":"Schofield, Malcolm","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":854,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"103","issue":"1","pages":"1-24"}},"sort":[1975]}

Der kleine Pauly, Band 5, 1975
By: Sontheimer, Walther (Ed.), Ziegler, Konrat (Ed.)

Title	Der kleine Pauly, Band 5
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	1975
Publication Place	München
Publisher	Druckenmüller
Series	Der Kleine Pauly. Lexikon der Antike
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sontheimer, Walther , Ziegler, Konrat
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nT4V3xwm4Jp1gS4

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"Simplikios", 1975
By: Dörrie, Heinrich , Konrat Ziegler (Ed.)

Title	"Simplikios"
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1975
Published in	Der kleine Pauly, Band 5
Pages	205
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dörrie, Heinrich
Editor(s)	Konrat Ziegler
Translator(s)

Simplikios (Σιμπλίκιος), Neuplatoniker, Schüler des Ammonios, Sohnes des Hermeias. Simplikios muss von Alexandria nach Athen übergesiedelt sein. Als das Schließungsedikt von 529 erging, war er Mitglied der Akademie. Mit anderen Akademikern versuchte er, im persischen Reich, vermutlich zu Ktesiphon am Hofe des Königs Chosroes I., eine neue Stätte für philosophische Forschung und Lehre zu begründen. Das schlug fehl; 533 kehrte Simplikios mit seinen Kollegen ins Römische Reich zurück, wo es ihm untersagt war, eine Lehrtätigkeit auszuüben. Alle Schriften von Simplikios, die erhalten sind, wurden nach 533 verfasst. Er war der letzte Platoniker, der in seinen Schriften das Christentum angriff. Seine Werke sind durchweg Kommentare, allerdings ist kein Kommentar von ihm zu einem Dialog Platons bekannt; vermutlich erschien es ihm als zwecklos, mit den Kommentaren des Proklos in Wettstreit zu treten. Verloren ist sein Hauptwerk, der Kommentar zu Aristoteles’ Metaphysik. In Handschriften erhalten, aber noch nicht ediert, sind ein Kommentar zu Hermogenes’ τέχνη und zu Iamblichos’ περί τής Πυθαγόρου αἱρέσεως. Erhalten und sämtlich in den Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca ediert sind folgende Kommentare: De caelo, ed. J. L. Heiberg, 1894 (CAG VII). Categoriae, ed. C. Kalbfleisch, 1907 (CAG VIII). Physica, ed. H. Diels, 1882, 1895 (CAG IX und X). De anima, ed. M. Hayduck, 1882 (CAG XI). Das ungewöhnlichste Werk von Simplikios ist sein Kommentar zum Ἐγχειρίδιον des Epiktet. Die dringend notwendige Neuausgabe wird von Frau Dr. I. Hadot vorbereitet. Viele Kommentare anderer Platoniker sind aus Vorlesungen für Anfänger hervorgegangen. Im Vergleich dazu stehen die Kommentare von Simplikios auf einem weit höheren Niveau. Ihm, der nicht mehr lehren durfte, ging es darum, für künftige Gelehrte zu schreiben. „Gerade seine nüchternere Weise macht ihn im Verein mit seiner großen Gelehrsamkeit zu einem höchst achtenswerten Kommentator.“ (K. Praechter). In engem Zusammenhang damit steht, dass Simplikios vor allem im Kommentar zur Physik Zitate aus vorsokratischen Philosophen in beträchtlichem Umfang in seinen Text aufgenommen hat (Stellenverzeichnis bei Diels Vorsokratiker³, 638–640). Dass Empedokles und Parmenides für uns mehr sind als nur Namen, ist einzig Simplikios zu verdanken. Die Beweisführung von Simplikios tendiert dahin, dass aus allen Philosophen die gleiche σοφία und der gleiche λόγος spricht wie aus Platon. Das gilt für die Vorsokratiker ebenso wie für Aristoteles: Wo dieser Platon widerspricht, handelt es sich nur um eine Diskrepanz in Worten. So wird seine riesige Arbeit zu einer imposanten Apologie der Lehre, dass alle Philosophen – selbstverständlich auch Epiktet – immer nur die eine, stets sich selbst gleiche, unwandelbare Wahrheit verkündet haben. Außer dem RE-Artikel von K. Praechter gibt es keine zusammenfassende Würdigung von Simplikios. [the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kSQQwhdCGL94DDh

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Simplikios muss von Alexandria nach Athen \u00fcbergesiedelt sein. Als das Schlie\u00dfungsedikt von 529 erging, war er Mitglied der Akademie. Mit anderen Akademikern versuchte er, im persischen Reich, vermutlich zu Ktesiphon am Hofe des K\u00f6nigs Chosroes I., eine neue St\u00e4tte f\u00fcr philosophische Forschung und Lehre zu begr\u00fcnden. Das schlug fehl; 533 kehrte Simplikios mit seinen Kollegen ins R\u00f6mische Reich zur\u00fcck, wo es ihm untersagt war, eine Lehrt\u00e4tigkeit auszu\u00fcben.\r\n\r\nAlle Schriften von Simplikios, die erhalten sind, wurden nach 533 verfasst. Er war der letzte Platoniker, der in seinen Schriften das Christentum angriff. Seine Werke sind durchweg Kommentare, allerdings ist kein Kommentar von ihm zu einem Dialog Platons bekannt; vermutlich erschien es ihm als zwecklos, mit den Kommentaren des Proklos in Wettstreit zu treten.\r\n\r\nVerloren ist sein Hauptwerk, der Kommentar zu Aristoteles\u2019 Metaphysik. In Handschriften erhalten, aber noch nicht ediert, sind ein Kommentar zu Hermogenes\u2019 \u03c4\u03ad\u03c7\u03bd\u03b7 und zu Iamblichos\u2019 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c4\u03ae\u03c2 \u03a0\u03c5\u03b8\u03b1\u03b3\u03cc\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b1\u1f31\u03c1\u03ad\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2. Erhalten und s\u00e4mtlich in den Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca ediert sind folgende Kommentare:\r\n\r\n De caelo, ed. J. L. Heiberg, 1894 (CAG VII).\r\n Categoriae, ed. C. Kalbfleisch, 1907 (CAG VIII).\r\n Physica, ed. H. Diels, 1882, 1895 (CAG IX und X).\r\n De anima, ed. M. Hayduck, 1882 (CAG XI).\r\n\r\nDas ungew\u00f6hnlichste Werk von Simplikios ist sein Kommentar zum \u1f18\u03b3\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03af\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd des Epiktet. Die dringend notwendige Neuausgabe wird von Frau Dr. I. Hadot vorbereitet.\r\n\r\nViele Kommentare anderer Platoniker sind aus Vorlesungen f\u00fcr Anf\u00e4nger hervorgegangen. Im Vergleich dazu stehen die Kommentare von Simplikios auf einem weit h\u00f6heren Niveau. Ihm, der nicht mehr lehren durfte, ging es darum, f\u00fcr k\u00fcnftige Gelehrte zu schreiben. \u201eGerade seine n\u00fcchternere Weise macht ihn im Verein mit seiner gro\u00dfen Gelehrsamkeit zu einem h\u00f6chst achtenswerten Kommentator.\u201c (K. Praechter).\r\n\r\nIn engem Zusammenhang damit steht, dass Simplikios vor allem im Kommentar zur Physik Zitate aus vorsokratischen Philosophen in betr\u00e4chtlichem Umfang in seinen Text aufgenommen hat (Stellenverzeichnis bei Diels Vorsokratiker\u00b3, 638\u2013640). Dass Empedokles und Parmenides f\u00fcr uns mehr sind als nur Namen, ist einzig Simplikios zu verdanken.\r\n\r\nDie Beweisf\u00fchrung von Simplikios tendiert dahin, dass aus allen Philosophen die gleiche \u03c3\u03bf\u03c6\u03af\u03b1 und der gleiche \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 spricht wie aus Platon. Das gilt f\u00fcr die Vorsokratiker ebenso wie f\u00fcr Aristoteles: Wo dieser Platon widerspricht, handelt es sich nur um eine Diskrepanz in Worten. So wird seine riesige Arbeit zu einer imposanten Apologie der Lehre, dass alle Philosophen \u2013 selbstverst\u00e4ndlich auch Epiktet \u2013 immer nur die eine, stets sich selbst gleiche, unwandelbare Wahrheit verk\u00fcndet haben.\r\n\r\nAu\u00dfer dem RE-Artikel von K. Praechter gibt es keine zusammenfassende W\u00fcrdigung von Simplikios. [the entire text]","btype":2,"date":"1975","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kSQQwhdCGL94DDh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":69,"full_name":"D\u00f6rrie, Heinrich ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1292,"section_of":264,"pages":"205","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":264,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"de","title":"Der kleine Pauly, Band 5","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Sontheimer1975","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1975","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1975","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nT4V3xwm4Jp1gS4","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":264,"pubplace":"M\u00fcnchen","publisher":"Druckenm\u00fcller","series":"Der Kleine Pauly. Lexikon der Antike","volume":"5","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1975]}

Simplicius, 1975
By: Verbeke, Gérard, Gillispie, Charles Coulston (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1975
Published in	Dictionary of Scientific Biography. Volume XII: IBN RUSHD - JEAN-SERVAIS STAS
Pages	440-443
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verbeke, Gérard
Editor(s)	Gillispie, Charles Coulston
Translator(s)

Simplicius was one of the most famous representatives of Neoplatonism in the sixth century. An outstanding scholar, he was the author of extensive commentaries on Aristotle that contain much valuable information on previous Greek philosophy, including the pre-Socratics. Very little is known of his life. According to Agathias (History, 11,30,3), he was born in Cilicia. He received his first philosophical education in Alexandria at the school of Ammonius Hermiae, the author of a large commentary on the Peri Hermeneias and on some other logical, physical, and metaphysical treatises of Aristotle. These works strongly influenced not only the commentaries of Simplicius but also those written by the philosophers of the Alexandrian School: Asclepius, Philoponus, and Olympiodorus. Simplicius also studied philosophy at Athens in the school of Damascius, the author of Problems and Solutions About the First Principles, known for his doctrine of the Ineffable First Principle. According to Damascius, no name is capable of expressing adequately the nature of that Principle, not even the Plotinian name of "the One." Damascius was the last pagan Neoplatonist in the unbroken succession of the Athenian school, where he was teaching when Justinian closed it in 529. Simplicius, who at that time was a member of Damascius’ circle, left Athens with him and five other philosophers and moved to Persia (531-532). Their exile was only temporary, for they returned to the empire after the treaty of peace between the Byzantines and the Persians (533). According to Agathias (History, 11,31,4), the terms of the treaty would have guaranteed to the philosophers full security in their own environment: they were not to be compelled to accept anything against their personal conviction, and they were never to be prevented from living according to their own philosophical doctrine. There are grounds for supposing that Simplicius settled in Athens after returning from Persia. Presumably, he was not allowed to deliver public lectures and thus could devote all his time to research and writing. Hence his commentaries are not related to any teaching activity; rather, they show the character of written expositions that carefully analyze the Aristotelian text and interpret it in the light of the whole history of Greek philosophy. Simplicius always endeavored to harmonize and reconcile Plato and Aristotle by reducing the differences between them to a question of vocabulary, point of view, or even misunderstanding of some Platonic theories by the Stagirite. Simplicius was not the first to take this approach. According to W. Jaeger, this trend can be traced to Posidonius and to Neoplatonic philosophy in general. The same method was certainly used by Ammonius, who always attempted to reduce the opposition between Plato and Aristotle to different viewpoints. For example, in dealing with Aristotle’s criticism of the theory of Ideas, Ammonius believed this criticism to concern not the authentic doctrine of Plato, but rather the opinion of some philosophers who attributed to the Ideas an independent subsistence, separate from the Intellect of the Demiurge (Asclepius, In Metaphysicorum, 69,24-27; 73,27). Apparently, Simplicius was persuaded that this approach was in agreement with the attitude of the philopatheis and that it uncovered the true meaning of philosophical doctrines. At first glance, he said, some theories seem to be quite contradictory, but a more accurate inquiry shows them to be reconcilable (In de Caelo, 159,3-9). Moreover, in explaining a philosophical text, one should not be biased for or against its author. Hence Simplicius opposed the method of Alexander, who from the beginning is suspicious of Plato in the same way that others are inspired with prejudice against Aristotle (In de Caelo, 297,1-4). Since agreement on an opinion, even a prephilosophical one, has often been considered a criterion of truth, Aristotle and the Stoics frequently used the argument of universal agreement. Therefore, having to cope with the increasing influence of Christianity, late Neoplatonic philosophers wanted to argue against the presumed disaccord between the main representatives of Greek philosophy, Plato and Aristotle, in order to enhance their own doctrine. As a Christian, Philoponus did not have the same motives for harmonizing Plato and Aristotle; he firmly opposed attempts to reconcile them and called this interpretation a kind of mythology. Aristotle, he held, did not argue against those who misunderstood Plato but against the authentic Platonic doctrine. As a commentator, Simplicius did not overestimate his own contributions but was quite aware of his debt to other philosophers, especially to Alexander, Iamblichus, and Porphyry (In Categorias, 3,10-13). He did not hesitate to call his own commentaries a mere introduction to the writings of these famous masters (In Categorias, 3,13-17), nor did he cling fanatically to his own interpretations; he was happy to exchange them for better explanations (In Categorias, 350,8-9). On the other hand, the work of a commentator is far from being a neutral undertaking or a question of mere erudition; it is chiefly an opportunity to become more familiar with the text under consideration and to elucidate some intricate passages (In Enchiridion, Praefatio, 2,24-29; In de Caelo, 102,15; 166,14-16; In Categorias, 3,4-6). Hence Simplicius’ constant concern to obtain reliable documents and to check the historical value of this information, as when he verified the information provided by Alexander about the squaring of the circle according to Hippocrates of Chios (In Physicorum, 60,22-68, 32). Simplicius adhered to the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of the world, as a theory that fits perfectly into the Neoplatonic ontology insofar as the eternal movement of the heavens is a necessary link between the pure eternity of the intelligible reality and the temporal character of material beings. With respect to this question, Simplicius strongly opposed Philoponus, who asserted the beginning of the world through divine creation. Philoponus, however, did not argue as a Christian, nor did he base his refutation of the Aristotelian doctrine on arguments drawn from his Christian faith. According to him, God is the principle of whatever exists: if time is infinite, nothing may ever come to be, because an infinite number of conditions of possibility are to be fulfilled before anything could begin to exist—which is clearly impossible. Simplicius’ notion of “infinite” is different; it does not mean an infinity existing at once, but a possibility of transcending any boundary. Consequently, the conception of time exposed by both authors is not the same. Simplicius professed a cyclical conception; Philoponus adhered to a linear view without regular return of the same events. Philoponus also substantiated divine creation in time, without preexisting matter; whereas Simplicius maintained that although heaven, the first and highest corporeal reality, is totally dependent upon God, it has never come to exist; it must be eternal because it springs immediately from God. [introduction p. 440-441]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dKqS8TkSYL9fWNO

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According to Damascius, no name is capable of expressing adequately the nature of that Principle, not even the Plotinian name of \"the One.\" Damascius was the last pagan Neoplatonist in the unbroken succession of the Athenian school, where he was teaching when Justinian closed it in 529. Simplicius, who at that time was a member of Damascius\u2019 circle, left Athens with him and five other philosophers and moved to Persia (531-532). Their exile was only temporary, for they returned to the empire after the treaty of peace between the Byzantines and the Persians (533). According to Agathias (History, 11,31,4), the terms of the treaty would have guaranteed to the philosophers full security in their own environment: they were not to be compelled to accept anything against their personal conviction, and they were never to be prevented from living according to their own philosophical doctrine.\r\n\r\nThere are grounds for supposing that Simplicius settled in Athens after returning from Persia. Presumably, he was not allowed to deliver public lectures and thus could devote all his time to research and writing. Hence his commentaries are not related to any teaching activity; rather, they show the character of written expositions that carefully analyze the Aristotelian text and interpret it in the light of the whole history of Greek philosophy. Simplicius always endeavored to harmonize and reconcile Plato and Aristotle by reducing the differences between them to a question of vocabulary, point of view, or even misunderstanding of some Platonic theories by the Stagirite.\r\n\r\nSimplicius was not the first to take this approach. According to W. Jaeger, this trend can be traced to Posidonius and to Neoplatonic philosophy in general. The same method was certainly used by Ammonius, who always attempted to reduce the opposition between Plato and Aristotle to different viewpoints. For example, in dealing with Aristotle\u2019s criticism of the theory of Ideas, Ammonius believed this criticism to concern not the authentic doctrine of Plato, but rather the opinion of some philosophers who attributed to the Ideas an independent subsistence, separate from the Intellect of the Demiurge (Asclepius, In Metaphysicorum, 69,24-27; 73,27).\r\n\r\nApparently, Simplicius was persuaded that this approach was in agreement with the attitude of the philopatheis and that it uncovered the true meaning of philosophical doctrines. At first glance, he said, some theories seem to be quite contradictory, but a more accurate inquiry shows them to be reconcilable (In de Caelo, 159,3-9). Moreover, in explaining a philosophical text, one should not be biased for or against its author. Hence Simplicius opposed the method of Alexander, who from the beginning is suspicious of Plato in the same way that others are inspired with prejudice against Aristotle (In de Caelo, 297,1-4). Since agreement on an opinion, even a prephilosophical one, has often been considered a criterion of truth, Aristotle and the Stoics frequently used the argument of universal agreement. Therefore, having to cope with the increasing influence of Christianity, late Neoplatonic philosophers wanted to argue against the presumed disaccord between the main representatives of Greek philosophy, Plato and Aristotle, in order to enhance their own doctrine. As a Christian, Philoponus did not have the same motives for harmonizing Plato and Aristotle; he firmly opposed attempts to reconcile them and called this interpretation a kind of mythology. Aristotle, he held, did not argue against those who misunderstood Plato but against the authentic Platonic doctrine.\r\n\r\nAs a commentator, Simplicius did not overestimate his own contributions but was quite aware of his debt to other philosophers, especially to Alexander, Iamblichus, and Porphyry (In Categorias, 3,10-13). He did not hesitate to call his own commentaries a mere introduction to the writings of these famous masters (In Categorias, 3,13-17), nor did he cling fanatically to his own interpretations; he was happy to exchange them for better explanations (In Categorias, 350,8-9). On the other hand, the work of a commentator is far from being a neutral undertaking or a question of mere erudition; it is chiefly an opportunity to become more familiar with the text under consideration and to elucidate some intricate passages (In Enchiridion, Praefatio, 2,24-29; In de Caelo, 102,15; 166,14-16; In Categorias, 3,4-6). Hence Simplicius\u2019 constant concern to obtain reliable documents and to check the historical value of this information, as when he verified the information provided by Alexander about the squaring of the circle according to Hippocrates of Chios (In Physicorum, 60,22-68, 32).\r\n\r\nSimplicius adhered to the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of the world, as a theory that fits perfectly into the Neoplatonic ontology insofar as the eternal movement of the heavens is a necessary link between the pure eternity of the intelligible reality and the temporal character of material beings. With respect to this question, Simplicius strongly opposed Philoponus, who asserted the beginning of the world through divine creation. Philoponus, however, did not argue as a Christian, nor did he base his refutation of the Aristotelian doctrine on arguments drawn from his Christian faith. According to him, God is the principle of whatever exists: if time is infinite, nothing may ever come to be, because an infinite number of conditions of possibility are to be fulfilled before anything could begin to exist\u2014which is clearly impossible. Simplicius\u2019 notion of \u201cinfinite\u201d is different; it does not mean an infinity existing at once, but a possibility of transcending any boundary. Consequently, the conception of time exposed by both authors is not the same. Simplicius professed a cyclical conception; Philoponus adhered to a linear view without regular return of the same events. Philoponus also substantiated divine creation in time, without preexisting matter; whereas Simplicius maintained that although heaven, the first and highest corporeal reality, is totally dependent upon God, it has never come to exist; it must be eternal because it springs immediately from God. [introduction p. 440-441]","btype":2,"date":"1975","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dKqS8TkSYL9fWNO","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":348,"full_name":"Verbeke, G\u00e9rard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":354,"full_name":"Gillispie, Charles Coulston","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1393,"section_of":1394,"pages":"440-443","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1394,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Dictionary of Scientific Biography. Volume XII: IBN RUSHD - JEAN-SERVAIS STAS","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1975","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Pt8Q1J4Rc3TbiFs","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1394,"pubplace":"New York","publisher":"Charles Scriber\u2019s Sons","series":"","volume":"XII","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1975]}

Dictionary of Scientific Biography. Volume XII: IBN RUSHD - JEAN-SERVAIS STAS, 1975
By: Gillispie, Charles Coulston (Ed.)

Title	Dictionary of Scientific Biography. Volume XII: IBN RUSHD - JEAN-SERVAIS STAS
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1975
Publication Place	New York
Publisher	Charles Scriber’s Sons
Volume	XII
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Gillispie, Charles Coulston
Translator(s)

The Dictionary of Scientific Biography is a scholarly reference work that was published from 1970 through 1980 by publisher Charles Scribner's Sons, with main editor the science historian Charles Gillispie, from Princeton University. It consisted of sixteen volumes. It is supplemented by the New Dictionary of Scientific Biography (2007). Both these publications are included in a later electronic book, called the Complete Dictionary of Scientific Biography. [wikipedia]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zr2wPOTesQdHoAn

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Filologisch-Historische Navorsingen over de Middleeuwse En Humanistische Latijnse Vertalingen van Den Commentaren van Simplicius, Deel I: De Commentaren In Ench., In Phys., In Cat., In De Anima; Deel II: De Commentaar In De Caelo; Deel III: Teksten En Documenten (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Leuven), 1975
By: Bossier, Fernand

Title	Filologisch-Historische Navorsingen over de Middleeuwse En Humanistische Latijnse Vertalingen van Den Commentaren van Simplicius, Deel I: De Commentaren In Ench., In Phys., In Cat., In De Anima; Deel II: De Commentaar In De Caelo; Deel III: Teksten En Documenten (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Leuven)
Type	Monograph
Language	Dutch
Date	1975
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bossier, Fernand
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OlxW2LFE8sTQ8aZ

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Simplicius, Commentaire sur les Catégories d'Aristote (In Aristotelis Categorias commentarium), Traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke. Édition critique par A. Pattin, vol. 2, 1975
By: Simplicius , Wilhelm von Moerbeke, Pattin, Adriaan (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, Commentaire sur les Catégories d'Aristote (In Aristotelis Categorias commentarium), Traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke. Édition critique par A. Pattin, vol. 2
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1975
Publication Place	Louvain
Publisher	Publ. Universitaires
Series	Corpus Latinum Commentariorum in Aristotelem Graecorum
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Wilhelm von Moerbeke
Editor(s)	Pattin, Adriaan
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PGdGZZDu1qnuLcl

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Anaxagoras Fr. 14 DK, 1974
By: Sider, David

Title	Anaxagoras Fr. 14 DK
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1974
Journal	Hermes
Volume	102
Issue	2
Pages	365-367
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sider, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Note on Anaxagoras Fr. 14 DK

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/jfkLIWo4A4TjQYr

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La critique d’authenticite chez les commentateurs grecs d’Aristote, 1974
By: Moraux, Paul, Akurgal, Ekrem (Ed.), Alkım, Uluğ Bahadır (Ed.), Mansel, Arif Müfid (Ed.)

Title	La critique d’authenticite chez les commentateurs grecs d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1974
Published in	Mansel’e Armağan. Mélanges Mansel, vol. I
Pages	265-288
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)	Akurgal, Ekrem , Alkım, Uluğ Bahadır , Mansel, Arif Müfid
Translator(s)

Tout comme l’archéologie, la numismatique ou l’épigraphie, l’histoire littéraire est parfois amenée à se demander si les matériaux sur lesquels elle travaille sont bien authentiques. Dans la transmission des textes antiques, en effet, les erreurs fortuites d’attribution devaient se produire plus aisément que de nos jours. Par ailleurs, la notion de propriété littéraire était assez flottante ; un auteur plus récent ne se faisait aucun scrupule à reproduire, parfois littéralement, ce qu’un auteur plus ancien avait écrit sur le même sujet. Enfin, pour les raisons les plus diverses, il y a eu parfois fraude délibérée, le faussaire lançant sous un autre nom, souvent un nom illustre, un ouvrage de son cru. Il est remarquable que, dans les derniers siècles de l’Antiquité grecque, les commentateurs d’Aristote se soient posé la question de savoir si tel ou tel écrit dont ils avaient à s’occuper était bien l’œuvre d’Aristote. Divers témoignages nous apprennent même que le problème de l’authenticité était l’un de ceux que le commentateur devait aborder dans son introduction, avant de s’attaquer à l’analyse et à l’interprétation du texte proprement dit. On se rappellera que dans une sorte d’introduction générale à la lecture d’Aristote, Ammonius et plusieurs autres commentateurs issus de son école s’arrêtaient aux dix questions suivantes : D’où les diverses écoles philosophiques tirent-elles leur nom ? Comment faut-il classer les ouvrages d’Aristote ? Par quelle discipline doit-on commencer l’étude de la philosophie aristotélicienne ? Quel est le but de cette philosophie ? Par quels moyens peut-on arriver à ce but ? Quels sont les caractères de l’exposé ou du style d’Aristote ? Comment justifier l’obscurité d’Aristote ? Quelles sont les qualités requises de l’interprète d’Aristote ? Quelles sont les qualités requises de l’étudiant qui aborde la philosophie d’Aristote ? Quelles questions convient-il d’examiner avant d’étudier chaque traité en particulier ? Nous n’avons pas à nous étendre ici sur le problème, assez controversé, de l’origine de ce schéma. Disons simplement que, même si sa forme stéréotypée est assez récente, certains de ses éléments sont à coup sûr bien antérieurs à Ammonius, chez qui le schéma apparaît pour la première fois. C’est le dixième point qui doit retenir ici notre attention. De l’avis des commentateurs, il convient, en effet, avant d’expliquer chaque traité, de répondre dans l’introduction aux six questions suivantes : Quel est le but du traité en question ? Quelle est son utilité ? Quelle est sa place dans l’œuvre d’Aristote ? Comment expliquer son titre ? Le traité est-il authentique ? Quelles en sont les grandes divisions ? Bien sûr, toutes ces questions ne se posent pas dans tous les cas avec la même acuité : il peut arriver, par exemple, que l’utilité de l’ouvrage soit évidente, ou que son titre soit clair, ou encore que son authenticité saute aux yeux et n’ait jamais été contestée ; alors, le commentateur n’aura pas à s’étendre sur ces questions. Quoi qu’il en soit, il est intéressant de noter que le problème de l’authenticité faisait partie des sujets habituellement abordés par les commentateurs dans leurs introductions aux divers ouvrages d’Aristote. Nous nous proposons d’examiner, dans les pages qui suivent, les quelques traces de cette critique d’authenticité qui ont survécu dans les commentaires arrivés jusqu’à nous. Plusieurs commentateurs néoplatoniciens indiquent pour quelles raisons et à la suite de quelles circonstances il a pu se faire que l’on attribue au Stagirite des ouvrages n’émanant pas de lui. En gros, ils citent les motifs suivants : Certains rois payaient bien les textes qu’ils acquéraient pour les bibliothèques qu’ils avaient créées ; cela ne pouvait qu’inciter les faussaires au travail. Par ailleurs, la similitude de certains noms d’auteurs ou de certains titres a pu provoquer des confusions ou des erreurs d’attribution. Enfin, partant de bonnes intentions, certains disciples ont fait à leur maître l’honneur de lui attribuer leurs propres productions. Ces indications des commentateurs sur les causes des attributions erronées viennent de faire l’objet d’une bonne étude ; nous n’y reviendrons donc pas. En revanche, nous croyons utile d’examiner plus en détail les déclarations des commentateurs relatives à l’authenticité de certains traités du corpus aristotelicum. Cela nous permettra de voir quels arguments étaient utilisés pour établir ou contester l’authenticité d’un ouvrage, et aussi de mesurer la valeur des jugements portés dans les différents cas. Les traités ou parties de traités sur lesquels nous possédons, à cet égard, des renseignements concrets sont : les Catégories, les Postprédicaments (chapitres 10-15 des Catégories), le De interpretatione, les Analytiques, la Physique, les Météorologiques, et les deux premiers livres de la Métaphysique. [introduction p. 265-267]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0K9jPcuuBUt3j54

Mansel’e Armağan. Mélanges Mansel, vol. I, 1974
By: Mansel, Arif Müfid (Ed.), Akurgal, Ekrem (Ed.), Alkım, Uluğ Bahadır (Ed.)

Title	Mansel’e Armağan. Mélanges Mansel, vol. I
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1974
Publication Place	Ankara
Publisher	Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Mansel, Arif Müfid , Akurgal, Ekrem , Alkım, Uluğ Bahadır
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ySvGVCjObmF3lEv

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Vorschläge zur Lösung des Problems der Xenophanesberichte von MXG und Simplikios, 1974
By: Wiesner, Jürgen, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Vorschläge zur Lösung des Problems der Xenophanesberichte von MXG und Simplikios
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1974
Published in	PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus
Pages	261-319
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Zwischen den Xenophanesreferaten von MXG und Simplikios besteht keine völlige Parallelität, weshalb inXG als Quelle von Simplikios ausscheidet. Denn während die MXG-Prädikate 1, 2, 3, 6 (977 a 14-36, 977 b 3-18; und Simpl.Phys. 22,31- 23,9 einer gemeinsamen Vorlage ent stammen, die wir wegen gewisser Eigenheiten als "spät- eleatische Quelle" bezeichneten, hat MXG zusätzlich einen Mittelteil (977 a 37- 977 b 2; mit formal vom Rest abweichenden (kürzere und einfachere Aussage ohne Dichotomie) und zu diesem teilweise widersprüchlichen Prädikaten (Unvereinbarkeit Kugel - Grenzantinomie;. Prädikate dieses MXG-Mittelteils findet Simplikios Phys. 23,16 ff. bei Alexander und greift sie an; da aber auch der zuverlässige Theophrastexzerptor hippolytos sie in gleicher Polge wie Alexander innerhalb einer Prädikat reihe für den Gott des Xenophanes nennt (Ref. I 14,2), geht also der Mittelteil des MXG-Referats auf dieselben Ausführungen des Eresiers zurück.Doch auch Simplikios gibt über das mit MXG Gemeinsame hinaus Auszüge aus Theophrast (dessen Dame Phys. 22,28- 29), die unverkennbar Elemente aus Aristoteles Metaphys. 986 b 10 ff. enthalten. [conclusion p. 319]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tEjo8iqE5bxx49Z

{"_index":"sire","_id":"433","_score":null,"_source":{"id":433,"authors_free":[{"id":583,"entry_id":433,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2170,"entry_id":433,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Vorschl\u00e4ge zur L\u00f6sung des Problems der Xenophanesberichte von MXG und Simplikios","main_title":{"title":"Vorschl\u00e4ge zur L\u00f6sung des Problems der Xenophanesberichte von MXG und Simplikios"},"abstract":"Zwischen den Xenophanesreferaten von MXG und Simplikios \r\nbesteht keine v\u00f6llige Parallelit\u00e4t, weshalb inXG als \r\nQuelle von Simplikios ausscheidet. Denn w\u00e4hrend die \r\nMXG-Pr\u00e4dikate 1, 2, 3, 6 (977 a 14-36, 977 b 3-18; und \r\nSimpl.Phys. 22,31- 23,9 einer gemeinsamen Vorlage ent\u00ad\r\nstammen, die wir wegen gewisser Eigenheiten als \"sp\u00e4t- \r\neleatische Quelle\" bezeichneten, hat MXG zus\u00e4tzlich \r\neinen Mittelteil (977 a 37- 977 b 2; mit formal vom \r\nRest abweichenden (k\u00fcrzere und einfachere Aussage ohne \r\nDichotomie) und zu diesem teilweise widerspr\u00fcchlichen \r\nPr\u00e4dikaten (Unvereinbarkeit Kugel - Grenzantinomie;. \r\nPr\u00e4dikate dieses MXG-Mittelteils findet Simplikios Phys. \r\n23,16 ff. bei Alexander und greift sie an; da aber auch \r\nder zuverl\u00e4ssige Theophrastexzerptor hippolytos sie in \r\ngleicher Polge wie Alexander innerhalb einer Pr\u00e4dikat\u00ad\r\nreihe f\u00fcr den Gott des Xenophanes nennt (Ref. I 14,2), \r\ngeht also der Mittelteil des MXG-Referats auf dieselben \r\nAusf\u00fchrungen des Eresiers zur\u00fcck.Doch auch Simplikios gibt \u00fcber das mit MXG Gemeinsame \r\nhinaus Ausz\u00fcge aus Theophrast (dessen Dame Phys. 22,28- \r\n29), die unverkennbar Elemente aus Aristoteles Metaphys. \r\n986 b 10 ff. enthalten. [conclusion p. 319]","btype":2,"date":"1974","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tEjo8iqE5bxx49Z","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":433,"section_of":2,"pages":"261-319","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":2,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"de","title":"PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Wiesner1974a","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1974","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1974","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wvYIPOcDKdaOGFN","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":2,"pubplace":"Amsterdam","publisher":"Hakkert","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1974]}

Das Xenophanesreferat von MXG - Eine Wiedergabe Theophrasts? Zur These von Peter Steinmetz: 1. Theophrast als Autor der antinomischen Prädikate (MXG 977 b 3-18, Simpl.Phys. 23, 4-14)?, 1974
By: Wiesner, Jürgen, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Das Xenophanesreferat von MXG - Eine Wiedergabe Theophrasts? Zur These von Peter Steinmetz: 1. Theophrast als Autor der antinomischen Prädikate (MXG 977 b 3-18, Simpl.Phys. 23, 4-14)?
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1974
Published in	PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus
Pages	208-229
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Ziel dieses Kapitels war es zunächst, die Rückführbarkeit des Xenophanes-Referates von Simplikios und MXG auf Theophrast anhand eines Beispiels zu überprüfen. Wenn dabei die These von Steinmetz an einem entscheidenden Punkt erschüttert worden ist, da MXG mit den antinomischen Prädikaten ebensowenig eine zuverlässige Wiedergabe des Eresiers sein kann wie Simplikios, stellt sich die Frage: Was wird aus seiner Herleitung der beiden Parallelberichte teils aus den φυσικαὶ δόξαι, teils aus der Physik? [conclusion p. 229]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3Dxf4dLb8SNzbok

{"_index":"sire","_id":"434","_score":null,"_source":{"id":434,"authors_free":[{"id":584,"entry_id":434,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2169,"entry_id":434,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Das Xenophanesreferat von MXG - Eine Wiedergabe Theophrasts? Zur These von Peter Steinmetz: 1. Theophrast als Autor der antinomischen Pr\u00e4dikate (MXG 977 b 3-18, Simpl.Phys. 23, 4-14)?","main_title":{"title":"Das Xenophanesreferat von MXG - Eine Wiedergabe Theophrasts? Zur These von Peter Steinmetz: 1. Theophrast als Autor der antinomischen Pr\u00e4dikate (MXG 977 b 3-18, Simpl.Phys. 23, 4-14)?"},"abstract":"Ziel dieses Kapitels war es zun\u00e4chst, die R\u00fcckf\u00fchrbarkeit des Xenophanes-Referates von Simplikios und MXG auf Theophrast anhand eines Beispiels zu \u00fcberpr\u00fcfen. Wenn dabei die These von Steinmetz an einem entscheidenden Punkt ersch\u00fcttert worden ist, da MXG mit den antinomischen Pr\u00e4dikaten ebensowenig eine zuverl\u00e4ssige Wiedergabe des Eresiers sein kann wie Simplikios, stellt sich die Frage: Was wird aus seiner Herleitung der beiden Parallelberichte teils aus den \u03c6\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b4\u03cc\u03be\u03b1\u03b9, teils aus der Physik? [conclusion p. 229]","btype":2,"date":"1974","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3Dxf4dLb8SNzbok","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":434,"section_of":2,"pages":"208-229","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":2,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"de","title":"PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Wiesner1974a","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1974","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1974","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wvYIPOcDKdaOGFN","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":2,"pubplace":"Amsterdam","publisher":"Hakkert","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1974]}

Die Beweise für die Unbewegtheit und Unveränderlichkeit des Seienden (MXG 974 a 14 - b 8), 1974
By: Wiesner, Jürgen, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Die Beweise für die Unbewegtheit und Unveränderlichkeit des Seienden (MXG 974 a 14 - b 8)
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1974
Published in	PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus
Pages	99-164
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Wie nach der Diskussion aller textlichen Prägen völlig eindeutig ist, erwähnt der MXG-Autor in 976a12 Körperlichkeit des Einen für Melissos: hôs autos legei meint diesen Eleaten ebenso wie das spätere kai autos houtô g' einai axioi in 976a23. Die Stelle ist zur Beurteilung der Zuverlässigkeit des Autors von Wert, wie immer man sie erklären mag, weil Kenntnis des Originals auf jeden Fall ausscheidet. Wenn (a) kai touto sôma, wie es den Anschein hat, noch zu dem Zitat hôs autos legei gehört, kann diese Angabe nur aus einer Sekundärquelle geschöpft sein; aber auch falls (b) hôs autos legei, wie Apelt annimmt, allein auf ev zu beziehen ist und kai touto sôma bereits ein eigenständiger Zusatz des MXG-Autors ist, kann diesem die Aussage des Originals kaum bekannt gewesen sein. Denn in seiner Stellungnahme geht der Anonymus, selbst wenn er z.T. inadäquate Ausdeutungen daran anknüpft (z.B. homoion als homoimeres), prinzipiell von den ihm bekannten Thesen des Melissos aus. Die Annahme von sôma und mere für den Eleaten kann daher eigentlich nur bedeuten, dass dessen wirkliche Ansichten dem Autor nicht vorlagen, ihm also offenbar keine über das Referat hinausgehenden Positionen des Melissos verfügbar waren. Gegen das Zeugnis des Simplikios lassen sich somit die Angaben von MXG, wie es Zeller wollte, nicht ausspielen. Der Neuplatoniker sagt mit Recht Unkörperlichkeit für das melisseische Seiende aus; wenn er von diesem als ideellem, vollkommenem im Gegensatz zum körperlichen, kontingenten Seienden spricht (Simpl. Phys. 650,5) und in der Paraphrase den Terminus to haplôs on anwendet (Phys. 103,18-19), darf der Abstand zu dem ideellen Seienden des mit Platon einsetzenden Dualismus natürlich nicht übersehen werden. Die Eleaten verbleiben auf der Ebene dieses Seins, wie es Aristoteles (Cael. I 1, 298b21 ff.) sehr deutlich formuliert: Sie hätten nichts außer den tôn aisthetôn ousia angenommen, auf die sie die für die Existenz von Wissen notwendigen, von ihnen zuerst erkannten Charakteristika des eigentlichen Seins übertragen hätten. Melissos ist dabei radikaler als Parmenides verfahren: Dieser hatte – stets unter Bezug auf dieses Sein – nach einem Aufriss gemäß den Forderungen des Denkens dann in der Doxa-Lehre den geläufigen Anschauungen in gewisser Weise Rechnung getragen; demgegenüber betrachtet Melissos dieses Sein allein unter dem Gesichtspunkt der deduzierten Prädikate. Einen mit Parmenides vergleichbaren Doxateil, wie es Reinhardt annehmen wollte, gibt es bei ihm nicht; wohl aber gibt es, wie die voraufgehenden Untersuchungen gezeigt haben, einen zweiten Teil der Schrift des Melissos, in dem pluralistische Konzeptionen wie Vielheit und Mischung am eleatischen Einen und seinen Eigenschaften gemessen und abgelehnt wurden. In diesen Zusammenhang ließ sich auch das umstrittene fr. B9 einordnen, dessen sprachliche Formulierung enge Berührungen mit B8 aufweist: ei ... eiê bezieht sich auf die gegnerische Konzeption (B9 wie B8,6), die im Falle einer wirklichen Existenz dem Kriterium des eleatischen Einen genügen müsste (dei-Satz in B9, kei-Sätze in B8,6; B8,2). Wenn nun, wie es in B9 weiter heißt, sôma und pachos Teile implizieren, musste Melissos für das Seiende eine solche Körperlichkeit ausschließen. [conclusion p. 163-164]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rdmGYdcJSPKrtIL

{"_index":"sire","_id":"435","_score":null,"_source":{"id":435,"authors_free":[{"id":585,"entry_id":435,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2168,"entry_id":435,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Beweise f\u00fcr die Unbewegtheit und Unver\u00e4nderlichkeit des Seienden (MXG 974 a 14 - b 8)","main_title":{"title":"Die Beweise f\u00fcr die Unbewegtheit und Unver\u00e4nderlichkeit des Seienden (MXG 974 a 14 - b 8)"},"abstract":"Wie nach der Diskussion aller textlichen Pr\u00e4gen v\u00f6llig eindeutig ist, erw\u00e4hnt der MXG-Autor in 976a12 K\u00f6rperlichkeit des Einen f\u00fcr Melissos: h\u00f4s autos legei meint diesen Eleaten ebenso wie das sp\u00e4tere kai autos hout\u00f4 g' einai axioi in 976a23. Die Stelle ist zur Beurteilung der Zuverl\u00e4ssigkeit des Autors von Wert, wie immer man sie erkl\u00e4ren mag, weil Kenntnis des Originals auf jeden Fall ausscheidet.\r\n\r\nWenn (a) kai touto s\u00f4ma, wie es den Anschein hat, noch zu dem Zitat h\u00f4s autos legei geh\u00f6rt, kann diese Angabe nur aus einer Sekund\u00e4rquelle gesch\u00f6pft sein; aber auch falls (b) h\u00f4s autos legei, wie Apelt annimmt, allein auf ev zu beziehen ist und kai touto s\u00f4ma bereits ein eigenst\u00e4ndiger Zusatz des MXG-Autors ist, kann diesem die Aussage des Originals kaum bekannt gewesen sein. Denn in seiner Stellungnahme geht der Anonymus, selbst wenn er z.T. inad\u00e4quate Ausdeutungen daran ankn\u00fcpft (z.B. homoion als homoimeres), prinzipiell von den ihm bekannten Thesen des Melissos aus. Die Annahme von s\u00f4ma und mere f\u00fcr den Eleaten kann daher eigentlich nur bedeuten, dass dessen wirkliche Ansichten dem Autor nicht vorlagen, ihm also offenbar keine \u00fcber das Referat hinausgehenden Positionen des Melissos verf\u00fcgbar waren.\r\n\r\nGegen das Zeugnis des Simplikios lassen sich somit die Angaben von MXG, wie es Zeller wollte, nicht ausspielen. Der Neuplatoniker sagt mit Recht Unk\u00f6rperlichkeit f\u00fcr das melisseische Seiende aus; wenn er von diesem als ideellem, vollkommenem im Gegensatz zum k\u00f6rperlichen, kontingenten Seienden spricht (Simpl. Phys. 650,5) und in der Paraphrase den Terminus to hapl\u00f4s on anwendet (Phys. 103,18-19), darf der Abstand zu dem ideellen Seienden des mit Platon einsetzenden Dualismus nat\u00fcrlich nicht \u00fcbersehen werden. Die Eleaten verbleiben auf der Ebene dieses Seins, wie es Aristoteles (Cael. I 1, 298b21 ff.) sehr deutlich formuliert: Sie h\u00e4tten nichts au\u00dfer den t\u00f4n aisthet\u00f4n ousia angenommen, auf die sie die f\u00fcr die Existenz von Wissen notwendigen, von ihnen zuerst erkannten Charakteristika des eigentlichen Seins \u00fcbertragen h\u00e4tten.\r\n\r\nMelissos ist dabei radikaler als Parmenides verfahren: Dieser hatte \u2013 stets unter Bezug auf dieses Sein \u2013 nach einem Aufriss gem\u00e4\u00df den Forderungen des Denkens dann in der Doxa-Lehre den gel\u00e4ufigen Anschauungen in gewisser Weise Rechnung getragen; demgegen\u00fcber betrachtet Melissos dieses Sein allein unter dem Gesichtspunkt der deduzierten Pr\u00e4dikate. Einen mit Parmenides vergleichbaren Doxateil, wie es Reinhardt annehmen wollte, gibt es bei ihm nicht; wohl aber gibt es, wie die voraufgehenden Untersuchungen gezeigt haben, einen zweiten Teil der Schrift des Melissos, in dem pluralistische Konzeptionen wie Vielheit und Mischung am eleatischen Einen und seinen Eigenschaften gemessen und abgelehnt wurden.\r\n\r\nIn diesen Zusammenhang lie\u00df sich auch das umstrittene fr. B9 einordnen, dessen sprachliche Formulierung enge Ber\u00fchrungen mit B8 aufweist: ei ... ei\u00ea bezieht sich auf die gegnerische Konzeption (B9 wie B8,6), die im Falle einer wirklichen Existenz dem Kriterium des eleatischen Einen gen\u00fcgen m\u00fcsste (dei-Satz in B9, kei-S\u00e4tze in B8,6; B8,2). Wenn nun, wie es in B9 weiter hei\u00dft, s\u00f4ma und pachos Teile implizieren, musste Melissos f\u00fcr das Seiende eine solche K\u00f6rperlichkeit ausschlie\u00dfen. [conclusion p. 163-164]","btype":2,"date":"1974","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rdmGYdcJSPKrtIL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":435,"section_of":2,"pages":"99-164","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":2,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"de","title":"PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Wiesner1974a","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1974","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1974","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wvYIPOcDKdaOGFN","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":2,"pubplace":"Amsterdam","publisher":"Hakkert","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1974]}

Die Schrift De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia in der neueren Forschung, 1974
By: Wiesner, Jürgen, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Die Schrift De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia in der neueren Forschung
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1974
Published in	PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus
Pages	17-41
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Von den drei Referaten der Schrift MXG bestehen für den Melissos-Abschnitt die besten Vergleichsmöglichkeiten, da Simplikios bekanntlich umfangreiche Auszüge aus der Schrift des Melissos exzerpiert hat und daneben eine Paraphrase für den Teil der Schrift bietet, der die Prädikate des Seienden behandelt. Obwohl die Quellenlage also weit günstiger ist als im Falle des Xenophanes, finden sich doch divergierende Ansichten über den Grad der Authentizität des Melissos-Referats: Reinhardt hält den Bericht für zuverlässig, da jede spätere Dialektik fehle, mehrfach noch der Wortlaut des Originals durchscheine und die entscheidenden Prädikate des Seienden exakt beibehalten seien. Gigon nennt den Abschnitt zwar "bedeutend schlechter" als das Gorgias-Referat, doch blicke der Text des Melissos unverkennbar durch. Calogero stellt das Nebeneinander von wörtlicher Nähe zum Original und von Unexaktheiten fest, die sich in der falschen Abfolge einzelner Prädikate und der Hinzufügung von Theorien (Mischungslehre) äußerten, und denkt daher an eine Wiedergabe der Melissos-Schrift aus dem Gedächtnis. Untersteiner schreibt einige dialektische Ausarbeitungen und die Hinzufügung der Mischungslehre dem Megariker zu. Während bei diesen Forschern der Melissos-Abschnitt als im Ganzen wertvoll bezeichnet wird, hat Loenen ein völlig negatives Urteil abgegeben: Der Bericht enthalte einerseits Hinzufügungen aller Art, vor allem Unterscheidungen von im Original nicht vorhandenen Möglichkeiten (Entstehung von allem oder nicht allem 974a3-9, Bewegung ins Volle oder ins Leere 974a16-18, Mischungslehre 974a21-b2), andererseits Auslassungen, z.B. fehle die Erklärung wichtiger Termini wie etwa des homoeomeries-Begriffs. Dem Bericht könne deshalb historischer Wert nicht zuerkannt werden. Es soll nun der Melissos-Abschnitt mit dem Original verglichen werden, um den Grad der Authentizität und die Art eventueller Zusätze genau zu ermitteln. Dies bedeutet zugleich den Versuch, bei einem Abschnitt mit günstiger Vergleichslage Kriterien für die Beurteilung des umstrittenen, quellenmäßig weit weniger gesicherten Xenophanes-Referats zu gewinnen. [conclusion p. 40-41]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dnhawLwLUUqppPb

{"_index":"sire","_id":"436","_score":null,"_source":{"id":436,"authors_free":[{"id":586,"entry_id":436,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2167,"entry_id":436,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Schrift De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia in der neueren Forschung","main_title":{"title":"Die Schrift De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia in der neueren Forschung"},"abstract":"Von den drei Referaten der Schrift MXG bestehen f\u00fcr den Melissos-Abschnitt die besten Vergleichsm\u00f6glichkeiten, da Simplikios bekanntlich umfangreiche Ausz\u00fcge aus der Schrift des Melissos exzerpiert hat und daneben eine Paraphrase f\u00fcr den Teil der Schrift bietet, der die Pr\u00e4dikate des Seienden behandelt. Obwohl die Quellenlage also weit g\u00fcnstiger ist als im Falle des Xenophanes, finden sich doch divergierende Ansichten \u00fcber den Grad der Authentizit\u00e4t des Melissos-Referats: Reinhardt h\u00e4lt den Bericht f\u00fcr zuverl\u00e4ssig, da jede sp\u00e4tere Dialektik fehle, mehrfach noch der Wortlaut des Originals durchscheine und die entscheidenden Pr\u00e4dikate des Seienden exakt beibehalten seien.\r\n\r\nGigon nennt den Abschnitt zwar \"bedeutend schlechter\" als das Gorgias-Referat, doch blicke der Text des Melissos unverkennbar durch. Calogero stellt das Nebeneinander von w\u00f6rtlicher N\u00e4he zum Original und von Unexaktheiten fest, die sich in der falschen Abfolge einzelner Pr\u00e4dikate und der Hinzuf\u00fcgung von Theorien (Mischungslehre) \u00e4u\u00dferten, und denkt daher an eine Wiedergabe der Melissos-Schrift aus dem Ged\u00e4chtnis. Untersteiner schreibt einige dialektische Ausarbeitungen und die Hinzuf\u00fcgung der Mischungslehre dem Megariker zu.\r\n\r\nW\u00e4hrend bei diesen Forschern der Melissos-Abschnitt als im Ganzen wertvoll bezeichnet wird, hat Loenen ein v\u00f6llig negatives Urteil abgegeben: Der Bericht enthalte einerseits Hinzuf\u00fcgungen aller Art, vor allem Unterscheidungen von im Original nicht vorhandenen M\u00f6glichkeiten (Entstehung von allem oder nicht allem 974a3-9, Bewegung ins Volle oder ins Leere 974a16-18, Mischungslehre 974a21-b2), andererseits Auslassungen, z.B. fehle die Erkl\u00e4rung wichtiger Termini wie etwa des homoeomeries-Begriffs. Dem Bericht k\u00f6nne deshalb historischer Wert nicht zuerkannt werden.\r\n\r\nEs soll nun der Melissos-Abschnitt mit dem Original verglichen werden, um den Grad der Authentizit\u00e4t und die Art eventueller Zus\u00e4tze genau zu ermitteln. Dies bedeutet zugleich den Versuch, bei einem Abschnitt mit g\u00fcnstiger Vergleichslage Kriterien f\u00fcr die Beurteilung des umstrittenen, quellenm\u00e4\u00dfig weit weniger gesicherten Xenophanes-Referats zu gewinnen. [conclusion p. 40-41]","btype":2,"date":"1974","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dnhawLwLUUqppPb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":436,"section_of":2,"pages":"17-41","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":2,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"de","title":"PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Wiesner1974a","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1974","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1974","abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wvYIPOcDKdaOGFN","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":2,"pubplace":"Amsterdam","publisher":"Hakkert","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1974]}

PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus, 1974
By: Wiesner, Jürgen

Title	PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1974
Publication Place	Amsterdam
Publisher	Hakkert
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wvYIPOcDKdaOGFN

{"_index":"sire","_id":"2","_score":null,"_source":{"id":2,"authors_free":[{"id":1821,"entry_id":2,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus","main_title":{"title":"PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1974","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wvYIPOcDKdaOGFN","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":2,"pubplace":"Amsterdam","publisher":"Hakkert","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1974]}

Zur Methodik antiker Exegese, 1974
By: Dörrie, Heinrich

Title	Zur Methodik antiker Exegese
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1974
Journal	Zeitschrift für die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der Älteren Kirche
Volume	65
Pages	121-138
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dörrie, Heinrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Der Artikel behandelt die Exegese antiker Texte und beginnt mit einem Fokus auf die Auslegung Homers. Die homerischen Epen wurden für mehr als 1000 Jahre als Quelle für Bildung und Literatur betrachtet und waren daher von großer Bedeutung für die antike Exegese. Obwohl sich die Sprache, die Werte und die mythologischen Überzeugungen von antiken Texten von der modernen Welt unterscheiden, blieben sie von Bedeutung. Die allegorische Auslegung Homers war ein Schlüsselthema, das später auch auf die christliche Exegese angewendet wurde. Die antike Exegese befasste sich nicht nur mit literarischen Werken, sondern auch mit Orakeln, Sprichwörtern und Riten. Die Methode der antiken Exegese wurde in Alexandrien von den Philologen auf wenige, einfache Fakten reduziert, aber im Allgemeinen blieb sie kontinuierlich und bestätigte das Bildungserbe, auf das sie zurückgriff. Die christliche Exegese wurde stark von der vorausgehenden antiken Exegese beeinflusst, insbesondere von der stoischen Exegese, die Werkzeuge zur Interpretation von Texten bereitstellte. Die Artikel erörtert die Kontinuität der Exegese im Laufe der Jahrhunderte und betont, dass antike Exegese ein Bildungserbe darstellt, das über Jahrhunderte hinweg bewahrt wurde. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pWm7MqqJ0rmmM7F

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1293","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1293,"authors_free":[{"id":1882,"entry_id":1293,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":69,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"D\u00f6rrie, Heinrich","free_first_name":"Heinrich","free_last_name":"D\u00f6rrie","norm_person":{"id":69,"first_name":"Heinrich ","last_name":"D\u00f6rrie","full_name":"D\u00f6rrie, Heinrich ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118526375","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Zur Methodik antiker Exegese","main_title":{"title":"Zur Methodik antiker Exegese"},"abstract":"Der Artikel behandelt die Exegese antiker Texte und beginnt mit einem Fokus auf die Auslegung Homers. Die homerischen Epen wurden f\u00fcr mehr als 1000 Jahre als Quelle f\u00fcr Bildung und Literatur betrachtet und waren daher von gro\u00dfer Bedeutung f\u00fcr die antike Exegese. Obwohl sich die Sprache, die Werte und die mythologischen \u00dcberzeugungen von antiken Texten von der modernen Welt unterscheiden, blieben sie von Bedeutung. Die allegorische Auslegung Homers war ein Schl\u00fcsselthema, das sp\u00e4ter auch auf die christliche Exegese angewendet wurde. Die antike Exegese befasste sich nicht nur mit literarischen Werken, sondern auch mit Orakeln, Sprichw\u00f6rtern und Riten. Die Methode der antiken Exegese wurde in Alexandrien von den Philologen auf wenige, einfache Fakten reduziert, aber im Allgemeinen blieb sie kontinuierlich und best\u00e4tigte das Bildungserbe, auf das sie zur\u00fcckgriff. Die christliche Exegese wurde stark von der vorausgehenden antiken Exegese beeinflusst, insbesondere von der stoischen Exegese, die Werkzeuge zur Interpretation von Texten bereitstellte. Die Artikel er\u00f6rtert die Kontinuit\u00e4t der Exegese im Laufe der Jahrhunderte und betont, dass antike Exegese ein Bildungserbe darstellt, das \u00fcber Jahrhunderte hinweg bewahrt wurde. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":3,"date":"1974","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/pWm7MqqJ0rmmM7F","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":69,"full_name":"D\u00f6rrie, Heinrich ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1293,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der \u00c4lteren Kirche","volume":"65","issue":"","pages":"121-138"}},"sort":[1974]}

Did Iamblichus Write a Commentary on the De Anima?, 1974
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Did Iamblichus Write a Commentary on the De Anima?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1974
Journal	Hermes
Volume	102
Issue	4
Pages	540–556
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Bearing in mind the reservations already made, what conclusions can we draw? In the first place, it is fair to say that the evidence from Simplicius does, taken overall, suggest that Iamblichus did not write a commentary on the de Anima. Consideration of Stephanus' commentary on de Anima G points in the same direction, but it must not be forgotten that that commentary contains a reference to Iamblichus' that looks more like a quotation from a de Anima commentary than any other that we have. Philoponus is less helpful, as are other members of the Alexandrian school. He certainly gives no positive indication that Iamblichus wrote a commentary, but for the reasons that we have given, the lack of such positive evidence in his case does not amount to anything like conclusive negative evidence. We cannot entirely rule out the possibility that Iamblichus did write a commentary, either on the de Anima as a whole, or on some extended part of it, but it seems probably that he did not. If he did it would certainly be fair to say that his commentary was probably of no great importance. Discussions of isolated texts of Aristotle are another matter: they are only to be expected in the work of any Neoplatonist. [conclusion, p. 556]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sl42R04H6zbpEIJ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"569","_score":null,"_source":{"id":569,"authors_free":[{"id":808,"entry_id":569,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Did Iamblichus Write a Commentary on the De Anima?","main_title":{"title":"Did Iamblichus Write a Commentary on the De Anima?"},"abstract":"Bearing in mind the reservations already made, what conclusions can we draw? In the first place, it is fair to say that the evidence from Simplicius does, taken overall, suggest that Iamblichus did not write a commentary on the de Anima. Consideration of Stephanus' commentary on de Anima G points in the same direction, but it must not be forgotten that that commentary contains \r\na reference to Iamblichus' that looks more like a quotation from a de Anima commentary than any other that we have. Philoponus is less helpful, as are other members of the Alexandrian school. He certainly gives no positive indication that Iamblichus wrote a commentary, but for the reasons that we have given, the lack of such positive evidence in his case does not amount to \r\nanything like conclusive negative evidence. We cannot entirely rule out the possibility that Iamblichus did write a commentary, either on the de Anima as a whole, or on some extended part of it, but it seems probably that he did \r\nnot. If he did it would certainly be fair to say that his commentary was probably of no great importance. Discussions of isolated texts of Aristotle are another matter: they are only to be expected in the work of any Neoplatonist. [conclusion, p. 556]","btype":3,"date":"1974","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/sl42R04H6zbpEIJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":569,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"102","issue":"4","pages":"540\u2013556"}},"sort":[1974]}

Antisthenes Fg. 50B (Caizzi): A Possible Section of περί τῆς ’Αληθείας, 1973
By: Rankin, Herbert David

Title	Antisthenes Fg. 50B (Caizzi): A Possible Section of περί τῆς ’Αληθείας
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1973
Journal	L'Antiquité Classique
Volume	42
Issue	1
Pages	178-180
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rankin, Herbert David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This passage (Simplicii in Categoriarum c. 8 [Arist. p. ]) is placed by Caizzi among a group of passages of epistemological interest but not clearly attributable to any of the works which Antisthenes is said to have composed. Its argument is characteristic enough, being one of the representations of Antisthenes' opposition to Plato's eîdē, and an assertion of his view that the concrete phenomenal object is the starting point of our capability of knowledge, which in his view is probably limited by the restrictions placed upon us by the narrow capacity of our language with regard to logical discourse. The purpose of this article is to consider whether a part of this passage is a quotation from Antisthenes' own writings and to suggest a possible place for it in one of the works with which he is credited. [introduction p. 178]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/a36SykFCN2qyzot

{"_index":"sire","_id":"861","_score":null,"_source":{"id":861,"authors_free":[{"id":1265,"entry_id":861,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":296,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rankin, Herbert David","free_first_name":"Herbert David","free_last_name":"Rankin","norm_person":{"id":296,"first_name":"Herbert David","last_name":"Rankin","full_name":"Rankin, Herbert David","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1058155474","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Antisthenes Fg. 50B (Caizzi): A Possible Section of \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u2019\u0391\u03bb\u03b7\u03b8\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03c2","main_title":{"title":"Antisthenes Fg. 50B (Caizzi): A Possible Section of \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u2019\u0391\u03bb\u03b7\u03b8\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03c2"},"abstract":"This passage (Simplicii in Categoriarum c. 8 [Arist. p. ]) is placed by Caizzi among a group of passages of epistemological interest but not clearly attributable to any of the works which Antisthenes is said to have composed. Its argument is characteristic enough, being one of the representations of Antisthenes' opposition to Plato's e\u00eed\u0113, and an assertion of his view that the concrete phenomenal object is the starting point of our capability of knowledge, which in his view is probably limited by the restrictions placed upon us by the narrow capacity of our language with regard to logical discourse.\r\n\r\nThe purpose of this article is to consider whether a part of this passage is a quotation from Antisthenes' own writings and to suggest a possible place for it in one of the works with which he is credited. [introduction p. 178]","btype":3,"date":"1973","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/a36SykFCN2qyzot","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":296,"full_name":"Rankin, Herbert David","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":861,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"L'Antiquit\u00e9 Classique","volume":"42","issue":"1","pages":"178-180"}},"sort":[1973]}

Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 1: Die Renaissance des Aristotelismus im I. Jh. v. Chr., 1973
By: Moraux, Paul

Title	Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 1: Die Renaissance des Aristotelismus im I. Jh. v. Chr.
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1973
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Peripatoi
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VBBIsjdgwwe3ta8

{"_index":"sire","_id":"14","_score":null,"_source":{"id":14,"authors_free":[{"id":15,"entry_id":14,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":137,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Moraux, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Moraux","norm_person":{"id":137,"first_name":"Paul ","last_name":"Moraux","full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117755591","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 1: Die Renaissance des Aristotelismus im I. Jh. v. Chr.","main_title":{"title":"Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 1: Die Renaissance des Aristotelismus im I. Jh. v. Chr."},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1973","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/VBBIsjdgwwe3ta8","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":137,"full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":14,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi","volume":"5","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1973]}

Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric, 1973
By: Kustas, George L.

Title	Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1973
Publication Place	Thessalonike
Publisher	Patriarchikon Idruma Paterikon Meleton
Series	Analekta Vlatadōn
Volume	17
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kustas, George L.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rxJfkOyETAdcjhw

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1515","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1515,"authors_free":[{"id":2631,"entry_id":1515,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":562,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kustas, George L. ","free_first_name":"George L. ","free_last_name":"Kustas","norm_person":{"id":562,"first_name":"George L. ","last_name":"Kustas","full_name":"Kustas, George L. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric","main_title":{"title":"Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1973","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rxJfkOyETAdcjhw","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":562,"full_name":"Kustas, George L. ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1515,"pubplace":"Thessalonike ","publisher":"Patriarchikon Idruma Paterikon Meleton","series":"Analekta Vlatado\u0304n","volume":"17","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1973]}

The Commentators on Aristotle's Categories and on Porphyry's Isagoge, 1973
By: Kustas, George L.

Title	The Commentators on Aristotle's Categories and on Porphyry's Isagoge
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1973
Published in	Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric
Pages	101-126
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kustas, George L.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Among the works edited in the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca are a number of analyses of the Categories, Aristotle’s basic treatise on formal logic, as well as commentaries on Porphyry’s introduction to philosophy, the Isagoge, which is concerned with basic philosophical principles. Those which concern us belong to the fifth/sixth century and are the product of the Alexandrian school of Neoplatonism. The authors are Ammonius, son of Hermeias; his students, John Philoponus and Olympiodorus; and Olympiodorus’ students, Elias and David. To this list we may add Simplicius, who attended Ammonius’ lectures before emigrating to Athens. We are dealing with a common tradition of exegesis. The standard arrangement is several pages of prolegomena, in which the author lays out his purpose and defines his terms, followed by extensive scholia on individual passages. The commentators consistently make the claim that they are clearing up obscurities in the text. Hence the term dodelex appears often in their pages. Our interest, however, lies not here but in their analysis of what they regard as Aristotle’s deliberate use of obscurity as a quality of style designed with a specific end in view. We have therefore to examine in some detail what they say. [introduction p. 101]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/czKsHr75gQ60Xo4

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1514","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1514,"authors_free":[{"id":2630,"entry_id":1514,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":562,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kustas, George L. ","free_first_name":"George L.","free_last_name":"Kustas","norm_person":{"id":562,"first_name":"George L. ","last_name":"Kustas","full_name":"Kustas, George L. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Commentators on Aristotle's Categories and on Porphyry's Isagoge","main_title":{"title":"The Commentators on Aristotle's Categories and on Porphyry's Isagoge"},"abstract":"Among the works edited in the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca are a number of analyses of the Categories, Aristotle\u2019s basic treatise on formal logic, as well as commentaries on Porphyry\u2019s introduction to philosophy, the Isagoge, which is concerned with basic philosophical principles. Those which concern us belong to the fifth\/sixth century and are the product of the Alexandrian school of Neoplatonism. The authors are Ammonius, son of Hermeias; his students, John Philoponus and Olympiodorus; and Olympiodorus\u2019 students, Elias and David. To this list we may add Simplicius, who attended Ammonius\u2019 lectures before emigrating to Athens.\r\n\r\nWe are dealing with a common tradition of exegesis. The standard arrangement is several pages of prolegomena, in which the author lays out his purpose and defines his terms, followed by extensive scholia on individual passages. The commentators consistently make the claim that they are clearing up obscurities in the text. Hence the term dodelex appears often in their pages. Our interest, however, lies not here but in their analysis of what they regard as Aristotle\u2019s deliberate use of obscurity as a quality of style designed with a specific end in view. We have therefore to examine in some detail what they say. [introduction p. 101]","btype":2,"date":"1973","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/czKsHr75gQ60Xo4","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":562,"full_name":"Kustas, George L. ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1514,"section_of":1515,"pages":"101-126","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1515,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"reference","type":1,"language":"en","title":"Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Kustas_1973","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1973","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/rxJfkOyETAdcjhw","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1515,"pubplace":"Thessalonike ","publisher":"Patriarchikon Idruma Paterikon Meleton","series":"Analekta Vlatado\u0304n","volume":"17","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":{"id":1514,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric","volume":"","issue":"","pages":"101-126"}},"sort":[1973]}

Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists, 1972
By: Edmunds, Lowell

Title	Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1972
Journal	Phoenix
Volume	26
Issue	4
Pages	342-357
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Edmunds, Lowell
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In sum, the position of Democritus is decidedly against tyche (chance), and tyche is regarded as a subjective phenomenon. "Men have fashioned an image of Chance as an excuse for their own stupidity. For Chance rarely conflicts with Intelligence, and most things in life can be set in order by an intelligent sharp-sightedness." There remains only one noteworthy fragment that mentions chance: "Daring is the beginning of action, but chance is responsible for the end." Since this fragment contradicts everything else Democritus says about chance, and since the form of Stobaeus' quotation obscures the reference of these words, we are entitled to ask whether we should think of this as Democritus' view of chance in general, or whether he was referring to persons who, contrary to the advice of his other sententiae on chance, relied on moderation and committed themselves to overreaching and tychistic projects. The note of moral exhortation suggests that man has a free choice between alternative ways of life, and thus that he is not in the grip of the original necessity which created the cosmos and him and endowed him with the arts. From the ethical point of view, man seems to emerge as an island of freedom—a floating island, perhaps, in a sea of necessity. If so, then Democritus' system is either dualistic or self-contradictory. However, the example of chance in the ethical thought of Democritus has shown how freedom, if it has any place at all in Democritus' system, should be understood. Man is free to trust to luck through willful disregard for or ignorance of the laws of nature, given by necessity. But he is powerless to change the facts of necessity, and from this point of view, his freedom is an illusion, like the appearance of color. His freedom is merely subjective and of infinite unconcern to the rest of the universe. The atomic theory, which accounted so well for the various appearances of the same phenomena to various people—tragedies and comedies are composed of the same alphabet—also accounted for a specious freedom. [conclusion p. 356-357]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NNiKvwijO2dtwFP

{"_index":"sire","_id":"753","_score":null,"_source":{"id":753,"authors_free":[{"id":1118,"entry_id":753,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":80,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Edmunds, Lowell","free_first_name":"Lowell","free_last_name":"Edmunds","norm_person":{"id":80,"first_name":"Lowell","last_name":"Edmunds","full_name":"Edmunds, Lowell","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116147319X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists","main_title":{"title":"Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists"},"abstract":"In sum, the position of Democritus is decidedly against tyche (chance), and tyche is regarded as a subjective phenomenon. \"Men have fashioned an image of Chance as an excuse for their own stupidity. For Chance rarely conflicts with Intelligence, and most things in life can be set in order by an intelligent sharp-sightedness.\" There remains only one noteworthy fragment that mentions chance: \"Daring is the beginning of action, but chance is responsible for the end.\" Since this fragment contradicts everything else Democritus says about chance, and since the form of Stobaeus' quotation obscures the reference of these words, we are entitled to ask whether we should think of this as Democritus' view of chance in general, or whether he was referring to persons who, contrary to the advice of his other sententiae on chance, relied on moderation and committed themselves to overreaching and tychistic projects.\r\n\r\nThe note of moral exhortation suggests that man has a free choice between alternative ways of life, and thus that he is not in the grip of the original necessity which created the cosmos and him and endowed him with the arts. From the ethical point of view, man seems to emerge as an island of freedom\u2014a floating island, perhaps, in a sea of necessity. If so, then Democritus' system is either dualistic or self-contradictory.\r\n\r\nHowever, the example of chance in the ethical thought of Democritus has shown how freedom, if it has any place at all in Democritus' system, should be understood. Man is free to trust to luck through willful disregard for or ignorance of the laws of nature, given by necessity. But he is powerless to change the facts of necessity, and from this point of view, his freedom is an illusion, like the appearance of color. His freedom is merely subjective and of infinite unconcern to the rest of the universe.\r\n\r\nThe atomic theory, which accounted so well for the various appearances of the same phenomena to various people\u2014tragedies and comedies are composed of the same alphabet\u2014also accounted for a specious freedom. [conclusion p. 356-357]","btype":3,"date":"1972","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NNiKvwijO2dtwFP","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":80,"full_name":"Edmunds, Lowell","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":753,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phoenix","volume":"26","issue":"4","pages":"342-357"}},"sort":[1972]}

Priscianus Lydus en de "In De Anima" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius, 1972
By: Bossier, Fernand, Steel, Carlos

Title	Priscianus Lydus en de "In De Anima" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	Dutch
Date	1972
Journal	Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume	34
Issue	4
Pages	761-822
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bossier, Fernand , Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Dans cet article, nous avons essayé d'examiner la valeur de l'attribution traditionnelle du commentaire In De Anima à Simplicius. En comparant ce traité aux grands commentaires de Simplicius (sur les Catégories, la Physique et le De Caelo d'Aristote), nous avons en effet été frappés par les divergences de style et de langue, ainsi que par la différente manière de commenter. Dans la première partie, nous démontrons que l'auteur de In D.A. a également écrit la Metaphrasis in Theophrastum, qui nous a été transmise sous le nom de Priscien le Lydien. 1° Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie à une de ses œuvres, qu'il appelle Epitomé de la Physique de Théophraste. En réalité, cette référence se rapporte à un passage de la Metaphrase de Priscien, où la même problématique est exposée dans des termes identiques. 2° Une comparaison détaillée portant sur l'ensemble des deux œuvres nous révèle une telle ressemblance de style et de pensée – il y a même des phrases à peu près identiques – qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer que par l'hypothèse de l'identité de l'auteur. Dans la deuxième partie, nous essayons d'identifier l'auteur de ces deux œuvres qui, pourtant, nous ont été transmises sous deux noms différents. L'étude de la tradition directe et indirecte n'apporte guère de solution, puisque l'attribution des deux textes, l'un à Simplicius, l'autre à Priscien, y paraît très solide. Ce n'est donc que par une critique interne de In D.A., notamment par la confrontation avec les commentaires de Simplicius, dont l'attribution est certaine, que la question pourra être tranchée. 1° Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie trois fois à son commentaire sur la Physique. Pourtant, il est bien difficile de retrouver dans le grand commentaire de Simplicius trois passages dont le contenu et surtout le vocabulaire prouvent que l'auteur s'y réfère. 2° Dans In D.A., on ne retrouve pas les traits caractéristiques de la méthode de commentaire de Simplicius, ni l'approche du texte par la documentation historique, ni les longues discussions avec les exégètes antérieurs, ni l'exposé prolixe et bien structuré. D'autre part, aucun des commentaires de Simplicius ne témoigne de la phraséologie tortueuse de notre œuvre, ni de ses formules stéréotypées. 3° La différence doctrinale est encore plus importante. Nulle part chez Simplicius n'apparaît la théorie de l'âme comme epistêmê, qui est si fondamentale dans In D.A. (epistêmê y est un concept-clé). Les rares digressions de In D.A. à propos de questions physiques et logiques ne correspondent pas aux exposés de Simplicius sur les mêmes problèmes. Ainsi, nous avons confronté la doctrine de la physis, de l'âme et de son automotion, et enfin le rapport entre le genre et les différences constitutives et diérétiques. De tout cela se dégage une telle divergence entre In D.A. et les autres commentaires qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer par une évolution chez Simplicius lui-même. In D.A. lui est donc faussement attribué ; et puisque nous avons établi que ce commentaire est du même auteur que la Metaphrase, nous pouvons conclure qu'il a été vraisemblablement écrit par Priscien le Lydien, un philosophe néoplatonicien dont nous savons seulement qu'il a accompagné Damascius et Simplicius en exil en exil en Perse. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/r917awdAL4tkrdc

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1077","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1077,"authors_free":[{"id":1632,"entry_id":1077,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":12,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bossier, Fernand","free_first_name":"Fernand","free_last_name":"Bossier","norm_person":{"id":12,"first_name":"Fernand ","last_name":"Bossier","full_name":"Bossier, Fernand ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1017981663","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1633,"entry_id":1077,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Priscianus Lydus en de \"In De Anima\" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Priscianus Lydus en de \"In De Anima\" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius"},"abstract":"Dans cet article, nous avons essay\u00e9 d'examiner la valeur de l'attribution traditionnelle du commentaire In De Anima \u00e0 Simplicius. En comparant ce trait\u00e9 aux grands commentaires de Simplicius (sur les Cat\u00e9gories, la Physique et le De Caelo d'Aristote), nous avons en effet \u00e9t\u00e9 frapp\u00e9s par les divergences de style et de langue, ainsi que par la diff\u00e9rente mani\u00e8re de commenter.\r\n\r\nDans la premi\u00e8re partie, nous d\u00e9montrons que l'auteur de In D.A. a \u00e9galement \u00e9crit la Metaphrasis in Theophrastum, qui nous a \u00e9t\u00e9 transmise sous le nom de Priscien le Lydien.\r\n1\u00b0 Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie \u00e0 une de ses \u0153uvres, qu'il appelle Epitom\u00e9 de la Physique de Th\u00e9ophraste. En r\u00e9alit\u00e9, cette r\u00e9f\u00e9rence se rapporte \u00e0 un passage de la Metaphrase de Priscien, o\u00f9 la m\u00eame probl\u00e9matique est expos\u00e9e dans des termes identiques.\r\n2\u00b0 Une comparaison d\u00e9taill\u00e9e portant sur l'ensemble des deux \u0153uvres nous r\u00e9v\u00e8le une telle ressemblance de style et de pens\u00e9e \u2013 il y a m\u00eame des phrases \u00e0 peu pr\u00e8s identiques \u2013 qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer que par l'hypoth\u00e8se de l'identit\u00e9 de l'auteur.\r\n\r\nDans la deuxi\u00e8me partie, nous essayons d'identifier l'auteur de ces deux \u0153uvres qui, pourtant, nous ont \u00e9t\u00e9 transmises sous deux noms diff\u00e9rents. L'\u00e9tude de la tradition directe et indirecte n'apporte gu\u00e8re de solution, puisque l'attribution des deux textes, l'un \u00e0 Simplicius, l'autre \u00e0 Priscien, y para\u00eet tr\u00e8s solide. Ce n'est donc que par une critique interne de In D.A., notamment par la confrontation avec les commentaires de Simplicius, dont l'attribution est certaine, que la question pourra \u00eatre tranch\u00e9e.\r\n1\u00b0 Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie trois fois \u00e0 son commentaire sur la Physique. Pourtant, il est bien difficile de retrouver dans le grand commentaire de Simplicius trois passages dont le contenu et surtout le vocabulaire prouvent que l'auteur s'y r\u00e9f\u00e8re.\r\n2\u00b0 Dans In D.A., on ne retrouve pas les traits caract\u00e9ristiques de la m\u00e9thode de commentaire de Simplicius, ni l'approche du texte par la documentation historique, ni les longues discussions avec les ex\u00e9g\u00e8tes ant\u00e9rieurs, ni l'expos\u00e9 prolixe et bien structur\u00e9. D'autre part, aucun des commentaires de Simplicius ne t\u00e9moigne de la phras\u00e9ologie tortueuse de notre \u0153uvre, ni de ses formules st\u00e9r\u00e9otyp\u00e9es.\r\n3\u00b0 La diff\u00e9rence doctrinale est encore plus importante. Nulle part chez Simplicius n'appara\u00eet la th\u00e9orie de l'\u00e2me comme epist\u00eam\u00ea, qui est si fondamentale dans In D.A. (epist\u00eam\u00ea y est un concept-cl\u00e9). Les rares digressions de In D.A. \u00e0 propos de questions physiques et logiques ne correspondent pas aux expos\u00e9s de Simplicius sur les m\u00eames probl\u00e8mes.\r\n\r\nAinsi, nous avons confront\u00e9 la doctrine de la physis, de l'\u00e2me et de son automotion, et enfin le rapport entre le genre et les diff\u00e9rences constitutives et di\u00e9r\u00e9tiques. De tout cela se d\u00e9gage une telle divergence entre In D.A. et les autres commentaires qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer par une \u00e9volution chez Simplicius lui-m\u00eame. In D.A. lui est donc faussement attribu\u00e9 ; et puisque nous avons \u00e9tabli que ce commentaire est du m\u00eame auteur que la Metaphrase, nous pouvons conclure qu'il a \u00e9t\u00e9 vraisemblablement \u00e9crit par Priscien le Lydien, un philosophe n\u00e9oplatonicien dont nous savons seulement qu'il a accompagn\u00e9 Damascius et Simplicius en exil en exil en Perse. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1972","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/r917awdAL4tkrdc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":12,"full_name":"Bossier, Fernand ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1077,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Tijdschrift voor Filosofie","volume":"34","issue":"4","pages":"761-822"}},"sort":[1972]}

The Nature of Zeno's Argument against Plurality in DK 29 B 1, 1972
By: Abraham, William E.

Title	The Nature of Zeno's Argument against Plurality in DK 29 B 1
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1972
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	17
Issue	1
Pages	40-52
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Abraham, William E.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius has preserved (Phys. 140, 34) a Zenonian argument purporting to show that if an object of positive magnitude has parts from which it derives its size, then any such object must be at once of infinite magnitude and zero magnitude. This surprising consequence is based upon a construction which Zeno makes, but his argument is widely thought to be grossly fallacious. Most often he is supposed to have misunderstood the arithmetic of his own construction. Evidently, any such charge must be premised on some view of the particular nature of the sequence to which Zeno's construction gives rise. I seek to develop a view that Zeno's argument is in fact free from fallacy, and offer reason to fear that his real argument has usually been missed. [p. 40]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QHBs8Wv701RyPQh

{"_index":"sire","_id":"780","_score":null,"_source":{"id":780,"authors_free":[{"id":1145,"entry_id":780,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":3,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Abraham, William E.","free_first_name":"William E.","free_last_name":"Abraham","norm_person":{"id":3,"first_name":"William E.","last_name":"Abraham","full_name":"Abraham, William E.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1120967007","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Nature of Zeno's Argument against Plurality in DK 29 B 1","main_title":{"title":"The Nature of Zeno's Argument against Plurality in DK 29 B 1"},"abstract":"Simplicius has preserved (Phys. 140, 34) a Zenonian argument purporting to show that if an object of positive magnitude has parts from \r\nwhich it derives its size, then any such object must be at once of \r\ninfinite magnitude and zero magnitude. This surprising consequence \r\nis based upon a construction which Zeno makes, but his argument is \r\nwidely thought to be grossly fallacious. Most often he is supposed to \r\nhave misunderstood the arithmetic of his own construction. Evidently, \r\nany such charge must be premised on some view of the particular \r\nnature of the sequence to which Zeno's construction gives rise. I seek \r\nto develop a view that Zeno's argument is in fact free from fallacy, \r\nand offer reason to fear that his real argument has usually been missed. [p. 40]","btype":3,"date":"1972","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/QHBs8Wv701RyPQh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":3,"full_name":"Abraham, William E.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":780,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"17","issue":"1","pages":"40-52"}},"sort":[1972]}

Poion and Poiotes in Stoic Philosophy, 1972
By: Reesor, Margaret E.

Title	Poion and Poiotes in Stoic Philosophy
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1972
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	17
Issue	3
Pages	279-285
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Reesor, Margaret E.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The second category, poia, is the most puzzling of the four Stoic categories. The general term poion (qualified) included the koinos poion (generically qualified) and the idios poion (individually qualified), but the relationship between these two concepts is by no means clear. It is even more difficult to see how they were connected with the idia poiotes (particular quality) and the koine poiotis (common quality). In order to explain how the four terms were related, I shall undertake in this paper as thorough an investigation as possible of a diaeresis described by Boethius in his Commentary on Aristotle's De Interpretatione. Boethius outlines a diaeresis of possible and necessary propositions in Stoic philosophy. He writes: "They (the Stoics) divide propositions in this way: of propositions, they say, some are possible, others impossible; of the possible, some are necessary, others non-necessary; again, of the non-necessary, some are possible and others impossible, foolishly and recklessly deciding that the possible is both a genus and a species of the non-necessary." In the chart below, I have reconstructed this diaeresis, using the definitions of the terms and the examples given by Diogenes Laertius. [introduction p. 279]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DItDwer65QVZSCC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"859","_score":null,"_source":{"id":859,"authors_free":[{"id":1263,"entry_id":859,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":302,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Reesor, Margaret E.","free_first_name":"Margaret E.","free_last_name":"Reesor","norm_person":{"id":302,"first_name":"Margaret E.","last_name":"Reesor","full_name":"Reesor, Margaret E.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Poion and Poiotes in Stoic Philosophy","main_title":{"title":"Poion and Poiotes in Stoic Philosophy"},"abstract":"The second category, poia, is the most puzzling of the four Stoic categories. The general term poion (qualified) included the koinos poion (generically qualified) and the idios poion (individually qualified), but the relationship between these two concepts is by no means clear. It is even more difficult to see how they were connected with the idia poiotes (particular quality) and the koine poiotis (common quality).\r\n\r\nIn order to explain how the four terms were related, I shall undertake in this paper as thorough an investigation as possible of a diaeresis described by Boethius in his Commentary on Aristotle's De Interpretatione.\r\n\r\nBoethius outlines a diaeresis of possible and necessary propositions in Stoic philosophy. He writes: \"They (the Stoics) divide propositions in this way: of propositions, they say, some are possible, others impossible; of the possible, some are necessary, others non-necessary; again, of the non-necessary, some are possible and others impossible, foolishly and recklessly deciding that the possible is both a genus and a species of the non-necessary.\"\r\n\r\nIn the chart below, I have reconstructed this diaeresis, using the definitions of the terms and the examples given by Diogenes Laertius. [introduction p. 279]","btype":3,"date":"1972","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DItDwer65QVZSCC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":302,"full_name":"Reesor, Margaret E.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":859,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"17","issue":"3","pages":"279-285"}},"sort":[1972]}

Pseudo-Archytas über die Kategorien, 1972
By: Szlezák, Thomas Alexander

Title	Pseudo-Archytas über die Kategorien
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1972
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Peripatoi
Volume	4
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Szlezák, Thomas Alexander
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/B53kIQ1NXPQYKjd

{"_index":"sire","_id":"220","_score":null,"_source":{"id":220,"authors_free":[{"id":282,"entry_id":220,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":509,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Szlez\u00e1k, Thomas Alexander","free_first_name":"Thomas Alexander","free_last_name":"Szlez\u00e1k","norm_person":{"id":509,"first_name":"Thomas Alexander","last_name":"Szlez\u00e1k","full_name":"Szlez\u00e1k, Thomas Alexander","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/11775403X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Pseudo-Archytas \u00fcber die Kategorien","main_title":{"title":"Pseudo-Archytas \u00fcber die Kategorien"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1972","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/B53kIQ1NXPQYKjd","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":509,"full_name":"Szlez\u00e1k, Thomas Alexander","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":220,"pubplace":"Berlin \u2013 New York","publisher":"de Gruyter","series":"Peripatoi","volume":"4","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1972]}

Epitêdeiolês in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis, 1972
By: Todd, R. B.

Title	Epitêdeiolês in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis
Type	Article
Language	undefined
Date	1972
Journal	Acta Classica
Volume	15
Pages	25-35
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Todd, R. B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/i1HyYnNymEt19CA

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1562","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1562,"authors_free":[{"id":2729,"entry_id":1562,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Todd, R. B.","free_first_name":"R. B.","free_last_name":"Todd","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Epit\u00eadeiol\u00eas in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis","main_title":{"title":"Epit\u00eadeiol\u00eas in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis"},"abstract":"","btype":3,"date":"1972","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/i1HyYnNymEt19CA","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1562,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Acta Classica","volume":"15","issue":"","pages":"25-35"}},"sort":[1972]}

Le Néoplatonisme: Actes du Colloque International sur le Néoplatonisme organisé dans le cadre des Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique à Royaumont du 9 au 13 juin 1969, 1971
By: Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime (Ed.), Hadot, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Le Néoplatonisme: Actes du Colloque International sur le Néoplatonisme organisé dans le cadre des Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique à Royaumont du 9 au 13 juin 1969
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1971
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

The book is a valuable resource for scholars and students of Neoplatonism, providing a comprehensive overview of the history and development of this important philosophical tradition. It is divided into three main sections. The first section focuses on the historical development of Neoplatonism, tracing its origins in the philosophy of Plato and its development through the works of Plotinus, Proclus, and other Neoplatonic thinkers. The second section explores the relationship between Neoplatonism and other philosophical traditions, such as Aristotelianism, Stoicism, and Epicureanism. The third section examines the influence of Neoplatonism on literature and Christianity. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3Ys5KdoaAlOHE6L

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1257","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1257,"authors_free":[{"id":1836,"entry_id":1257,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":23,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime ","free_first_name":"Pierre-Maxime ","free_last_name":"Schuhl","norm_person":{"id":23,"first_name":"Pierre-Maxime","last_name":"Schuhl","full_name":"Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117559718X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2336,"entry_id":1257,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":158,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":158,"first_name":"Pierre","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Pierre","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115663517","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le N\u00e9oplatonisme: Actes du Colloque International sur le N\u00e9oplatonisme organis\u00e9 dans le cadre des Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique \u00e0 Royaumont du 9 au 13 juin 1969","main_title":{"title":"Le N\u00e9oplatonisme: Actes du Colloque International sur le N\u00e9oplatonisme organis\u00e9 dans le cadre des Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique \u00e0 Royaumont du 9 au 13 juin 1969"},"abstract":"The book is a valuable resource for scholars and students of Neoplatonism, providing a comprehensive overview of the history and development of this important philosophical tradition. It is divided into three main sections. The first section focuses on the historical development of Neoplatonism, tracing its origins in the philosophy of Plato and its development through the works of Plotinus, Proclus, and other Neoplatonic thinkers. The second section explores the relationship between Neoplatonism and other philosophical traditions, such as Aristotelianism, Stoicism, and Epicureanism. The third section examines the influence of Neoplatonism on literature and Christianity. [introduction]","btype":4,"date":"1971","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3Ys5KdoaAlOHE6L","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":23,"full_name":"Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":158,"full_name":"Hadot, Pierre","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1257,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1971]}

La fin de l'Acádemie, 1971
By: Cameron, Alan, Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime (Ed.), Hadot, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	La fin de l'Acádemie
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1971
Published in	Le Néoplatonisme: Actes du Colloque International sur le Néoplatonisme organisé dans le cadre des Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique à Royaumont du 9 au 13 juin 1969
Pages	281-290
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cameron, Alan
Editor(s)	Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

Avec la mort de Proclus en 485, l’Académie tomba dans un déclin rapide. Trois générations durant, les meilleurs philosophes avaient été formés à Athènes par Plutarque, Syrianus et Proclus. Au contraire, les meilleurs philosophes de la génération suivante, Asclépius, Damascius, Eutocius, Olympiodore, Philopon et Simplicius, furent tous élèves d’Ammonius à Alexandrie. Ammonius lui-même avait été élève de Proclus. Nous connaissons les noms de tous les successeurs de Proclus à Athènes, mais ils ne sont guère pour nous que des noms. Même Damascius, qui était scolarque en l’année fatidique de 529, admet que la philosophie à Athènes n’était jamais tombée aussi bas que juste avant son accession à la chaire. Tout cela est hors de conteste. Pourtant, les savants modernes ont généralement considéré que ce déclin a continué sans interruption jusqu’en 529 et qu’en 529, lorsque Justinien a publié son illustre édit fermant l’Académie, elle était déjà sur son lit de mort. Autrement dit, ils considèrent que l’acte de Justinien fut plutôt de l’euthanasie qu’un assassinat. La dernière étude sur la fermeture de l’Académie admet sans discussion qu’en 529, la philosophie païenne d’Athènes avait déjà succombé sous les coups de la philosophie christianisée d’Alexandrie et de Gaza, que les étudiants, sauvés des griffes de l’impie Damascius, pouvaient désormais être guidés sur les chemins de la vérité par des chrétiens comme Philopon et Procope de Gaza. Hélas ! Cette image édifiante n’a rien à voir avec l’histoire. Il est douteux qu’il y ait jamais eu une école chrétienne de philosophie à Gaza. Énée et Procope étaient tous deux professeurs de rhétorique, et leurs plus fameux disciples furent aussi des rhéteurs (Épiphanius, Choricius). En tous cas, en 529, tous deux étaient morts. En ce qui concerne Alexandrie, contrairement à une opinion largement répandue, Philopon ne succéda pas à la chaire d’Ammonius. Pour des raisons que nous ne connaissons pas, il est resté, semble-t-il, toute sa vie grammaticus, professeur de littérature. Et vers la fin de sa vie, il se tourna de plus en plus de la philosophie vers la théologie — et vers l’hérésie. En outre, l’influence de la tradition scolaire était si forte, même dans le cas de philosophes chrétiens, que les écrits de Philopon ont exercé une influence étonnamment faible sur l’enseignement à Alexandrie. Olympiodore, qui enseignait encore à Alexandrie dans les années 560, était en effet païen, et ses successeurs, Élie, David, Étienne, bien que chrétiens, continuèrent à enseigner des doctrines comme l’éternité du monde et la divinité des corps célestes, qui avaient été déjà depuis longtemps réfutées par Philopon. Nous ne découvrons certainement pas ce qui est quelquefois évoqué en termes grandiloquents comme une synthèse de l’aristotélisme et du christianisme. Dès lors, il ne saurait être question de la vitalité supérieure d’une philosophie chrétienne écrasant les faibles survivants du paganisme sur leur propre terrain. De fait, si l’on compare le travail qui se fait à Athènes et à Alexandrie dans la première moitié du VIe siècle — en négligeant la production des dernières années de Philopon, comme étrangère à la tradition universitaire proprement dite —, il est clair que Damascius et Simplicius surpassent de beaucoup leurs rivaux alexandrins. Quant à la réputation de Damascius comme professeur (et la compétence scientifique a autant d’importance que l’habileté pédagogique), elle est établie par la liste de ses élèves en 529, qui comprenait des philosophes originaires de Cilicie, de Phrygie, de Lydie, de Phénicie et de Gaza : un véritable recrutement international. Assez étrangement, on a voulu tirer argument du caractère international de l’école de Damascius pour prouver la décadence de l’Académie. Athènes elle-même, dit-on, ne pouvait plus produire des Athéniens pour cultiver l’héritage de Platon. C’est ignorer le caractère international de la vie universitaire à la fin de l’Antiquité, caractère bien mis en évidence par la Vie d’Isidore écrite par Damascius et par Eunape dans les Vies des sophistes. En cet âge d’or de la rhétorique que fut le IVe siècle, à Athènes, les grands noms étaient Julien de Cappadoce, Himérius de Bithynie, Prohairesius d’Arménie. À peu près aucun Athénien parmi eux. Proclus lui-même était lycien, Syrianus, alexandrin. C’est plutôt un signe de la santé de ses institutions qu’Athènes pût encore attirer des étrangers de valeur ! Je voudrais suggérer, en effet, que bien loin que ce fût l’Académie qui fût sur son lit de mort en 529, c’était l’école d’Alexandrie qui était en déclin après la mort d’Ammonius, alors que l’Académie reprenait vie. Les successeurs d’Ammonius à Alexandrie furent Eutocius le mathématicien et Olympiodore, philosophes, ni l’un ni l’autre de grande envergure. Tandis que vers 529, l’énergique et habile Damascius avait repris en main l’Académie et s’était entouré d’une équipe de disciples dévoués — dévoués, car nous savons qu’ils le suivirent en Perse après la fermeture de l’Académie. Une illustration frappante de ce changement de relation entre Athènes et Alexandrie est le fait que, alors que dans ses premiers commentaires Olympiodore dépendait essentiellement d’Ammonius, dans ses dernières œuvres, il s’appuie de plus en plus sur Damascius. Nous saisissons, là encore, Alexandrie se tournant vers Athènes. Il se peut que Justinien n’ait pas fermé l’Académie par mépris, parce qu’elle était moribonde, mais — et c’est une raison plus naturelle et plus plausible — par crainte, parce qu’elle reprenait vie. [introduction p. 281-283]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WEx2IgLff0lYEzl

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1258","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1258,"authors_free":[{"id":1837,"entry_id":1258,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":20,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cameron, Alan","free_first_name":"Alan","free_last_name":"Cameron","norm_person":{"id":20,"first_name":"Alan","last_name":"Cameron","full_name":"Cameron, Alan ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/143568914","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2334,"entry_id":1258,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":23,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime","free_first_name":"Pierre-Maxime","free_last_name":"Schuhl","norm_person":{"id":23,"first_name":"Pierre-Maxime","last_name":"Schuhl","full_name":"Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117559718X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2335,"entry_id":1258,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":158,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Hadot, Pierre","free_first_name":"Pierre","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":158,"first_name":"Pierre","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Pierre","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/115663517","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La fin de l'Ac\u00e1demie","main_title":{"title":"La fin de l'Ac\u00e1demie"},"abstract":"Avec la mort de Proclus en 485, l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie tomba dans un d\u00e9clin rapide. Trois g\u00e9n\u00e9rations durant, les meilleurs philosophes avaient \u00e9t\u00e9 form\u00e9s \u00e0 Ath\u00e8nes par Plutarque, Syrianus et Proclus. Au contraire, les meilleurs philosophes de la g\u00e9n\u00e9ration suivante, Ascl\u00e9pius, Damascius, Eutocius, Olympiodore, Philopon et Simplicius, furent tous \u00e9l\u00e8ves d\u2019Ammonius \u00e0 Alexandrie. Ammonius lui-m\u00eame avait \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9l\u00e8ve de Proclus.\r\n\r\nNous connaissons les noms de tous les successeurs de Proclus \u00e0 Ath\u00e8nes, mais ils ne sont gu\u00e8re pour nous que des noms. M\u00eame Damascius, qui \u00e9tait scolarque en l\u2019ann\u00e9e fatidique de 529, admet que la philosophie \u00e0 Ath\u00e8nes n\u2019\u00e9tait jamais tomb\u00e9e aussi bas que juste avant son accession \u00e0 la chaire.\r\n\r\nTout cela est hors de conteste. Pourtant, les savants modernes ont g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement consid\u00e9r\u00e9 que ce d\u00e9clin a continu\u00e9 sans interruption jusqu\u2019en 529 et qu\u2019en 529, lorsque Justinien a publi\u00e9 son illustre \u00e9dit fermant l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie, elle \u00e9tait d\u00e9j\u00e0 sur son lit de mort. Autrement dit, ils consid\u00e8rent que l\u2019acte de Justinien fut plut\u00f4t de l\u2019euthanasie qu\u2019un assassinat.\r\n\r\nLa derni\u00e8re \u00e9tude sur la fermeture de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie admet sans discussion qu\u2019en 529, la philosophie pa\u00efenne d\u2019Ath\u00e8nes avait d\u00e9j\u00e0 succomb\u00e9 sous les coups de la philosophie christianis\u00e9e d\u2019Alexandrie et de Gaza, que les \u00e9tudiants, sauv\u00e9s des griffes de l\u2019impie Damascius, pouvaient d\u00e9sormais \u00eatre guid\u00e9s sur les chemins de la v\u00e9rit\u00e9 par des chr\u00e9tiens comme Philopon et Procope de Gaza. H\u00e9las ! Cette image \u00e9difiante n\u2019a rien \u00e0 voir avec l\u2019histoire.\r\n\r\nIl est douteux qu\u2019il y ait jamais eu une \u00e9cole chr\u00e9tienne de philosophie \u00e0 Gaza. \u00c9n\u00e9e et Procope \u00e9taient tous deux professeurs de rh\u00e9torique, et leurs plus fameux disciples furent aussi des rh\u00e9teurs (\u00c9piphanius, Choricius). En tous cas, en 529, tous deux \u00e9taient morts.\r\n\r\nEn ce qui concerne Alexandrie, contrairement \u00e0 une opinion largement r\u00e9pandue, Philopon ne succ\u00e9da pas \u00e0 la chaire d\u2019Ammonius. Pour des raisons que nous ne connaissons pas, il est rest\u00e9, semble-t-il, toute sa vie grammaticus, professeur de litt\u00e9rature. Et vers la fin de sa vie, il se tourna de plus en plus de la philosophie vers la th\u00e9ologie \u2014 et vers l\u2019h\u00e9r\u00e9sie.\r\n\r\nEn outre, l\u2019influence de la tradition scolaire \u00e9tait si forte, m\u00eame dans le cas de philosophes chr\u00e9tiens, que les \u00e9crits de Philopon ont exerc\u00e9 une influence \u00e9tonnamment faible sur l\u2019enseignement \u00e0 Alexandrie. Olympiodore, qui enseignait encore \u00e0 Alexandrie dans les ann\u00e9es 560, \u00e9tait en effet pa\u00efen, et ses successeurs, \u00c9lie, David, \u00c9tienne, bien que chr\u00e9tiens, continu\u00e8rent \u00e0 enseigner des doctrines comme l\u2019\u00e9ternit\u00e9 du monde et la divinit\u00e9 des corps c\u00e9lestes, qui avaient \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9j\u00e0 depuis longtemps r\u00e9fut\u00e9es par Philopon.\r\n\r\nNous ne d\u00e9couvrons certainement pas ce qui est quelquefois \u00e9voqu\u00e9 en termes grandiloquents comme une synth\u00e8se de l\u2019aristot\u00e9lisme et du christianisme.\r\n\r\nD\u00e8s lors, il ne saurait \u00eatre question de la vitalit\u00e9 sup\u00e9rieure d\u2019une philosophie chr\u00e9tienne \u00e9crasant les faibles survivants du paganisme sur leur propre terrain. De fait, si l\u2019on compare le travail qui se fait \u00e0 Ath\u00e8nes et \u00e0 Alexandrie dans la premi\u00e8re moiti\u00e9 du VIe si\u00e8cle \u2014 en n\u00e9gligeant la production des derni\u00e8res ann\u00e9es de Philopon, comme \u00e9trang\u00e8re \u00e0 la tradition universitaire proprement dite \u2014, il est clair que Damascius et Simplicius surpassent de beaucoup leurs rivaux alexandrins.\r\n\r\nQuant \u00e0 la r\u00e9putation de Damascius comme professeur (et la comp\u00e9tence scientifique a autant d\u2019importance que l\u2019habilet\u00e9 p\u00e9dagogique), elle est \u00e9tablie par la liste de ses \u00e9l\u00e8ves en 529, qui comprenait des philosophes originaires de Cilicie, de Phrygie, de Lydie, de Ph\u00e9nicie et de Gaza : un v\u00e9ritable recrutement international.\r\n\r\nAssez \u00e9trangement, on a voulu tirer argument du caract\u00e8re international de l\u2019\u00e9cole de Damascius pour prouver la d\u00e9cadence de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie. Ath\u00e8nes elle-m\u00eame, dit-on, ne pouvait plus produire des Ath\u00e9niens pour cultiver l\u2019h\u00e9ritage de Platon. C\u2019est ignorer le caract\u00e8re international de la vie universitaire \u00e0 la fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9, caract\u00e8re bien mis en \u00e9vidence par la Vie d\u2019Isidore \u00e9crite par Damascius et par Eunape dans les Vies des sophistes.\r\n\r\nEn cet \u00e2ge d\u2019or de la rh\u00e9torique que fut le IVe si\u00e8cle, \u00e0 Ath\u00e8nes, les grands noms \u00e9taient Julien de Cappadoce, Him\u00e9rius de Bithynie, Prohairesius d\u2019Arm\u00e9nie. \u00c0 peu pr\u00e8s aucun Ath\u00e9nien parmi eux. Proclus lui-m\u00eame \u00e9tait lycien, Syrianus, alexandrin. C\u2019est plut\u00f4t un signe de la sant\u00e9 de ses institutions qu\u2019Ath\u00e8nes p\u00fbt encore attirer des \u00e9trangers de valeur !\r\n\r\nJe voudrais sugg\u00e9rer, en effet, que bien loin que ce f\u00fbt l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie qui f\u00fbt sur son lit de mort en 529, c\u2019\u00e9tait l\u2019\u00e9cole d\u2019Alexandrie qui \u00e9tait en d\u00e9clin apr\u00e8s la mort d\u2019Ammonius, alors que l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie reprenait vie.\r\n\r\nLes successeurs d\u2019Ammonius \u00e0 Alexandrie furent Eutocius le math\u00e9maticien et Olympiodore, philosophes, ni l\u2019un ni l\u2019autre de grande envergure. Tandis que vers 529, l\u2019\u00e9nergique et habile Damascius avait repris en main l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie et s\u2019\u00e9tait entour\u00e9 d\u2019une \u00e9quipe de disciples d\u00e9vou\u00e9s \u2014 d\u00e9vou\u00e9s, car nous savons qu\u2019ils le suivirent en Perse apr\u00e8s la fermeture de l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie.\r\n\r\nUne illustration frappante de ce changement de relation entre Ath\u00e8nes et Alexandrie est le fait que, alors que dans ses premiers commentaires Olympiodore d\u00e9pendait essentiellement d\u2019Ammonius, dans ses derni\u00e8res \u0153uvres, il s\u2019appuie de plus en plus sur Damascius. Nous saisissons, l\u00e0 encore, Alexandrie se tournant vers Ath\u00e8nes.\r\n\r\nIl se peut que Justinien n\u2019ait pas ferm\u00e9 l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie par m\u00e9pris, parce qu\u2019elle \u00e9tait moribonde, mais \u2014 et c\u2019est une raison plus naturelle et plus plausible \u2014 par crainte, parce qu\u2019elle reprenait vie. [introduction p. 281-283]","btype":2,"date":"1971","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/WEx2IgLff0lYEzl","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":20,"full_name":"Cameron, Alan ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":23,"full_name":"Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":158,"full_name":"Hadot, Pierre","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1258,"section_of":1257,"pages":"281-290","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1257,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Le N\u00e9oplatonisme: Actes du Colloque International sur le N\u00e9oplatonisme organis\u00e9 dans le cadre des Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique \u00e0 Royaumont du 9 au 13 juin 1969","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Schuhl_Hadot1971","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1971","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"The book is a valuable resource for scholars and students of Neoplatonism, providing a comprehensive overview of the history and development of this important philosophical tradition. It is divided into three main sections. The first section focuses on the historical development of Neoplatonism, tracing its origins in the philosophy of Plato and its development through the works of Plotinus, Proclus, and other Neoplatonic thinkers. The second section explores the relationship between Neoplatonism and other philosophical traditions, such as Aristotelianism, Stoicism, and Epicureanism. The third section examines the influence of Neoplatonism on literature and Christianity. [introduction]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3Ys5KdoaAlOHE6L","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1257,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1971]}

The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined, 1971
By: Solmsen, Friedrich

Title	The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1971
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	16
Issue	2
Pages	116-141
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Solmsen, Friedrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper makes no attempt to compete with the brilliant studies through which, in the last thirty years, several scholars have advanced our understanding of the evidence for Zeno of Elea, and in particular of the verbatim preserved fragments. In fact, my intention is not to replace theories with other theories but to create doubt about matters that, for some time, have been taken for granted, and to change confident assumptions into hypotheses that would tolerate others alongside them. Accounts of Zeno's philosophy generally take as their starting point some well-known statements at the beginning of Plato's Parmenides. Given the paucity of reports bearing on his work as a whole, the information here vouchsafed about its content and purpose must seem priceless. It also seems authoritative, the idea of examining it critically almost sacrilegious. Zeno, we read here, wrote against those who ridiculed the thesis of his master Parmenides that "all is one." The opponents tried to discredit this thesis by pointing out contradictions and "ridiculous" consequences resulting from the Parmenidean "One." In return, Zeno took the adversaries' position that "there are many" as the basis for his reasoning, deducing from it, in each of his arguments, contradictions and other results even more "ridiculous" than what the opponents had found in Parmenides' theory. It is easy to see why this testimony is so irresistible. Plato himself distinguishes between what is certain and what allows doubt and more than one explanation. Doubt is possible about certain accidental aspects (tôn symbebêkotôn ti, Zeno says, 128c5 ff.), i.e., whether the ultimate convergence of the two treatises was meant to be obvious or to be concealed from the reader, and also whether Zeno was anxious to build up a philosophical stature for himself or merely to help Parmenides against the detractors. Yet, precisely because doubt is allowed on such items of secondary importance, the far more important statements concerning the subject matter, the method, and the objectives of Zeno's treatise seem immune to attack. Scholars writing on Zeno have usually accepted Plato's testimony as a matter of course or with the most perfunctory justification. A few have given reasons why the testimony deserves confidence, and no reason could be more attractive than the sensitive comments of Hermann Fränkel about Plato as being, by his own individuality and temperament, exceptionally qualified to appreciate the peculiar, rather wanton humor that Fränkel has found lurking in Zeno's sallies. I should be loath to disagree with this argument, even if it did not form part of what Gregory Vlastos has justly called "easily the most important philological monograph published on the subject in several decades." Still, I am not the first to question the element of wantonness and trickery in Zeno's proofs, and even if it were granted, one might wonder whether Plato's own humor is not normally more gentle and urbane (asteion)—the exuberance of the "youthful" Protagoras being an exception—and whether even a congenial sense of humor would guarantee the correct understanding of a philosophical endeavor. But it is perhaps more profitable to develop Fränkel's doubts "as to how much Plato, or his readers for that matter, would be interested in problems of mere historicity." For these doubts apply even farther than Fränkel may be inclined to think. Would Plato really wish to make sure that his readers had a correct knowledge of what Zeno's treatise intended and achieved? Had he carefully and with something approaching philological accuracy worked his way through all the ὑποθέσεις in the treatise and found out to his satisfaction what purpose they served? Does he now, to communicate this discovery to the readers, use the dramatic device of making Socrates ask whether his interpretation is correct and Zeno confirm that in substance it is? Why, anyhow, must this be more, or much more, than a dramatic device—especially if the device has a bearing on the later developments in the dialogue? [introduction p. 116-118]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6pPpfWHeO2IY3ri

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1016","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1016,"authors_free":[{"id":1532,"entry_id":1016,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":316,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","free_first_name":"Friedrich","free_last_name":"Solmsen","norm_person":{"id":316,"first_name":"Friedrich","last_name":"Solmsen","full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117754641","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined","main_title":{"title":"The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined"},"abstract":"This paper makes no attempt to compete with the brilliant studies through which, in the last thirty years, several scholars have advanced our understanding of the evidence for Zeno of Elea, and in particular of the verbatim preserved fragments. In fact, my intention is not to replace theories with other theories but to create doubt about matters that, for some time, have been taken for granted, and to change confident assumptions into hypotheses that would tolerate others alongside them.\r\nAccounts of Zeno's philosophy generally take as their starting point some well-known statements at the beginning of Plato's Parmenides. Given the paucity of reports bearing on his work as a whole, the information here vouchsafed about its content and purpose must seem priceless. It also seems authoritative, the idea of examining it critically almost sacrilegious. Zeno, we read here, wrote against those who ridiculed the thesis of his master Parmenides that \"all is one.\" The opponents tried to discredit this thesis by pointing out contradictions and \"ridiculous\" consequences resulting from the Parmenidean \"One.\" In return, Zeno took the adversaries' position that \"there are many\" as the basis for his reasoning, deducing from it, in each of his arguments, contradictions and other results even more \"ridiculous\" than what the opponents had found in Parmenides' theory.\r\nIt is easy to see why this testimony is so irresistible. Plato himself distinguishes between what is certain and what allows doubt and more than one explanation. Doubt is possible about certain accidental aspects (t\u00f4n symbeb\u00eakot\u00f4n ti, Zeno says, 128c5 ff.), i.e., whether the ultimate convergence of the two treatises was meant to be obvious or to be concealed from the reader, and also whether Zeno was anxious to build up a philosophical stature for himself or merely to help Parmenides against the detractors. Yet, precisely because doubt is allowed on such items of secondary importance, the far more important statements concerning the subject matter, the method, and the objectives of Zeno's treatise seem immune to attack.\r\nScholars writing on Zeno have usually accepted Plato's testimony as a matter of course or with the most perfunctory justification. A few have given reasons why the testimony deserves confidence, and no reason could be more attractive than the sensitive comments of Hermann Fr\u00e4nkel about Plato as being, by his own individuality and temperament, exceptionally qualified to appreciate the peculiar, rather wanton humor that Fr\u00e4nkel has found lurking in Zeno's sallies. I should be loath to disagree with this argument, even if it did not form part of what Gregory Vlastos has justly called \"easily the most important philological monograph published on the subject in several decades.\" Still, I am not the first to question the element of wantonness and trickery in Zeno's proofs, and even if it were granted, one might wonder whether Plato's own humor is not normally more gentle and urbane (asteion)\u2014the exuberance of the \"youthful\" Protagoras being an exception\u2014and whether even a congenial sense of humor would guarantee the correct understanding of a philosophical endeavor.\r\nBut it is perhaps more profitable to develop Fr\u00e4nkel's doubts \"as to how much Plato, or his readers for that matter, would be interested in problems of mere historicity.\" For these doubts apply even farther than Fr\u00e4nkel may be inclined to think. Would Plato really wish to make sure that his readers had a correct knowledge of what Zeno's treatise intended and achieved? Had he carefully and with something approaching philological accuracy worked his way through all the \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03b8\u03ad\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 in the treatise and found out to his satisfaction what purpose they served? Does he now, to communicate this discovery to the readers, use the dramatic device of making Socrates ask whether his interpretation is correct and Zeno confirm that in substance it is? Why, anyhow, must this be more, or much more, than a dramatic device\u2014especially if the device has a bearing on the later developments in the dialogue? [introduction p. 116-118]","btype":3,"date":"1971","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6pPpfWHeO2IY3ri","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":316,"full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1016,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"16","issue":"2","pages":"116-141"}},"sort":[1971]}

ΟΜΟΥ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΑ ΠΑΝΤΑ ΗΝ, 1971
By: Rösler, Wolfgang

Title	ΟΜΟΥ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΑ ΠΑΝΤΑ ΗΝ
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1971
Journal	Hermes
Volume	99
Issue	2
Pages	246-248
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rösler, Wolfgang
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Wie alle umfangreicheren Fragmente der Abhandlung Περί φύσεως des Anaxagoras ist auch Fragment 1 (VS 59 B 1) durch den Kommentar des Simplikios zur aristotelischen Physik überliefert. Simplikios hatte die Möglichkeit, ein Exemplar der Schrift des ionischen Philosophen zu benutzen. In seiner ganzen Länge erscheint das Fragment, dessen Stellung am Anfang des Buches ausdrücklich bezeugt ist, nur einmal (155, 26); daneben gibt es weitere Passagen, in denen lediglich der einleitende Satz bzw. dessen Beginn zitiert wird. Ein Überblick zeigt, dass zwischen den einzelnen Zitaten Unterschiede in der Wortstellung bestehen. Deshalb soll im Folgenden der Versuch unternommen werden, die ursprüngliche Anordnung in der Textvorlage des Simplikios zu rekonstruieren. Bekanntlich wird der Anfang der Schrift des Anaxagoras seit Platon in der griechischen Literatur häufig zitiert. Untersucht man jedoch die entsprechenden Stellen – mit Ausnahme derer bei Simplikios – auf ihren Wert als Zeugen für den genauen Wortlaut des Anaxagoras-Textes, so zeigt sich ihre Bedeutungslosigkeit rasch. Platon und Aristoteles zitieren nicht direkt aus dem Buch des Anaxagoras, was auch ihrer sonst geübten Praxis bei der Wiedergabe fremder Meinungen widerspräche, sondern paraphrasieren frei nach dem Gedächtnis. Die beiden Zitate bei Platon bieten zwar eine einheitliche Wortstellung (ὁμοῦ πάντα χρήματα), doch fehlt jeweils ἦν. In einem Fall (Gorg. 465d) sind die Worte des Anaxagoras sogar völlig in die betreffende Satzkonstruktion eingegangen. Letzteres trifft auch auf viele der Zitate bei Aristoteles zu, die im Übrigen Unterschiede in der Wortfolge zeigen und häufig unvollständig sind. Wie bei Platon umfassen auch die Zitate bei Aristoteles lediglich den unmittelbaren Beginn des Einleitungssatzes. Nur einmal (Met. 1056b 29) erscheint auch der folgende Satzabschnitt (bis πλῆθος καὶ σμικρότης, wobei diese beiden Substantive bei Aristoteles allerdings im Dativ stehen). Auch dieses Zitat besteht jedoch nur aus insgesamt neun Wörtern und konnte daher leicht aus dem Gedächtnis niedergeschrieben werden. Noch geringeren Quellenwert haben die Zitate bei späteren Autoren, da diese ihre Kenntnis Platon, Aristoteles oder einer ihrerseits aus zweiter Hand schöpfenden doxographischen Vorlage verdankten oder die Einleitungsworte des Anaxagoras, die im Laufe der Zeit regelrecht zur παροιμία wurden, überhaupt nur vom Hörensagen kannten. In der Wortstellung treten fast alle denkbaren Variationen auf, kein Zitat reicht über den unmittelbaren Anfang der Schrift Περί φύσεως hinaus. Als Grundlage der Rekonstruktion bleiben somit nur die Passagen bei Simplikios. Wie eingangs bemerkt, wird Fragment 1 im Physik-Kommentar nur an einer Stelle (155, 26) in seiner Gesamtheit zitiert, während die übrigen Zitate nur den Anfang wiedergeben; im günstigsten Fall reichen sie (wie schon bei Aristoteles) bis σμικρότης. Nun bietet 155, 26 eine Wortstellung, die nur bei Simplikios und im Physik-Kommentar nur hier begegnet, nämlich ὁμοῦ χρήματα πάντα ἦν. Angesichts der Isoliertheit dieser Version trugen H. Diels und W. Kranz, die Herausgeber der Vorsokratiker-Fragmente, keine Bedenken, sich an dieser Stelle über die Überlieferung hinwegzusetzen und für χρήματα πάντα die seit Platon häufig vorkommende Wortfolge πάντα χρήματα in den Text aufzunehmen, die im Übrigen auch in den Kurzzitaten bei Simplikios die Regel ist. Dennoch ist nicht daran zu zweifeln, dass der Anfang der Schrift des Anaxagoras gerade in 155, 26 richtig wiedergegeben ist. Denn nur hier im Physik-Kommentar zitiert Simplikios nachweislich unmittelbar aus seinem Anaxagoras-Text, den er für die übrigen Zitate ihrer Kürze wegen nicht eigens einsah. Dass er in diesen Fällen die geläufige, freilich unkorrekte Wortfolge übernahm, kann nicht verwundern, zumal sie auch in der von ihm kommentierten Schrift des Aristoteles erschien. Diese Auswertung der Zitate von Fragment 1 im Physik-Kommentar des Simplikios wird dadurch gesichert, dass in einer anderen Abhandlung desselben Autors, im Kommentar zu Aristoteles' De caelo (608, 21), ein zweites Mal der Anfang der Schrift Περί φύσεως in der Version ὁμοῦ χρήματα πάντα ἦν zitiert wird. Entscheidend ist, dass es sich auch in diesem Fall um ein so langes Zitat handelt (bis σμικρότης), dass Simplikios dafür eigens im Anaxagoras-Text nachschlagen musste. [the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JNAa63ZtXiLxTdb

{"_index":"sire","_id":"774","_score":null,"_source":{"id":774,"authors_free":[{"id":1138,"entry_id":774,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":383,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"R\u00f6sler, Wolfgang","free_first_name":"Wolfgang","free_last_name":"R\u00f6sler","norm_person":{"id":383,"first_name":"Wolfgang","last_name":"R\u00f6sler","full_name":"R\u00f6sler, Wolfgang","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/133199266","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"\u039f\u039c\u039f\u03a5 \u03a7\u03a1\u0397\u039c\u0391\u03a4\u0391 \u03a0\u0391\u039d\u03a4\u0391 \u0397\u039d","main_title":{"title":"\u039f\u039c\u039f\u03a5 \u03a7\u03a1\u0397\u039c\u0391\u03a4\u0391 \u03a0\u0391\u039d\u03a4\u0391 \u0397\u039d"},"abstract":"Wie alle umfangreicheren Fragmente der Abhandlung \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 des Anaxagoras ist auch Fragment 1 (VS 59 B 1) durch den Kommentar des Simplikios zur aristotelischen Physik \u00fcberliefert. Simplikios hatte die M\u00f6glichkeit, ein Exemplar der Schrift des ionischen Philosophen zu benutzen. In seiner ganzen L\u00e4nge erscheint das Fragment, dessen Stellung am Anfang des Buches ausdr\u00fccklich bezeugt ist, nur einmal (155, 26); daneben gibt es weitere Passagen, in denen lediglich der einleitende Satz bzw. dessen Beginn zitiert wird.\r\n\r\nEin \u00dcberblick zeigt, dass zwischen den einzelnen Zitaten Unterschiede in der Wortstellung bestehen. Deshalb soll im Folgenden der Versuch unternommen werden, die urspr\u00fcngliche Anordnung in der Textvorlage des Simplikios zu rekonstruieren.\r\n\r\nBekanntlich wird der Anfang der Schrift des Anaxagoras seit Platon in der griechischen Literatur h\u00e4ufig zitiert. Untersucht man jedoch die entsprechenden Stellen \u2013 mit Ausnahme derer bei Simplikios \u2013 auf ihren Wert als Zeugen f\u00fcr den genauen Wortlaut des Anaxagoras-Textes, so zeigt sich ihre Bedeutungslosigkeit rasch. Platon und Aristoteles zitieren nicht direkt aus dem Buch des Anaxagoras, was auch ihrer sonst ge\u00fcbten Praxis bei der Wiedergabe fremder Meinungen widerspr\u00e4che, sondern paraphrasieren frei nach dem Ged\u00e4chtnis.\r\n\r\nDie beiden Zitate bei Platon bieten zwar eine einheitliche Wortstellung (\u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1), doch fehlt jeweils \u1f26\u03bd. In einem Fall (Gorg. 465d) sind die Worte des Anaxagoras sogar v\u00f6llig in die betreffende Satzkonstruktion eingegangen. Letzteres trifft auch auf viele der Zitate bei Aristoteles zu, die im \u00dcbrigen Unterschiede in der Wortfolge zeigen und h\u00e4ufig unvollst\u00e4ndig sind. Wie bei Platon umfassen auch die Zitate bei Aristoteles lediglich den unmittelbaren Beginn des Einleitungssatzes. Nur einmal (Met. 1056b 29) erscheint auch der folgende Satzabschnitt (bis \u03c0\u03bb\u1fc6\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c3\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2, wobei diese beiden Substantive bei Aristoteles allerdings im Dativ stehen). Auch dieses Zitat besteht jedoch nur aus insgesamt neun W\u00f6rtern und konnte daher leicht aus dem Ged\u00e4chtnis niedergeschrieben werden.\r\n\r\nNoch geringeren Quellenwert haben die Zitate bei sp\u00e4teren Autoren, da diese ihre Kenntnis Platon, Aristoteles oder einer ihrerseits aus zweiter Hand sch\u00f6pfenden doxographischen Vorlage verdankten oder die Einleitungsworte des Anaxagoras, die im Laufe der Zeit regelrecht zur \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u03bc\u03af\u03b1 wurden, \u00fcberhaupt nur vom H\u00f6rensagen kannten. In der Wortstellung treten fast alle denkbaren Variationen auf, kein Zitat reicht \u00fcber den unmittelbaren Anfang der Schrift \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 hinaus.\r\n\r\nAls Grundlage der Rekonstruktion bleiben somit nur die Passagen bei Simplikios. Wie eingangs bemerkt, wird Fragment 1 im Physik-Kommentar nur an einer Stelle (155, 26) in seiner Gesamtheit zitiert, w\u00e4hrend die \u00fcbrigen Zitate nur den Anfang wiedergeben; im g\u00fcnstigsten Fall reichen sie (wie schon bei Aristoteles) bis \u03c3\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2. Nun bietet 155, 26 eine Wortstellung, die nur bei Simplikios und im Physik-Kommentar nur hier begegnet, n\u00e4mlich \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f26\u03bd.\r\n\r\nAngesichts der Isoliertheit dieser Version trugen H. Diels und W. Kranz, die Herausgeber der Vorsokratiker-Fragmente, keine Bedenken, sich an dieser Stelle \u00fcber die \u00dcberlieferung hinwegzusetzen und f\u00fcr \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 die seit Platon h\u00e4ufig vorkommende Wortfolge \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 in den Text aufzunehmen, die im \u00dcbrigen auch in den Kurzzitaten bei Simplikios die Regel ist. Dennoch ist nicht daran zu zweifeln, dass der Anfang der Schrift des Anaxagoras gerade in 155, 26 richtig wiedergegeben ist.\r\n\r\nDenn nur hier im Physik-Kommentar zitiert Simplikios nachweislich unmittelbar aus seinem Anaxagoras-Text, den er f\u00fcr die \u00fcbrigen Zitate ihrer K\u00fcrze wegen nicht eigens einsah. Dass er in diesen F\u00e4llen die gel\u00e4ufige, freilich unkorrekte Wortfolge \u00fcbernahm, kann nicht verwundern, zumal sie auch in der von ihm kommentierten Schrift des Aristoteles erschien.\r\n\r\nDiese Auswertung der Zitate von Fragment 1 im Physik-Kommentar des Simplikios wird dadurch gesichert, dass in einer anderen Abhandlung desselben Autors, im Kommentar zu Aristoteles' De caelo (608, 21), ein zweites Mal der Anfang der Schrift \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 in der Version \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f26\u03bd zitiert wird. Entscheidend ist, dass es sich auch in diesem Fall um ein so langes Zitat handelt (bis \u03c3\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2), dass Simplikios daf\u00fcr eigens im Anaxagoras-Text nachschlagen musste. [the entire text]","btype":3,"date":"1971","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/JNAa63ZtXiLxTdb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":383,"full_name":"R\u00f6sler, Wolfgang","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":774,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"99","issue":"2","pages":"246-248"}},"sort":[1971]}

Parmenides, Fr. 8, 5, 1971
By: Whittaker, John H.

Title	Parmenides, Fr. 8, 5
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1971
Published in	God Time Being: Two Studies in the Transcendental Tradition in Greek Philosophy
Pages	16-32
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Whittaker, John H.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I would conclude that no knowledge of the teaching of the historical Parmenides can be safely derived from the versions of fr. 8, 5 which have survived. One can, however, assert with complete conviction, as was shown at the outset, that the doctrine of non-durational eternity, which Neoplatonists associated with both versions of the line, was not taught by the historical Parmenides. [conclusion p. 24]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/otytaZVpHsVfMmh

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One can, however, assert with complete conviction, as \r\nwas shown at the outset, that the doctrine of non-durational eternity, \r\nwhich Neoplatonists associated with both versions of the line, was not \r\ntaught by the historical Parmenides. [conclusion p. 24]","btype":2,"date":"1971","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/otytaZVpHsVfMmh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":411,"full_name":"Whittaker, John H.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":439,"section_of":144,"pages":"16-32","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":144,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"en","title":"God Time Being: Two Studies in the Transcendental Tradition in Greek Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Whittaker1971b","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1971","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1971","abstract":"Es geht um die im Platonismus entwickelte Vorstellung einer Gottheit eigenen\r\nzeitlosen, zeit3berlegenen Ewigkeit, die von Plotin aus (Enneaden III 7) die abend-\r\nlindische Theologie und Mystik stark beeinfluf3t hat. Zugrunde liegt Platons\r\nSpekulation 3ber Aion und Chronos, Timaios 73 c-38 c; ausformuliert ist die\r\nThese vom ewigen Jetzt fur unsere Kenntnis erstmals im mittleren Platonismus\r\n(Plutarch, De E ap. Delph. 393 A-C). Doch hat sie der Neuplatonismus - sicher-\r\nlich zu Unrecht - bereits in ein beruhmtes Parmenides-Fragment (8, 5 D.-Kr., wo\r\nes vom Sein heift, dag ,alles jetzt zusammen ist\", nach U. Hoelscher) hinein-\r\ngelesen. Der Verf., der diese Oberlieferungsverhiltnisse klarend darlegt, unterzieht\r\ndas Fragment im ersten Teil seiner Arbeit einer scharfsinnigen, reich dokumen-\r\ntierten Analyse. Dabei wird die Ansicht begrundet, dai3 die Texte unserer spht-\r\nantiken Zeugen (Simplikios einerseits, die vier alexandrinischen Ausleger andrer-\r\nseits) nicht iber jeden Zweifel erhaben sind. Es k6nnte sein, daf3 bei Simplikios\r\n- dem die modernen Ausgaben zu folgen pflegen - eine neuplatonische Adaption\r\ndes parmenideischen Wortlauts vorliegt, so daf die uberlieferte Form von Parm.\r\n8, 5 fur die Ermittlung der Lehre des grof3enEleaten ausscheiden muf3te - ein fur\r\ndie Vorsokratikerforschung recht erhebliches Ergebnis. - In einer zweiten Unter-\r\nsuchung geht der Verf. dem gleichen Motiv (,Gottes ewiges Heute': der Leser der\r\naugustinischen Confessionen hat es aus dem grofartigen Lobpreis XI 13 in Erinne-\r\nrung) bei Philon von Alexandria nach, wobei sich ein belehrender Einblick in die\r\nplatonistisdhe Tradition ergibt (verwunderlich, daf3 Clemens von Alexandria nach\r\nMigne's Patrologie, Maximos von Tyros nach der alten Dibner'sdlen Ausgabe\r\nzitiert werden). Auch aristotelische und stoische Einflusse werden gepruft. W. stellt\r\nfest, daf3 die meisten Philonstellen, die man bisher im Sinn der neuplatonischen\r\nLehre von einer zeit\u00fcberlegenen Ewigkeit gedeutet hatte, anders zu erklaren\r\nsind; eine Ausnahme scheint in einer allegorischen Auslegung des Alten Testaments\r\n(zu Levit. 2, 14) vorzuliegen (de sacrif. 76). Es bleibt dabei, daf3 das weitreidiende\r\nThema in voller Klarheit erstmals in Plutarchs ob. gen. Dialog angesprochen wird;\r\ner hangt sicher mit dem seit Ende des 1. Jh. v. Chr. wieder rege gewordenen\r\nStudium des platonischen Timaios zusammen, welches in dem Kommentar des\r\nAlexandriners Eudoros, eines pythagoreisierenden Platonikers, moglicherweiseeine\r\nQuelle Plutarchs hervorgebracht hat (hier ware auf eine den Problemen des mitt-\r\nleren Platonismus gewidmete Arbeit H. Dbrrie's hinzuweisen gewesen, in: Les\r\nSourdes de Plotin, Entresiens sur L'Antiquite Classique, t. V, 1957 193 it).\" (Review, H. Strohm)","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gmCTvOKY6YxDRe4","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":144,"pubplace":"Oslo","publisher":"Universitetsforlaget","series":"Symbolae Osloenses","volume":"23","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1971]}

God Time Being: Two Studies in the Transcendental Tradition in Greek Philosophy, 1971
By: Whittaker, John H.

Title	God Time Being: Two Studies in the Transcendental Tradition in Greek Philosophy
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1971
Publication Place	Oslo
Publisher	Universitetsforlaget
Series	Symbolae Osloenses
Volume	23
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Whittaker, John H.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Es geht um die im Platonismus entwickelte Vorstellung einer Gottheit eigenen zeitlosen, zeit3berlegenen Ewigkeit, die von Plotin aus (Enneaden III 7) die abend- lindische Theologie und Mystik stark beeinfluf3t hat. Zugrunde liegt Platons Spekulation 3ber Aion und Chronos, Timaios 73 c-38 c; ausformuliert ist die These vom ewigen Jetzt fur unsere Kenntnis erstmals im mittleren Platonismus (Plutarch, De E ap. Delph. 393 A-C). Doch hat sie der Neuplatonismus - sicher- lich zu Unrecht - bereits in ein beruhmtes Parmenides-Fragment (8, 5 D.-Kr., wo es vom Sein heift, dag ,alles jetzt zusammen ist", nach U. Hoelscher) hinein- gelesen. Der Verf., der diese Oberlieferungsverhiltnisse klarend darlegt, unterzieht das Fragment im ersten Teil seiner Arbeit einer scharfsinnigen, reich dokumen- tierten Analyse. Dabei wird die Ansicht begrundet, dai3 die Texte unserer spht- antiken Zeugen (Simplikios einerseits, die vier alexandrinischen Ausleger andrer- seits) nicht iber jeden Zweifel erhaben sind. Es k6nnte sein, daf3 bei Simplikios - dem die modernen Ausgaben zu folgen pflegen - eine neuplatonische Adaption des parmenideischen Wortlauts vorliegt, so daf die uberlieferte Form von Parm. 8, 5 fur die Ermittlung der Lehre des grof3enEleaten ausscheiden muf3te - ein fur die Vorsokratikerforschung recht erhebliches Ergebnis. - In einer zweiten Unter- suchung geht der Verf. dem gleichen Motiv (,Gottes ewiges Heute': der Leser der augustinischen Confessionen hat es aus dem grofartigen Lobpreis XI 13 in Erinne- rung) bei Philon von Alexandria nach, wobei sich ein belehrender Einblick in die platonistisdhe Tradition ergibt (verwunderlich, daf3 Clemens von Alexandria nach Migne's Patrologie, Maximos von Tyros nach der alten Dibner'sdlen Ausgabe zitiert werden). Auch aristotelische und stoische Einflusse werden gepruft. W. stellt fest, daf3 die meisten Philonstellen, die man bisher im Sinn der neuplatonischen Lehre von einer zeitüberlegenen Ewigkeit gedeutet hatte, anders zu erklaren sind; eine Ausnahme scheint in einer allegorischen Auslegung des Alten Testaments (zu Levit. 2, 14) vorzuliegen (de sacrif. 76). Es bleibt dabei, daf3 das weitreidiende Thema in voller Klarheit erstmals in Plutarchs ob. gen. Dialog angesprochen wird; er hangt sicher mit dem seit Ende des 1. Jh. v. Chr. wieder rege gewordenen Studium des platonischen Timaios zusammen, welches in dem Kommentar des Alexandriners Eudoros, eines pythagoreisierenden Platonikers, moglicherweiseeine Quelle Plutarchs hervorgebracht hat (hier ware auf eine den Problemen des mitt- leren Platonismus gewidmete Arbeit H. Dbrrie's hinzuweisen gewesen, in: Les Sourdes de Plotin, Entresiens sur L'Antiquite Classique, t. V, 1957 193 it)." (Review, H. Strohm)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gmCTvOKY6YxDRe4

{"_index":"sire","_id":"144","_score":null,"_source":{"id":144,"authors_free":[{"id":182,"entry_id":144,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":411,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Whittaker, John H.","free_first_name":"John H.","free_last_name":"Whittaker","norm_person":{"id":411,"first_name":"John H.","last_name":"Whittaker","full_name":"Whittaker, John H.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/124441203","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"God Time Being: Two Studies in the Transcendental Tradition in Greek Philosophy","main_title":{"title":"God Time Being: Two Studies in the Transcendental Tradition in Greek Philosophy"},"abstract":"Es geht um die im Platonismus entwickelte Vorstellung einer Gottheit eigenen\r\nzeitlosen, zeit3berlegenen Ewigkeit, die von Plotin aus (Enneaden III 7) die abend-\r\nlindische Theologie und Mystik stark beeinfluf3t hat. Zugrunde liegt Platons\r\nSpekulation 3ber Aion und Chronos, Timaios 73 c-38 c; ausformuliert ist die\r\nThese vom ewigen Jetzt fur unsere Kenntnis erstmals im mittleren Platonismus\r\n(Plutarch, De E ap. Delph. 393 A-C). Doch hat sie der Neuplatonismus - sicher-\r\nlich zu Unrecht - bereits in ein beruhmtes Parmenides-Fragment (8, 5 D.-Kr., wo\r\nes vom Sein heift, dag ,alles jetzt zusammen ist\", nach U. Hoelscher) hinein-\r\ngelesen. Der Verf., der diese Oberlieferungsverhiltnisse klarend darlegt, unterzieht\r\ndas Fragment im ersten Teil seiner Arbeit einer scharfsinnigen, reich dokumen-\r\ntierten Analyse. Dabei wird die Ansicht begrundet, dai3 die Texte unserer spht-\r\nantiken Zeugen (Simplikios einerseits, die vier alexandrinischen Ausleger andrer-\r\nseits) nicht iber jeden Zweifel erhaben sind. Es k6nnte sein, daf3 bei Simplikios\r\n- dem die modernen Ausgaben zu folgen pflegen - eine neuplatonische Adaption\r\ndes parmenideischen Wortlauts vorliegt, so daf die uberlieferte Form von Parm.\r\n8, 5 fur die Ermittlung der Lehre des grof3enEleaten ausscheiden muf3te - ein fur\r\ndie Vorsokratikerforschung recht erhebliches Ergebnis. - In einer zweiten Unter-\r\nsuchung geht der Verf. dem gleichen Motiv (,Gottes ewiges Heute': der Leser der\r\naugustinischen Confessionen hat es aus dem grofartigen Lobpreis XI 13 in Erinne-\r\nrung) bei Philon von Alexandria nach, wobei sich ein belehrender Einblick in die\r\nplatonistisdhe Tradition ergibt (verwunderlich, daf3 Clemens von Alexandria nach\r\nMigne's Patrologie, Maximos von Tyros nach der alten Dibner'sdlen Ausgabe\r\nzitiert werden). Auch aristotelische und stoische Einflusse werden gepruft. W. stellt\r\nfest, daf3 die meisten Philonstellen, die man bisher im Sinn der neuplatonischen\r\nLehre von einer zeit\u00fcberlegenen Ewigkeit gedeutet hatte, anders zu erklaren\r\nsind; eine Ausnahme scheint in einer allegorischen Auslegung des Alten Testaments\r\n(zu Levit. 2, 14) vorzuliegen (de sacrif. 76). Es bleibt dabei, daf3 das weitreidiende\r\nThema in voller Klarheit erstmals in Plutarchs ob. gen. Dialog angesprochen wird;\r\ner hangt sicher mit dem seit Ende des 1. Jh. v. Chr. wieder rege gewordenen\r\nStudium des platonischen Timaios zusammen, welches in dem Kommentar des\r\nAlexandriners Eudoros, eines pythagoreisierenden Platonikers, moglicherweiseeine\r\nQuelle Plutarchs hervorgebracht hat (hier ware auf eine den Problemen des mitt-\r\nleren Platonismus gewidmete Arbeit H. Dbrrie's hinzuweisen gewesen, in: Les\r\nSourdes de Plotin, Entresiens sur L'Antiquite Classique, t. V, 1957 193 it).\" (Review, H. Strohm)","btype":1,"date":"1971","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gmCTvOKY6YxDRe4","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":411,"full_name":"Whittaker, John H.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":144,"pubplace":"Oslo","publisher":"Universitetsforlaget","series":"Symbolae Osloenses","volume":"23","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1971]}

Simplicius, Commentaire sur les Catégories d'Aristote (In Aristotelis Categorias commentarium), Traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke. Édition critique par A. Pattin, vol. 1, 1971
By: Simplicius , Wilhelm von Moerbeke, Pattin, Adriaan (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, Commentaire sur les Catégories d'Aristote (In Aristotelis Categorias commentarium), Traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke. Édition critique par A. Pattin, vol. 1
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1971
Publication Place	Louvain
Publisher	Publ. Universitaires
Series	Corpus Latinum Commentariorum in Aristotelem Graecorum
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Wilhelm von Moerbeke
Editor(s)	Pattin, Adriaan
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/u7BTxg00aLdP0lX

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Fallgesetz und Massebegriff. Zwei wissenschaftshistorische Untersuchungen zur Kosmologie des Johannes Philoponus, 1971
By: Wolff, Michael

Title	Fallgesetz und Massebegriff. Zwei wissenschaftshistorische Untersuchungen zur Kosmologie des Johannes Philoponus
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1971
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Quellen und Studien zur Philosophie
Volume	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wolff, Michael
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In der 1970 gegründeten Reihe erscheinen Arbeiten, die philosophiehistorische Studien mit einem systematischen Ansatz oder systematische Studien mit philosophiehistorischen Rekonstruktionen verbinden. Neben deutschsprachigen werden auch englischsprachige Monographien veröffentlicht. Gründungsherausgeber sind: Erhard Scheibe (Herausgeber bis 1991), Günther Patzig (bis 1999) und Wolfgang Wieland (bis 2003). Von 1990 bis 2007 wurde die Reihe von Jürgen Mittelstraß mitherausgegeben. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AtlPN4QA7mZzias

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'Planets' in Simplicius De caelo 471.1 ff., 1971
By: Hall, J.J

Title	'Planets' in Simplicius De caelo 471.1 ff.
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1971
Journal	The Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume	91
Pages	138-139
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hall, J.J
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Thus all that Simplicius is saying, on Eudemus’ authority, is that Anaximander ‘was the first to discuss’ the sizes and distances of ‘planets’, using the latter term to include sun and moon; and this agrees with what the doxographers tell us: Anaximander had views about the distances of sun and moon, and the size of the sun.11 A sceptic, like Dicks, may question this whole tradition; but it should not be claimed that what Simplicius says of Anaximander and planômena in 471.2-6 is inconsistent with our other authorities. [conclusion, p. 139]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/K5sTJaihiZL0lG5

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Anaximander and Dr Dicks, 1970
By: O'Brien, Denis

Title	Anaximander and Dr Dicks
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1970
Journal	The Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume	90
Pages	198-199
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I am sorry to have annoyed Dr. Dicks by criticizing two articles of his in one of my footnotes (D. R. Dicks, On Anaximander's Figures, JHS LXXXIX [1969] 120: the offending footnote is in JHS LXXXVIII [1968] 120 n. 44, referring to Dicks, CQ n.s. IX [1959] 294-309, especially 299 and 301, and JHS LXXXVI [1966] 26-40, especially 30 and 36). I limit myself to the four specific points raised, in the hope that Dr. Dicks may one day be kind enough to substantiate his more general criticisms. Pseudo-Galen Five separate doxographical sources attribute to Anaxagoras the statement that the sun is larger, or many times larger, than the Peloponnese. Galen, or pseudo-Galen, notes that Anaxagoras' sun is larger than the earth. I suggested that this second formula, although it may not misrepresent the substance of Anaxagoras' theory, was "probably in Galen simply a random error, arising from the fact that the preceding sentence, on Anaximander, twice makes a comparison of sun and earth" (JHS LXXXVIII [1968] 124 n. 62). It is hard to know what motivates Dr. Dicks to omit my reasoning and to stigmatize my conclusion as "curious" and "eccentric." Tannery Tannery offered three pairs of figures for the distances of the inner and outer diameters of the wheels of stars, moon, and sun in Anaximander's universe: 9 and 10, 18 and 19, 27 and 28 (Science Hellène 94-5). Of these, the figures 19, 27, and 28 are given in doxographical sources. The remaining figures, 9, 10, and 18, are conjectural. If one wishes to criticize Tannery's reconstruction, it makes little sense to isolate one half only of this series. It makes still less sense to isolate the half for which there is less evidence: 9, 18, and 27. But only by doing so is Dr. Dicks able to justify the sentence which I quoted from him: "only 27 in the series has any textual authority." I am sorry if the manner in which I quoted this sentence made it appear that Dr. Dicks had never even heard of the other two figures which appear in the sources, 19 and 28. But Dr. Dicks is wrong to criticize Tannery as though he had generated a single series of numbers from the one figure, 27, which would have been a very dubious procedure. Tannery produced a double series of numbers from the three figures, 19, 27, and 28. This is a very different argument, which has won the support of several scholars and which has recently fallen into disfavour only as the result of a number of misunderstandings, which I have tried to dispel in an article in The Classical Quarterly (n.s. XVII [1967] 423-32). Simplicius In these, and in other doxographical passages, statements are attributed to Anaximander about the sizes and distances of earth, stars, moon, and sun. In Simplicius, mention of megethê kai apostêmata is restricted, albeit loosely, to ta planômena: that the restriction in the context is a loose one anyone may verify who cares to turn up the original passage (De Caelo 470.29 ff = DK 12A19 in part). Because I suggest that Simplicius here may misrepresent Eudemus, whom Simplicius refers to at this point, Dr. Dicks attributes to me the principle that "Simplicius' words may be altered, excised, or transposed at will." In fact, my interpretation of this passage in Simplicius is no different from that implied by Zeller in his great work (Philosophie der Griechen I 1, 298-301) and in part by Tannery (Science Hellène 91). Theophrastus Finally, Dr. Dicks objects to my quotation of two claims: "The chances that the original works of the earlier Pre-Socratics were still readily available to his (sc. Aristotle's) pupils, such as Theophrastus and Eudemus... are extremely small." "There is, therefore, no justification whatsoever for supposing that very late commentators, such as Proclus (5th century A.D.) and Simplicius (6th century A.D.), can possibly possess more authentic information about the Pre-Socratics than the earlier epitomators and excerptors..." It was these two sentences which occasioned my footnote: for here an important principle is at stake. Dr. Dicks now explains that his remarks were intended to be limited to Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes. The reader could not have guessed that this was so: for the very paragraphs from which Dr. Dicks' judgment is quoted include references to Xenophanes and (indirectly) Heraclitus, while the paragraph immediately following the second sentence which I quoted (CQ n.s. IX [1959] 301) lists "Thales, Pythagoras, Heraclitus, and Empedocles" as "these early figures." Nonetheless, even if we restrict ourselves to Dr. Dicks' chosen trio, my point remains: there is evidence that Anaximander's work was known both to Apollodorus and to Theophrastus. (N.B. "Known to": for, as I remarked in my note, "I would not claim to distinguish between 'available' and 'readily available' in the case of Theophrastus and Eudemus".) Dr. Dicks ignores this simple refutation of both his earlier and his emended thesis. [the entire note]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YpWmO3Tof91Vb3y

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1102","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1102,"authors_free":[{"id":1665,"entry_id":1102,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":144,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"O'Brien, Denis","free_first_name":"Denis","free_last_name":"O'Brien","norm_person":{"id":144,"first_name":"Denis","last_name":"O'Brien","full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134134079","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Anaximander and Dr Dicks","main_title":{"title":"Anaximander and Dr Dicks"},"abstract":"I am sorry to have annoyed Dr. Dicks by criticizing two articles of his in one of my footnotes (D. R. Dicks, On Anaximander's Figures, JHS LXXXIX [1969] 120: the offending footnote is in JHS LXXXVIII [1968] 120 n. 44, referring to Dicks, CQ n.s. IX [1959] 294-309, especially 299 and 301, and JHS LXXXVI [1966] 26-40, especially 30 and 36). I limit myself to the four specific points raised, in the hope that Dr. Dicks may one day be kind enough to substantiate his more general criticisms.\r\nPseudo-Galen\r\n\r\nFive separate doxographical sources attribute to Anaxagoras the statement that the sun is larger, or many times larger, than the Peloponnese. Galen, or pseudo-Galen, notes that Anaxagoras' sun is larger than the earth. I suggested that this second formula, although it may not misrepresent the substance of Anaxagoras' theory, was \"probably in Galen simply a random error, arising from the fact that the preceding sentence, on Anaximander, twice makes a comparison of sun and earth\" (JHS LXXXVIII [1968] 124 n. 62). It is hard to know what motivates Dr. Dicks to omit my reasoning and to stigmatize my conclusion as \"curious\" and \"eccentric.\"\r\nTannery\r\n\r\nTannery offered three pairs of figures for the distances of the inner and outer diameters of the wheels of stars, moon, and sun in Anaximander's universe: 9 and 10, 18 and 19, 27 and 28 (Science Hell\u00e8ne 94-5). Of these, the figures 19, 27, and 28 are given in doxographical sources. The remaining figures, 9, 10, and 18, are conjectural.\r\n\r\nIf one wishes to criticize Tannery's reconstruction, it makes little sense to isolate one half only of this series. It makes still less sense to isolate the half for which there is less evidence: 9, 18, and 27. But only by doing so is Dr. Dicks able to justify the sentence which I quoted from him: \"only 27 in the series has any textual authority.\"\r\n\r\nI am sorry if the manner in which I quoted this sentence made it appear that Dr. Dicks had never even heard of the other two figures which appear in the sources, 19 and 28. But Dr. Dicks is wrong to criticize Tannery as though he had generated a single series of numbers from the one figure, 27, which would have been a very dubious procedure. Tannery produced a double series of numbers from the three figures, 19, 27, and 28. This is a very different argument, which has won the support of several scholars and which has recently fallen into disfavour only as the result of a number of misunderstandings, which I have tried to dispel in an article in The Classical Quarterly (n.s. XVII [1967] 423-32).\r\nSimplicius\r\n\r\nIn these, and in other doxographical passages, statements are attributed to Anaximander about the sizes and distances of earth, stars, moon, and sun. In Simplicius, mention of megeth\u00ea kai apost\u00eamata is restricted, albeit loosely, to ta plan\u00f4mena: that the restriction in the context is a loose one anyone may verify who cares to turn up the original passage (De Caelo 470.29 ff = DK 12A19 in part).\r\n\r\nBecause I suggest that Simplicius here may misrepresent Eudemus, whom Simplicius refers to at this point, Dr. Dicks attributes to me the principle that \"Simplicius' words may be altered, excised, or transposed at will.\" In fact, my interpretation of this passage in Simplicius is no different from that implied by Zeller in his great work (Philosophie der Griechen I 1, 298-301) and in part by Tannery (Science Hell\u00e8ne 91).\r\nTheophrastus\r\n\r\nFinally, Dr. Dicks objects to my quotation of two claims:\r\n\r\n \"The chances that the original works of the earlier Pre-Socratics were still readily available to his (sc. Aristotle's) pupils, such as Theophrastus and Eudemus... are extremely small.\"\r\n \"There is, therefore, no justification whatsoever for supposing that very late commentators, such as Proclus (5th century A.D.) and Simplicius (6th century A.D.), can possibly possess more authentic information about the Pre-Socratics than the earlier epitomators and excerptors...\"\r\n\r\nIt was these two sentences which occasioned my footnote: for here an important principle is at stake. Dr. Dicks now explains that his remarks were intended to be limited to Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes. The reader could not have guessed that this was so: for the very paragraphs from which Dr. Dicks' judgment is quoted include references to Xenophanes and (indirectly) Heraclitus, while the paragraph immediately following the second sentence which I quoted (CQ n.s. IX [1959] 301) lists \"Thales, Pythagoras, Heraclitus, and Empedocles\" as \"these early figures.\"\r\n\r\nNonetheless, even if we restrict ourselves to Dr. Dicks' chosen trio, my point remains: there is evidence that Anaximander's work was known both to Apollodorus and to Theophrastus. (N.B. \"Known to\": for, as I remarked in my note, \"I would not claim to distinguish between 'available' and 'readily available' in the case of Theophrastus and Eudemus\".)\r\n\r\nDr. Dicks ignores this simple refutation of both his earlier and his emended thesis. [the entire note]","btype":3,"date":"1970","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YpWmO3Tof91Vb3y","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":144,"full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1102,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Journal of Hellenic Studies","volume":"90","issue":"","pages":"198-199"}},"sort":[1970]}

Parmenides, B 8. 4, 1970
By: Wilson, John Richard

Title	Parmenides, B 8. 4
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1970
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	20
Issue	1
Pages	32-34
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wilson, John Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The text of Parmenides 8. 4 is unusually corrupt. [p. 32]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ORpDAdKNKbMPRNA

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ΠΕΡΙ ΦΥΣΕΩΣ: Zur Frühgeschichte der Buchtitel, 1970
By: Schmalzriedt, Egidius

Title	ΠΕΡΙ ΦΥΣΕΩΣ: Zur Frühgeschichte der Buchtitel
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1970
Publication Place	München
Publisher	Fink
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schmalzriedt, Egidius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Der Text behandelt die Frühgeschichte griechischer Buchtitel. Es geht um die Frage, ob die Titel von den Autoren selbst stammten oder später hinzugefügt wurden. Besonders wird der Titel 'Über die Natur' untersucht, der mehreren vorsokratischen Philosophen zugeschrieben wurde. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gRcN0uGzzLUsJhw

{"_index":"sire","_id":"58","_score":null,"_source":{"id":58,"authors_free":[{"id":66,"entry_id":58,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":534,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Schmalzriedt, Egidius","free_first_name":"Egidius","free_last_name":"Schmalzriedt","norm_person":{"id":534,"first_name":"Egidius","last_name":"Schmalzriedt","full_name":"Schmalzriedt, Egidius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123026261","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"\u03a0\u0395\u03a1\u0399 \u03a6\u03a5\u03a3\u0395\u03a9\u03a3: Zur Fr\u00fchgeschichte der Buchtitel","main_title":{"title":"\u03a0\u0395\u03a1\u0399 \u03a6\u03a5\u03a3\u0395\u03a9\u03a3: Zur Fr\u00fchgeschichte der Buchtitel"},"abstract":"Der Text behandelt die Fr\u00fchgeschichte griechischer Buchtitel. Es geht um die Frage, ob die Titel von den Autoren selbst stammten oder sp\u00e4ter hinzugef\u00fcgt wurden. Besonders wird der Titel '\u00dcber die Natur' untersucht, der mehreren vorsokratischen Philosophen zugeschrieben wurde. [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1970","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/gRcN0uGzzLUsJhw","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":534,"full_name":"Schmalzriedt, Egidius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":58,"pubplace":"M\u00fcnchen","publisher":"Fink","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1970]}

Die Widerlegung des Manichäismus im Epiktetkommentar des Simplikios, 1969
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Die Widerlegung des Manichäismus im Epiktetkommentar des Simplikios
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1969
Journal	Archiv fur Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume	51
Issue	1
Pages	31-57
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Wir haben gesehen, dass Simplikios seiner kurzen Abhandlung über den Manichäismus einen durchaus kunstvollen Aufbau zu geben wusste. Obwohl sie in den großen Zusammenhang seines Epiktetkommentars eingebaut ist, bildet sie doch in sich ein abgerundetes Ganzes. Was die Art seiner Argumentation betrifft, so findet sich in ihr wohl kaum ein Gedanke, der sich nicht schon so oder ähnlich bei Alexander von Lykopolis, Titus von Bostra, Epiphanios oder Augustinus ausgedrückt fände. Das soll natürlich nicht unbedingt heißen, dass Simplikios einen von diesen Schriftstellern direkt benutzt hätte; vielmehr ist damit zu rechnen, dass sich sehr bald ein festes Schema antimanichäischer Polemik herausgebildet hatte – etwa so, wie es in hellenistischer Zeit bestimmte Argumentationsschemata gab, die zum Gemeingut der philosophischen Widerlegung von Epikureern und Stoikern geworden waren. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit verdient die kleine Abhandlung des Simplikios eher dadurch, dass sie Anspielungen auf Lehren der Manichäer enthält, deren Hintergrund, soweit ich sehe, bis heute nicht genügend erhellt ist. In welcher Umgebung hat man den manichäischen Weisen zu suchen, dem Simplikios seine Information über die manichäische Kosmogonie verdankt? Stammte diese Bekanntschaft aus der Zeit seiner Studien in Alexandrien, oder hatte Simplikios mit dem Manichäer anlässlich seines Aufenthaltes in Persien bei dem philosophisch interessierten König Chosrau sprechen können, der ja für seine Diskussionsveranstaltungen – unter anderem über die Frage, ob man ein oder zwei Prinzipien aller Dinge anzunehmen habe – bekannt war? Wie Prächter aus philosophisch-dogmatischen Gründen auf eine frühe, d. h. vor der Übersiedlung des Simplikios nach Athen gelegene Entstehungszeit des Epiktetkommentars schließt, besteht meines Erachtens kein Grund, da keineswegs wichtige Differenzen zwischen dem Neuplatonismus des Epiktetkommentars und dem der athenischen Schule bestehen. Im Gegenteil, stellenweise ist ein starker Einfluss des Proklos nachzuweisen. Aus der Bemerkung des Simplikios, dass ihm die Gelegenheit, Epiktet zu kommentieren, unter den gegenwärtigen Zeitumständen sehr willkommen gewesen sei, glaube ich eher auf eine nach dem Edikt Justinians gelegene Entstehungszeit schließen zu dürfen. Eine Begegnung mit manichäischen Lehren im asiatischen Bereich und deren Aufnahme in den Kommentar lagen somit immerhin im Bereich des Möglichen. Das Anliegen des vorliegenden Aufsatzes ist es daher, diese teilweise aus den textlichen Veränderungen noch deutlicher hervortretenden Probleme, auf die ich im Zusammenhang mit den Arbeiten zu einer Neuausgabe des Epiktetkommentars gestoßen bin, wieder einmal aufzuwerfen und, wenn möglich, dem Interesse der Fachleute dieses so schwierigen Gebietes zu empfehlen. [conclusion p. 56-57]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YbXwCc1R01MthxV

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1131","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1131,"authors_free":[{"id":1706,"entry_id":1131,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":4,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","free_first_name":"Ilsetraut","free_last_name":"Hadot","norm_person":{"id":4,"first_name":"Ilsetraut","last_name":"Hadot","full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107415011","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Widerlegung des Manich\u00e4ismus im Epiktetkommentar des Simplikios","main_title":{"title":"Die Widerlegung des Manich\u00e4ismus im Epiktetkommentar des Simplikios"},"abstract":"Wir haben gesehen, dass Simplikios seiner kurzen Abhandlung \u00fcber den Manich\u00e4ismus einen durchaus kunstvollen Aufbau zu geben wusste. Obwohl sie in den gro\u00dfen Zusammenhang seines Epiktetkommentars eingebaut ist, bildet sie doch in sich ein abgerundetes Ganzes. Was die Art seiner Argumentation betrifft, so findet sich in ihr wohl kaum ein Gedanke, der sich nicht schon so oder \u00e4hnlich bei Alexander von Lykopolis, Titus von Bostra, Epiphanios oder Augustinus ausgedr\u00fcckt f\u00e4nde. Das soll nat\u00fcrlich nicht unbedingt hei\u00dfen, dass Simplikios einen von diesen Schriftstellern direkt benutzt h\u00e4tte; vielmehr ist damit zu rechnen, dass sich sehr bald ein festes Schema antimanich\u00e4ischer Polemik herausgebildet hatte \u2013 etwa so, wie es in hellenistischer Zeit bestimmte Argumentationsschemata gab, die zum Gemeingut der philosophischen Widerlegung von Epikureern und Stoikern geworden waren.\r\n\r\nBesondere Aufmerksamkeit verdient die kleine Abhandlung des Simplikios eher dadurch, dass sie Anspielungen auf Lehren der Manich\u00e4er enth\u00e4lt, deren Hintergrund, soweit ich sehe, bis heute nicht gen\u00fcgend erhellt ist. In welcher Umgebung hat man den manich\u00e4ischen Weisen zu suchen, dem Simplikios seine Information \u00fcber die manich\u00e4ische Kosmogonie verdankt? Stammte diese Bekanntschaft aus der Zeit seiner Studien in Alexandrien, oder hatte Simplikios mit dem Manich\u00e4er anl\u00e4sslich seines Aufenthaltes in Persien bei dem philosophisch interessierten K\u00f6nig Chosrau sprechen k\u00f6nnen, der ja f\u00fcr seine Diskussionsveranstaltungen \u2013 unter anderem \u00fcber die Frage, ob man ein oder zwei Prinzipien aller Dinge anzunehmen habe \u2013 bekannt war?\r\n\r\nWie Pr\u00e4chter aus philosophisch-dogmatischen Gr\u00fcnden auf eine fr\u00fche, d. h. vor der \u00dcbersiedlung des Simplikios nach Athen gelegene Entstehungszeit des Epiktetkommentars schlie\u00dft, besteht meines Erachtens kein Grund, da keineswegs wichtige Differenzen zwischen dem Neuplatonismus des Epiktetkommentars und dem der athenischen Schule bestehen. Im Gegenteil, stellenweise ist ein starker Einfluss des Proklos nachzuweisen. Aus der Bemerkung des Simplikios, dass ihm die Gelegenheit, Epiktet zu kommentieren, unter den gegenw\u00e4rtigen Zeitumst\u00e4nden sehr willkommen gewesen sei, glaube ich eher auf eine nach dem Edikt Justinians gelegene Entstehungszeit schlie\u00dfen zu d\u00fcrfen. Eine Begegnung mit manich\u00e4ischen Lehren im asiatischen Bereich und deren Aufnahme in den Kommentar lagen somit immerhin im Bereich des M\u00f6glichen.\r\n\r\nDas Anliegen des vorliegenden Aufsatzes ist es daher, diese teilweise aus den textlichen Ver\u00e4nderungen noch deutlicher hervortretenden Probleme, auf die ich im Zusammenhang mit den Arbeiten zu einer Neuausgabe des Epiktetkommentars gesto\u00dfen bin, wieder einmal aufzuwerfen und, wenn m\u00f6glich, dem Interesse der Fachleute dieses so schwierigen Gebietes zu empfehlen. [conclusion p. 56-57]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YbXwCc1R01MthxV","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":4,"full_name":"Hadot, Ilsetraut","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1131,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archiv fur Geschichte der Philosophie","volume":"51","issue":"1","pages":"31-57"}},"sort":[1969]}

Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unvergänglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12, 1969
By: Mau, Jürgen

Title	Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unvergänglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1969
Journal	Hermes
Volume	97
Issue	2
Pages	198-204
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mau, Jürgen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Das Thema für Kap. 11–12 ist am Schluss von Kap. 10 gegeben; 280a 28: „Einige vertreten die Ansicht, etwas dem Werden nicht Unterliegendes (ἀγένητον) könne vergehen, und etwas Entstandenes könne unvergänglich bestehen bleiben, wie im Timaios. Dort nämlich sagt (Platon), der Himmel sei zwar geworden, indessen werde er die übrige immerwährende Zeit existieren. Mit diesen haben wir uns bisher nur unter physikalischen Gesichtspunkten betreffs des Himmels auseinandergesetzt. Nachdem wir die Untersuchung aber allgemein über alles angestellt haben, wird auch hierüber Klarheit sein.“ Wir dürfen also eine Argumentation erwarten, der Form: „Wenn für jedes Subjekt gilt: Es kann nicht geworden und unvergänglich sein, dann gilt es auch für den Himmel. Nun gilt es für jedes, also auch für den Himmel.“ Dieser Beweis – besser: diese Beweise, denn es handelt sich nicht um eine Elementatio, wie Aristoteles sie für die Geometrie kannte und wie, aus Aristoteles schöpfend, 700 Jahre später Proklos sie für Physik und Theologie schrieb – finden sich in Kap. 12. Kap. 11 liefert die zum Beweisen notwendigen Definitionen für ἀγένητον (280b 6), γενητόν (280b 14), φθαρτόν (280b 20), ἄφθαρτον (280b 25), ἀδύνατον (280b 12) und ἀδύνατον-δυνατόν in eingeschränkter Bedeutung noch einmal in 281a 7–19. Der erste Beweis für die Unhaltbarkeit der Position Platons läuft von Kap. 12 Anfang (281a 28) bis 282a 25. Seine Konklusion lautet 282a 21: „Somit ist das Immerseiende weder dem Werden unterliegend (γενητόν) noch dem Vergehen, dasselbe gilt für das Immernichtseiende.“ Das folgende zweite Argument beweist, dass, wenn etwas ist und dem Werden bzw. Vergehen nicht unterliegt, es immerwährend ist. Da nach der Definition für ἀγένητον und ἄφθαρτον (282a 27) deren Konjunktion das Immerwährende einschließt, wird untersucht, ob γενητόν und φθαρτόν bzw. ἀγένητον und ἄφθαρτον sich gegenseitig implizieren (ἀκολουθεῖ ἀλλήλοις), ob also, wenn z. B. ἀγένητον gegeben ist, das αἰώνιον bereits mitgegeben ist. Der Beweis für Letzteres schließt mit der Konklusion 282b 23: „Es folgen also auseinander das dem Werden und dem Vergehen Unterliegende.“ Der auf Grund von Topik B 8. 113b 17ff. eigentlich einfache Beweis für die Äquivalenz der beiden Negate, also ἀγένητον = ἄφθαρτον, macht Aristoteles merkwürdigerweise Schwierigkeiten (282b 23–283a 3). Von 283a 4 bis zum Schluss des Buches werden weitere Möglichkeiten gezeigt, wie man in der Diskussion demjenigen antworten kann, der sagt: „Warum soll denn nicht etwas Gewordenes unvergänglich sein?“ Hier soll das Argument 1 analysiert werden. [introduction p. 198]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4HHd88Jx3Rv3qEZ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"994","_score":null,"_source":{"id":994,"authors_free":[{"id":1498,"entry_id":994,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":241,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mau, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Mau","norm_person":{"id":241,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Mau","full_name":"Mau,J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117747351","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unverg\u00e4nglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12","main_title":{"title":"Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unverg\u00e4nglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12"},"abstract":"Das Thema f\u00fcr Kap. 11\u201312 ist am Schluss von Kap. 10 gegeben; 280a 28:\r\n\u201eEinige vertreten die Ansicht, etwas dem Werden nicht Unterliegendes (\u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd) k\u00f6nne vergehen, und etwas Entstandenes k\u00f6nne unverg\u00e4nglich bestehen bleiben, wie im Timaios. Dort n\u00e4mlich sagt (Platon), der Himmel sei zwar geworden, indessen werde er die \u00fcbrige immerw\u00e4hrende Zeit existieren. Mit diesen haben wir uns bisher nur unter physikalischen Gesichtspunkten betreffs des Himmels auseinandergesetzt. Nachdem wir die Untersuchung aber allgemein \u00fcber alles angestellt haben, wird auch hier\u00fcber Klarheit sein.\u201c\r\n\r\nWir d\u00fcrfen also eine Argumentation erwarten, der Form: \u201eWenn f\u00fcr jedes Subjekt gilt: Es kann nicht geworden und unverg\u00e4nglich sein, dann gilt es auch f\u00fcr den Himmel. Nun gilt es f\u00fcr jedes, also auch f\u00fcr den Himmel.\u201c Dieser Beweis \u2013 besser: diese Beweise, denn es handelt sich nicht um eine Elementatio, wie Aristoteles sie f\u00fcr die Geometrie kannte und wie, aus Aristoteles sch\u00f6pfend, 700 Jahre sp\u00e4ter Proklos sie f\u00fcr Physik und Theologie schrieb \u2013 finden sich in Kap. 12. Kap. 11 liefert die zum Beweisen notwendigen Definitionen f\u00fcr \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (280b 6), \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd (280b 14), \u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd (280b 20), \u1f04\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (280b 25), \u1f00\u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (280b 12) und \u1f00\u03b4\u03cd\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd-\u03b4\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd in eingeschr\u00e4nkter Bedeutung noch einmal in 281a 7\u201319.\r\n\r\nDer erste Beweis f\u00fcr die Unhaltbarkeit der Position Platons l\u00e4uft von Kap. 12 Anfang (281a 28) bis 282a 25. Seine Konklusion lautet 282a 21: \u201eSomit ist das Immerseiende weder dem Werden unterliegend (\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd) noch dem Vergehen, dasselbe gilt f\u00fcr das Immernichtseiende.\u201c Das folgende zweite Argument beweist, dass, wenn etwas ist und dem Werden bzw. Vergehen nicht unterliegt, es immerw\u00e4hrend ist. Da nach der Definition f\u00fcr \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd und \u1f04\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd (282a 27) deren Konjunktion das Immerw\u00e4hrende einschlie\u00dft, wird untersucht, ob \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd und \u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd bzw. \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd und \u1f04\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd sich gegenseitig implizieren (\u1f00\u03ba\u03bf\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03b8\u03b5\u1fd6 \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u03ae\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2), ob also, wenn z. B. \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd gegeben ist, das \u03b1\u1f30\u03ce\u03bd\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd bereits mitgegeben ist. Der Beweis f\u00fcr Letzteres schlie\u00dft mit der Konklusion 282b 23: \u201eEs folgen also auseinander das dem Werden und dem Vergehen Unterliegende.\u201c Der auf Grund von Topik B 8. 113b 17ff. eigentlich einfache Beweis f\u00fcr die \u00c4quivalenz der beiden Negate, also \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd = \u1f04\u03c6\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd, macht Aristoteles merkw\u00fcrdigerweise Schwierigkeiten (282b 23\u2013283a 3).\r\n\r\nVon 283a 4 bis zum Schluss des Buches werden weitere M\u00f6glichkeiten gezeigt, wie man in der Diskussion demjenigen antworten kann, der sagt: \u201eWarum soll denn nicht etwas Gewordenes unverg\u00e4nglich sein?\u201c Hier soll das Argument 1 analysiert werden. [introduction p. 198]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/4HHd88Jx3Rv3qEZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":241,"full_name":"Mau,J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":994,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"97","issue":"2","pages":"198-204"}},"sort":[1969]}

Ancient Interpretations of Aristotle's Doctrine of Homonyma, 1969
By: Anton, John Peter

Title	Ancient Interpretations of Aristotle's Doctrine of Homonyma
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1969
Journal	Journal of the History of Philosophy
Volume	7
Issue	1
Pages	1–18
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Anton, John Peter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The main pourpose of this paper is to offer an exposition and a critical examination of the ancient interpretations of Aristotle's doctrine of homonymy. A circumlocution of what Aristotle means by homonymous things is given in Categories, Ch. 1, 1a. The ancient interpretations with which we are concerned in this paper are to be found in the extant commentaries on this treatise. Evidently, more commentaries had been written on the Categories than the vicissitudes of time allowed to survive, but we have only those of the following writers: Porphyrius (c. 233–303), Dexippus (fl. c. 350), Ammonius (fl. c. 485), Philoponus (c. 490–530), Olympiodorus (fl. c. 535), Simplicius (fl. c. 533), and Elias (fl. c. 550). One might add here the relevant writings of John Damascene (675–749), Photius (820–891), and Michael Psellus (1018–1079), which are useful paraphrases rather than full commentaries; for that reason, the interpretations they support are not discussed in this paper. The main body of this paper is given to a discussion of the interpretations which the ancient commentators offered and to an analysis of the assumptions which underlie them. It can be stated here, in anticipation of what follows, that the commentators often attached to Aristotle's meaning of homonymy aspects that were quite foreign to his views, and that by doing so, these commentators were taking extensive liberties with the text at hand. As we hope to show, the commentators brought into their discussions of this particular portion of the Categories issues and views that were far more relevant to their own ontologies and logical theories than to Aristotle's doctrines. In order to show how this is the case, we must first give a summary of what we believe our text permits us to say about the meaning of homonymy, as given in the opening chapter of the Categories. Suffice it to add at this point that the interpretations of the doctrine of homonymy with which we are concerned here are only those that are discussed exclusively in the relevant commentaries on this work. [introduction p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1BGmQytPmPF1QPa

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1003","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1003,"authors_free":[{"id":1508,"entry_id":1003,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":34,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Anton, John Peter","free_first_name":"John Peter","free_last_name":"Anton","norm_person":{"id":34,"first_name":"John Peter","last_name":"Anton","full_name":"Anton, John Peter","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/171952154","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ancient Interpretations of Aristotle's Doctrine of Homonyma","main_title":{"title":"Ancient Interpretations of Aristotle's Doctrine of Homonyma"},"abstract":"The main pourpose of this paper is to offer an exposition and a critical examination of the ancient interpretations of Aristotle's doctrine of homonymy. A circumlocution of what Aristotle means by homonymous things is given in Categories, Ch. 1, 1a. The ancient interpretations with which we are concerned in this paper are to be found in the extant commentaries on this treatise. Evidently, more commentaries had been written on the Categories than the vicissitudes of time allowed to survive, but we have only those of the following writers: Porphyrius (c. 233\u2013303), Dexippus (fl. c. 350), Ammonius (fl. c. 485), Philoponus (c. 490\u2013530), Olympiodorus (fl. c. 535), Simplicius (fl. c. 533), and Elias (fl. c. 550). One might add here the relevant writings of John Damascene (675\u2013749), Photius (820\u2013891), and Michael Psellus (1018\u20131079), which are useful paraphrases rather than full commentaries; for that reason, the interpretations they support are not discussed in this paper.\r\n\r\nThe main body of this paper is given to a discussion of the interpretations which the ancient commentators offered and to an analysis of the assumptions which underlie them. It can be stated here, in anticipation of what follows, that the commentators often attached to Aristotle's meaning of homonymy aspects that were quite foreign to his views, and that by doing so, these commentators were taking extensive liberties with the text at hand. As we hope to show, the commentators brought into their discussions of this particular portion of the Categories issues and views that were far more relevant to their own ontologies and logical theories than to Aristotle's doctrines. In order to show how this is the case, we must first give a summary of what we believe our text permits us to say about the meaning of homonymy, as given in the opening chapter of the Categories. Suffice it to add at this point that the interpretations of the doctrine of homonymy with which we are concerned here are only those that are discussed exclusively in the relevant commentaries on this work. [introduction p. 1-2]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1BGmQytPmPF1QPa","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":34,"full_name":"Anton, John Peter","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1003,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of the History of Philosophy","volume":"7","issue":"1","pages":"1\u201318"}},"sort":[1969]}

The Last Days of the Academy at Athens, 1969
By: Cameron, Alan , Kenney, Edward J. (Ed.), Dawe, Roger D. (Ed.)

Title	The Last Days of the Academy at Athens
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1969
Published in	Proceedings of the Cambridge philological society
Pages	7-29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cameron, Alan
Editor(s)	Kenney, Edward J. , Dawe, Roger D.
Translator(s)

Even those who know nothing else o f Justinian know that he closed the Academy at Athens in a . d . 529—the very year that St Benedict had founded the monastery o f Monte Cassino.1 For those who like schematic boundaries between the ancient and medieval worlds, between the pagan past and the Christian future, here is a truly symbolic date.The romantic sequel is hardly less familiar:2 the seven out-of-work Platonists who left Athens for Persia, which under its new King Chosroes they had heard closely resembled the ideal state their master had written of. On their arrival, alas, they discovered that Chosroes, while amiable enough and genuinely interested in philo sophy, was far from being the philosopher-king they had dreamed of. And his subjects were no less corrupt than the Romans. The disillusioned philosophers confessed their disappointment to the king, who not only graciously consented to their immediate return, but even went so far as to make Justinian write into the peace treaty they were just then concluding (September 532) a safe conduct home for all seven and a guarantee that they would be allowed to live out their lives in Roman territory in peace as pagans.This much is well known. But some details are unclear, others unexplored. Several misconceptions prevail. A number of relevant texts have never been properly exploited, some not even considered. What was Justinian’s motive? Did he give the last push to a tottering edifice, or destroy a thriving intellectual centre? Indeed, did he actually succeed in destroying anything at all? What did the philosophers do on their return? [Introduction, p. 7]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FwNaicAoI9i8Wka

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1046","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1046,"authors_free":[{"id":1591,"entry_id":1046,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":20,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cameron, Alan ","free_first_name":"Alan","free_last_name":"Cameron","norm_person":{"id":20,"first_name":"Alan","last_name":"Cameron","full_name":"Cameron, Alan ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/143568914","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2332,"entry_id":1046,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":21,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Kenney, Edward J.","free_first_name":"Edward J.","free_last_name":"Kenney","norm_person":{"id":21,"first_name":"Edward J. ","last_name":"Kenney","full_name":"Kenney, Edward J. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/121559602","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2333,"entry_id":1046,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":22,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Dawe, Roger D. ","free_first_name":"Roger D. ","free_last_name":"Dawe","norm_person":{"id":22,"first_name":"Roger D. ","last_name":"Dawe","full_name":"Dawe, Roger D. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131727796","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Last Days of the Academy at Athens","main_title":{"title":"The Last Days of the Academy at Athens"},"abstract":"Even those who know nothing else o f Justinian know that he closed the Academy at \r\nAthens in a . d . 529\u2014the very year that St Benedict had founded the monastery o f \r\nMonte Cassino.1 For those who like schematic boundaries between the ancient and \r\nmedieval worlds, between the pagan past and the Christian future, here is a truly \r\nsymbolic date.The romantic sequel is hardly less familiar:2 the seven out-of-work Platonists who \r\nleft Athens for Persia, which under its new King Chosroes they had heard closely \r\nresembled the ideal state their master had written of. On their arrival, alas, they \r\ndiscovered that Chosroes, while amiable enough and genuinely interested in philo\u00ad\r\nsophy, was far from being the philosopher-king they had dreamed of. And his subjects \r\nwere no less corrupt than the Romans. The disillusioned philosophers confessed their \r\ndisappointment to the king, who not only graciously consented to their immediate \r\nreturn, but even went so far as to make Justinian write into the peace treaty they were \r\njust then concluding (September 532) a safe conduct home for all seven and a guarantee \r\nthat they would be allowed to live out their lives in Roman territory in peace as pagans.This much is well known. But some details are unclear, others unexplored. Several \r\nmisconceptions prevail. A number of relevant texts have never been properly exploited, \r\nsome not even considered. What was Justinian\u2019s motive? Did he give the last push to \r\na tottering edifice, or destroy a thriving intellectual centre? Indeed, did he actually \r\nsucceed in destroying anything at all? What did the philosophers do on their return? [Introduction, p. 7]","btype":2,"date":"1969","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FwNaicAoI9i8Wka","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":20,"full_name":"Cameron, Alan ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":21,"full_name":"Kenney, Edward J. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":22,"full_name":"Dawe, Roger D. ","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1046,"section_of":1601,"pages":"7-29","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1601,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"Proceedings of the Cambridge philological society","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Kennery_Dawe1969","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1969","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"The objects of the Society are the furtherance of classical studies, particularly the discussion and publication of critical researches on the literature and civilization of Greece and Rome. Any classical scholar is eligible for membership. The subscription of a resident in Cambridge is \u00a31 10s. annually, and of a member resident elsewhere, 12s. 6d. annually. Members receive notices of all meetings of the Society and of its publications. Any library may subscribe to the Society and receive copies of its publications. The subscription for libraries is \u00a31 10s. annually.\r\n\r\nThe Society is responsible for two series of publications. Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, containing papers read at the Society and other articles by members, appears annually. Contributions intended for the Proceedings should be addressed to Dr. R. D. Dawe, Trinity College, Cambridge. Supplements to the Proceedings, consisting of monographs, appear occasionally, less frequently, and at irregular intervals. This series is designed to accommodate works of intermediate size, i.e., of about 100 pages.\r\n\r\nMembers of the Society are invited to submit proposals for monographs to be published in this series. Proposals should be addressed to Mr. H. J. Easterling, Trinity College, Cambridge. Applications for membership, and all other correspondence relating to the Society, should be addressed to Mr. H. J. Easterling, Trinity College, Cambridge. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2Aa8zUMrmYCuniC","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1601,"pubplace":"Cambridge","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"New Series No. 15","volume":"195","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1969]}

Simplicius’s Proof of Euclid’s Parallels Postulate, 1969
By: Sabra, A. I.

Title	Simplicius’s Proof of Euclid’s Parallels Postulate
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1969
Journal	Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
Volume	32
Pages	1-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sabra, A. I.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A commentary by Simplicius on the premises to Book I of Euclid’s Elements survives in an Arabic translation, of which the author and the exact date of execution are unknown. The translation is reproduced by the ninth-century mathematician al-Fadl ibn Hâtim al-Nayrîzî in the course of his own commentary on the Elements. Of Nayrîzî’s commentary, which is based on the earlier translation of the Elements by al-Hajjâj ibn Yûsuf ibn Matar, we have only one manuscript copy at Leiden and Gerard of Cremona’s Latin translation, both of which have been published. The passages quoted by Nayrîzî, owing to their extensiveness and consecutive order, would strongly lead one to assume that they together make up the whole of Simplicius’s text. In what follows, however, I shall argue that they suffer from at least one important omission: a proof by Simplicius himself of Euclid’s parallels postulate. Since the omission occurs both in the Leiden manuscript and in Gerard’s translation, it cannot simply be an accidental feature of the former. My argument will consist in (i) citing evidence (Document I) to the effect that such a proof was known to some Arabic mathematicians, and (ii) producing a hitherto unnoticed text (Document II), which, in the light of the evidence cited, may well be taken to be the missing proof. In addition, I shall show how Simplicius’s proof entered Arabic discussions on parallels, first, by being made subject to criticism (Document I), and then by being incorporated into a new proof, which was designed to take that criticism into account (Document III). The title of Simplicius’s work in question appears in the Arabic sources in slightly different forms. Nayrîzî concludes the last citation from that work with the following words: “There end the matters which Simplicius has put forward in the commentary to the musädara of Euclid for the first part of the book of Elements.” The word musädara has here something a little unexpected about it. Usually, as in translations of Euclid and Aristotle, it corresponds to the Greek αἴτημα (aitêma), and it is used in this sense in the body of Simplicius’s commentary itself. (The Arabic verb sädara appropriately means “to demand.” Musädara: demanding, or that [proposition] which is demanded.) But the commentary is not restricted to the αἰτήματα (postulates) at the beginning of the Elements, but also treats of the common notions (κοιναί ἔννοιαι: 'ulüm muta‘ärafa) and the definitions (ὅροι: hudüd). Could musädara be used here in a general sense that covers all three groups of Euclid’s premises? Such a hypothesis would derive at least partial support from a statement in Proclus that some ancient writers applied the term αἴτημα to axioms (or common notions) as well as to postulates. Proclus quotes Archimedes as an example. In agreement with this usage, the titles of at least two Arabic works on geometry employ the plural musädarät as a collective term for the axioms, definitions, and postulates. It was probably this sense that the eleventh-century scholar Abü cAbd Allah al-Khwarizmï had in mind when he gave the following explanation in his Keys of the Sciences: “al-musädara are those premises of the question which are put at the beginning of a book or chapter of geometry.” The tenth-century bibliographer Ibn al-Nadïm gives a somewhat different version of the title of Simplicius’s book: “A commentary on the sadr of the book of Euclid, which is the introduction to geometry.” Sadr means fore-part or front and is frequently used to refer to the introductory part of a book; it might have rendered the Greek προοίμιον (prooimion). The latter part in this version, “which is the introduction to geometry,” looks like a description of the book supplied, perhaps, by Ibn al-Nadïm himself, but it may also have been an alternative title of the book. Nayrîzî’s version of the title agrees with Khwarizmï’s definition in applying the singular musädara to a multitude of premises, but we shall see that the thirteenth-century author of Document I cites the same title with musädarät in the plural. Simplicius prefaces his comments on the individual postulates of Euclid with a long passage on the meaning and function of postulates in general. It will be useful to quote this passage here in full, since it is one of the channels through which Greek discussions of mathematical methodology were transmitted to the Islamic world—particularly discussions connected with the question of parallels. [introduction p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DNibNx7ADIjjT3W

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The translation is reproduced by the ninth-century mathematician al-Fadl ibn H\u00e2tim al-Nayr\u00eez\u00ee in the course of his own commentary on the Elements. Of Nayr\u00eez\u00ee\u2019s commentary, which is based on the earlier translation of the Elements by al-Hajj\u00e2j ibn Y\u00fbsuf ibn Matar, we have only one manuscript copy at Leiden and Gerard of Cremona\u2019s Latin translation, both of which have been published.\r\n\r\nThe passages quoted by Nayr\u00eez\u00ee, owing to their extensiveness and consecutive order, would strongly lead one to assume that they together make up the whole of Simplicius\u2019s text. In what follows, however, I shall argue that they suffer from at least one important omission: a proof by Simplicius himself of Euclid\u2019s parallels postulate. Since the omission occurs both in the Leiden manuscript and in Gerard\u2019s translation, it cannot simply be an accidental feature of the former. My argument will consist in (i) citing evidence (Document I) to the effect that such a proof was known to some Arabic mathematicians, and (ii) producing a hitherto unnoticed text (Document II), which, in the light of the evidence cited, may well be taken to be the missing proof. In addition, I shall show how Simplicius\u2019s proof entered Arabic discussions on parallels, first, by being made subject to criticism (Document I), and then by being incorporated into a new proof, which was designed to take that criticism into account (Document III).\r\n\r\nThe title of Simplicius\u2019s work in question appears in the Arabic sources in slightly different forms. Nayr\u00eez\u00ee concludes the last citation from that work with the following words: \u201cThere end the matters which Simplicius has put forward in the commentary to the mus\u00e4dara of Euclid for the first part of the book of Elements.\u201d The word mus\u00e4dara has here something a little unexpected about it. Usually, as in translations of Euclid and Aristotle, it corresponds to the Greek \u03b1\u1f34\u03c4\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1 (ait\u00eama), and it is used in this sense in the body of Simplicius\u2019s commentary itself. (The Arabic verb s\u00e4dara appropriately means \u201cto demand.\u201d Mus\u00e4dara: demanding, or that [proposition] which is demanded.) But the commentary is not restricted to the \u03b1\u1f30\u03c4\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 (postulates) at the beginning of the Elements, but also treats of the common notions (\u03ba\u03bf\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u03af \u1f14\u03bd\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1\u03b9: 'ul\u00fcm muta\u2018\u00e4rafa) and the definitions (\u1f45\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9: hud\u00fcd). Could mus\u00e4dara be used here in a general sense that covers all three groups of Euclid\u2019s premises?\r\n\r\nSuch a hypothesis would derive at least partial support from a statement in Proclus that some ancient writers applied the term \u03b1\u1f34\u03c4\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1 to axioms (or common notions) as well as to postulates. Proclus quotes Archimedes as an example. In agreement with this usage, the titles of at least two Arabic works on geometry employ the plural mus\u00e4dar\u00e4t as a collective term for the axioms, definitions, and postulates. It was probably this sense that the eleventh-century scholar Ab\u00fc cAbd Allah al-Khwarizm\u00ef had in mind when he gave the following explanation in his Keys of the Sciences: \u201cal-mus\u00e4dara are those premises of the question which are put at the beginning of a book or chapter of geometry.\u201d\r\n\r\nThe tenth-century bibliographer Ibn al-Nad\u00efm gives a somewhat different version of the title of Simplicius\u2019s book: \u201cA commentary on the sadr of the book of Euclid, which is the introduction to geometry.\u201d Sadr means fore-part or front and is frequently used to refer to the introductory part of a book; it might have rendered the Greek \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03bf\u03af\u03bc\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd (prooimion). The latter part in this version, \u201cwhich is the introduction to geometry,\u201d looks like a description of the book supplied, perhaps, by Ibn al-Nad\u00efm himself, but it may also have been an alternative title of the book. Nayr\u00eez\u00ee\u2019s version of the title agrees with Khwarizm\u00ef\u2019s definition in applying the singular mus\u00e4dara to a multitude of premises, but we shall see that the thirteenth-century author of Document I cites the same title with mus\u00e4dar\u00e4t in the plural.\r\n\r\nSimplicius prefaces his comments on the individual postulates of Euclid with a long passage on the meaning and function of postulates in general. It will be useful to quote this passage here in full, since it is one of the channels through which Greek discussions of mathematical methodology were transmitted to the Islamic world\u2014particularly discussions connected with the question of parallels. [introduction p. 1-2]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DNibNx7ADIjjT3W","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":396,"full_name":"Sabra, A. I.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1055,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes","volume":"32","issue":"","pages":"1-24"}},"sort":[1969]}

Die Neuplatonischen Aristoteleskommentatoren über die Ursachen der Pseudepigraphie, 1969
By: Müller, Carl Werner

Title	Die Neuplatonischen Aristoteleskommentatoren über die Ursachen der Pseudepigraphie
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1969
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	112
Issue	2
Pages	120-126
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Müller, Carl Werner
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die ausführliche Darbietung des Materials und der eingehende Vergleich der einzelnen Zeugnisse waren notwendig, um zu zeigen, dass der Fortschritt, der sich bei den Neuplatonikern gegenüber Galen in der Bewältigung des Problems der literarischen Fälschung feststellen lässt, nicht auf einer älteren oder vollständigeren Tradition basiert. Vielmehr liegt eine Entwicklung vor, die – von der Aristoteleskommentierung des Ammonios ausgehend – sich innerhalb der Schule von Alexandrien vollzieht und deren verschiedene Stadien noch deutlich erkennbar sind. Es ist ferner kein Zufall, dass gerade die pythagoreischen Schriften auf diese Weise vor dem Verdikt der Fälschung aus „niederen Motiven“ gerettet werden. Zugleich aber blieb der alexandrinische Neuplatonismus kritisch genug, die Pythagoras-Schwärmerei der Platoniker auf ein philologisch-historisch vertretbares Maß herabzustimmen, indem er die pythagoreischen Schriften nicht als von Pythagoras verfasst, sondern als Manifestationen der Wirkungsgeschichte des großen Mannes verstand. [conclusion p. 125-126]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yDXuCvfx6f6Eun7

{"_index":"sire","_id":"950","_score":null,"_source":{"id":950,"authors_free":[{"id":1426,"entry_id":950,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":273,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"M\u00fcller, Carl Werner","free_first_name":"Carl Werner","free_last_name":"M\u00fcller","norm_person":{"id":273,"first_name":"Carl Werner","last_name":"M\u00fcller","full_name":"M\u00fcller, Carl Werner","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/11944027X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Neuplatonischen Aristoteleskommentatoren \u00fcber die Ursachen der Pseudepigraphie","main_title":{"title":"Die Neuplatonischen Aristoteleskommentatoren \u00fcber die Ursachen der Pseudepigraphie"},"abstract":"Die ausf\u00fchrliche Darbietung des Materials und der eingehende Vergleich der einzelnen Zeugnisse waren notwendig, um zu zeigen, dass der Fortschritt, der sich bei den Neuplatonikern gegen\u00fcber Galen in der Bew\u00e4ltigung des Problems der literarischen F\u00e4lschung feststellen l\u00e4sst, nicht auf einer \u00e4lteren oder vollst\u00e4ndigeren Tradition basiert. Vielmehr liegt eine Entwicklung vor, die \u2013 von der Aristoteleskommentierung des Ammonios ausgehend \u2013 sich innerhalb der Schule von Alexandrien vollzieht und deren verschiedene Stadien noch deutlich erkennbar sind.\r\n\r\nEs ist ferner kein Zufall, dass gerade die pythagoreischen Schriften auf diese Weise vor dem Verdikt der F\u00e4lschung aus \u201eniederen Motiven\u201c gerettet werden. Zugleich aber blieb der alexandrinische Neuplatonismus kritisch genug, die Pythagoras-Schw\u00e4rmerei der Platoniker auf ein philologisch-historisch vertretbares Ma\u00df herabzustimmen, indem er die pythagoreischen Schriften nicht als von Pythagoras verfasst, sondern als Manifestationen der Wirkungsgeschichte des gro\u00dfen Mannes verstand. [conclusion p. 125-126]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yDXuCvfx6f6Eun7","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":273,"full_name":"M\u00fcller, Carl Werner","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":950,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rheinisches Museum f\u00fcr Philologie","volume":"112","issue":"2","pages":"120-126"}},"sort":[1969]}

The Renaissance discovery of classical antiquity, 1969
By: Weiss, Roberto

Title	The Renaissance discovery of classical antiquity
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1969
Publication Place	Oxford – New York
Publisher	Blackwell
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Weiss, Roberto
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The author traces the rise of a new attitude to classical antiquity, an attitude which became noticeable in the late 13th century but which came fully of age in the first half of the 15th century with humanists such as Poggio and Flavio Biodon. The book covers the period 1300 to 1527. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HPSadnDcB3SDqXe

{"_index":"sire","_id":"191","_score":null,"_source":{"id":191,"authors_free":[{"id":247,"entry_id":191,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":533,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Weiss, Roberto","free_first_name":"Roberto","free_last_name":"Weiss","norm_person":{"id":533,"first_name":"Roberto","last_name":"Weiss","full_name":"Weiss, Roberto","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129054968","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Renaissance discovery of classical antiquity","main_title":{"title":"The Renaissance discovery of classical antiquity"},"abstract":"The author traces the rise of a new attitude to classical antiquity, an attitude which became noticeable in the late 13th century but which came fully of age in the first half of the 15th century with humanists such as Poggio and Flavio Biodon. The book covers the period 1300 to 1527. [offical abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1969","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/HPSadnDcB3SDqXe","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":533,"full_name":"Weiss, Roberto","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":191,"pubplace":"Oxford \u2013 \tNew York","publisher":"Blackwell","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1969]}

Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles zur Zeit, 1969
By: Meyer, Hubert

Title	Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles zur Zeit
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1969
Publication Place	Meisenheim am Glan
Publisher	Anton Hain
Series	Monographien zur Naturphilosophie
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Meyer, Hubert
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Review: In recent years, there has been a renewed interest in the period of Greek philosophy after Aristotle. Since ancient Greek thought exhibits unbroken continuity, the commentaries on Aristotle from late antiquity retain an authenticity and value for the study of Aristotle himself, which have not always been sufficiently recognized. This extensive and learned work is a study of time as presented by Simplicius in his commentary on Aristotle's Physics and in the Doubts and Solutions of Simplicius' teacher, Damascius. It sheds new light not only on the Neoplatonic philosophy of time but also on the notorious "difficulties" of Aristotle regarding time. The work presents a significant amount of philosophical argument, often complex and subtle. Therefore, some oversimplification is necessary. Damascius and Simplicius utilize materials from two different philosophies of time: Aristotle's and Plotinus'. Aristotle's view is that time is the number of motion according to before and after, based on the phenomenon of regular and endless physical motion. Although number, in Aristotle, is a mathematical abstraction, time, being a number, is not merely ideal or mathematical but is actually verified in the physical world. Soul or mind is needed to make the before-and-after of physical motion actually numbered. The "matter" of time, the endless motion of nature (especially the heavens), is real, not merely ideal or mathematical. The form of time is determined by the real relation of before and after, making time a real category, one of the modes of being. Time is the way of being whose being consists in becoming. The other philosophy of time influencing Damascius and Simplicius is the more "idealist" Neoplatonic one, which bases time on the soul. According to Plotinus, the number of motion is an applied number. Eternity is the life of mind (nous), and time is the life of the world-soul. Numbers exist in the realm of mind or being or ideal forms, the second hypostasis of Plotinus. When mind descends into body, constituting soul or the third hypostasis, the life of mind or eternity becomes an activity of soul or time. Time is a psychic measuring, corresponding to Augustine's definition of time as a disrensio animae. Simplicius, like other ancient and medieval commentators, aims not only at a scholarly reconstruction of Aristotle's "difficulties" but at a real solution to the philosophical problem of time. The commentator's new and original philosophy emerges during the exposition of Aristotle's text. Simplicius' thesis is that the reality of time is the present moment, or now, or point of time, which is endlessly repeated. However, this cannot be a correct commentary on Aristotle, for whom time is solidly based on real physical motion. Simplicius' view of time is more abstract since he overlooks the reality of motion. The central part of Meyer's book examines in detail the philosophy of time in the Greek text of the Corollarium. Simplicius' view is that time is in becoming, not in being or eternity. Time's being is in becoming, and the only being in becoming is the "now," which makes time the "now." Simplicius contrasts this with his more Platonic teacher, Damascius, for whom eternity, to aei, or the realm of being, contains a form of time, a supra-temporal whole-time, or time-number, or mathematical "time," the unenfolded structure of number, which, in turn, contains time or continual becoming. Simplicius replies in a more Aristotelian fashion, arguing that Damascius' region of the "always" or "ever" of time, or time as a whole, is entirely unnecessary. Time flows infinitely, an always-becoming, but this infinity of time is not an actual whole. Time flows into infinity, but there is no actual infinite or eternal whole, as personified by Damascius' Demiourgos. Simplicius' interpretation is part of the wider movement of thought in later antiquity when time as the number of motion is forgotten and replaced by a more abstract definition. The interest in these thinkers, Damascius and Simplicius, lies in their providing us with variants or subspecies of the two great masters, Plato and Aristotle. Meyer's learned work makes these obscure texts widely accessible, and his interpretations of the rich material are cautious and sound. The presentation is not [iir die Menge; and, it is sometimes not very clear just what Greek distinctions are being noted by certain G e r m a n distinctions. There are misprints in French, G e r m a n, and Greek. The work is a fine contribution to scholarship. PAUL J. W. MILLER

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/j5J79Ih6776sfuN

{"_index":"sire","_id":"66","_score":null,"_source":{"id":66,"authors_free":[{"id":74,"entry_id":66,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":441,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Meyer, Hubert\u00a0","free_first_name":"Hubert","free_last_name":"Meyer","norm_person":{"id":441,"first_name":"Hubert","last_name":"Meyer","full_name":"Meyer, Hubert\u00a0","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles zur Zeit","main_title":{"title":"Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles zur Zeit"},"abstract":"Review: In recent years, there has been a renewed interest in the period of Greek philosophy after Aristotle. Since ancient Greek thought exhibits unbroken continuity, the commentaries on Aristotle from late antiquity retain an authenticity and value for the study of Aristotle himself, which have not always been sufficiently recognized. This extensive and learned work is a study of time as presented by Simplicius in his commentary on Aristotle's Physics and in the Doubts and Solutions of Simplicius' teacher, Damascius. It sheds new light not only on the Neoplatonic philosophy of time but also on the notorious \"difficulties\" of Aristotle regarding time.\r\nThe work presents a significant amount of philosophical argument, often complex and subtle. Therefore, some oversimplification is necessary. Damascius and Simplicius utilize materials from two different philosophies of time: Aristotle's and Plotinus'. Aristotle's view is that time is the number of motion according to before and after, based on the phenomenon of regular and endless physical motion. Although number, in Aristotle, is a mathematical abstraction, time, being a number, is not merely ideal or mathematical but is actually verified in the physical world. Soul or mind is needed to make the before-and-after of physical motion actually numbered. The \"matter\" of time, the endless motion of nature (especially the heavens), is real, not merely ideal or mathematical. The form of time is determined by the real relation of before and after, making time a real category, one of the modes of being. Time is the way of being whose being consists in becoming.\r\nThe other philosophy of time influencing Damascius and Simplicius is the more \"idealist\" Neoplatonic one, which bases time on the soul. According to Plotinus, the number of motion is an applied number. Eternity is the life of mind (nous), and time is the life of the world-soul. Numbers exist in the realm of mind or being or ideal forms, the second hypostasis of Plotinus. When mind descends into body, constituting soul or the third hypostasis, the life of mind or eternity becomes an activity of soul or time. Time is a psychic measuring, corresponding to Augustine's definition of time as a disrensio animae.\r\nSimplicius, like other ancient and medieval commentators, aims not only at a scholarly reconstruction of Aristotle's \"difficulties\" but at a real solution to the philosophical problem of time. The commentator's new and original philosophy emerges during the exposition of Aristotle's text. Simplicius' thesis is that the reality of time is the present moment, or now, or point of time, which is endlessly repeated. However, this cannot be a correct commentary on Aristotle, for whom time is solidly based on real physical motion. Simplicius' view of time is more abstract since he overlooks the reality of motion.\r\nThe central part of Meyer's book examines in detail the philosophy of time in the Greek text of the Corollarium. Simplicius' view is that time is in becoming, not in being or eternity. Time's being is in becoming, and the only being in becoming is the \"now,\" which makes time the \"now.\" Simplicius contrasts this with his more Platonic teacher, Damascius, for whom eternity, to aei, or the realm of being, contains a form of time, a supra-temporal whole-time, or time-number, or mathematical \"time,\" the unenfolded structure of number, which, in turn, contains time or continual becoming.\r\nSimplicius replies in a more Aristotelian fashion, arguing that Damascius' region of the \"always\" or \"ever\" of time, or time as a whole, is entirely unnecessary. Time flows infinitely, an always-becoming, but this infinity of time is not an actual whole. Time flows into infinity, but there is no actual infinite or eternal whole, as personified by Damascius' Demiourgos.\r\nSimplicius' interpretation is part of the wider movement of thought in later antiquity when time as the number of motion is forgotten and replaced by a more abstract definition.\r\nThe interest in these thinkers, Damascius and Simplicius, lies in their providing us with variants or subspecies of the two great masters, Plato and Aristotle. Meyer's learned work makes these obscure texts widely accessible, and his interpretations of the rich material are cautious and sound. The presentation is not [iir die Menge; and, it is sometimes not very clear just what Greek distinctions are being noted by certain G e r m a n distinctions. There are misprints in French, G e r m a n, and Greek. The work is a fine contribution to scholarship.\r\nPAUL J. W. MILLER\r\n","btype":1,"date":"1969","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/j5J79Ih6776sfuN","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":441,"full_name":"Meyer, Hubert\u00a0","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":66,"pubplace":"Meisenheim am Glan","publisher":"Anton Hain","series":"Monographien zur Naturphilosophie","volume":"8","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1969]}

John Philoponus as a Source of Medieval Islamic and Jewish Proofs of Creation, 1969
By: Davidson, Herbert A.

Title	John Philoponus as a Source of Medieval Islamic and Jewish Proofs of Creation
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1969
Journal	Journal of the American Oriental Society
Volume	89
Issue	2
Pages	357-391
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Davidson, Herbert A.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Information from a number of sources has established that John Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem, a refutation of Aristotle's proofs of the eternity of the world, was at least partially available to the Arabic philosophers in the Middle Ages. The present article shows that the Arabic Jewish writer Sacadia used a set of proofs of creation ultimately deriving from Philoponus. With the aid of this result the following further conclusions are also drawn: Kindi too used a set of proofs of creation ultimately deriving from Philoponus; a variety of medieval arguments from the impossibility of an infinite are to be traced to Philoponus; the standard Kalām proof of creation, the proof from "accidents," originated as a reformulation of one of Philoponus' arguments. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yI5rGQdubzcVxPL

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1295","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1295,"authors_free":[{"id":1888,"entry_id":1295,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":84,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Davidson, Herbert A.","free_first_name":"Herbert A.","free_last_name":"Davidson","norm_person":{"id":84,"first_name":"Herbert A.","last_name":"Davidson","full_name":"Davidson, Herbert A.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/15814743X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"John Philoponus as a Source of Medieval Islamic and Jewish Proofs of Creation","main_title":{"title":"John Philoponus as a Source of Medieval Islamic and Jewish Proofs of Creation"},"abstract":"Information from a number of sources has established that John Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem, a refutation of Aristotle's proofs of the eternity of the world, was at least partially available to the Arabic philosophers in the Middle Ages. The present article shows that the Arabic Jewish writer Sacadia used a set of proofs of creation ultimately deriving from Philoponus. With the aid of this result the following further conclusions are also drawn: Kindi too used a set of proofs of creation ultimately deriving from Philoponus; a variety of medieval arguments from the impossibility of an infinite are to be traced to Philoponus; the standard Kal\u0101m proof of creation, the proof from \"accidents,\" originated as a reformulation of one of Philoponus' arguments. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yI5rGQdubzcVxPL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":84,"full_name":"Davidson, Herbert A.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1295,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of the American Oriental Society","volume":"89","issue":"2","pages":"357-391"}},"sort":[1969]}

Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik, 1969
By: Tsouyopoulos, Nelly

Title	Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1969
Journal	Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume	13
Pages	7-33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tsouyopoulos, Nelly
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die Methoden, welche in den neoplatonischen Schulen zum Aufbau eines metaphysischen Systems entwickelt wurden, erwiesen sich sehr geeignet für die Überwindung mancher Vorurteile der traditionellen griechischen Wis senschaft und zugleich für eine Neuorientierung des naturwissenschaft lichen Denkens. Unter den vielen Faktoren, welche die Entwicklung in dieser Richtung positiv beeinflußt haben, sei zunächst die große Bedeut- tung erwähnt, welche alle Neoplatoniker der Mathematik beigemessen haben. Vorab ihre Überzeugung, daß die μαθηματικοί λόγοι auf eindeutige Weise die gesamte Wirklichkeit bestimmen und das Definierbare in den theoretischen und empirischen Wissenschaften darstellen. Die Neigung dann zur Mystik, die Beschäftigung mit den Orakeln, das Praktizieren der Theurgie und die ganze Auseinandersetzung mit dem orientalischen Kult, welche neben dem Hineinbringen irrationaler Elemente in die her kömmlichen Denkweisen auch ein anderes Resultat hatten: Die Umwand lung des Erfahrungsbegriffs und des ganzen Modus des Begreifens der Phänomene, was die traditionelle Wissenschaft dringend benötigte. Die Be grenzung der Erfahrung auf das sinnliche Bewußtsein und die Wahrneh mung, die vor allem die peripatetische Schule charakterisierte, brachte all mählich das naturwissenschaftliche Denken zur Stagnation, indem sie eine quantitative Erfassung nicht direkt gegebener Größen wie Masse, Träg heit, Energie unmöglich machte. Es ist also keine Paradoxie, wenn Gedan ken und Methoden aus der neoplatonischen Tradition den Weg der wis senschaftlichen Abstraktion bahnten, indem sie das Bemühen um Erklärung der Phänomene gleichermaßen von der bloßen Spekulation wie vom primitiven Realismus abzubringen vermochten. Im folgenden wird der Versuch unternommen, an gewissen Beispielen diese Entwicklung zu demonstrieren. [introduction p. 7]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tStPtUxNAaSBrFw

{"_index":"sire","_id":"457","_score":null,"_source":{"id":457,"authors_free":[{"id":614,"entry_id":457,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":410,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tsouyopoulos, Nelly","free_first_name":"Nelly","free_last_name":"Tsouyopoulos","norm_person":{"id":410,"first_name":" Nelly ","last_name":"Tsouyopoulos","full_name":"Tsouyopoulos, Nelly ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik","main_title":{"title":"Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik"},"abstract":"Die Methoden, welche in den neoplatonischen Schulen zum Aufbau eines \r\nmetaphysischen Systems entwickelt wurden, erwiesen sich sehr geeignet f\u00fcr \r\ndie \u00dcberwindung mancher Vorurteile der traditionellen griechischen Wis\u00ad\r\nsenschaft und zugleich f\u00fcr eine Neuorientierung des naturwissenschaft\u00ad\r\nlichen Denkens. Unter den vielen Faktoren, welche die Entwicklung in \r\ndieser Richtung positiv beeinflu\u00dft haben, sei zun\u00e4chst die gro\u00dfe Bedeut- \r\ntung erw\u00e4hnt, welche alle Neoplatoniker der Mathematik beigemessen \r\nhaben. Vorab ihre \u00dcberzeugung, da\u00df die \u03bc\u03b1\u03b8\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03bf\u03af \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03b9 auf eindeutige \r\nWeise die gesamte Wirklichkeit bestimmen und das Definierbare in den \r\ntheoretischen und empirischen Wissenschaften darstellen. Die Neigung \r\ndann zur Mystik, die Besch\u00e4ftigung mit den Orakeln, das Praktizieren \r\nder Theurgie und die ganze Auseinandersetzung mit dem orientalischen \r\nKult, welche neben dem Hineinbringen irrationaler Elemente in die her\u00ad\r\nk\u00f6mmlichen Denkweisen auch ein anderes Resultat hatten: Die Umwand\u00ad\r\nlung des Erfahrungsbegriffs und des ganzen Modus des Begreifens der \r\nPh\u00e4nomene, was die traditionelle Wissenschaft dringend ben\u00f6tigte. Die Be\u00ad\r\ngrenzung der Erfahrung auf das sinnliche Bewu\u00dftsein und die Wahrneh\u00ad\r\nmung, die vor allem die peripatetische Schule charakterisierte, brachte all\u00ad\r\nm\u00e4hlich das naturwissenschaftliche Denken zur Stagnation, indem sie eine \r\nquantitative Erfassung nicht direkt gegebener Gr\u00f6\u00dfen wie Masse, Tr\u00e4g\u00ad\r\nheit, Energie unm\u00f6glich machte. Es ist also keine Paradoxie, wenn Gedan\u00ad\r\nken und Methoden aus der neoplatonischen Tradition den Weg der wis\u00ad\r\nsenschaftlichen Abstraktion bahnten, indem sie das Bem\u00fchen um Erkl\u00e4rung \r\nder Ph\u00e4nomene gleicherma\u00dfen von der blo\u00dfen Spekulation wie vom \r\nprimitiven Realismus abzubringen vermochten. Im folgenden wird der \r\nVersuch unternommen, an gewissen Beispielen diese Entwicklung zu \r\ndemonstrieren. [introduction p. 7]","btype":3,"date":"1969","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/tStPtUxNAaSBrFw","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":410,"full_name":"Tsouyopoulos, Nelly ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":457,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archiv f\u00fcr Begriffsgeschichte","volume":"13","issue":"","pages":"7-33"}},"sort":[1969]}

Proceedings of the Cambridge philological society, 1969
By: E. J. Kennery (Ed.), R. D. Dawe (Ed.)

Title	Proceedings of the Cambridge philological society
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1969
Publication Place	Cambridge
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Series	New Series No. 15
Volume	195
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	E. J. Kennery , R. D. Dawe
Translator(s)

The objects of the Society are the furtherance of classical studies, particularly the discussion and publication of critical researches on the literature and civilization of Greece and Rome. Any classical scholar is eligible for membership. The subscription of a resident in Cambridge is £1 10s. annually, and of a member resident elsewhere, 12s. 6d. annually. Members receive notices of all meetings of the Society and of its publications. Any library may subscribe to the Society and receive copies of its publications. The subscription for libraries is £1 10s. annually. The Society is responsible for two series of publications. Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, containing papers read at the Society and other articles by members, appears annually. Contributions intended for the Proceedings should be addressed to Dr. R. D. Dawe, Trinity College, Cambridge. Supplements to the Proceedings, consisting of monographs, appear occasionally, less frequently, and at irregular intervals. This series is designed to accommodate works of intermediate size, i.e., of about 100 pages. Members of the Society are invited to submit proposals for monographs to be published in this series. Proposals should be addressed to Mr. H. J. Easterling, Trinity College, Cambridge. Applications for membership, and all other correspondence relating to the Society, should be addressed to Mr. H. J. Easterling, Trinity College, Cambridge. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2Aa8zUMrmYCuniC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1601","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1601,"authors_free":[{"id":2802,"entry_id":1601,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"E. J. Kennery","free_first_name":"E. J.","free_last_name":"Kennery","norm_person":null},{"id":2803,"entry_id":1601,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"R. D. Dawe ","free_first_name":"R. D. ","free_last_name":"Dawe","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Proceedings of the Cambridge philological society","main_title":{"title":"Proceedings of the Cambridge philological society"},"abstract":"The objects of the Society are the furtherance of classical studies, particularly the discussion and publication of critical researches on the literature and civilization of Greece and Rome. Any classical scholar is eligible for membership. The subscription of a resident in Cambridge is \u00a31 10s. annually, and of a member resident elsewhere, 12s. 6d. annually. Members receive notices of all meetings of the Society and of its publications. Any library may subscribe to the Society and receive copies of its publications. The subscription for libraries is \u00a31 10s. annually.\r\n\r\nThe Society is responsible for two series of publications. Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, containing papers read at the Society and other articles by members, appears annually. Contributions intended for the Proceedings should be addressed to Dr. R. D. Dawe, Trinity College, Cambridge. Supplements to the Proceedings, consisting of monographs, appear occasionally, less frequently, and at irregular intervals. This series is designed to accommodate works of intermediate size, i.e., of about 100 pages.\r\n\r\nMembers of the Society are invited to submit proposals for monographs to be published in this series. Proposals should be addressed to Mr. H. J. Easterling, Trinity College, Cambridge. Applications for membership, and all other correspondence relating to the Society, should be addressed to Mr. H. J. Easterling, Trinity College, Cambridge. [official abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1969","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2Aa8zUMrmYCuniC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1601,"pubplace":"Cambridge","publisher":"Cambridge University Press","series":"New Series No. 15","volume":"195","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1969]}

Parmenides, Fragment 10, 1968
By: Bicknell, Peter J.

Title	Parmenides, Fragment 10
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1968
Journal	Hermes
Volume	96
Issue	4
Pages	629-631
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bicknell, Peter J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text is a critical analysis of the location of two fragments of the work of the ancient Greek philosopher Parmenides. The author of the text suggests that the two fragments, VS 28 B 10 (Clement, Strom. 5, I38) and VS 28 B 11 (Simplicius, de Caelo 559, 20), are incorrectly placed together in Parmenides' Way of Seeming. The author argues that there is no evidence to suggest that the two fragments were meant to be together, and that they do not fit into the context of Parmenides' work. The author also suggests that VS 28 B 10 may not be Parmenidean at all, and discusses its possible attribution to Empedocles. The text concludes by considering the language and style of the two fragments, and their relationship to Parmenides' other works. [summary of the whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sgGCDPcG5fRkeId

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1124","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1124,"authors_free":[{"id":1700,"entry_id":1124,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":399,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","free_first_name":"Peter J.","free_last_name":"Bicknell","norm_person":{"id":399,"first_name":"Peter J.","last_name":"Bicknell","full_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1162157143","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Parmenides, Fragment 10","main_title":{"title":"Parmenides, Fragment 10"},"abstract":"This text is a critical analysis of the location of two fragments of the work of the ancient Greek philosopher Parmenides. The author of the text suggests that the two fragments, VS 28 B 10 (Clement, Strom. 5, I38) and VS 28 B 11 (Simplicius, de Caelo 559, 20), are incorrectly placed together in Parmenides' Way of Seeming. The author argues that there is no evidence to suggest that the two fragments were meant to be together, and that they do not fit into the context of Parmenides' work. The author also suggests that VS 28 B 10 may not be Parmenidean at all, and discusses its possible attribution to Empedocles. The text concludes by considering the language and style of the two fragments, and their relationship to Parmenides' other works. [summary of the whole text]","btype":3,"date":"1968","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/sgGCDPcG5fRkeId","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":399,"full_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1124,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"96","issue":"4","pages":"629-631"}},"sort":[1968]}

War Platons Vorlesung "das Gute" einmalig?, 1968
By: Merlan, Philip

Title	War Platons Vorlesung "das Gute" einmalig?
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1968
Journal	Hermes
Volume	96
Issue	5
Pages	705-709
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Merlan, Philip
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die Frage wurde kürzlich von Krämer auf Grundlage einer Sprachanalyse der nunmehr wohl jedem an griechischer Philosophie Interessierten bekannten Aristoxenos-Stelle verneint. Im Folgenden wird versucht, zu beweisen, dass die Frage zu bejahen ist. Wie Krämer die Aristoxenos-Stelle versteht, lässt sich am besten durch eine Art Paraphrase darstellen: „Ich werde lieber, so sagt Aristoxenos, im Vorhinein den Gang meiner Untersuchung angeben, damit es uns nicht geht wie nach einer von Aristoteles oft erzählten Geschichte den meisten Hörern des platonischen Vorlesungskurses Das Gute. So oft er denselben ansagte, ging jeder hin in der Annahme, er werde etwas über Dinge hören, die üblicherweise für menschliche Güter gehalten werden, wie Reichtum, Gesundheit und Stärke, und in der Hauptsache über irgendein Glück wundersamster Art. Als aber die Auseinandersetzung immer wieder auf Mathematisches, Zahlen, Geometrie und Astronomie hinauslief, kam es ihnen—ich glaub’s schon—höchst absonderlich vor. In der Folge war das Ende des Kurses immer wieder, dass ein Teil der Hörer das ganze Ding für bedeutungslos ansah, ein anderer es nachteilig kritisierte. Und warum? Weil sie, statt sich zu erkundigen, um was es sich handeln würde, mit offenen Mündern hinzugehen pflegten, indem sie nur das Wort 'gut' aufgeschnappt hatten.“ Hat meine Paraphrase den Sinn der krämerschen Interpretation richtig getroffen, so hätte also Aristoxenos berichten wollen, dass, so oft Platon seinen Vorlesungskursus Das Gute anzusagen pflegte, sich immer wieder dasselbe ergab: Vom Titel Das Gute (der immer wiederholt wurde) angezogen, finden sich Hörer ein, von denen dann die meisten sich enttäuscht oder getäuscht fühlen. Ich will nicht sagen, dass dies unmöglich ist; aber es werden doch viele empfinden, dass das ganze Geschichtchen seinen Sinn verliert, wenn es sich nicht um ein einmaliges Ereignis handelt. [introduction p. 44-45]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1i5nYpcy51Bvdbu

{"_index":"sire","_id":"976","_score":null,"_source":{"id":976,"authors_free":[{"id":1475,"entry_id":976,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":258,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Merlan, Philip","free_first_name":"Philip","free_last_name":"Merlan","norm_person":{"id":258,"first_name":"Philip","last_name":"Merlan","full_name":"Merlan, Philip","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/128860502","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"War Platons Vorlesung \"das Gute\" einmalig?","main_title":{"title":"War Platons Vorlesung \"das Gute\" einmalig?"},"abstract":"Die Frage wurde k\u00fcrzlich von Kr\u00e4mer auf Grundlage einer Sprachanalyse der nunmehr wohl jedem an griechischer Philosophie Interessierten bekannten Aristoxenos-Stelle verneint. Im Folgenden wird versucht, zu beweisen, dass die Frage zu bejahen ist.\r\n\r\nWie Kr\u00e4mer die Aristoxenos-Stelle versteht, l\u00e4sst sich am besten durch eine Art Paraphrase darstellen:\r\n\r\n\u201eIch werde lieber, so sagt Aristoxenos, im Vorhinein den Gang meiner Untersuchung angeben, damit es uns nicht geht wie nach einer von Aristoteles oft erz\u00e4hlten Geschichte den meisten H\u00f6rern des platonischen Vorlesungskurses Das Gute. So oft er denselben ansagte, ging jeder hin in der Annahme, er werde etwas \u00fcber Dinge h\u00f6ren, die \u00fcblicherweise f\u00fcr menschliche G\u00fcter gehalten werden, wie Reichtum, Gesundheit und St\u00e4rke, und in der Hauptsache \u00fcber irgendein Gl\u00fcck wundersamster Art.\r\n\r\nAls aber die Auseinandersetzung immer wieder auf Mathematisches, Zahlen, Geometrie und Astronomie hinauslief, kam es ihnen\u2014ich glaub\u2019s schon\u2014h\u00f6chst absonderlich vor. In der Folge war das Ende des Kurses immer wieder, dass ein Teil der H\u00f6rer das ganze Ding f\u00fcr bedeutungslos ansah, ein anderer es nachteilig kritisierte. Und warum? Weil sie, statt sich zu erkundigen, um was es sich handeln w\u00fcrde, mit offenen M\u00fcndern hinzugehen pflegten, indem sie nur das Wort 'gut' aufgeschnappt hatten.\u201c\r\n\r\nHat meine Paraphrase den Sinn der kr\u00e4merschen Interpretation richtig getroffen, so h\u00e4tte also Aristoxenos berichten wollen, dass, so oft Platon seinen Vorlesungskursus Das Gute anzusagen pflegte, sich immer wieder dasselbe ergab: Vom Titel Das Gute (der immer wiederholt wurde) angezogen, finden sich H\u00f6rer ein, von denen dann die meisten sich entt\u00e4uscht oder get\u00e4uscht f\u00fchlen.\r\n\r\nIch will nicht sagen, dass dies unm\u00f6glich ist; aber es werden doch viele empfinden, dass das ganze Geschichtchen seinen Sinn verliert, wenn es sich nicht um ein einmaliges Ereignis handelt. [introduction p. 44-45]","btype":3,"date":"1968","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1i5nYpcy51Bvdbu","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":258,"full_name":"Merlan, Philip","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":976,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"96","issue":"5","pages":"705-709"}},"sort":[1968]}

The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv, 1968
By: Coxon, Allan D.

Title	The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1968
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	18
Issue	1
Pages	70-75
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Coxon, Allan D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The critical text of the first four books of Simplicius’ commentary on the Physics, which was published by Diels in Berlin in 1882 and serves as the foundation for the text of many fragments of the Presocratics, was based on collations by Vitelli of three manuscripts (DEF) and of a fragment of Book I in a copy made by the scribe of E, which Diels refers to as Ea. Besides these, Diels lists a considerable number of later manuscripts, which I have examined and found justifiably ignored in his critical apparatus. The total number of manuscripts listed by Diels of some part of Books I-VIII is 44; a further 25 not mentioned by Diels are listed in A. Wartelle’s "Inventaire des manuscrits grecs d’Aristote et de ses commentateurs" (Belles Lettres, 1963). I shall argue that Diels seriously underrated both the value of F and the probability of contamination between his manuscripts, and consequently, his text of some fragments of the Presocratics rests on a false foundation. However, it should be said at the outset that Diels’s understanding of Presocratic thought prevented him from going far wrong in the readings he adopted and printed. [Introduction, p. 70]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/SYzieZXh14vSvjP

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1283","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1283,"authors_free":[{"id":1872,"entry_id":1283,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":57,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Coxon, Allan D.","free_first_name":"Allan D. ","free_last_name":"Coxon","norm_person":{"id":57,"first_name":"Allan D.","last_name":"Coxon","full_name":"Coxon, Allan D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1053041829","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv","main_title":{"title":"The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv"},"abstract":"The critical text of the first four books of Simplicius\u2019 commentary on the Physics, which was published by Diels in Berlin in 1882 and serves as the foundation for the text of many fragments of the Presocratics, was based on collations by Vitelli of three manuscripts (DEF) and of a fragment of Book I in a copy made by the scribe of E, which Diels refers to as Ea. Besides these, Diels lists a considerable number of later manuscripts, which I have examined and found justifiably ignored in his critical apparatus. The total number of manuscripts listed by Diels of some part of Books I-VIII is 44; a further 25 not mentioned by Diels are listed in A. Wartelle\u2019s \"Inventaire des manuscrits grecs d\u2019Aristote et de ses commentateurs\" (Belles Lettres, 1963). I shall argue that Diels seriously underrated both the value of F and the probability of contamination between his manuscripts, and consequently, his text of some fragments of the Presocratics rests on a false foundation. However, it should be said at the outset that Diels\u2019s understanding of Presocratic thought prevented him from going far wrong in the readings he adopted and printed. [Introduction, p. 70]","btype":3,"date":"1968","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/SYzieZXh14vSvjP","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":57,"full_name":"Coxon, Allan D.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1283,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"18","issue":"1","pages":"70-75 "}},"sort":[1968]}

Aristote, «De la prière», 1967
By: Pépin, Jean

Title	Aristote, «De la prière»
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1967
Journal	Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume	157
Pages	59-70
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Pépin, Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Au nombre des Aristotelis fragmenta figure un bref témoignage de Simplicius, selon lequel Aristote, sur la fin de son livre Περ ευχής, aurait dit que Dieu est ou bien intellect, ou bien quelque chose au-delà de l'intellect, ὃτι ό θεός ή νους εστίν ή καΐ έπέκεινά τι του νου. Simplicius est le seul auteur à rapporter cette surprenante doxographie, et même à évoquer le contenu de cet écrit aristotélicien. Son témoignage étant ainsi l'unique point de départ, on doit avant tout l'examiner de très près, en lui adjoignant les quelques lignes qui le précèdent. Cette investigation permettra peut-être d'en évaluer les chances d'authenticité. Il restera alors à s'interroger sur le sens exact de la doctrine ainsi rapportée à Aristote. [Introduction, p. 59]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QHzOiPBFSXVNXwj

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1089","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1089,"authors_free":[{"id":1647,"entry_id":1089,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":227,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"P\u00e9pin, Jean","free_first_name":"Jean","free_last_name":"P\u00e9pin","norm_person":{"id":227,"first_name":"Jean","last_name":"P\u00e9pin","full_name":"P\u00e9pin, Jean","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119165147","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristote, \u00abDe la pri\u00e8re\u00bb","main_title":{"title":"Aristote, \u00abDe la pri\u00e8re\u00bb"},"abstract":"Au nombre des Aristotelis fragmenta figure un bref t\u00e9moignage de Simplicius, selon lequel Aristote, sur la fin de son livre \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1 \u03b5\u03c5\u03c7\u03ae\u03c2, aurait dit que Dieu est ou bien intellect, ou bien quelque chose au-del\u00e0 de l'intellect, \u1f43\u03c4\u03b9 \u03cc \u03b8\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2 \u03ae \u03bd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2 \u03b5\u03c3\u03c4\u03af\u03bd \u03ae \u03ba\u03b1\u0390 \u03ad\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03ac \u03c4\u03b9 \u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03bd\u03bf\u03c5. Simplicius est le seul auteur \u00e0 rapporter cette surprenante doxographie, et m\u00eame \u00e0 \u00e9voquer le contenu de cet \u00e9crit aristot\u00e9licien. Son t\u00e9moignage \u00e9tant ainsi l'unique point de d\u00e9part, on doit avant tout l'examiner de tr\u00e8s pr\u00e8s, en lui adjoignant les quelques lignes qui le pr\u00e9c\u00e8dent. Cette investigation permettra peut-\u00eatre d'en \u00e9valuer les chances d'authenticit\u00e9. Il restera alors \u00e0 s'interroger sur le sens exact de la doctrine ainsi rapport\u00e9e \u00e0 Aristote. [Introduction, p. 59]","btype":3,"date":"1967","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/QHzOiPBFSXVNXwj","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":227,"full_name":"P\u00e9pin, Jean","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1089,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'\u00c9tranger","volume":"157","issue":"","pages":"59-70"}},"sort":[1967]}

Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication, 1967
By: Bicknell, Peter J.

Title	Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1967
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	12
Issue	1
Pages	1-5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bicknell, Peter J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It is commonly maintained that Melissus was the major forerunner of atomism. This has been argued on a number of grounds, one of these being that Leucippus reacted to a Melissean rather than a Parmenidean refutation of locomotion. In the following short paper I shall challenge this view and point out that not only is one other argument for Melissus' influence on atomism insecure, but that Theo- phrastus, our most important witness, unequivocally states that Leucippus opposed a pre-Melissean eleaticism. [p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ueYDjNWacYJ6N22

{"_index":"sire","_id":"772","_score":null,"_source":{"id":772,"authors_free":[{"id":1136,"entry_id":772,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":399,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","free_first_name":"Peter J.","free_last_name":"Bicknell","norm_person":{"id":399,"first_name":"Peter J.","last_name":"Bicknell","full_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1162157143","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication","main_title":{"title":"Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication"},"abstract":"It is commonly maintained that Melissus was the major forerunner \r\nof atomism. This has been argued on a number of grounds, one of \r\nthese being that Leucippus reacted to a Melissean rather than a \r\nParmenidean refutation of locomotion. In the following short paper I \r\nshall challenge this view and point out that not only is one other \r\nargument for Melissus' influence on atomism insecure, but that Theo- \r\nphrastus, our most important witness, unequivocally states that \r\nLeucippus opposed a pre-Melissean eleaticism. [p. 1]","btype":3,"date":"1967","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ueYDjNWacYJ6N22","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":399,"full_name":"Bicknell, Peter J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":772,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"12","issue":"1","pages":"1-5"}},"sort":[1967]}

Empedocles' Cosmic Cycle, 1967
By: O'Brien, Denis

Title	Empedocles' Cosmic Cycle
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1967
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	17
Issue	1
Pages	29-40
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Hitherto reconstructions of Empedocles’ cosmic cycle have usually been offered as part of a larger work, a complete history of Presocratic thought, or a complete study of Empedocles. Consequently there has perhaps been a lack of thoroughness in collecting and sifting evidence that relates exclusively to the main features of the cosmic cycle. There is in fact probably more evidence for Empedocles’ main views than for those of any other Presocratic except Parmenides in his Way of Truth. From a close examination of the fragments and of the secondary sources, principally Aristotle, Plutarch, and Simplicius, there can be formed a reasonably complete picture of the main temporal and spatial features of Empedocles’ cosmic cycle. [Introduction, p. 29]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fiLkRFQK4eMiUJl

{"_index":"sire","_id":"865","_score":null,"_source":{"id":865,"authors_free":[{"id":1269,"entry_id":865,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":144,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"O'Brien, Denis","free_first_name":"Denis","free_last_name":"O'Brien","norm_person":{"id":144,"first_name":"Denis","last_name":"O'Brien","full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134134079","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Empedocles' Cosmic Cycle","main_title":{"title":"Empedocles' Cosmic Cycle"},"abstract":"Hitherto reconstructions of Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycle have usually been offered as part of a larger work, a complete history of Presocratic thought, or \r\na complete study of Empedocles. Consequently there has perhaps been a lack of thoroughness in collecting and sifting evidence that relates exclusively to the main features of the cosmic cycle. There is in fact probably more evidence \r\nfor Empedocles\u2019 main views than for those of any other Presocratic except Parmenides in his Way of Truth. From a close examination of the fragments \r\nand of the secondary sources, principally Aristotle, Plutarch, and Simplicius, there can be formed a reasonably complete picture of the main temporal and spatial features of Empedocles\u2019 cosmic cycle. [Introduction, p. 29]","btype":3,"date":"1967","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/fiLkRFQK4eMiUJl","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":144,"full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":865,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"17","issue":"1","pages":"29-40"}},"sort":[1967]}

Simplicius, 1967
By: Lloyd, Antony C., Edwards, Paul (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1967
Published in	The Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Pages	448-449
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lloyd, Antony C.
Editor(s)	Edwards, Paul
Translator(s)

"SIMPLICIUS, sixth-century Neoplatonist and commen tator on Aristotle, studied in Alexandria under Ammonius and in Athens under Damascius. The School at Athens was closed in 529, and Simplicius withdrew to Persia. When he returned, his paganism barred him from lecturing. His surviving commentaries (on Aristotle’s Categories, Physics, De Caelo, and De Anima) are both more learned and more polemic than would have been suitable for students. His chief importance in the history of philosophy probably lies in his being a source of our knowledge of other ancient philosophers, notably the pre-Socratics.Simplicius takes for granted the metaphysics of Neopla tonism as it had been systematized in the Athenian School of the fifth century. He accepts the usual three hypostases but follows Iamblichus and Damascius in making much of the distinction between each hypostasis and, indeed, be tween each self-subsistent reality as it is undifferentiated (remaining in the One) and as it is differentiated or plural- ized (proceeding). (See, for example, In De Caelo, pp. 93- 94, Heiberg.) It is one of the concepts or devices by which he carries out the task that dominates his work, to reconcile Plato and Aristotle. They appear to disagree, for instance, about motion: a self-moving or an unmoved mover, the motion or immobility of reason, and so on. According to Simplicius, Plato is usually writing of the primary kind of motion, and Aristotle of the secondary, or proceeding, kind. Simplicius’ interpretation of the De Anima is based on that of Iamblichus, which took it as a valid description of the embodied soul, to be supplemented by a metaphysical account of the “separate” intellectIn natural philosophy, Simplicius, like other Neoplaton- ists, is more ready to criticize Aristotle, so that the result is more often a compromise, rather than a reconciliation, with Plato. Aristotelian matter had long been identi fied with Plato's not-being; Simplicius has little to add here to Plotinus and Porphyry. But the problems of space, mo tion, place, and allied concepts had repeatedly been ex amined and were already beginning to suggest relational definitions foreign to Aristotle's physics. In an excursus on the notion of place (In Physica, VoL XI, pp. 601-645, Diels) Simplicius describes some interesting and original views of Darnascius, which he reconciles with Aristotle only by implying, implausibly, that the two are complemen tary, A similar but less scientific treatment of time as a kind of metaphysical cause of the existence of motion and things in motion depends on the distinction already referred to be tween remaining in the One and proceeding; the latter aspect accounts for flowing time, which is the measure of succession,Simplicius also wrote an extant commentary on the Stoic Epictetus' Enchiridion (or handbook of ethics). In moral philosophy the Neoplafconists borrowed much from Stoi cism, and while well expressed, most of the commentary is commonplace for the period. However, it does contain a semipopular presentation of Neoplatonic theology or metaphysics (pp. 95-101, Diibner), and this has been claimed as a survival of Alexandrian Platonism in which (as in the Middle Academy) the highest hypostasis is not the One, but Intellect, The text i% not unambiguous but dubiously supports the claim." [the whole entry]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EDqpmOHmXAWfsyj

{"_index":"sire","_id":"393","_score":null,"_source":{"id":393,"authors_free":[{"id":516,"entry_id":393,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":465,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Lloyd, Antony C.","free_first_name":"Antony C.","free_last_name":"Lloyd","norm_person":{"id":465,"first_name":"Antony C.","last_name":"Lloyd, Antony C.","full_name":"Lloyd, Antony C.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1052318118","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":517,"entry_id":393,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":237,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Edwards, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Edwards","norm_person":{"id":237,"first_name":"Paul","last_name":"Edwards","full_name":"Edwards, Paul","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius"},"abstract":"\"SIMPLICIUS, sixth-century Neoplatonist and commen\u00ad\r\ntator on Aristotle, studied in Alexandria under Ammonius \r\nand in Athens under Damascius. The School at Athens was \r\nclosed in 529, and Simplicius withdrew to Persia. When he \r\nreturned, his paganism barred him from lecturing. His \r\nsurviving commentaries (on Aristotle\u2019s Categories, Physics, \r\nDe Caelo, and De Anima) are both more learned and more \r\npolemic than would have been suitable for students. His \r\nchief importance in the history of philosophy probably lies \r\nin his being a source of our knowledge of other ancient \r\nphilosophers, notably the pre-Socratics.Simplicius takes for granted the metaphysics of Neopla\u00ad\r\ntonism as it had been systematized in the Athenian School \r\nof the fifth century. He accepts the usual three hypostases \r\nbut follows Iamblichus and Damascius in making much of \r\nthe distinction between each hypostasis and, indeed, be\u00ad\r\ntween each self-subsistent reality as it is undifferentiated \r\n(remaining in the One) and as it is differentiated or plural- \r\nized (proceeding). (See, for example, In De Caelo, pp. 93- \r\n94, Heiberg.) It is one of the concepts or devices by \r\nwhich he carries out the task that dominates his work, to \r\nreconcile Plato and Aristotle. They appear to disagree, for \r\ninstance, about motion: a self-moving or an unmoved \r\nmover, the motion or immobility of reason, and so on. \r\nAccording to Simplicius, Plato is usually writing of the \r\nprimary kind of motion, and Aristotle of the secondary, or \r\nproceeding, kind. Simplicius\u2019 interpretation of the De \r\nAnima is based on that of Iamblichus, which took it as a \r\nvalid description of the embodied soul, to be supplemented \r\nby a metaphysical account of the \u201cseparate\u201d intellectIn natural philosophy, Simplicius, like other Neoplaton- \r\nists, is more ready to criticize Aristotle, so that the result\r\nis more often a compromise, rather than a reconciliation, \r\nwith Plato. Aristotelian matter had long been identi\u00ad\r\nfied with Plato's not-being; Simplicius has little to add here \r\nto Plotinus and Porphyry. But the problems of space, mo\u00ad\r\ntion, place, and allied concepts had repeatedly been ex\u00ad\r\namined and were already beginning to suggest relational \r\ndefinitions foreign to Aristotle's physics. In an excursus \r\non the notion of place (In Physica, VoL XI, pp. 601-645, \r\nDiels) Simplicius describes some interesting and original \r\nviews of Darnascius, which he reconciles with Aristotle \r\nonly by implying, implausibly, that the two are complemen\u00ad\r\ntary, A similar but less scientific treatment of time as a kind \r\nof metaphysical cause of the existence of motion and things \r\nin motion depends on the distinction already referred to be\u00ad\r\ntween remaining in the One and proceeding; the latter \r\naspect accounts for flowing time, which is the measure of \r\nsuccession,Simplicius also wrote an extant commentary on the Stoic \r\nEpictetus' Enchiridion (or handbook of ethics). In moral \r\nphilosophy the Neoplafconists borrowed much from Stoi\u00ad\r\ncism, and while well expressed, most of the commentary is \r\ncommonplace for the period. However, it does contain a \r\nsemipopular presentation of Neoplatonic theology or \r\nmetaphysics (pp. 95-101, Diibner), and this has been \r\nclaimed as a survival of Alexandrian Platonism in which (as \r\nin the Middle Academy) the highest hypostasis is not the \r\nOne, but Intellect, The text i% not unambiguous but \r\ndubiously supports the claim.\" [the whole entry]","btype":2,"date":"1967","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/EDqpmOHmXAWfsyj","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":465,"full_name":"Lloyd, Antony C.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":237,"full_name":"Edwards, Paul","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":393,"section_of":1371,"pages":"448-449","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1371,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"en","title":"The Encyclopedia of Philosophy","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Edwards1967","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1967","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"The first English-language reference of its kind, The Encyclopedia of Philosophy was hailed as \"a remarkable and unique work\" (Saturday Review) that contained \"the international who's who of philosophy and cultural history\" (Library Journal). [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9TYFlO2oFqfGwvz","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1371,"pubplace":"London, New York","publisher":"Crowell-Collier Publishing Company","series":"","volume":"7","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1967]}

The Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 1967
By: Edwards, Paul (Ed.)

Title	The Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1967
Publication Place	London, New York
Publisher	Crowell-Collier Publishing Company
Volume	7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Edwards, Paul
Translator(s)

The first English-language reference of its kind, The Encyclopedia of Philosophy was hailed as "a remarkable and unique work" (Saturday Review) that contained "the international who's who of philosophy and cultural history" (Library Journal). [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DJOzQML80wO5kRJ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1371","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1371,"authors_free":[{"id":2068,"entry_id":1371,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":237,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Edwards, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Edwards","norm_person":{"id":237,"first_name":"Paul","last_name":"Edwards","full_name":"Edwards, Paul","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Encyclopedia of Philosophy","main_title":{"title":"The Encyclopedia of Philosophy"},"abstract":"The first English-language reference of its kind, The Encyclopedia of Philosophy was hailed as \"a remarkable and unique work\" (Saturday Review) that contained \"the international who's who of philosophy and cultural history\" (Library Journal). [author's abstract]","btype":4,"date":"1967","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DJOzQML80wO5kRJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":237,"full_name":"Edwards, Paul","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1371,"pubplace":"London, New York","publisher":"Crowell-Collier Publishing Company","series":"","volume":"7","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1967]}

The End of the Ancient Universities, 1966
By: Cameron, Alan

Title	The End of the Ancient Universities
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1966
Journal	Journal of World History
Volume	10
Pages	653-673
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cameron, Alan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Strictliy speaking, there were no universities in the Ancient World,if by university we understand a corporate institution offering avariety of courses and granting degrees in the way modern univer sities do. There were, however, university towns, Rome, Constantinople, Athens, Alexandria, Bordeaux, with established chairs, where the leading teachers of the day lectured to classes drawn from all over the Empire. And so many of the ideas we associate with a university were both present and fostered in this atmosphere, that it would clearly he pedantic to avoid using the term. But there were significant differences nonetheless.Not least, each professor in these university towns was independent of, and indeed a rival of, every other professor there. In every city of the Empire except Constantinople, and not there till 425, it was possible for freelance teachers to set up in opposition lo holders of the established chairs (and sometimes entice away their pupils, too). Even holders of the chairs competed with each other for pupils. It was normal for students to sign on with just one professor, and attend his courses alone. Indeed, the rivalry between professors was transmitted to their pupils. Up to a point competion was natural and healthy enough. But by the period that forms the subject of this paper, the fourth to sixth centuries A.D., it far exceeded that point, and cannot but have impaired both the proficiency and the standing of the profession. [Introduction, pp. 653 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NfGl20qhKYCdDTy

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1048","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1048,"authors_free":[{"id":1593,"entry_id":1048,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":20,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cameron, Alan","free_first_name":"Alan","free_last_name":"Cameron","norm_person":{"id":20,"first_name":"Alan","last_name":"Cameron","full_name":"Cameron, Alan ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/143568914","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The End of the Ancient Universities","main_title":{"title":"The End of the Ancient Universities"},"abstract":"Strictliy speaking, there were no universities in the Ancient World,if by university we understand a corporate institution offering avariety of courses and granting degrees in the way modern univer\u00ad\r\nsities do.\r\nThere were, however, university towns, Rome, Constantinople, \r\nAthens, Alexandria, Bordeaux, with established chairs, where the leading \r\nteachers of the day lectured to classes drawn from all over the Empire. \r\nAnd so many of the ideas we associate with a university were both present \r\nand fostered in this atmosphere, that it would clearly he pedantic to avoid \r\nusing the term. But there were significant differences nonetheless.Not least, each professor in these university towns was independent \r\nof, and indeed a rival of, every other professor there. In every city of the \r\nEmpire except Constantinople, and not there till 425, it was possible for \r\nfreelance teachers to set up in opposition lo holders of the established \r\nchairs (and sometimes entice away their pupils, too). Even holders of the \r\nchairs competed with each other for pupils. It was normal for students to \r\nsign on with just one professor, and attend his courses alone. Indeed, the \r\nrivalry between professors was transmitted to their pupils. Up to a point competion was natural and healthy enough. But by the period that\r\nforms the subject of this paper, the fourth to sixth centuries A.D., it\r\nfar exceeded that point, and cannot but have impaired both the \r\nproficiency and the standing of the profession. [Introduction, pp. 653 f.]","btype":3,"date":"1966","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NfGl20qhKYCdDTy","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":20,"full_name":"Cameron, Alan ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1048,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of World History","volume":"10","issue":"","pages":"653-673"}},"sort":[1966]}

A Lost Passage from Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem in Arabic Translation, 1965
By: Kraemer, Joel L.

Title	A Lost Passage from Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem in Arabic Translation
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1965
Journal	Journal of the American Oriental Society
Volume	85
Issue	3
Pages	318-327
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kraemer, Joel L.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A comparison of the Arabic text with the excerpt of Simplicius shows that he, being concerned only with the gist of the argument, did not quote Philoponus' passage in its entirety. He reproduced only the second part of it, in which Philoponus referred to the Greeks and the barbarians, that is, those whose consensus was invoked by Aristotle and who were, for Aristotle, exhaustive of mankind. Simplicius omitted the first part of the passage, in which Philoponus spoke of those who believe in creation, among whom he certainly included Christians ("the people of our time"), a category of mankind unknown to Aristotle. There was no need for him to quote the last part of the passage, in which Philoponus gave his own interpretation of the common belief that the divine is associated with heaven. That the excerpt by Simplicius is not a direct quote, and the Arabic text an expansion of the original passage, is confirmed by the fact that some of the detail in the Arabic rendition, which is missing in Simplicius' excerpt, nevertheless appears in his discussion of Philoponus' argument. The passage before us, a response to a rhetorical argument, is not on a par with the technical aspects of Philoponus' critique of Aristotle, but it is no less appealing or significant for that reason. The last part of it conveys, in a lyrical way, the religious sentiment of the author in a tone that prefigures the devotional pages of the De opificio mundi. There, he returns to the question of the designation of heaven as the seat of the divine. "What wonder," he writes, "if [people] set apart the noblest and purest of bodily existents, heaven, for God, and, while praying, extend their hands to it." He adds that through the physical act of raising the hands and eyes to heaven, the mind is raised to God. Heaven is a symbol of the majesty of the Creator. Philoponus obliterates the pagan-Aristotelian distinction between the divine, eternal heavens and the transitory sublunar world. But it is not quite precise to say that he abrogates the superiority of heaven. Heaven and earth are placed in the same order, but heaven ranks higher than earth. That heaven ranks higher than earth and is more closely associated with the divine is part of his Christian heritage. The light metaphor and the idea that all things receive the divine illumination and do so according to their capacity are reflections from Neo-Platonism, but they appear to have been integrated into his Christian vision. The idea that all things are filled with God is not inconsistent with the biblical view that the whole earth is filled with His presence. [conclusion p. 326-327]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3NxYnrQXBWBXLOL

{"_index":"sire","_id":"735","_score":null,"_source":{"id":735,"authors_free":[{"id":1098,"entry_id":735,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":220,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kraemer, Joel L.","free_first_name":"Joel, L.","free_last_name":"Kraemer","norm_person":{"id":220,"first_name":"Joel L.","last_name":"Kraemer","full_name":"Kraemer, Joel L.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/113182023","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"A Lost Passage from Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem in Arabic Translation","main_title":{"title":"A Lost Passage from Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem in Arabic Translation"},"abstract":"A comparison of the Arabic text with the excerpt of Simplicius shows that he, being concerned only with the gist of the argument, did not quote Philoponus' passage in its entirety. He reproduced only the second part of it, in which Philoponus referred to the Greeks and the barbarians, that is, those whose consensus was invoked by Aristotle and who were, for Aristotle, exhaustive of mankind. Simplicius omitted the first part of the passage, in which Philoponus spoke of those who believe in creation, among whom he certainly included Christians (\"the people of our time\"), a category of mankind unknown to Aristotle. There was no need for him to quote the last part of the passage, in which Philoponus gave his own interpretation of the common belief that the divine is associated with heaven. That the excerpt by Simplicius is not a direct quote, and the Arabic text an expansion of the original passage, is confirmed by the fact that some of the detail in the Arabic rendition, which is missing in Simplicius' excerpt, nevertheless appears in his discussion of Philoponus' argument.\r\n\r\nThe passage before us, a response to a rhetorical argument, is not on a par with the technical aspects of Philoponus' critique of Aristotle, but it is no less appealing or significant for that reason. The last part of it conveys, in a lyrical way, the religious sentiment of the author in a tone that prefigures the devotional pages of the De opificio mundi. There, he returns to the question of the designation of heaven as the seat of the divine. \"What wonder,\" he writes, \"if [people] set apart the noblest and purest of bodily existents, heaven, for God, and, while praying, extend their hands to it.\" He adds that through the physical act of raising the hands and eyes to heaven, the mind is raised to God. Heaven is a symbol of the majesty of the Creator.\r\n\r\nPhiloponus obliterates the pagan-Aristotelian distinction between the divine, eternal heavens and the transitory sublunar world. But it is not quite precise to say that he abrogates the superiority of heaven. Heaven and earth are placed in the same order, but heaven ranks higher than earth. That heaven ranks higher than earth and is more closely associated with the divine is part of his Christian heritage. The light metaphor and the idea that all things receive the divine illumination and do so according to their capacity are reflections from Neo-Platonism, but they appear to have been integrated into his Christian vision. The idea that all things are filled with God is not inconsistent with the biblical view that the whole earth is filled with His presence. [conclusion p. 326-327]","btype":3,"date":"1965","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3NxYnrQXBWBXLOL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":220,"full_name":"Kraemer, Joel L.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":735,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of the American Oriental Society","volume":"85","issue":"3","pages":"318-327"}},"sort":[1965]}

Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology, 1965
By: Solmsen, Friedrich

Title	Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1965
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	10
Issue	2
Pages	109-148
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Solmsen, Friedrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In Heraclitus and Parmenides, assumptions which form the basis of our interpretation are subject to frequent reexaminations and revisions. With Empedocles, matters are different. Here, large hypotheses have for a long time remained unchallenged and are now near the point of hardening into dogmas. In particular, the reconstruction of a dual cosmogony in his "cycle," originally a theory which had to contend with others, is now often regarded as established, treated as though it were a fact, and used as a premise for further inferences. The only full-scale interpretation of the evidence which backs up this theory is Ettore Bignone's Empedocle; yet, whatever the merits of this book, it can hardly be denied that in the fifty years since its publication we have learned many new lessons regarding the relative value of testimonies and fragments, the trustworthiness of Aristotle's reports on his precursors, and other questions of vital bearing on the reconstruction of a Presocratic system. A recent textbook which seeks to fit the material into the framework of two cosmogonies does not, in my opinion, succeed in strengthening this position; on the contrary, it may be said that difficulties which were less apparent as long as the discussion confined itself to individual fragments or groups of fragments become more visible when the entire scheme is worked out and presented. Perhaps the wisest course would be to admit ignorance on crucial points. If I, nevertheless, prefer to offer an alternative reconstruction— in essential aspects a revival of von Arnim's—my hope is that, whether right or wrong, it will serve a good purpose if it shows that opinions currently accepted are not firmly grounded in the evidence at our disposal. I have made no methodical commitment except to keep the Καθαρμοί out of the discussion of Περὶ φύσεως. Similar or identical motifs, like the fundamental importance of Love and Strife, the kinship of all living beings, are clearly present in both poems, but to argue from recurring motifs to an identity or similarity of doctrine is nothing less than a petitio. There are too many unknown factors. The time interval may have been long or short. The question of priority has not been settled. We cannot assume that Empedocles' mind was of a rigidly dogmatic cast incapable of responding to new experiences and impressions (nor can we know what these experiences may have been). What we do see is that his attitude to "reality" differs in the two works. Surely, the place for a comparison is after the reconstruction of the poems, not prior to or in the course of it. [introduction p. 109-110]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/S9osco1gJvTdfSD

{"_index":"sire","_id":"846","_score":null,"_source":{"id":846,"authors_free":[{"id":1250,"entry_id":846,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":316,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","free_first_name":"Friedrich","free_last_name":"Solmsen","norm_person":{"id":316,"first_name":"Friedrich","last_name":"Solmsen","full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117754641","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology","main_title":{"title":"Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology"},"abstract":"In Heraclitus and Parmenides, assumptions which form the basis of our interpretation are subject to frequent reexaminations and revisions. With Empedocles, matters are different. Here, large hypotheses have for a long time remained unchallenged and are now near the point of hardening into dogmas. In particular, the reconstruction of a dual cosmogony in his \"cycle,\" originally a theory which had to contend with others, is now often regarded as established, treated as though it were a fact, and used as a premise for further inferences.\r\n\r\nThe only full-scale interpretation of the evidence which backs up this theory is Ettore Bignone's Empedocle; yet, whatever the merits of this book, it can hardly be denied that in the fifty years since its publication we have learned many new lessons regarding the relative value of testimonies and fragments, the trustworthiness of Aristotle's reports on his precursors, and other questions of vital bearing on the reconstruction of a Presocratic system. A recent textbook which seeks to fit the material into the framework of two cosmogonies does not, in my opinion, succeed in strengthening this position; on the contrary, it may be said that difficulties which were less apparent as long as the discussion confined itself to individual fragments or groups of fragments become more visible when the entire scheme is worked out and presented.\r\n\r\nPerhaps the wisest course would be to admit ignorance on crucial points. If I, nevertheless, prefer to offer an alternative reconstruction\u2014 in essential aspects a revival of von Arnim's\u2014my hope is that, whether right or wrong, it will serve a good purpose if it shows that opinions currently accepted are not firmly grounded in the evidence at our disposal. I have made no methodical commitment except to keep the \u039a\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u03bc\u03bf\u03af out of the discussion of \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2. Similar or identical motifs, like the fundamental importance of Love and Strife, the kinship of all living beings, are clearly present in both poems, but to argue from recurring motifs to an identity or similarity of doctrine is nothing less than a petitio.\r\n\r\nThere are too many unknown factors. The time interval may have been long or short. The question of priority has not been settled. We cannot assume that Empedocles' mind was of a rigidly dogmatic cast incapable of responding to new experiences and impressions (nor can we know what these experiences may have been). What we do see is that his attitude to \"reality\" differs in the two works. Surely, the place for a comparison is after the reconstruction of the poems, not prior to or in the course of it. [introduction p. 109-110]","btype":3,"date":"1965","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/S9osco1gJvTdfSD","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":316,"full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":846,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"10","issue":"2","pages":"109-148"}},"sort":[1965]}

Aristote, Du ciel. Texte établi et traduit par Paul Moraux. Introduction, 1965
By: Moraux, Paul

Title	Aristote, Du ciel. Texte établi et traduit par Paul Moraux. Introduction
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1965
Published in	Aristote, Du ciel. Texte établi et traduit par Paul Moraux
Pages	VII-CXC
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The introduction discusses the object and structure of Aristotle's treatise De caelo, which presents a challenge for commentators due to its lack of unity. While some ancient commentators saw the study of the world as a whole as the main object of the treatise, others focused on the study of the celestial body and its relation to the sublunar world. The modern understanding of the genesis of Aristotle's works suggests that the treatise may have been formed by combining previously independent monographs. Additionally, Aristotle himself may have attempted to give his works a coherent structure, but did so in a somewhat artificial way. Despite these challenges, the treatise is seen as an important work in the history of philosophy and science. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EzAHeSeExATtJIm

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Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachprüfung der Empedokles-Doxographie, 1965
By: Hölscher, Uvo

Title	Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachprüfung der Empedokles-Doxographie
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1965
Journal	Hermes
Volume	93
Issue	1
Pages	7-33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hölscher, Uvo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Über die Periodenlehre des Empedokles hat sich bislang noch keine Einigkeit hergestellt. Zwar darin stimmen alle überein, dass nach der Vorstellung des Empedokles die Welt einem periodischen Entstehen und Vergehen unterworfen sei, doch wie das im Einzelnen gedacht war, ist umstritten. Die verbreitetere Auffassung scheint sich am engsten an Aristoteles anzulehnen. Nach ihr würde sich der Kreislauf in vier Phasen abspielen: zwei Zeiten der Bewegung, getrennt je durch Zeiten der Ruhe. Ausgehend von der vollkommenen Einheit der Elemente im Sphairos (I), würde man mit einer Phase der allmählichen Scheidung zu rechnen haben (II), die in einer völligen Trennung der Elemente ihre zeitweilige Ruhe fände (III), bis diese durch eine neue Phase der Wiedervereinigung (IV) in die Einheit des Sphairos zurückkehrten. In jeder der beiden Bewegungsphasen würde sich eine Welt bilden. Aber schon die Frage, in welcher der beiden: auf dem Wege zur Trennung oder auf der Rückkehr zur Einheit, wir mit unserer jetzigen Welt uns befinden, lässt sich offenbar durch einfache Berufung auf Aristoteles nicht entscheiden. Das Missliche bleibt nämlich, dass die beiden Bewegungen in je nur einer Richtung laufen, in fortschreitender Trennung oder fortschreitender Einigung, jede ausgeführte Kosmogonie aber auf beides angewiesen scheint, indem die Weltordnung im Großen zwar durch Trennung geschehen kann, aber die Bildung des Lebens nur durch Verbindung. Alle Versuche, sich eine ganze Welt bloß aus zunehmender Scheidung – oder Verbindung – der Elemente entstehend zu denken, enden in Ungereimtheiten. So ist man genötigt, die Bewegungen in sich wiederum zu teilen: in eine Zeit, in der noch die Kraft der Einigung, und eine andere, in der schon die Kraft der Trennung vorherrschte – und umgekehrt –, sodass aus den vier Phasen im Grunde sechs werden. Aber auch damit gewinnt man kein Bild, das einen überzeugen könnte. Denn da immerhin die Kosmogonie, als die Sonderung der großen Weltteile, der Zoogonie, als der Verbindung der Elemente im Kleinen, vorausgehen musste, wäre sie, im Verlauf der fortschreitenden Trennung, gerade einer ersten Phase zuzuschreiben, in der die Kraft der Trennung noch schwach ist, dagegen die Erzeugung des Lebens der anderen Phase, in der sie die Oberhand gewinnt – was offenbar widersinnig ist. Versucht man aber, sich die Möglichkeiten in der rückläufigen Bewegung auszudenken, so werden die Schwierigkeiten noch größer: die Kraft der Trennung, allmählich abnehmend, würde in einer Phase wirken, in der sie die Elemente bereits getrennt vorfände; die kosmische Verteilung der Massen wäre als ein Vorgang der Vereinigung zu erklären, der in einer Phase stattfände, wo die Kraft der Vereinigung noch gering ist, während ihre wachsende Übermacht die von ihr selbst geschaffene Verteilung wieder zerstören würde. Auch dies ist nicht weniger widersinnig als das erste, und es kann nur als eine Ausrede erscheinen, wenn uns versichert wird, eine Welt bilde sich eben jeweils in dem mittleren Punkt der Bewegungen, wo die beiden Kräfte einander das Gleichgewicht halten. Es war darum ein entscheidender Gewinn, als v. Arnim sich von der Vierphasentheorie trennte. Tatsächlich gibt es kein Zeugnis, das uns die Annahme eines Ruhezustands der getrennten Elemente sicherte. Verzichtet man auf ihn, so rücken die beiden Phasen der wachsenden Trennung und der wachsenden Mischung der Elemente zusammen, und man wird in der ersten die Kosmogonie, in der zweiten die Zoogonie beschrieben finden. Indessen bringt auch diese Auffassung manche Misslichkeit mit sich. Aristoteles unterscheidet zwischen zwei Weltzeiten, einer der Liebe und einer des Streites, und die Zeit des Streites ist die unsere, während die der Liebe zurückliegt. Das Schema nach v. Arnim würde das Umgekehrte zeigen. Freilich könnte man, obschon künstlich genug, auch von der Zeit der Trennung aus, über den Ruhezustand im Sphairos rückwärts, auf den Endzustand der vorigen Welt als die Zeit der Liebe zurückblicken; aber man würde sich in der Zeit der Scheidung von Himmel und Erde, nicht in der des organischen Lebens befinden. Und kann Aristoteles die gesamte Weltzeit, von der Entstehung aus dem Sphairos bis zum Untergang im Sphairos, so in zwei Hälften teilen, dass er – in dieser Reihenfolge – von der Vereinigung des Vielen zu Einem durch die Liebe und „dann wieder“ Trennung des Einen in Vieles durch den Streit redet, und von den Ruhezuständen dazwischen? Als ob der Übergang von der Kosmogonie zur Entstehung des Lebens ein größerer Einschnitt wäre als die völlige Weltvernichtung im Sphairos? Kann er sagen – wie er es tut –: Empedokles lässt die Kosmogonie durch Liebe aus? Als ob eine solche, neben der Kosmogonie durch den Streit, von der Konsequenz des Systems eigentlich gefordert wäre? Ich halte es auch hier für einen Fehler, dass man zu geradewegs auf die Rekonstruktion des empedokleischen Systems aus war und dazu Zeugnisse und Fragmente, wie es sich bot, verwendete und zu vereinigen trachtete, anstatt bei den Zwischenfragen zu verweilen: Was hat sich Aristoteles, was seine Kommentatoren vorgestellt, und welches waren die Zeugnisse, die ihnen zur Hand waren? Auf die eigenen Auffassungen der Letzteren kann allerdings auch hier nur so weit eingegangen werden, als sie der Klärung der aristotelischen dienen – obschon Simplikios wichtig genug wäre, da seine neuplatonische Deutung des Sphairos und des Kosmos, als die intelligible und die sinnliche Welt, die Anschauung des Periodischen im Grunde ausschließt. Aber die Äußerungen des Aristoteles verdienen neu geprüft zu werden. [introduction p. 7-9]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/R2gNRYN2KFgYLw8

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Zwar darin stimmen alle \u00fcberein, dass nach der Vorstellung des Empedokles die Welt einem periodischen Entstehen und Vergehen unterworfen sei, doch wie das im Einzelnen gedacht war, ist umstritten.\r\n\r\nDie verbreitetere Auffassung scheint sich am engsten an Aristoteles anzulehnen. Nach ihr w\u00fcrde sich der Kreislauf in vier Phasen abspielen: zwei Zeiten der Bewegung, getrennt je durch Zeiten der Ruhe. Ausgehend von der vollkommenen Einheit der Elemente im Sphairos (I), w\u00fcrde man mit einer Phase der allm\u00e4hlichen Scheidung zu rechnen haben (II), die in einer v\u00f6lligen Trennung der Elemente ihre zeitweilige Ruhe f\u00e4nde (III), bis diese durch eine neue Phase der Wiedervereinigung (IV) in die Einheit des Sphairos zur\u00fcckkehrten. In jeder der beiden Bewegungsphasen w\u00fcrde sich eine Welt bilden. Aber schon die Frage, in welcher der beiden: auf dem Wege zur Trennung oder auf der R\u00fcckkehr zur Einheit, wir mit unserer jetzigen Welt uns befinden, l\u00e4sst sich offenbar durch einfache Berufung auf Aristoteles nicht entscheiden.\r\n\r\nDas Missliche bleibt n\u00e4mlich, dass die beiden Bewegungen in je nur einer Richtung laufen, in fortschreitender Trennung oder fortschreitender Einigung, jede ausgef\u00fchrte Kosmogonie aber auf beides angewiesen scheint, indem die Weltordnung im Gro\u00dfen zwar durch Trennung geschehen kann, aber die Bildung des Lebens nur durch Verbindung. Alle Versuche, sich eine ganze Welt blo\u00df aus zunehmender Scheidung \u2013 oder Verbindung \u2013 der Elemente entstehend zu denken, enden in Ungereimtheiten. So ist man gen\u00f6tigt, die Bewegungen in sich wiederum zu teilen: in eine Zeit, in der noch die Kraft der Einigung, und eine andere, in der schon die Kraft der Trennung vorherrschte \u2013 und umgekehrt \u2013, sodass aus den vier Phasen im Grunde sechs werden. Aber auch damit gewinnt man kein Bild, das einen \u00fcberzeugen k\u00f6nnte. Denn da immerhin die Kosmogonie, als die Sonderung der gro\u00dfen Weltteile, der Zoogonie, als der Verbindung der Elemente im Kleinen, vorausgehen musste, w\u00e4re sie, im Verlauf der fortschreitenden Trennung, gerade einer ersten Phase zuzuschreiben, in der die Kraft der Trennung noch schwach ist, dagegen die Erzeugung des Lebens der anderen Phase, in der sie die Oberhand gewinnt \u2013 was offenbar widersinnig ist.\r\n\r\nVersucht man aber, sich die M\u00f6glichkeiten in der r\u00fcckl\u00e4ufigen Bewegung auszudenken, so werden die Schwierigkeiten noch gr\u00f6\u00dfer: die Kraft der Trennung, allm\u00e4hlich abnehmend, w\u00fcrde in einer Phase wirken, in der sie die Elemente bereits getrennt vorf\u00e4nde; die kosmische Verteilung der Massen w\u00e4re als ein Vorgang der Vereinigung zu erkl\u00e4ren, der in einer Phase stattf\u00e4nde, wo die Kraft der Vereinigung noch gering ist, w\u00e4hrend ihre wachsende \u00dcbermacht die von ihr selbst geschaffene Verteilung wieder zerst\u00f6ren w\u00fcrde. Auch dies ist nicht weniger widersinnig als das erste, und es kann nur als eine Ausrede erscheinen, wenn uns versichert wird, eine Welt bilde sich eben jeweils in dem mittleren Punkt der Bewegungen, wo die beiden Kr\u00e4fte einander das Gleichgewicht halten.\r\n\r\nEs war darum ein entscheidender Gewinn, als v. Arnim sich von der Vierphasentheorie trennte. Tats\u00e4chlich gibt es kein Zeugnis, das uns die Annahme eines Ruhezustands der getrennten Elemente sicherte. Verzichtet man auf ihn, so r\u00fccken die beiden Phasen der wachsenden Trennung und der wachsenden Mischung der Elemente zusammen, und man wird in der ersten die Kosmogonie, in der zweiten die Zoogonie beschrieben finden.\r\n\r\nIndessen bringt auch diese Auffassung manche Misslichkeit mit sich. Aristoteles unterscheidet zwischen zwei Weltzeiten, einer der Liebe und einer des Streites, und die Zeit des Streites ist die unsere, w\u00e4hrend die der Liebe zur\u00fcckliegt. Das Schema nach v. Arnim w\u00fcrde das Umgekehrte zeigen. Freilich k\u00f6nnte man, obschon k\u00fcnstlich genug, auch von der Zeit der Trennung aus, \u00fcber den Ruhezustand im Sphairos r\u00fcckw\u00e4rts, auf den Endzustand der vorigen Welt als die Zeit der Liebe zur\u00fcckblicken; aber man w\u00fcrde sich in der Zeit der Scheidung von Himmel und Erde, nicht in der des organischen Lebens befinden. Und kann Aristoteles die gesamte Weltzeit, von der Entstehung aus dem Sphairos bis zum Untergang im Sphairos, so in zwei H\u00e4lften teilen, dass er \u2013 in dieser Reihenfolge \u2013 von der Vereinigung des Vielen zu Einem durch die Liebe und \u201edann wieder\u201c Trennung des Einen in Vieles durch den Streit redet, und von den Ruhezust\u00e4nden dazwischen? Als ob der \u00dcbergang von der Kosmogonie zur Entstehung des Lebens ein gr\u00f6\u00dferer Einschnitt w\u00e4re als die v\u00f6llige Weltvernichtung im Sphairos? Kann er sagen \u2013 wie er es tut \u2013: Empedokles l\u00e4sst die Kosmogonie durch Liebe aus? Als ob eine solche, neben der Kosmogonie durch den Streit, von der Konsequenz des Systems eigentlich gefordert w\u00e4re?\r\n\r\nIch halte es auch hier f\u00fcr einen Fehler, dass man zu geradewegs auf die Rekonstruktion des empedokleischen Systems aus war und dazu Zeugnisse und Fragmente, wie es sich bot, verwendete und zu vereinigen trachtete, anstatt bei den Zwischenfragen zu verweilen: Was hat sich Aristoteles, was seine Kommentatoren vorgestellt, und welches waren die Zeugnisse, die ihnen zur Hand waren? Auf die eigenen Auffassungen der Letzteren kann allerdings auch hier nur so weit eingegangen werden, als sie der Kl\u00e4rung der aristotelischen dienen \u2013 obschon Simplikios wichtig genug w\u00e4re, da seine neuplatonische Deutung des Sphairos und des Kosmos, als die intelligible und die sinnliche Welt, die Anschauung des Periodischen im Grunde ausschlie\u00dft. Aber die \u00c4u\u00dferungen des Aristoteles verdienen neu gepr\u00fcft zu werden. [introduction p. 7-9]","btype":3,"date":"1965","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/R2gNRYN2KFgYLw8","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":198,"full_name":"H\u00f6lscher, Uvo","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1353,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"93","issue":"1","pages":"7-33"}},"sort":[1965]}

Aristote, Du ciel. Texte établi et traduit par Paul Moraux, 1965
By: Moraux, Paul, Aristote

Title	Aristote, Du ciel. Texte établi et traduit par Paul Moraux
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1965
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Les Belles Lettres
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul , Aristote
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Cet article examine les différentes interprétations du De caelo d’Aristote par les commentateurs antiques ainsi que les défis posés par la structure de l’ouvrage. Tandis qu’Alexandre d’Aphrodise considère ce traité comme une étude globale du cosmos, les Néoplatoniciens, dont Jamblique et Syrien, estiment qu’Aristote s’intéresse avant tout à la substance céleste et à son influence sur les éléments sublunaires. Simplicius rejette ces deux perspectives et affirme que le véritable objet du De caelo est l’étude des cinq éléments, en particulier de l’élément céleste, qui donne son titre à l’ouvrage. L’article explore également les difficultés liées à la composition et à la transmission des textes d’Aristote. La philologie moderne suggère que nombre de ses ouvrages ne furent pas rédigés en une seule fois selon un plan préétabli, mais plutôt constitués progressivement par l’assemblage de monographies indépendantes. Cette genèse particulière explique en partie les incohérences structurelles du De caelo. Aristote lui-même semble ne pas avoir toujours poursuivi une cohérence absolue dans la rédaction de ses traités, laissant parfois à ses disciples et éditeurs posthumes, comme Andronicos de Rhodes et Tyrannion, le soin de regrouper ses écrits. L’analyse montre que De caelo se divise en deux grands axes : l’étude de l’univers dans son ensemble et l’examen des corps élémentaires qui le composent. Les deux premiers livres portent principalement sur la nature et la structure du cosmos, tandis que la seconde moitié du traité se concentre sur les éléments sublunaires et leurs propriétés. Ainsi, les divergences interprétatives et les discontinuités textuelles du De caelo ne résultent pas uniquement d’une rédaction hâtive ou d’interventions ultérieures, mais reflètent aussi les méthodes de travail d’Aristote et les perspectives philosophiques variées de ses commentateurs. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IXzsAQc4o9nCoao

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1374","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1374,"authors_free":[{"id":2084,"entry_id":1374,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":137,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Moraux, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Moraux","norm_person":{"id":137,"first_name":"Paul ","last_name":"Moraux","full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117755591","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2113,"entry_id":1374,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":263,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Aristote","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":263,"first_name":"","last_name":"","full_name":"Aristoteles","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118650130","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristote, Du ciel. Texte \u00e9tabli et traduit par Paul Moraux","main_title":{"title":"Aristote, Du ciel. Texte \u00e9tabli et traduit par Paul Moraux"},"abstract":"Cet article examine les diff\u00e9rentes interpr\u00e9tations du De caelo d\u2019Aristote par les commentateurs antiques ainsi que les d\u00e9fis pos\u00e9s par la structure de l\u2019ouvrage. Tandis qu\u2019Alexandre d\u2019Aphrodise consid\u00e8re ce trait\u00e9 comme une \u00e9tude globale du cosmos, les N\u00e9oplatoniciens, dont Jamblique et Syrien, estiment qu\u2019Aristote s\u2019int\u00e9resse avant tout \u00e0 la substance c\u00e9leste et \u00e0 son influence sur les \u00e9l\u00e9ments sublunaires. Simplicius rejette ces deux perspectives et affirme que le v\u00e9ritable objet du De caelo est l\u2019\u00e9tude des cinq \u00e9l\u00e9ments, en particulier de l\u2019\u00e9l\u00e9ment c\u00e9leste, qui donne son titre \u00e0 l\u2019ouvrage.\r\n\r\nL\u2019article explore \u00e9galement les difficult\u00e9s li\u00e9es \u00e0 la composition et \u00e0 la transmission des textes d\u2019Aristote. La philologie moderne sugg\u00e8re que nombre de ses ouvrages ne furent pas r\u00e9dig\u00e9s en une seule fois selon un plan pr\u00e9\u00e9tabli, mais plut\u00f4t constitu\u00e9s progressivement par l\u2019assemblage de monographies ind\u00e9pendantes. Cette gen\u00e8se particuli\u00e8re explique en partie les incoh\u00e9rences structurelles du De caelo. Aristote lui-m\u00eame semble ne pas avoir toujours poursuivi une coh\u00e9rence absolue dans la r\u00e9daction de ses trait\u00e9s, laissant parfois \u00e0 ses disciples et \u00e9diteurs posthumes, comme Andronicos de Rhodes et Tyrannion, le soin de regrouper ses \u00e9crits.\r\n\r\nL\u2019analyse montre que De caelo se divise en deux grands axes : l\u2019\u00e9tude de l\u2019univers dans son ensemble et l\u2019examen des corps \u00e9l\u00e9mentaires qui le composent. Les deux premiers livres portent principalement sur la nature et la structure du cosmos, tandis que la seconde moiti\u00e9 du trait\u00e9 se concentre sur les \u00e9l\u00e9ments sublunaires et leurs propri\u00e9t\u00e9s. Ainsi, les divergences interpr\u00e9tatives et les discontinuit\u00e9s textuelles du De caelo ne r\u00e9sultent pas uniquement d\u2019une r\u00e9daction h\u00e2tive ou d\u2019interventions ult\u00e9rieures, mais refl\u00e8tent aussi les m\u00e9thodes de travail d\u2019Aristote et les perspectives philosophiques vari\u00e9es de ses commentateurs.\r\n[introduction]","btype":1,"date":"1965","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/IXzsAQc4o9nCoao","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":137,"full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":263,"full_name":"Aristoteles","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1374,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Les Belles Lettres","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1965]}

Empedocles fr. 35. 14-15, 1965
By: O'Brien, Denis

Title	Empedocles fr. 35. 14-15
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1965
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	15
Issue	1
Pages	1-4
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses the interpretation of the word "zôros" in a couplet attributed to Empedocles, as quoted by various ancient authors such as Plutarch, Simplicius, Theophrastus, Aristotle, Athenaeus, and Eustathius. The author considers the different meanings attributed to the word, including mixed and unmixed, and argues that the context and source of the quotations must be considered in interpreting the couplet. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cxFblbRQPGH3efy

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1376","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1376,"authors_free":[{"id":2120,"entry_id":1376,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":144,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"O'Brien, Denis","free_first_name":"Denis","free_last_name":"O'Brien","norm_person":{"id":144,"first_name":"Denis","last_name":"O'Brien","full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134134079","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Empedocles fr. 35. 14-15","main_title":{"title":"Empedocles fr. 35. 14-15"},"abstract":"This text discusses the interpretation of the word \"z\u00f4ros\" in a couplet attributed to Empedocles, as quoted by various ancient authors such as Plutarch, Simplicius, Theophrastus, Aristotle, Athenaeus, and Eustathius. The author considers the different meanings attributed to the word, including mixed and unmixed, and argues that the context and source of the quotations must be considered in interpreting the couplet. [introduction]","btype":3,"date":"1965","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/cxFblbRQPGH3efy","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":144,"full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1376,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"15","issue":"1","pages":"1-4"}},"sort":[1965]}

Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken, 1964
By: Schwabl, Hans

Title	Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1964
Journal	Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume	9
Pages	59-72
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schwabl, Hans
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die alten Milesier können erst nach einiger kritischer Vorarbeit Gegenstand begriffsgeschichtlicher Forschung sein. Der Anfang der griechischen Philosophie ist uns ja nur durch die Berichte späterer Autoren überliefert und aus dem Blickwinkel einer Problemstellung, die nicht mehr die der ersten Philosophen ist. So scheint der Versuch, die Eigenart der milesischen Philosophie zu bestimmen, zunächst so gut wie aussichtslos, insbesondere wenn man bedenkt, dass nicht einmal die eigentliche Quelle unserer Nachrichten, das Werk Theophrasts, uns als solche überkommen ist, sondern dass wir auch hier erst rekonstruieren müssen. Der Anfang muss also sein, zu erforschen, was Theophrast gesagt und gemeint hat. Erst dann stellt sich die Aufgabe einer Rückübersetzung seiner Berichte ins Archaische. Diese Rückübersetzung ist nur möglich innerhalb einer entwicklungsgeschichtlichen Linie, die von den Früheren zu den Milesiern und von diesen wieder zu den späteren Vorsokratikern zu ziehen ist. In unserer kurzen Skizze kann das dafür schon Geleistete bzw. noch zu Leistende nur angedeutet werden. Wir beschränken uns außerdem auf Anaximander, einmal wegen der besonderen Stellung, die ihm zukommt, dann aber auch wegen der Quellenlage, die, wenn man sie nur recht einzuschätzen weiß, doch einigermaßen tragfähige Schlüsse auf den Ansatzpunkt und die Eigenart dieses frühen Denkers gestattet. [introduction p. 59-60]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MqdT9PDIArLqpNc

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1031","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1031,"authors_free":[{"id":1561,"entry_id":1031,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":288,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Schwabl, Hans","free_first_name":"Hans","free_last_name":"Schwabl","norm_person":{"id":288,"first_name":"Hans","last_name":"Schwabl","full_name":"Schwabl, Hans","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/107871211","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken","main_title":{"title":"Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken"},"abstract":"Die alten Milesier k\u00f6nnen erst nach einiger kritischer Vorarbeit Gegenstand begriffsgeschichtlicher Forschung sein. Der Anfang der griechischen Philosophie ist uns ja nur durch die Berichte sp\u00e4terer Autoren \u00fcberliefert und aus dem Blickwinkel einer Problemstellung, die nicht mehr die der ersten Philosophen ist. So scheint der Versuch, die Eigenart der milesischen Philosophie zu bestimmen, zun\u00e4chst so gut wie aussichtslos, insbesondere wenn man bedenkt, dass nicht einmal die eigentliche Quelle unserer Nachrichten, das Werk Theophrasts, uns als solche \u00fcberkommen ist, sondern dass wir auch hier erst rekonstruieren m\u00fcssen.\r\n\r\nDer Anfang muss also sein, zu erforschen, was Theophrast gesagt und gemeint hat. Erst dann stellt sich die Aufgabe einer R\u00fcck\u00fcbersetzung seiner Berichte ins Archaische. Diese R\u00fcck\u00fcbersetzung ist nur m\u00f6glich innerhalb einer entwicklungsgeschichtlichen Linie, die von den Fr\u00fcheren zu den Milesiern und von diesen wieder zu den sp\u00e4teren Vorsokratikern zu ziehen ist.\r\n\r\nIn unserer kurzen Skizze kann das daf\u00fcr schon Geleistete bzw. noch zu Leistende nur angedeutet werden. Wir beschr\u00e4nken uns au\u00dferdem auf Anaximander, einmal wegen der besonderen Stellung, die ihm zukommt, dann aber auch wegen der Quellenlage, die, wenn man sie nur recht einzusch\u00e4tzen wei\u00df, doch einigerma\u00dfen tragf\u00e4hige Schl\u00fcsse auf den Ansatzpunkt und die Eigenart dieses fr\u00fchen Denkers gestattet. [introduction p. 59-60]","btype":3,"date":"1964","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/MqdT9PDIArLqpNc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":288,"full_name":"Schwabl, Hans","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1031,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archiv f\u00fcr Begriffsgeschichte","volume":"9","issue":"","pages":"59-72"}},"sort":[1964]}

The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century, 1963
By: Momigliano, Arnaldo

Title	The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1963
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Momigliano, Arnaldo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The relations between Paganism and Christianity in the fourth century seemed a suitable theme for a course of lectures at the Warburg Institute. The eight lectures here collected were delivered in the academic year 1958-9 and are published as they were delivered. It was, however, considered expedient to translate into English the two lectures which were given in French and the one which was in German.. The lecturers were left free to choose their own subject and to add the notes they wanted for publication. Specialists will judge each paper on its individual merits. For the general reader I have added, by way of introduction, a few pages on the problem of Christianity and the decline of the Roman empire. They were originally part of the two Taft Lectures which I delivered in the University of Cincinnati in 1959. A. M." [preface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/13dkV1yegl5vCkm

{"_index":"sire","_id":"182","_score":null,"_source":{"id":182,"authors_free":[{"id":238,"entry_id":182,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":516,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Momigliano, Arnaldo","free_first_name":"Arnaldo","free_last_name":"Momigliano","norm_person":{"id":516,"first_name":"Arnaldo","last_name":"Momigliano","full_name":"Momigliano, Arnaldo","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119059843","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century","main_title":{"title":"The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century"},"abstract":"The relations between Paganism and Christianity in the fourth century seemed a suitable theme for a course of lectures at the Warburg Institute. The eight lectures here collected were delivered in the academic year 1958-9 and are published as they were delivered. It was, however, considered expedient to translate into English the two lectures which were given in French and the one which was in German.. The lecturers were left free to choose their own subject and to add the notes they wanted for publication. Specialists will judge each paper on its individual merits. For the general reader I have added, by way of introduction, a few pages on the problem of Christianity and the decline of the Roman empire. They were originally part of the two Taft Lectures which I delivered in the University of Cincinnati in 1959. A. M.\" [preface]","btype":1,"date":"1963","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/13dkV1yegl5vCkm","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":516,"full_name":"Momigliano, Arnaldo","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":182,"pubplace":"Oxford","publisher":"Oxford University Press ","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1963]}

Zenone. Testimonianze e frammenti, 1963
By: Untersteiner, M.

Title	Zenone. Testimonianze e frammenti
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	1963
Publication Place	Florence
Publisher	La Nuova ltalia
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Untersteiner, M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Questo volume offre la prima edizione integrale dei frammenti e delle testimonianze su Zenone di Elea, grande filosofo presocratico, allievo di Parmenide e padre della dialettica. La traduzione, con testo greco a fronte, e l’ampio commento consentono di ricostruire l’immagine dell’Eleate, celebre per i suoi argomenti contro il movimento e la molteplicità. Emerge la figura di un filosofo consapevole che l’esistenza è una continua tensione tra l’unità realizzata dalla ragione (logos) e la molteplicità degli eventi offerti dall’esperienza, i quali vanno affrontati nella loro problematicità e anche contraddittorietà. Egli opera un attacco possente e complessivo alla realtà fenomenica, insegnando all’Occidente a misurarsi con le aporie, tanto che i suoi paradossi sono ancora al centro della filosofia, della fisica e della matematica contemporanee. Lucia Palpacelli è docente di Storia della filosofia antica all’Università di Macerata. Tra i suoi scritti ricordiamo: L’«Eutidemo» di Platone. Una commedia straordinariamente seria (Vita e Pensiero, 2009); Aristotele interprete di Platone. Anima e cosmo (Morcelliana, 2013). È tra gli autori di Filosofia antica. Una prospettiva multifocale, a cura di Arianna Fermani e Maurizio Migliori (Scholé, 2020). [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GsDR2BtLWn5dXja

{"_index":"sire","_id":"53","_score":null,"_source":{"id":53,"authors_free":[{"id":61,"entry_id":53,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Untersteiner, M.","free_first_name":"M.","free_last_name":"Untersteiner","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Zenone. Testimonianze e frammenti","main_title":{"title":"Zenone. Testimonianze e frammenti"},"abstract":"Questo volume offre la prima edizione integrale dei frammenti e delle testimonianze su Zenone di Elea, grande filosofo presocratico, allievo di Parmenide e padre della dialettica. La traduzione, con testo greco a fronte, e l\u2019ampio commento consentono di ricostruire l\u2019immagine dell\u2019Eleate, celebre per i suoi argomenti contro il movimento e la molteplicit\u00e0. Emerge la figura di un filosofo consapevole che l\u2019esistenza \u00e8 una continua tensione tra l\u2019unit\u00e0 realizzata dalla ragione (logos) e la molteplicit\u00e0 degli eventi offerti dall\u2019esperienza, i quali vanno affrontati nella loro problematicit\u00e0 e anche contraddittoriet\u00e0. Egli opera un attacco possente e complessivo alla realt\u00e0 fenomenica, insegnando all\u2019Occidente a misurarsi con le aporie, tanto che i suoi paradossi sono ancora al centro della filosofia, della fisica e della matematica contemporanee.\r\n\r\nLucia Palpacelli \u00e8 docente di Storia della filosofia antica all\u2019Universit\u00e0 di Macerata. Tra i suoi scritti ricordiamo: L\u2019\u00abEutidemo\u00bb di Platone. Una commedia straordinariamente seria (Vita e Pensiero, 2009); Aristotele interprete di Platone. Anima e cosmo (Morcelliana, 2013). \u00c8 tra gli autori di Filosofia antica. Una prospettiva multifocale, a cura di Arianna Fermani e Maurizio Migliori (Schol\u00e9, 2020). [author's abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1963","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GsDR2BtLWn5dXja","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":53,"pubplace":"Florence","publisher":"La Nuova ltalia","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1963]}

Simplicius, 1963
By: Zeller, Eduard

Title	Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1963
Published in	Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung
Pages	909-915
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zeller, Eduard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Cilicier | Simplicius, welcher zuerst den Ammonius, dann den Damascius zum Lehrer gehabt hatte. Die Kommentare dieses Philosophen sind das Werk eines großen Fleißes und einer umfassenden Gelehrsamkeit; sie bilden nicht allein für uns eine unschätzbare Fundgrube von Bruchstücken älterer Philosophen und von Nachrichten über dieselben, sondern sie geben auch, trotz der Umdeutungen, von denen kein neuplatonischer Kommentar frei ist, eine sorgfältige und meist verständige Erklärung des Textes. Aber als Philosoph hält sich Simplicius ganz an seine Lehrer, ohne dass er zur Berichtigung oder Fortbildung ihrer Ergebnisse einen erheblichen Versuch machte. Ein unbedingter Bewunderer Platos, ein gläubiger Verehrer der chaldäischen Göttersprache und des Orpheus, hat er zugleich von Aristoteles eine viel zu hohe Meinung, als dass er irgendeinen erheblichen Widerspruch zwischen ihm und Plato zugeben möchte. In der Sache müssen ja beide in allem Wesentlichen übereinstimmen, wenn sie auch in den Worten sich dann und wann widersprechen. Von dieser Voraussetzung aus weiß Simplicius das Einverständnis des Aristoteles mit Plato auch da noch zu entdecken, wo jener gegen diesen in Wahrheit laute Einrede erhoben hat. So soll z. B. in Betreff der allgemeinen Begriffe zwischen beiden vollkommene Übereinstimmung bestehen: Plato, sagt Simplicius, unterscheide zwar die allgemeinen Begriffe von den Einzelwesen, aber er lege ihnen kein abgesondertes Dasein bei; Aristoteles andererseits komme es nicht in den Sinn, zu bestreiten, dass das Einzelne durch das Allgemeine (koinaí phýseis) bedingt sei. Der Ideenlehre soll Aristoteles nur scheinbar widersprechen: Er nehme ja auch Ursachen aller Dinge in Gott an, er wolle nur nicht, dass diese mit denselben Namen bezeichnet werden wie die Dinge. Ebenso wenig sollen die beiden Philosophen hinsichtlich der Materie verschiedener Ansicht sein, und die Stelle, in der Aristoteles den Unterschied seiner Bestimmungen von den platonischen auseinandersetzt, soll nicht auf die platonische Lehre selbst gehen, weil sie dieser, wie Simplicius glaubt, Unrecht tun würde. Auch Aristoteles’ Einwendungen gegen die Annahme, dass der Himmel durch die Seele in Bewegung gesetzt werde, sollen nicht auf Plato gemünzt sein; dass die Seele nach Aristoteles unbewegt ist, nach Plato sich selbst bewegt, soll das Gleiche bedeuten; dass Plato die Welt geworden nennt, Aristoteles ungeworden, verträgt sich ganz gut miteinander: Jener behauptet, sie sei aus einer höheren Ursache hervorgegangen, dieser leugnet, dass sie in der Zeit entstanden sei. Ähnlich verfährt Simplicius überhaupt, um den Widerstreit seiner zwei großen philosophischen Autoritäten zu beseitigen: Wo ein solcher vorzuliegen scheint, darf Aristoteles immer nur eine unrichtige und fassbare Auffassung Platos, nicht seine eigentliche Meinung angreifen. Selbst der aristotelischen Kritik pythagoreischer und parmenideischer Lehren lässt er die gleiche Entschuldigung zugutekommen; und wurden einmal die alten Philosophen in solchem Maße ins Neuplatonische umgedeutet, wie er es gewohnt ist, so konnte er allerdings den Einwürfen des Aristoteles gegen sie nicht Recht geben. Er folgt hier durchaus der Richtung, welche ihm seine Vorgänger bezeichnet hatten, und auch im Einzelnen wohl großenteils den Annahmen seiner Lehrer. Auch sonst ist kaum etwas Eigentümliches bei ihm zu finden. Er wiederholt und verteidigt die Lehren seiner Schule, aber er hat für ihre Weiterbildung nichts Erhebliches geleistet, wie diese auch bei einem schon so lange bestehenden und nach allen Seiten hin ausgeführten System ohne Umbau des Ganzen nicht wohl möglich war. Auch seine ausführliche Erörterung über den Raum ergibt nur unerhebliche Zusätze zu den Bestimmungen des Damascius; und wenn er hinsichtlich der Zeit der von diesem versuchten Annahme einer in jedem Augenblick ganz gegenwärtigen Zeit mit Recht widerspricht, so nähert er sich ihr doch wieder durch eine kaum weniger unklare Unterscheidung zwischen der urbildlichen und der aus ihr abgeleiteten Zeit: Jene soll den Dingen, die in der Zeit sind, als die Ursache ihres Zeitlebens vorangehen, welche den Verlauf desselben messe und ordne und ihn ebendamit zu einem zeitlichen mache. Um schließlich noch seine Ansicht über den Nous zu erwähnen, so bemüht er sich zwar, die verschiedenen Beziehungen, in denen dieser bei Aristoteles vorkommt, mittels der neuplatonischen Lehre vom Verhältnis des Niedrigeren zum Höheren begreiflich zu machen; doch gelingt es ihm nicht, über die an sich dunkle Sache dadurch ein neues Licht zu verbreiten. Er ist ein höchst achtungswerter Gelehrter, er ist auch als Philosoph kein bloßer Nachtreter der Früheren, aber er ist doch nicht mehr als der denkende Bearbeiter einer gegebenen und in allen wesentlichen Beziehungen zu ihrem Abschluss gekommenen Lehre. [the entire entry p. 910-914]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/c2H67ey2uKL9hou

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1450","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1450,"authors_free":[{"id":2436,"entry_id":1450,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":413,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Zeller, Eduard","free_first_name":"Eduard","free_last_name":"Zeller","norm_person":{"id":413,"first_name":"Eduard","last_name":"Zeller,","full_name":"Zeller, Eduard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118636383","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius"},"abstract":"Cilicier | Simplicius, welcher zuerst den Ammonius, dann den Damascius zum Lehrer gehabt hatte. Die Kommentare dieses Philosophen sind das Werk eines gro\u00dfen Flei\u00dfes und einer umfassenden Gelehrsamkeit; sie bilden nicht allein f\u00fcr uns eine unsch\u00e4tzbare Fundgrube von Bruchst\u00fccken \u00e4lterer Philosophen und von Nachrichten \u00fcber dieselben, sondern sie geben auch, trotz der Umdeutungen, von denen kein neuplatonischer Kommentar frei ist, eine sorgf\u00e4ltige und meist verst\u00e4ndige Erkl\u00e4rung des Textes.\r\n\r\nAber als Philosoph h\u00e4lt sich Simplicius ganz an seine Lehrer, ohne dass er zur Berichtigung oder Fortbildung ihrer Ergebnisse einen erheblichen Versuch machte. Ein unbedingter Bewunderer Platos, ein gl\u00e4ubiger Verehrer der chald\u00e4ischen G\u00f6ttersprache und des Orpheus, hat er zugleich von Aristoteles eine viel zu hohe Meinung, als dass er irgendeinen erheblichen Widerspruch zwischen ihm und Plato zugeben m\u00f6chte. In der Sache m\u00fcssen ja beide in allem Wesentlichen \u00fcbereinstimmen, wenn sie auch in den Worten sich dann und wann widersprechen.\r\n\r\nVon dieser Voraussetzung aus wei\u00df Simplicius das Einverst\u00e4ndnis des Aristoteles mit Plato auch da noch zu entdecken, wo jener gegen diesen in Wahrheit laute Einrede erhoben hat. So soll z. B. in Betreff der allgemeinen Begriffe zwischen beiden vollkommene \u00dcbereinstimmung bestehen: Plato, sagt Simplicius, unterscheide zwar die allgemeinen Begriffe von den Einzelwesen, aber er lege ihnen kein abgesondertes Dasein bei; Aristoteles andererseits komme es nicht in den Sinn, zu bestreiten, dass das Einzelne durch das Allgemeine (koina\u00ed ph\u00fdseis) bedingt sei.\r\n\r\nDer Ideenlehre soll Aristoteles nur scheinbar widersprechen: Er nehme ja auch Ursachen aller Dinge in Gott an, er wolle nur nicht, dass diese mit denselben Namen bezeichnet werden wie die Dinge. Ebenso wenig sollen die beiden Philosophen hinsichtlich der Materie verschiedener Ansicht sein, und die Stelle, in der Aristoteles den Unterschied seiner Bestimmungen von den platonischen auseinandersetzt, soll nicht auf die platonische Lehre selbst gehen, weil sie dieser, wie Simplicius glaubt, Unrecht tun w\u00fcrde.\r\n\r\nAuch Aristoteles\u2019 Einwendungen gegen die Annahme, dass der Himmel durch die Seele in Bewegung gesetzt werde, sollen nicht auf Plato gem\u00fcnzt sein; dass die Seele nach Aristoteles unbewegt ist, nach Plato sich selbst bewegt, soll das Gleiche bedeuten; dass Plato die Welt geworden nennt, Aristoteles ungeworden, vertr\u00e4gt sich ganz gut miteinander: Jener behauptet, sie sei aus einer h\u00f6heren Ursache hervorgegangen, dieser leugnet, dass sie in der Zeit entstanden sei.\r\n\r\n\u00c4hnlich verf\u00e4hrt Simplicius \u00fcberhaupt, um den Widerstreit seiner zwei gro\u00dfen philosophischen Autorit\u00e4ten zu beseitigen: Wo ein solcher vorzuliegen scheint, darf Aristoteles immer nur eine unrichtige und fassbare Auffassung Platos, nicht seine eigentliche Meinung angreifen. Selbst der aristotelischen Kritik pythagoreischer und parmenideischer Lehren l\u00e4sst er die gleiche Entschuldigung zugutekommen; und wurden einmal die alten Philosophen in solchem Ma\u00dfe ins Neuplatonische umgedeutet, wie er es gewohnt ist, so konnte er allerdings den Einw\u00fcrfen des Aristoteles gegen sie nicht Recht geben.\r\n\r\nEr folgt hier durchaus der Richtung, welche ihm seine Vorg\u00e4nger bezeichnet hatten, und auch im Einzelnen wohl gro\u00dfenteils den Annahmen seiner Lehrer. Auch sonst ist kaum etwas Eigent\u00fcmliches bei ihm zu finden. Er wiederholt und verteidigt die Lehren seiner Schule, aber er hat f\u00fcr ihre Weiterbildung nichts Erhebliches geleistet, wie diese auch bei einem schon so lange bestehenden und nach allen Seiten hin ausgef\u00fchrten System ohne Umbau des Ganzen nicht wohl m\u00f6glich war.\r\n\r\nAuch seine ausf\u00fchrliche Er\u00f6rterung \u00fcber den Raum ergibt nur unerhebliche Zus\u00e4tze zu den Bestimmungen des Damascius; und wenn er hinsichtlich der Zeit der von diesem versuchten Annahme einer in jedem Augenblick ganz gegenw\u00e4rtigen Zeit mit Recht widerspricht, so n\u00e4hert er sich ihr doch wieder durch eine kaum weniger unklare Unterscheidung zwischen der urbildlichen und der aus ihr abgeleiteten Zeit: Jene soll den Dingen, die in der Zeit sind, als die Ursache ihres Zeitlebens vorangehen, welche den Verlauf desselben messe und ordne und ihn ebendamit zu einem zeitlichen mache.\r\n\r\nUm schlie\u00dflich noch seine Ansicht \u00fcber den Nous zu erw\u00e4hnen, so bem\u00fcht er sich zwar, die verschiedenen Beziehungen, in denen dieser bei Aristoteles vorkommt, mittels der neuplatonischen Lehre vom Verh\u00e4ltnis des Niedrigeren zum H\u00f6heren begreiflich zu machen; doch gelingt es ihm nicht, \u00fcber die an sich dunkle Sache dadurch ein neues Licht zu verbreiten.\r\n\r\nEr ist ein h\u00f6chst achtungswerter Gelehrter, er ist auch als Philosoph kein blo\u00dfer Nachtreter der Fr\u00fcheren, aber er ist doch nicht mehr als der denkende Bearbeiter einer gegebenen und in allen wesentlichen Beziehungen zu ihrem Abschluss gekommenen Lehre. [the entire entry p. 910-914]","btype":2,"date":"1963","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/c2H67ey2uKL9hou","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":413,"full_name":"Zeller, Eduard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1450,"section_of":207,"pages":"909-915","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":207,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":1,"language":"de","title":"Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Zeller1903","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1903","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1903","abstract":"Das erstmals zwischen 1844 und 1852 erschienene Werk \u203aDie Philosophie der Griechen. Eine Untersuchung \u00fcber Charakter, Gang und Hauptmomente ihrer Entwicklung\u2039 gilt als eine der monumentalsten philosophischen Studien der Geschichte. In nie wieder erreichter Vollst\u00e4ndigkeit und Geschlossenheit beschreibt Eduard Zeller hier den Entwicklungsgang der Philosophie Griechenlands. Als \u00dcbersichts- und Grundlagenwerk ist \u203aDer Zeller\u2039 auch heute noch von gro\u00dfer Bedeutung. Hervorhebenswert an der Arbeit Eduard Zellers ist vor allem, dass er eine akribische Quellenarbeit mit systematisch-philosophischem Interesse verbindet. Obwohl ein klassischer Gelehrter des 19. Jahrhunderts, philosophiert er in modernem wissenschaftlichen Sinne. Zeller, der den Begriff \u203aErkenntnistheorie\u2039 \u00fcberhaupt erst in die philosophische Diskussion eingef\u00fchrt hat, hat mit der \u203aPhilosophie der Griechen\u2039 ein Werk geschaffen, dessen Bedeutung auch im 21. Jahrhundert unbestritten ist. [offical abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wqWO03gtyLISydF","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":207,"pubplace":"Leipzig","publisher":"Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft","series":"","volume":"5","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1963]}

Empedocles, fr. 35. 12-15, 1962
By: Arundel, Maureen Rosemary

Title	Empedocles, fr. 35. 12-15
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1962
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	12
Issue	2
Pages	109-111
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Arundel, Maureen Rosemary
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses the interpretation and translation of a fragment of Theophrastus and Plutarch. The word "zôros" is of particular concern, as there is difficulty in determining its meaning, with some suggesting it means "mixed" while others argue it means "undiluted." The author suggests that the reading of the Empedocles line should be restored to "zôra" meaning "undiluted" and that the modern interpretation of "mixed" is unjustifiable. The text also examines the use of "zôra" in Philumenus' work and argues that there is no occurrence in which it means "mixed." [derived from the whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KKhE3Xs36JAl2Ut

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1262","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1262,"authors_free":[{"id":1848,"entry_id":1262,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":36,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Arundel, Maureen Rosemary","free_first_name":"Maureen Rosemary","free_last_name":"Arundel","norm_person":{"id":36,"first_name":"Maureen Rosemary","last_name":"Arundel","full_name":"Arundel, Maureen Rosemary","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Empedocles, fr. 35. 12-15","main_title":{"title":"Empedocles, fr. 35. 12-15"},"abstract":"This text discusses the interpretation and translation of a fragment of Theophrastus and Plutarch. The word \"z\u00f4ros\" is of particular concern, as there is difficulty in determining its meaning, with some suggesting it means \"mixed\" while others argue it means \"undiluted.\" The author suggests that the reading of the Empedocles line should be restored to \"z\u00f4ra\" meaning \"undiluted\" and that the modern interpretation of \"mixed\" is unjustifiable. The text also examines the use of \"z\u00f4ra\" in Philumenus' work and argues that there is no occurrence in which it means \"mixed.\" [derived from the whole text]","btype":3,"date":"1962","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KKhE3Xs36JAl2Ut","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":36,"full_name":"Arundel, Maureen Rosemary","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1262,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"12","issue":"2","pages":"109-111"}},"sort":[1962]}

The Neoplatonic One and Plato’s Parmenides, 1962
By: Rist, John M.

Title	The Neoplatonic One and Plato’s Parmenides
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1962
Journal	Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association
Volume	93
Pages	389–401
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rist, John M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

As long ago as 1928, Professor E. R. Dodds demonstrated the dependence of the One of Plotinus on an interpretation of the first hypothesis of the Parmenides. His demonstration has been universally accepted. But Dodds not only showed the dependence of Plotinus on the Parmenides but also offered an account of the history of the doctrine of the One between the late fourth century B.C. and the third century A.D. His view is that the first three hypotheses of the Parmenides were already treated in what we should call a Neoplatonic fashion by Moderatus, a Neopythagorean of the second half of the first century A.D.; further, that Moderatus was not the originator of this interpretation, whose origins can, in fact, be traced back through Eudorus (ca. 25 B.C.) and the Neopythagoreans of his day to the Old Academy. Though Dodds is somewhat unclear at this point, he seems to suggest that already before the time of Eudorus, the Parmenides was being interpreted in Neopythagorean fashion. In order to check this derivation, we should look at the three stages of it in detail. These stages are the Neopythagoreanism of Moderatus, the theories of Eudorus, and those of Speusippus and the Old Academy in general. In opposition to Professor A. H. Armstrong, who used to hold that the One of Speusippus was less than Being, rather than "beyond Being," Dr. Ph. Merlan has recently shown that the Aristotelian texts on which Armstrong's account was based are better interpreted in the light of chapter four of Iamblichus' De communi mathematica scientia. Merlan shows that the system of Speusippus is not an "evolutionary" one, and that Speusippus' One is beyond Being. Yet the system of Speusippus is a dualism; his One is not the cause of all and is thus, as we shall see, unlike the Neopythagorean One which Dodds regards as proto-Neoplatonic. We may therefore leave Speusippus aside. His One can have affected Neoplatonism only very indirectly, if at all. [introduction p. 389-390]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/n0sauehAwynXB03

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1058","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1058,"authors_free":[{"id":1607,"entry_id":1058,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":303,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rist, John M.","free_first_name":"John M.","free_last_name":"Rist","norm_person":{"id":303,"first_name":"John M.","last_name":"Rist","full_name":"Rist, John M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137060440","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Neoplatonic One and Plato\u2019s Parmenides","main_title":{"title":"The Neoplatonic One and Plato\u2019s Parmenides"},"abstract":"As long ago as 1928, Professor E. R. Dodds demonstrated the dependence of the One of Plotinus on an interpretation of the first hypothesis of the Parmenides. His demonstration has been universally accepted. But Dodds not only showed the dependence of Plotinus on the Parmenides but also offered an account of the history of the doctrine of the One between the late fourth century B.C. and the third century A.D. His view is that the first three hypotheses of the Parmenides were already treated in what we should call a Neoplatonic fashion by Moderatus, a Neopythagorean of the second half of the first century A.D.; further, that Moderatus was not the originator of this interpretation, whose origins can, in fact, be traced back through Eudorus (ca. 25 B.C.) and the Neopythagoreans of his day to the Old Academy.\r\n\r\nThough Dodds is somewhat unclear at this point, he seems to suggest that already before the time of Eudorus, the Parmenides was being interpreted in Neopythagorean fashion. In order to check this derivation, we should look at the three stages of it in detail. These stages are the Neopythagoreanism of Moderatus, the theories of Eudorus, and those of Speusippus and the Old Academy in general.\r\n\r\nIn opposition to Professor A. H. Armstrong, who used to hold that the One of Speusippus was less than Being, rather than \"beyond Being,\" Dr. Ph. Merlan has recently shown that the Aristotelian texts on which Armstrong's account was based are better interpreted in the light of chapter four of Iamblichus' De communi mathematica scientia. Merlan shows that the system of Speusippus is not an \"evolutionary\" one, and that Speusippus' One is beyond Being. Yet the system of Speusippus is a dualism; his One is not the cause of all and is thus, as we shall see, unlike the Neopythagorean One which Dodds regards as proto-Neoplatonic.\r\n\r\nWe may therefore leave Speusippus aside. His One can have affected Neoplatonism only very indirectly, if at all. [introduction p. 389-390]","btype":3,"date":"1962","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/n0sauehAwynXB03","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":303,"full_name":"Rist, John M.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1058,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association","volume":"93","issue":"","pages":"389\u2013401"}},"sort":[1962]}

The Problem of the Souls of the Spheres. From the Byzantine Commentaries on Aristotle through the Arabs and St. Thomas to Kepler, 1962
By: Wolfson, Harry Austryn

Title	The Problem of the Souls of the Spheres. From the Byzantine Commentaries on Aristotle through the Arabs and St. Thomas to Kepler
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1962
Journal	Dumbarton Oaks Papers
Volume	16
Pages	65-93
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wolfson, Harry Austryn
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Kepler, who, as we all know, lived under the new heaven created by Copernicus, discusses the question whether the planets are moved by Intelligences or by souls or by nature. His consideration of Intelligences as possible movers of the planets refers to a view held by those who in the Middle Ages lived under the old Ptolemaic heaven, the term Intelligences being, by a complexity of miscegenation, a descendant of what Aristotle describes as incorporeal substances. His consideration of souls or nature as possible movers of the planets touches upon a topic which was made into a problem b y the Byzantine Greek commentators of Aristotle.In this paper I shall try to show how the Byzantine commentators, in their study of the text of Aristotle, were confronted with a certain problem, how they solved that problem, and how their solution of that problem led to other problems and solutions, all of which lingered in philosophic literature down to Kepler. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/caDB4W1yStAKWKj

{"_index":"sire","_id":"422","_score":null,"_source":{"id":422,"authors_free":[{"id":565,"entry_id":422,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":412,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wolfson, Harry Austryn","free_first_name":"Harry Austryn","free_last_name":"Wolfson","norm_person":{"id":412,"first_name":"Harry Austryn","last_name":"Wolfson","full_name":"Wolfson, Harry Austryn","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123348323","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Problem of the Souls of the Spheres. From the Byzantine Commentaries on Aristotle through the Arabs and St. Thomas to Kepler","main_title":{"title":"The Problem of the Souls of the Spheres. From the Byzantine Commentaries on Aristotle through the Arabs and St. Thomas to Kepler"},"abstract":"Kepler, who, as we all know, lived under the new heaven created by Copernicus, discusses the question whether the planets are moved by Intelligences or by souls or by nature. His consideration of Intelligences \r\nas possible movers of the planets refers to a view held by those who in the Middle Ages lived under the old Ptolemaic heaven, the term Intelligences being, by a complexity of miscegenation, a descendant of what Aristotle describes as \r\nincorporeal substances. His consideration of souls or nature as possible movers of the planets touches upon a topic which was made into a problem b y the \r\nByzantine Greek commentators of Aristotle.In this paper I shall try to show how the Byzantine commentators, in their study of the text of Aristotle, were confronted with a certain problem, how they solved that problem, and how their solution of that problem led to other \r\nproblems and solutions, all of which lingered in philosophic literature down to Kepler. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1962","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/caDB4W1yStAKWKj","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":412,"full_name":"Wolfson, Harry Austryn","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":422,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Dumbarton Oaks Papers","volume":"16","issue":"","pages":"65-93"}},"sort":[1962]}

The Framework of Greek Cosmology, 1961
By: Robinson, John

Title	The Framework of Greek Cosmology
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1961
Journal	The Review of Metaphysics
Volume	14
Issue	4
Pages	676-684
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Robinson, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A striking phenomenon of recent years (and one not without its significance for the historian of contemporary philosophy) has been the appearance of a substantial body of work on the early Greek philosophers. Most of this work is characterized by a new approach to the subject, an approach marked on the one hand by greater attention to the fragments themselves as opposed to the doxographic materials, and on the other hand by a more vigorous analysis of the relation of the language of the fragments to the wider non-philosophic context from which it was in so many instances borrowed. Charles Kahn's recent study, beautifully printed and bound by the Columbia University Press, is a worthy contribution to this growing body of literature and bears the impress of its characteristic method. The single remaining fragment of Anaximander is not discussed until it has been firmly fixed in its historical context by a thoroughgoing consideration of the classical conception of the four elements; and one of the most striking features of this consideration is the use made by the author of the extensive body of Greek medical writings known as the Hippocratic Corpus. It was W. A. Heidel who first called attention to the extraordinary value of these writings—the only complete scientific treatises to have come down to us from the early period—for the elucidation of Greek thought. Since then, this material has been referred to more and more frequently by students of the early Greek philosophers, and the tendency is strikingly evidenced in the present study. The use of this material is not without its difficulties. The treatises which form the Hippocratic Corpus are not the work of a single individual, and there is abundant evidence that they were written over a period of at least two hundred years. It is, therefore, essential, in attempting to reconstruct the scientific worldview of the early period, that we rely so far as possible on treatises belonging to this period. Unfortunately, in the present state of Hippocratic studies, it is impossible to date these works with any exactitude. On the other hand, certain of them belong pretty clearly to the fifth century; and it seems fairly well established that the view of the constitution of man which most of them assume dates from the time of Alcmaeon, who flourished around the turn of the century. Since this view is based upon an analogy between microcosm and macrocosm, the processes involved in sickness and health reflect on a small scale the greater processes which constitute the life of the cosmos as a whole; thus, indirectly, these treatises illuminate in striking ways aspects of the larger worldview implicit in the fragments of the early cosmologists, but obscured by the fewness of these fragments and the imperfect state in which they have been preserved. In the present study, they are used to illuminate just such obscurities. [introduction p. 676-677]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hN9oPATyWj4WjP6

{"_index":"sire","_id":"857","_score":null,"_source":{"id":857,"authors_free":[{"id":1261,"entry_id":857,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":304,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Robinson, John","free_first_name":"John","free_last_name":"Robinson","norm_person":{"id":304,"first_name":"John","last_name":"Robinson","full_name":"Robinson, John","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Framework of Greek Cosmology","main_title":{"title":"The Framework of Greek Cosmology"},"abstract":"A striking phenomenon of recent years (and one not without its significance for the historian of contemporary philosophy) has been the appearance of a substantial body of work on the early Greek philosophers. Most of this work is characterized by a new approach to the subject, an approach marked on the one hand by greater attention to the fragments themselves as opposed to the doxographic materials, and on the other hand by a more vigorous analysis of the relation of the language of the fragments to the wider non-philosophic context from which it was in so many instances borrowed. Charles Kahn's recent study, beautifully printed and bound by the Columbia University Press, is a worthy contribution to this growing body of literature and bears the impress of its characteristic method.\r\n\r\nThe single remaining fragment of Anaximander is not discussed until it has been firmly fixed in its historical context by a thoroughgoing consideration of the classical conception of the four elements; and one of the most striking features of this consideration is the use made by the author of the extensive body of Greek medical writings known as the Hippocratic Corpus. It was W. A. Heidel who first called attention to the extraordinary value of these writings\u2014the only complete scientific treatises to have come down to us from the early period\u2014for the elucidation of Greek thought. Since then, this material has been referred to more and more frequently by students of the early Greek philosophers, and the tendency is strikingly evidenced in the present study.\r\n\r\nThe use of this material is not without its difficulties. The treatises which form the Hippocratic Corpus are not the work of a single individual, and there is abundant evidence that they were written over a period of at least two hundred years. It is, therefore, essential, in attempting to reconstruct the scientific worldview of the early period, that we rely so far as possible on treatises belonging to this period. Unfortunately, in the present state of Hippocratic studies, it is impossible to date these works with any exactitude. On the other hand, certain of them belong pretty clearly to the fifth century; and it seems fairly well established that the view of the constitution of man which most of them assume dates from the time of Alcmaeon, who flourished around the turn of the century.\r\n\r\nSince this view is based upon an analogy between microcosm and macrocosm, the processes involved in sickness and health reflect on a small scale the greater processes which constitute the life of the cosmos as a whole; thus, indirectly, these treatises illuminate in striking ways aspects of the larger worldview implicit in the fragments of the early cosmologists, but obscured by the fewness of these fragments and the imperfect state in which they have been preserved. In the present study, they are used to illuminate just such obscurities. [introduction p. 676-677]","btype":3,"date":"1961","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/hN9oPATyWj4WjP6","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":304,"full_name":"Robinson, John","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":857,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Review of Metaphysics","volume":"14","issue":"4","pages":"676-684"}},"sort":[1961]}

Der Metaphysikbegriff in den Aristoteleskommentaren der Ammoniusschule, 1961
By: Kremer, Klaus

Title	Der Metaphysikbegriff in den Aristoteleskommentaren der Ammoniusschule
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1961
Publication Place	Münster
Publisher	Aschendorff
Series	Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters
Volume	39.1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kremer, Klaus
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AWQtFEHstD6bR1g

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A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras, 1960
By: Wasserstein, Abraham

Title	A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1960
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	10
Issue	1
Pages	4-5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wasserstein, Abraham
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Παντάπασι δ' οὐδὲν ἀποκρίνεται οὐδὲ διακρίνεται ἕτερον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἑτέρου εἰ μὴ ὁ νοῦς· νοῦς δέ ἐστι καθαρὸς ἐκ πάντων καὶ εὐλαβῶν. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων οὐδὲν οὐδὲν διακρίνεται ἑτέρῳ ὅμοιον οὐδὲ ἔστιν ἑτέρου κατὰ φύσιν ὅμοιον, ἀλλ' ἑκάστῳ τῶν ἄλλων ἐν ἑκάστῳ τούτων καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἄρα τί ἐστι καθαρὸν ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων· καὶ τὸ μὲν εὐκρᾶτον καὶ εὐδιακριτὸν τῶν ἄλλων νοῦς τῶν πάντων διαφέρει. These are the last few lines of fragment 12 of Anaxagoras as printed in Diels-Kranz6, ii. 39: D.-K. follow closely, with only a minor modification, the Berlin text of Simplicius in Phys., p. 157, which is the source of our knowledge of this fragment. It seems to me necessary, or at any rate highly desirable, that any interpretation of this passage should, inter alia, satisfy the following three conditions: ὁμοῖος should have the same meaning when applied to νοῦς and when applied to ἕτερον in the next line. The clause ἕτερον δὲ οὐδὲν ... should contain a contrast to the clause νοῦς δέ ..., i.e. we should be able to understand that something is true of νοῦς that is not true of anything other (ἕτερον) than νοῦς. The clause ἀλλ’ ... should follow naturally on the preceding two clauses. This set of conditions is not satisfied by any interpretation that I know. Here are the translations of Diels, Tannery, Burnet: Diels (loc. cit.): "Geist aber ist allemal von gleicher Art, der größere wie der kleinere. Sonst aber ist nichts dem anderen gleichartig, sondern wovon am meisten in einem Dinge enthalten ist, dies als das deutlichst Erkennbare ist und war das eine Einzelding." Tannery (Pour l’histoire de la science hellénique, p. 311): "Tout le noas est semblable, le plus grand et le plus petit; il n'y a, par ailleurs, aucune chose qui soit semblable à aucune autre, mais chacune est pour l'apparence ce dont elle contient le plus." Burnet: "And all Nous is alike, both the greater and the smaller; while nothing else is like anything else, but each single thing is and was most manifestly those things of which it has most in it." It will be seen at once that all these translation-interpretations involve us in a number of difficulties: In all three cases ὁμοῖος, which, when applied to νοῦς, quite naturally (and, surely, inevitably) means something like "homogeneous" (i.e. ὁμοῖος κατὰ φύσιν), is understood in a different sense and construed in a different way when it is used again in the same sentence. For what is, according to these interpretations, denied in the clause ἕτερον δὲ ... is that any other thing is "like" (gleichartig, semblable) anything else, not that they are "homogeneous," which had been asserted of νοῦς. But if that is right, there is no immediately obvious contrast between νοῦς and anything other than νοῦς. Such a contrast is obviously intended; at any rate, a comparison between νοῦς and other things is made in terms of being ὁμοῖος; but such a comparison loses all point if ὁμοῖος is used in two different senses. It is further to be observed that in all these interpretations there is no real point in the third clause ἀλλ’ .... What is ἀλλὰ supposed to mean here? But? ("sondern"? "mais"?) How is this clause related to what precedes? All these difficulties can be removed very easily. I propose that οὐδενί be excised. Read: νοῦς δὲ ἰσαῖς μέτροις ὅμοιος· ἕτερον δὲ οὐδὲν ὅμοιον· ἀλλὰ τῶν πλεῖστων εἶναι τὰ φαινόμενα ἔνθα καὶ ἦν. And interpret: "Nous is all homogeneous, both the greater and the smaller; nothing else is homogeneous; but [the apparent homogeneity of other things like, e.g., gold, is due to the fact that] each thing is (or appears to be) most manifestly that of which there is most in it." Thus, if we excise οὐδενί, ὁμοῖος has the same sense ("homogeneous") both as applied to νοῦς and as applied to ἕτερον. There is a pointed comparison between νοῦς and other things: something is true of νοῦς that is not true of other things. The last clause follows naturally on the earlier statements; for, after making the comparison, Anaxagoras goes on to remove a possible objection: "But is not gold, or iron, or anything else like that, also homogeneous?" "No, it is not; it only looks as if it were, because everything looks like that of which it has most in it." This statement is, of course, immediately intelligible in the light of other statements about ὁμοίως φαίνεσθαι, such as ἐν παντὶ παντός μορφὴ ἐνέστηκε (frg. 11); or the beginning of our fragment 12: τὰ ἐν παντὶ πλείω μετέχει κτλ. (Cf. also Simplicius, in Phys., p. 27, where frg. 11 is quoted together with τῶν πλείστων εἶναι κτλ.). Lest it be thought that the excision of οὐδενί is altogether too radical an expedient, I may mention one other point: Simplicius is capable of extending his quotations by the addition of his own words; that is to say, he could add words to explain what he took to be the meaning of a passage he quoted. Thus, if he misunderstood this statement of Anaxagoras in a sense which made the addition of οὐδενί seem natural, he may well, without even noticing it himself, have added it. We know that elsewhere, quoting this very same sentence, he adds a few words of his own. He writes (in Phys., p. 165, 13): καὶ εἰς τὸν ἕτερον ὁμοιομέρειαν Ἀναξαγόρας ὑπέθετο λέγειν, ὃς δ’ ἐστὶν πλεῖστον αὐτῷ ἐπιπεπτῶκεν. Now, the words ἐπιπεπτῶκεν are generally thought to be not part of the quotation but an explanatory addition by Simplicius; the quotation marks after οὐδενί here are, of course, Diels’s, not Simplicius’s; perhaps we ought to put them before οὐδενί and make that too part of the (mistaken) explanation of Simplicius? If Simplicius could add (as seems to be admitted by all scholars with the one exception of Schorn) the words πλεῖστον αὐτῷ ἐπιπεπτῶκεν, he may also have added οὐδενί. [the whole text]

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{"_index":"sire","_id":"444","_score":null,"_source":{"id":444,"authors_free":[{"id":596,"entry_id":444,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":356,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wasserstein, Abraham","free_first_name":"Abraham","free_last_name":"Wasserstein","norm_person":{"id":356,"first_name":"Abraham","last_name":"Wasserstein","full_name":"Wasserstein, Abraham","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119380102","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras","main_title":{"title":"A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras"},"abstract":"\u03a0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03ac\u03c0\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9 \u03b4' \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03c1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03c1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f11\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b5\u1f30 \u03bc\u1f74 \u1f41 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2\u00b7 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ad \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f10\u03ba \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b5\u1f50\u03bb\u03b1\u03b2\u1ff6\u03bd. \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03c1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f11\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u1ff3 \u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72 \u1f14\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03bd \u1f11\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03bf\u03c5 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd \u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd, \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb' \u1f11\u03ba\u03ac\u03c3\u03c4\u1ff3 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd \u1f10\u03bd \u1f11\u03ba\u03ac\u03c3\u03c4\u1ff3 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8' \u1f11\u03b1\u03c5\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f04\u03c1\u03b1 \u03c4\u03af \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b1\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd\u00b7 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1f78 \u03bc\u1f72\u03bd \u03b5\u1f50\u03ba\u03c1\u1fb6\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b5\u1f50\u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03ba\u03c1\u03b9\u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03c9\u03bd \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03c6\u03ad\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9.\r\n\r\nThese are the last few lines of fragment 12 of Anaxagoras as printed in Diels-Kranz6, ii. 39: D.-K. follow closely, with only a minor modification, the Berlin text of Simplicius in Phys., p. 157, which is the source of our knowledge of this fragment.\r\n\r\nIt seems to me necessary, or at any rate highly desirable, that any interpretation of this passage should, inter alia, satisfy the following three conditions:\r\n\r\n \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 should have the same meaning when applied to \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and when applied to \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd in the next line.\r\n\r\n The clause \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd ... should contain a contrast to the clause \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ad ..., i.e. we should be able to understand that something is true of \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 that is not true of anything other (\u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd) than \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2.\r\n\r\n The clause \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u2019 ... should follow naturally on the preceding two clauses.\r\n\r\nThis set of conditions is not satisfied by any interpretation that I know. Here are the translations of Diels, Tannery, Burnet:\r\n\r\n Diels (loc. cit.): \"Geist aber ist allemal von gleicher Art, der gr\u00f6\u00dfere wie der kleinere. Sonst aber ist nichts dem anderen gleichartig, sondern wovon am meisten in einem Dinge enthalten ist, dies als das deutlichst Erkennbare ist und war das eine Einzelding.\"\r\n Tannery (Pour l\u2019histoire de la science hell\u00e9nique, p. 311): \"Tout le noas est semblable, le plus grand et le plus petit; il n'y a, par ailleurs, aucune chose qui soit semblable \u00e0 aucune autre, mais chacune est pour l'apparence ce dont elle contient le plus.\"\r\n Burnet: \"And all Nous is alike, both the greater and the smaller; while nothing else is like anything else, but each single thing is and was most manifestly those things of which it has most in it.\"\r\n\r\nIt will be seen at once that all these translation-interpretations involve us in a number of difficulties:\r\n\r\n In all three cases \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2, which, when applied to \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2, quite naturally (and, surely, inevitably) means something like \"homogeneous\" (i.e. \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd), is understood in a different sense and construed in a different way when it is used again in the same sentence. For what is, according to these interpretations, denied in the clause \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 ... is that any other thing is \"like\" (gleichartig, semblable) anything else, not that they are \"homogeneous,\" which had been asserted of \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2.\r\n\r\n But if that is right, there is no immediately obvious contrast between \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and anything other than \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2. Such a contrast is obviously intended; at any rate, a comparison between \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and other things is made in terms of being \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2; but such a comparison loses all point if \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 is used in two different senses.\r\n\r\n It is further to be observed that in all these interpretations there is no real point in the third clause \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u2019 .... What is \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 supposed to mean here? But? (\"sondern\"? \"mais\"?) How is this clause related to what precedes?\r\n\r\nAll these difficulties can be removed very easily. I propose that \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af be excised. Read:\r\n\r\n\u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f30\u03c3\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u03bc\u03ad\u03c4\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2\u00b7 \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u1f45\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd\u00b7 \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c6\u03b1\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1 \u1f14\u03bd\u03b8\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f26\u03bd.\r\n\r\nAnd interpret:\r\n\"Nous is all homogeneous, both the greater and the smaller; nothing else is homogeneous; but [the apparent homogeneity of other things like, e.g., gold, is due to the fact that] each thing is (or appears to be) most manifestly that of which there is most in it.\"\r\n\r\nThus, if we excise \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af,\r\n\r\n \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fd6\u03bf\u03c2 has the same sense (\"homogeneous\") both as applied to \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and as applied to \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd.\r\n\r\n There is a pointed comparison between \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 and other things: something is true of \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 that is not true of other things.\r\n\r\n The last clause follows naturally on the earlier statements; for, after making the comparison, Anaxagoras goes on to remove a possible objection: \"But is not gold, or iron, or anything else like that, also homogeneous?\" \"No, it is not; it only looks as if it were, because everything looks like that of which it has most in it.\" This statement is, of course, immediately intelligible in the light of other statements about \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03af\u03c9\u03c2 \u03c6\u03b1\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9, such as \u1f10\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u1f76 \u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03cc\u03c2 \u03bc\u03bf\u03c1\u03c6\u1f74 \u1f10\u03bd\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03ba\u03b5 (frg. 11); or the beginning of our fragment 12: \u03c4\u1f70 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u1f76 \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03c9 \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03ad\u03c7\u03b5\u03b9 \u03ba\u03c4\u03bb. (Cf. also Simplicius, in Phys., p. 27, where frg. 11 is quoted together with \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03ba\u03c4\u03bb.).\r\n\r\nLest it be thought that the excision of \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af is altogether too radical an expedient, I may mention one other point: Simplicius is capable of extending his quotations by the addition of his own words; that is to say, he could add words to explain what he took to be the meaning of a passage he quoted. Thus, if he misunderstood this statement of Anaxagoras in a sense which made the addition of \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af seem natural, he may well, without even noticing it himself, have added it. We know that elsewhere, quoting this very same sentence, he adds a few words of his own. He writes (in Phys., p. 165, 13): \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03b9\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1\u03bd \u1f08\u03bd\u03b1\u03be\u03b1\u03b3\u03cc\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u03ad\u03b8\u03b5\u03c4\u03bf \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd, \u1f43\u03c2 \u03b4\u2019 \u1f10\u03c3\u03c4\u1f76\u03bd \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03c4\u1ff6\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd. Now, the words \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03c4\u1ff6\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd are generally thought to be not part of the quotation but an explanatory addition by Simplicius; the quotation marks after \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af here are, of course, Diels\u2019s, not Simplicius\u2019s; perhaps we ought to put them before \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af and make that too part of the (mistaken) explanation of Simplicius? If Simplicius could add (as seems to be admitted by all scholars with the one exception of Schorn) the words \u03c0\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u1ff7 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03c4\u1ff6\u03ba\u03b5\u03bd, he may also have added \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u03b5\u03bd\u03af. [the whole text]","btype":3,"date":"1960","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/0UZZOhtjCwUNKOl","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":356,"full_name":"Wasserstein, Abraham","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":444,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"10","issue":"1","pages":"4-5"}},"sort":[1960]}

Anaximander and the origins of Greek cosmology, 1960
By: Kahn, Charles H.

Title	Anaximander and the origins of Greek cosmology
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1960
Publication Place	New York
Publisher	Columbia University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kahn, Charles H.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Reconstructs the pattern of Anaximander's thought, through a criticism and analysis of ancient traditions. Discusses the evidence for Anaximander's views and how this contributed to his observations of the universe.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5AVLBjuyq5oE4Od

{"_index":"sire","_id":"151","_score":null,"_source":{"id":151,"authors_free":[{"id":191,"entry_id":151,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":530,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kahn, Charles H.","free_first_name":"Charles H.","free_last_name":"Kahn","norm_person":{"id":530,"first_name":"Charles H.","last_name":"Kahn","full_name":"Kahn, Charles H.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129468444","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Anaximander and the origins of Greek cosmology","main_title":{"title":"Anaximander and the origins of Greek cosmology"},"abstract":"Reconstructs the pattern of Anaximander's thought, through a criticism and analysis of ancient traditions. Discusses the evidence for Anaximander's views and how this contributed to his observations of the universe.","btype":1,"date":"1960","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5AVLBjuyq5oE4Od","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":530,"full_name":"Kahn, Charles H.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":151,"pubplace":"New York","publisher":"Columbia University Press","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1960]}

Did Melissus Believe in Incorporeal Being?, 1958
By: Booth, N. B.

Title	Did Melissus Believe in Incorporeal Being?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1958
Journal	The American Journal of Philology
Volume	79
Issue	1
Pages	61-65
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Booth, N. B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

These questions are difficult to answer; but I think that the difficulty of answering them shows that we should not be too dogmatic about the general interpretation of the fragment. It looks to me—and apparently it looked to Burnet and Zeller also—as if the argument is in the form of a dialectical refutation of pluralist assumptions. Vlastos and Raven see it in a different light; they are entitled to their opinion, but it should be clearly realized that it is an opinion, and not a certainty. [conclusion p. 65]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vYpN7DrahtfkniN

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Il commento di Simplicio al De Anima nelle controversie della fine del secolo XV e del secolo XVI, 1958
By: Nardi, Bruno, Nardi, Bruno (Ed.)

Title	Il commento di Simplicio al De Anima nelle controversie della fine del secolo XV e del secolo XVI
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	1958
Published in	Saggi Sull'Aristotelismo Padovano Dal Secolo XIV Al XVI
Pages	365-442
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Nardi, Bruno
Editor(s)	Nardi, Bruno
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/y3vD9CTRgZXlbJP

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Saggi Sull'Aristotelismo Padovano Dal Secolo XIV Al XVI, 1958
By: Bruno Nardi

Title	Saggi Sull'Aristotelismo Padovano Dal Secolo XIV Al XVI
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	1958
Publication Place	Florence
Publisher	G. G. Sansone
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bruno Nardi
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

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Saggi sull'aristotelismo padovano: dal secolo XIV al XVI, 1958
By: Nardi, Bruno

Title	Saggi sull'aristotelismo padovano: dal secolo XIV al XVI
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	1958
Publication Place	Firenze
Publisher	Sansoni
Series	Studi sulla tradizione aristotelica nel Veneto
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Nardi, Bruno
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Excerpt from Saggi sull'Aristotelismo Padovano: Dal Secolo XIV al XVI Altrettanto si dica della distinzione fra ciò che è vivo e ciò che è morto del pensiero del passato, quasi che potesse morire quel che non e' mai stato vivo, e che vivere non fosse un correre alla morte, cioe' un continuo rinnovarsi. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Kw4s0OFXuuzryqO

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1454","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1454,"authors_free":[{"id":2465,"entry_id":1454,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":493,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Nardi, Bruno","free_first_name":"Bruno","free_last_name":"Nardi","norm_person":{"id":493,"first_name":"Bruno","last_name":"Nardi","full_name":"Nardi, Bruno","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119470691","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Saggi sull'aristotelismo padovano: dal secolo XIV al XVI","main_title":{"title":"Saggi sull'aristotelismo padovano: dal secolo XIV al XVI"},"abstract":"Excerpt from Saggi sull'Aristotelismo Padovano: Dal Secolo XIV al XVI\r\n\r\nAltrettanto si dica della distinzione fra ci\u00f2 che \u00e8 vivo e ci\u00f2 che \u00e8 morto del pensiero del passato, quasi che potesse morire quel che non e' mai stato vivo, e che vivere non fosse un correre alla morte, cioe' un continuo rinnovarsi.\r\n\r\nAbout the Publisher\r\n\r\nForgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com\r\n\r\nThis book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works. [official abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1958","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Kw4s0OFXuuzryqO","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":493,"full_name":"Nardi, Bruno","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1454,"pubplace":"Firenze","publisher":"Sansoni","series":"Studi sulla tradizione aristotelica nel Veneto","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1958]}

Were Zeno's Arguments a Reply to Attacks upon Parmenides?, 1957
By: Booth, N.B.

Title	Were Zeno's Arguments a Reply to Attacks upon Parmenides?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1957
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	2
Issue	1
Pages	1-9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Booth, N.B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This article by N. B. Booth examines whether Zeno's arguments were a response to criticisms of Parmenides's principle „the One“. Despite evidence that Zeno was concerned with defending Parmenides's „One“, his arguments about plurality seem to refute the "ones" of a plurality. One possible explanation is that Zeno's arguments were used to counter criticisms of Parmenides's „One“ before he produced them. Plato's Parmenides includes a passage in which "Zeno" apologizes for his book on plurality, which has been interpreted as an answer to criticisms of Parmenides's theory, but Booth notes that Plato's characters are idealized and it is not certain that Zeno's arguments were a response to attacks. Booth looks at the arguments themselves for evidence and suggests that if some of Zeno's arguments against plural "ones" were valid against Parmenides's „One“, it would be fair to infer that they were used by hostile critics and Zeno was throwing them back in their faces. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FZ61i36oW94Hvew

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Boethius and Andronicus of Rhodes, 1957
By: Shiel, James

Title	Boethius and Andronicus of Rhodes
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1957
Journal	Vigiliae Christianae
Volume	11
Issue	3
Pages	179-185
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Shiel, James
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

G. Pfligersdorffer has recently described the attitude of the ancient editor, Andronicus of Rhodes, towards the final notes in Aristotle's Categories on opposites, simultaneity, priority, motion, and possession—what the medievals called the postpraedicamenta. The scholar has based his intricate arguments on a passage of Boethius' commentary on the Categories, and as this passage in the printed editions is syntactically unintelligible, he has suggested an emended text of it. Here is the passage as printed, with his emendations alongside and a list of variants beneath. [introduction p. 179]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Z3seGeZGEaA8j5E

{"_index":"sire","_id":"853","_score":null,"_source":{"id":853,"authors_free":[{"id":1257,"entry_id":853,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":315,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Shiel, James","free_first_name":"James","free_last_name":"Shiel","norm_person":{"id":315,"first_name":"James","last_name":"Shiel","full_name":"Shiel, James","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131572202","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Boethius and Andronicus of Rhodes","main_title":{"title":"Boethius and Andronicus of Rhodes"},"abstract":"G. Pfligersdorffer has recently described the attitude of the ancient editor, Andronicus of Rhodes, towards the final notes in Aristotle's Categories on opposites, simultaneity, priority, motion, and possession\u2014what the medievals called the postpraedicamenta. The scholar has based his intricate arguments on a passage of Boethius' commentary on the Categories, and as this passage in the printed editions is syntactically unintelligible, he has suggested an emended text of it. Here is the passage as printed, with his emendations alongside and a list of variants beneath. [introduction p. 179]","btype":3,"date":"1957","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Z3seGeZGEaA8j5E","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":315,"full_name":"Shiel, James","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":853,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Vigiliae Christianae","volume":"11","issue":"3","pages":"179-185"}},"sort":[1957]}

Der Platoniker Ptolemaios, 1957
By: Dihle, Albrecht

Title	Der Platoniker Ptolemaios
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1957
Journal	Hermes
Volume	85
Issue	3
Pages	314-325
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dihle, Albrecht
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In den philosophischen Texten der späten Kaiserzeit stößt man zuweilen auf den Namen Ptolemaios, ohne daß dabei an einen Lagiden oder an den berühmten Astronomen zu denken wäre. Wie jene Zitate auf einen oder mehrere Träger dieses Namens zu verteilen seien, war eine einst viel diskutierte Frage, die dann allerdings im Anschluß an eine Vermutung W. v. Christs durch das Buch von A. Chatzis (Der Philosoph und Grammatiker Ptolemaios Chennos I = Stud. z Gesch. u. Kult. d. Altert. VII 2, Paderborn 1914) endgültig dahin beantwortet schien, es handele sich bei all diesen Ptolemaioi immer wieder um Ptolemaios Chennos aus der Zeit um 100 n. Chr., der uns durch den Auszug des Photios aus seiner καινὴ ἱστορία (cod. 190) recht gut bekannt ist. Diese Frage soll hier einer erneuten Prüfung unterzogen werden. [introduction, p. 314]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/51yflky3RQtCRmc

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1305","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1305,"authors_free":[{"id":1929,"entry_id":1305,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":93,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dihle, Albrecht","free_first_name":"Albrecht","free_last_name":"Dihle","norm_person":{"id":93,"first_name":"Albrecht","last_name":"Dihle","full_name":"Dihle, Albrecht","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119194503","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Der Platoniker Ptolemaios","main_title":{"title":"Der Platoniker Ptolemaios"},"abstract":"In den philosophischen Texten der sp\u00e4ten Kaiserzeit st\u00f6\u00dft man zuweilen auf den Namen Ptolemaios, ohne da\u00df dabei an einen Lagiden oder an den ber\u00fchmten Astronomen zu denken w\u00e4re. Wie jene Zitate auf einen oder mehrere Tr\u00e4ger dieses Namens zu verteilen seien, war eine einst viel diskutierte Frage, die dann allerdings im Anschlu\u00df an eine Vermutung W. v. Christs durch das Buch von A. Chatzis (Der Philosoph und Grammatiker Ptolemaios Chennos I = Stud. z Gesch. u. Kult. d. Altert. VII 2, Paderborn 1914) endg\u00fcltig dahin beantwortet schien, es handele sich bei all diesen Ptolemaioi immer wieder um Ptolemaios Chennos aus der Zeit um 100 n. Chr., der uns durch den Auszug des Photios aus seiner \u03ba\u03b1\u03b9\u03bd\u1f74 \u1f31\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c1\u1f77\u03b1 (cod. 190) recht gut bekannt ist. Diese Frage soll hier einer erneuten Pr\u00fcfung unterzogen werden. [introduction, p. 314]","btype":3,"date":"1957","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/51yflky3RQtCRmc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":93,"full_name":"Dihle, Albrecht","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1305,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"85","issue":"3","pages":"314-325"}},"sort":[1957]}

Heraklit zitiert Anaximander, 1956
By: Bröcker, Walter

Title	Heraklit zitiert Anaximander
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1956
Journal	Hermes
Volume	84
Issue	3
Pages	382-384
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bröcker, Walter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Note on a quote of Heraclitus Diels B 126

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EahzzUNdRvttcBw

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Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?, 1956
By: Valckenaere de, Erik

Title	Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?
Type	Article
Language	Dutch
Date	1956
Journal	L'Antiquité Classique
Volume	25
Issue	2
Pages	351-385
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Valckenaere de, Erik
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ons onderzoek van de bronnen resumerend, komen we tot de volgende besluiten: Volgens Herakleides bevindt de aarde zich in het midden van het heelal (Simplikios: fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: fragment 2; Chalcidius: fragment 7). De aarde draait om haar eigen as. In de meeste fragmenten vinden we zelfs de specificatie van deze aswenteling: de aarde draait in 24 uur (Simplikios: fragment 5; Aetios: fragment 4) van west naar oost (Simplikios: fragment 5, 6; Aetios: fragment 4) ter verklaring van de dagelijkse beweging der hemellichamen. De zon draait jaarlijks rond de aarde van oost naar west (Simplikios: fragment 5; Chalcidius: fragment 7). De binnenplaneten Venus en naar alle waarschijnlijkheid ook Mercurius draaien rond de zon (Chalcidius: fragment 7). De meest voor de hand liggende hypothese is dat de buitenplaneten Mars, Jupiter en Saturnus, zoals de zon, eenvoudig rond de aarde draaien ter verklaring van hun jaarlijkse beweging (Simplikios: fragment 5). De vaste sterren staan stil. Voor zover ons onderzoek het uitwees, zijn de getuigenissen niet alleen niet contradictorisch, maar vullen ze elkaar zelfs op een gelukkige wijze aan. Op de vraag dus, die wij ons in het begin gesteld hebben, of er positieve redenen bestonden om aan te nemen, op grond van de ons overgeleverde teksten, dat Herakleides Pontikos vóór Aristarchos een soort van heliocentrisme zou hebben geleerd, menen we beslist negatief te mogen antwoorden. Twee grote onwaarschijnlijkheden, namelijk dat de Oudheid ons niets duidelijks zou hebben bericht over de werkelijke ontdekker van het heliocentrisme en dat één man zonder voorlopers en voorafgaande ontdekkingen het heliocentrisme zou hebben uitgedacht, worden aldus opgeheven als we ons houden aan wat de bronnen werkelijk melden. [conclusion p. 384-385] Übersetzung: Unserer Untersuchung der Quellen zusammenfassend, kommen wir zu den folgenden Schlussfolgerungen: Laut Herakleides befindet sich die Erde im Zentrum des Universums (Simplikios: Fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: Fragment 2; Chalcidius: Fragment 7). Die Erde dreht sich um ihre eigene Achse. In den meisten Fragmenten finden wir sogar die genaue Spezifikation dieser Achsendrehung: Die Erde dreht sich in 24 Stunden (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Aetios: Fragment 4) von Westen nach Osten (Simplikios: Fragment 5, 6; Aetios: Fragment 4), um die tägliche Bewegung der Himmelskörper zu erklären. Die Sonne dreht sich jährlich von Osten nach Westen um die Erde (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Chalcidius: Fragment 7). Die inneren Planeten Venus und höchstwahrscheinlich auch Merkur drehen sich um die Sonne (Chalcidius: Fragment 7). Die naheliegendste Hypothese ist, dass die äußeren Planeten Mars, Jupiter und Saturn, wie die Sonne, einfach um die Erde kreisen, um ihre jährliche Bewegung zu erklären (Simplikios: Fragment 5). Die Fixsterne bleiben unbewegt. Soweit unsere Untersuchung zeigt, sind die Zeugnisse nicht nur nicht widersprüchlich, sondern ergänzen sich sogar auf glückliche Weise. Auf die Frage, die wir uns zu Beginn gestellt haben, ob es positive Gründe gibt, aufgrund der uns überlieferten Texte anzunehmen, dass Herakleides Pontikos vor Aristarchos eine Art von Heliozentrismus gelehrt hat, meinen wir, mit Sicherheit verneinen zu können. Zwei große Unwahrscheinlichkeiten – nämlich, dass die Antike uns nichts Klareres über den tatsächlichen Entdecker des Heliozentrismus berichtet hätte, und dass ein einzelner Mensch ohne Vorgänger und vorherige Entdeckungen den Heliozentrismus erdacht hätte – werden damit ausgeräumt, wenn wir uns an das halten, was die Quellen tatsächlich überliefern.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/e00zJf5ufXc0B6a

{"_index":"sire","_id":"836","_score":null,"_source":{"id":836,"authors_free":[{"id":1240,"entry_id":836,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":343,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Valckenaere de, Erik","free_first_name":"Erik","free_last_name":"Valckenaere de","norm_person":{"id":343,"first_name":"Erik","last_name":"Valckenaere de","full_name":"Valckenaere de, Erik","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?","main_title":{"title":"Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?"},"abstract":"Ons onderzoek van de bronnen resumerend, komen we tot de volgende besluiten:\r\n\r\n Volgens Herakleides bevindt de aarde zich in het midden van het heelal (Simplikios: fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: fragment 2; Chalcidius: fragment 7).\r\n De aarde draait om haar eigen as. In de meeste fragmenten vinden we zelfs de specificatie van deze aswenteling: de aarde draait in 24 uur (Simplikios: fragment 5; Aetios: fragment 4) van west naar oost (Simplikios: fragment 5, 6; Aetios: fragment 4) ter verklaring van de dagelijkse beweging der hemellichamen.\r\n De zon draait jaarlijks rond de aarde van oost naar west (Simplikios: fragment 5; Chalcidius: fragment 7).\r\n De binnenplaneten Venus en naar alle waarschijnlijkheid ook Mercurius draaien rond de zon (Chalcidius: fragment 7).\r\n De meest voor de hand liggende hypothese is dat de buitenplaneten Mars, Jupiter en Saturnus, zoals de zon, eenvoudig rond de aarde draaien ter verklaring van hun jaarlijkse beweging (Simplikios: fragment 5).\r\n De vaste sterren staan stil.\r\n\r\nVoor zover ons onderzoek het uitwees, zijn de getuigenissen niet alleen niet contradictorisch, maar vullen ze elkaar zelfs op een gelukkige wijze aan.\r\n\r\nOp de vraag dus, die wij ons in het begin gesteld hebben, of er positieve redenen bestonden om aan te nemen, op grond van de ons overgeleverde teksten, dat Herakleides Pontikos v\u00f3\u00f3r Aristarchos een soort van heliocentrisme zou hebben geleerd, menen we beslist negatief te mogen antwoorden. Twee grote onwaarschijnlijkheden, namelijk dat de Oudheid ons niets duidelijks zou hebben bericht over de werkelijke ontdekker van het heliocentrisme en dat \u00e9\u00e9n man zonder voorlopers en voorafgaande ontdekkingen het heliocentrisme zou hebben uitgedacht, worden aldus opgeheven als we ons houden aan wat de bronnen werkelijk melden. [conclusion p. 384-385] \u00dcbersetzung: Unserer Untersuchung der Quellen zusammenfassend, kommen wir zu den folgenden Schlussfolgerungen:\r\n\r\n Laut Herakleides befindet sich die Erde im Zentrum des Universums (Simplikios: Fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: Fragment 2; Chalcidius: Fragment 7).\r\n Die Erde dreht sich um ihre eigene Achse. In den meisten Fragmenten finden wir sogar die genaue Spezifikation dieser Achsendrehung: Die Erde dreht sich in 24 Stunden (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Aetios: Fragment 4) von Westen nach Osten (Simplikios: Fragment 5, 6; Aetios: Fragment 4), um die t\u00e4gliche Bewegung der Himmelsk\u00f6rper zu erkl\u00e4ren.\r\n Die Sonne dreht sich j\u00e4hrlich von Osten nach Westen um die Erde (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Chalcidius: Fragment 7).\r\n Die inneren Planeten Venus und h\u00f6chstwahrscheinlich auch Merkur drehen sich um die Sonne (Chalcidius: Fragment 7).\r\n Die naheliegendste Hypothese ist, dass die \u00e4u\u00dferen Planeten Mars, Jupiter und Saturn, wie die Sonne, einfach um die Erde kreisen, um ihre j\u00e4hrliche Bewegung zu erkl\u00e4ren (Simplikios: Fragment 5).\r\n Die Fixsterne bleiben unbewegt.\r\n\r\nSoweit unsere Untersuchung zeigt, sind die Zeugnisse nicht nur nicht widerspr\u00fcchlich, sondern erg\u00e4nzen sich sogar auf gl\u00fcckliche Weise.\r\n\r\nAuf die Frage, die wir uns zu Beginn gestellt haben, ob es positive Gr\u00fcnde gibt, aufgrund der uns \u00fcberlieferten Texte anzunehmen, dass Herakleides Pontikos vor Aristarchos eine Art von Heliozentrismus gelehrt hat, meinen wir, mit Sicherheit verneinen zu k\u00f6nnen. Zwei gro\u00dfe Unwahrscheinlichkeiten \u2013 n\u00e4mlich, dass die Antike uns nichts Klareres \u00fcber den tats\u00e4chlichen Entdecker des Heliozentrismus berichtet h\u00e4tte, und dass ein einzelner Mensch ohne Vorg\u00e4nger und vorherige Entdeckungen den Heliozentrismus erdacht h\u00e4tte \u2013 werden damit ausger\u00e4umt, wenn wir uns an das halten, was die Quellen tats\u00e4chlich \u00fcberliefern.","btype":3,"date":"1956","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/e00zJf5ufXc0B6a","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":343,"full_name":"Valckenaere de, Erik","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":836,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"L'Antiquit\u00e9 Classique","volume":"25","issue":"2","pages":"351-385"}},"sort":[1956]}

Some Problems in Anaximander, 1955
By: Kirk, G.S.

Title	Some Problems in Anaximander
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1955
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	5
Issue	1/2
Pages	21-38
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kirk, G.S.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

These considerations indicate that we are not entitled to automatically assume that prose works written in Ionia in the sixth or early fifth century were still available in their entirety to Theophrastus. In the case of Anaximander, I would suggest that what Theophrastus might have had in front of him was not a complete book but a collection of extracts, in which emphasis was laid upon astronomy, meteorology, and anthropogony rather than upon the nature and significance of to apeiron, which might always have seemed confusing. In respect to his arche, indeed, Anaximander must assuredly have been considered obsolete and unimportant by the end of the fifth century. The extant fragment could be quoted by Theophrastus, of course, because it really came among the cosmological-meteorological extracts. [introduction p. 38]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2A18YiMysdkpynh

{"_index":"sire","_id":"737","_score":null,"_source":{"id":737,"authors_free":[{"id":1100,"entry_id":737,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":216,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kirk, G.S.","free_first_name":"G.S.","free_last_name":"Kirk","norm_person":{"id":216,"first_name":"G. S.","last_name":"Kirk","full_name":"Kirk, G. S.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Some Problems in Anaximander","main_title":{"title":"Some Problems in Anaximander"},"abstract":"These considerations indicate that we are not entitled to automatically assume that prose works written in Ionia in the sixth or early fifth century were still available in their entirety to Theophrastus. In the case of Anaximander, I would suggest that what Theophrastus might have had in front of him was not a complete book but a collection of extracts, in which emphasis was laid upon astronomy, meteorology, and anthropogony rather than upon the nature and significance of to apeiron, which might always have seemed confusing.\r\n\r\nIn respect to his arche, indeed, Anaximander must assuredly have been considered obsolete and unimportant by the end of the fifth century. The extant fragment could be quoted by Theophrastus, of course, because it really came among the cosmological-meteorological extracts. [introduction p. 38]","btype":3,"date":"1955","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2A18YiMysdkpynh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":216,"full_name":"Kirk, G. S.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":737,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"5","issue":"1\/2","pages":"21-38"}},"sort":[1955]}

Der Bericht des Theophrast über Heraklit, 1955
By: Kerschensteiner, Jula

Title	Der Bericht des Theophrast über Heraklit
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1955
Journal	Hermes
Volume	83
Issue	4
Pages	385-411
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kerschensteiner, Jula
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die Hauptquelle für die Darstellung der Lehren Heraklits, die Theophrast in seinen Phusikôn doxai gab, ist der Bericht bei Diogenes Laertius 9, 7-II. Er zerfällt in zwei Teile, eine knappe Übersicht (im folgenden DL1) und ein ausführliches Referat (im folgenden DL2). Nach DIELS stammt DL1 aus einer Mittelquelle biographischer Tradition, auf die auch der Einschub mit den Zitaten und die Bemerkung über Heraklits Stil zurückgehe, der zweite Teil dagegen direkt aus Theophrast (Doxographi Graeci I63 f., vgl. auch I80). Dagegen hat K. DEICHGRABER, Bemerkungen zu Diogenes' Bericht fiber Heraklit (Philol. 93, I938, I2ff.) 23ff., zu zeigen versucht, daB es sich nicht um zwei verschiedene Fassungen derselben Vorlage handelt, sondern daß die beiden Teile schon urspruinglich zusammengehören und aufeinander abgestimmt seien, nur durch den spateren Einschub unterbrochen: der Aufbau entspreche der Gewohnheit Theophrasts, den Einzeldarlegungen eine allgemeine Übersicht vorauszuschicken. Eine Klärung des Problems wird sich im folgenden ergeben. [introduction, p. 25]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iEKNcdvLqiTOzaT

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1368","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1368,"authors_free":[{"id":2061,"entry_id":1368,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":233,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Kerschensteiner, Jula","free_first_name":"Jula","free_last_name":"Kerschensteiner","norm_person":{"id":233,"first_name":"Jula","last_name":"Kerschensteiner","full_name":"Kerschensteiner, Jula","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116142448","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Der Bericht des Theophrast \u00fcber Heraklit","main_title":{"title":"Der Bericht des Theophrast \u00fcber Heraklit"},"abstract":"Die Hauptquelle f\u00fcr die Darstellung der Lehren Heraklits, die Theophrast in seinen Phusik\u00f4n doxai gab, ist der Bericht bei Diogenes Laertius 9, 7-II. Er zerf\u00e4llt in zwei Teile, eine knappe \u00dcbersicht (im folgenden DL1) und ein ausf\u00fchrliches Referat (im folgenden DL2). Nach DIELS stammt DL1 aus einer Mittelquelle biographischer Tradition, auf die auch der Einschub mit den Zitaten und die Bemerkung \u00fcber Heraklits Stil zur\u00fcckgehe, der zweite Teil dagegen direkt aus Theophrast (Doxographi Graeci I63 f., vgl. auch I80). Dagegen hat K. DEICHGRABER, Bemerkungen zu Diogenes' Bericht fiber Heraklit (Philol. 93, I938, I2ff.) 23ff., zu zeigen versucht, daB es sich nicht um zwei verschiedene Fassungen derselben Vorlage handelt, sondern da\u00df die beiden Teile schon urspruinglich zusammengeh\u00f6ren und aufeinander abgestimmt seien, nur durch den spateren Einschub unterbrochen: der Aufbau entspreche der Gewohnheit Theophrasts, den Einzeldarlegungen eine allgemeine \u00dcbersicht vorauszuschicken. Eine Kl\u00e4rung des Problems wird sich im folgenden ergeben. [introduction, p. 25]","btype":3,"date":"1955","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/iEKNcdvLqiTOzaT","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":233,"full_name":"Kerschensteiner, Jula","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1368,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"83","issue":"4","pages":"385-411"}},"sort":[1955]}

Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote, 1954
By: Moraux, Paul

Title	Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1954
Journal	Hermes
Volume	82
Issue	2
Pages	145-182
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Nous en revenons ainsi à une constatation formulée dans les premières pages de cette étude : la tradition manuscrite d'Aristote accessible aux commentateurs était incomparablement plus riche ou, du moins, plus diversifiée que notre tradition médiévale. Plusieurs rameaux de cette tradition sont morts sans quasi laisser de traces ; d'autres ne semblent plus avoir de descendants directs, mais certains de leurs éléments ont été sauvés, en partie grâce à des codices mixti, en partie grâce aux yqépexat et aux variantes des commentateurs. La tradition médiévale, avec son unité relative, semble donc bien représenter, par rapport à la richesse antérieure, un réel appauvrissement. Une sélection, accidentelle ou voulue, doit avoir rétréci, dans des proportions considérables, la variété des manuscrits en cours à l'époque de Simplicius. Quand, comment et pourquoi cette sélection s'est-elle opérée ? À combien d'ancêtres réels remontent nos manuscrits médiévaux ? Ce sont là des questions auxquelles je ne puis répondre, et je crois qu’on n’y pourra répondre avant d'avoir mené à bien, avec toutes les ressources de la paléographie, de la critique et de la codicologie, l'étude systématique de la tradition directe. [conclusion p. 182]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1cq99waVOBFt3tw

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1208","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1208,"authors_free":[{"id":1789,"entry_id":1208,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":137,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Moraux, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Moraux","norm_person":{"id":137,"first_name":"Paul ","last_name":"Moraux","full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117755591","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote"},"abstract":"Nous en revenons ainsi \u00e0 une constatation formul\u00e9e dans les premi\u00e8res pages de cette \u00e9tude : la tradition manuscrite d'Aristote accessible aux commentateurs \u00e9tait incomparablement plus riche ou, du moins, plus diversifi\u00e9e que notre tradition m\u00e9di\u00e9vale. Plusieurs rameaux de cette tradition sont morts sans quasi laisser de traces ; d'autres ne semblent plus avoir de descendants directs, mais certains de leurs \u00e9l\u00e9ments ont \u00e9t\u00e9 sauv\u00e9s, en partie gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 des codices mixti, en partie gr\u00e2ce aux yq\u00e9pexat et aux variantes des commentateurs.\r\n\r\nLa tradition m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, avec son unit\u00e9 relative, semble donc bien repr\u00e9senter, par rapport \u00e0 la richesse ant\u00e9rieure, un r\u00e9el appauvrissement. Une s\u00e9lection, accidentelle ou voulue, doit avoir r\u00e9tr\u00e9ci, dans des proportions consid\u00e9rables, la vari\u00e9t\u00e9 des manuscrits en cours \u00e0 l'\u00e9poque de Simplicius.\r\n\r\nQuand, comment et pourquoi cette s\u00e9lection s'est-elle op\u00e9r\u00e9e ? \u00c0 combien d'anc\u00eatres r\u00e9els remontent nos manuscrits m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux ? Ce sont l\u00e0 des questions auxquelles je ne puis r\u00e9pondre, et je crois qu\u2019on n\u2019y pourra r\u00e9pondre avant d'avoir men\u00e9 \u00e0 bien, avec toutes les ressources de la pal\u00e9ographie, de la critique et de la codicologie, l'\u00e9tude syst\u00e9matique de la tradition directe. [conclusion p. 182]","btype":3,"date":"1954","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1cq99waVOBFt3tw","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":137,"full_name":"Moraux, Paul ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1208,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"82","issue":"2","pages":"145-182"}},"sort":[1954]}

Le chrétien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'École d'Alexandrie au VIe siècle, 1954
By: Saffrey, Henri Dominique

Title	Le chrétien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'École d'Alexandrie au VIe siècle
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1954
Journal	Revue des Études Grecques
Volume	67
Issue	316-318
Pages	396-410
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ammonias, bien que païen et élève de Proclus, avait su, dès la fin du Ve siècle, faire à l'Église les concessionsnécessaires pour que fût toléré son enseignement officiel à Alexandrie. Mais il convient de reconnaître le rôle capital quedut jouer, quelque vingt à trente ans plus tard, un de ses élèves chrétiens, Jean le grammairien, philoponos dans l'Églised'Alexandrie : il couvrit son maître, et en éditant sous son nom à lui ses rédactions des commentaires à Aristote exposésoralement par Ammonius, et en publiant, dans l'année critique 529, son propre ouvrage De aeternitate mundi ContraProclum, qui détachait opportunément de l'École d'Athènes l'École d'Alexandrie. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Q5nhmaN1gcPD9Ls

{"_index":"sire","_id":"401","_score":null,"_source":{"id":401,"authors_free":[{"id":536,"entry_id":401,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":228,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","free_first_name":"Henri Dominique","free_last_name":"Saffrey","norm_person":{"id":228,"first_name":"Henri Dominique","last_name":"Saffrey","full_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130160059","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le chr\u00e9tien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'\u00c9cole d'Alexandrie au VIe si\u00e8cle","main_title":{"title":"Le chr\u00e9tien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'\u00c9cole d'Alexandrie au VIe si\u00e8cle"},"abstract":"Ammonias, bien que pa\u00efen et \u00e9l\u00e8ve de Proclus, avait su, d\u00e8s la fin du Ve si\u00e8cle, faire \u00e0 l'\u00c9glise les concessionsn\u00e9cessaires pour que f\u00fbt tol\u00e9r\u00e9 son enseignement officiel \u00e0 Alexandrie. Mais il convient de reconna\u00eetre le r\u00f4le capital quedut jouer, quelque vingt \u00e0 trente ans plus tard, un de ses \u00e9l\u00e8ves chr\u00e9tiens, Jean le grammairien, philoponos dans l'\u00c9glised'Alexandrie : il couvrit son ma\u00eetre, et en \u00e9ditant sous son nom \u00e0 lui ses r\u00e9dactions des commentaires \u00e0 Aristote expos\u00e9soralement par Ammonius, et en publiant, dans l'ann\u00e9e critique 529, son propre ouvrage De aeternitate mundi ContraProclum, qui d\u00e9tachait opportun\u00e9ment de l'\u00c9cole d'Ath\u00e8nes l'\u00c9cole d'Alexandrie. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1954","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Q5nhmaN1gcPD9Ls","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":228,"full_name":"Saffrey, Henri Dominique","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":401,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue des \u00c9tudes Grecques","volume":"67","issue":"316-318","pages":"396-410"}},"sort":[1954]}

Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes, 1953
By: McDiarmid, John B.

Title	Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1953
Journal	Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
Volume	61
Pages	85-156
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	McDiarmid, John B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In sum, the fragments considered disclose no evidence that Theophrastus employed his knowledge of the Presocratics in such a way as to exercise independent judgment about them. Despite his apparent investigation of the original texts, his accounts are in all essentials simply repetitions of some of the interpretations that he found in Aristotle and have, therefore, the same deficiencies. Further, by his method of selection and adaptation, he has frequently misrepresented his source and has exaggerated the faults present in it. It must be concluded that, with regard to the Presocratic causes at least, he is a thoroughly biased witness and is even less trustworthy than Aristotle. [conclusion p. 133]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EubtCOWFaqns9Pq

{"_index":"sire","_id":"991","_score":null,"_source":{"id":991,"authors_free":[{"id":1492,"entry_id":991,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":251,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"McDiarmid, John B.","free_first_name":"John B.","free_last_name":"McDiarmid","norm_person":{"id":251,"first_name":"John B.","last_name":"McDiarmid","full_name":"McDiarmid, John B.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1200165888","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes","main_title":{"title":"Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes"},"abstract":"In sum, the fragments considered disclose no evidence that Theophrastus employed his knowledge of the Presocratics in such a way as to exercise independent judgment about them. Despite his apparent investigation of the original texts, his accounts are in all essentials simply repetitions of some of the interpretations that he found in Aristotle and have, therefore, the same deficiencies. Further, by his method of selection and adaptation, he has frequently misrepresented his source and has exaggerated the faults present in it. It must be concluded that, with regard to the Presocratic causes at least, he is a thoroughly biased witness and is even less trustworthy than Aristotle. [conclusion p. 133]","btype":3,"date":"1953","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/EubtCOWFaqns9Pq","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":251,"full_name":"McDiarmid, John B.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":991,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Harvard Studies in Classical Philology","volume":"61","issue":"","pages":"85-156"}},"sort":[1953]}

Andronikos von Rhodos und die Postprädikamente bei Boethius, 1953
By: Pfligersdorffer, Georg

Title	Andronikos von Rhodos und die Postprädikamente bei Boethius
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1953
Journal	Vigiliae Christianae
Volume	7
Issue	2
Pages	98-115
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Pfligersdorffer, Georg
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In der Erläuterungsschrift des Boethius zu den Kategorien des Aristoteles ist nach Absolvierung der einzelnen Kategorien das vierte Buch der Besprechung der sogenannten Postprädikamente 1 eingeräumt (Migne PL 64, 263-294), wozu freilich gleich auch gesagt werden musz, dasz die handschriftliche Überlieferung vielfach die Abtrennung eines vierten Buches nicht aufweist, sondern die uns geläufigen Bücher III und IV zu einem zusammenfaszt2, worauf hier jedoch nicht weiter eingegangen werden soll. Mit diesem Sachverhalt scheint zusammenzuhängen, dasz — soweit ich bis jetzt sagen kann — die Handschriften C(odex) l(atinus) m(ona- censis) 6403 und 14516, Bern. 265, Paris. B. N. lat. 11129 sowie die Sangallenses 817 und 821 gegenüber der Ausgabe von Migne das Aristoteles-Lemma de oppositis (Kateg. 10, 11b 16 ff.) vor die Kommentar-Partie 263 B-264 B Migne (Expeditis . . . ) treten lassen. [...] Die Zweifel, die sich an die Stelle 263 B M. knüpfen, möchte ich im folgenden, um einschlägige Arbeiten anderer nicht indirekt zu hemmen, schon vor meiner Ausgabe möglichst einschränken und vielleicht auch beheben. [pp. 98 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PbVU1hqwXwhd1ee

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Les convictions religieuses de Jean Philopon et la date de son Commentaire aux «Météorologiques», 1953
By: Evrard, Étienne

Title	Les convictions religieuses de Jean Philopon et la date de son Commentaire aux «Météorologiques»
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1953
Journal	Bulletin de la classe des lettres, sciences morales et politiques de l'Académie Royale de Belgique
Volume	5e Série, Tome 39
Pages	299–357
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Evrard, Étienne
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Philopon était probablement un chrétien de naissance. Rien en tout cas n’indique qu'il ait jamais été païen. Dès le début de son activité littéraire, il manifeste son christianisme en interprétant Aristote d’une manière favorable à l’immortalité de l'âme humaine et en le critiquant à propos de la création du monde et de l’éternité du mouvement. Il fut peut-être séduit un instant par les idées d’Origène, mais les abandonna bientôt. La fermeture de l’école d’Athènes a sans doute produit sur son esprit une assez forte impression. Il est remarquable en tout cas que son Contre Proclus est l’exact contemporain de cet événement. Peut-être la mesure de Justinien fut-elle difficilement admise dans les cercles philosophiques d'Alexandrie, où païens et chrétiens semblent avoir fait un effort pour harmoniser leurs points de vue. Philopon aurait alors voulu montrer qu’elle atteignait les disciples d’un philosophe dont l’enseignement était fort criticable et qui n’avait consenti aucune concession au christianisme. C’est peut-être pour la même raison qu’un peu après, dans son Commentaire aux Météorologiques, il attaqua à plusieurs reprises Damascius, qui dirigeait l’école d'Athènes au moment de sa fermeture. A ce moment encore, il prit apparemment une conscience plus nette des contradictions entre les doctrines des païen’s et sa religion. C’est en effet dans le Contre Proclus qu’apparaît pour la première fois la critique de la cinquième essence. Un ouvrage postérieur que nous ne possédons plus y ajoutait une réfutation de la théorie du mouvement surnaturel du feu. On peut penser que Philopon craignait dans ces doctrines une certaine divinisation du ciel dans laquelle il voyait une atteinte à la majesté de Dieu. Le Commentaire aux Météorologiques, composé après 529, révèle une accentuation de cette attitude. On y voit en plus apparaître la critique de l’astrologie. Enfin le Contre Aristote constitue comme une somme des griefs de Philopon contre le système péripatéticien. Dans le De Opificio mundi, postérieur au Contre Aristote et écrit après 557, la philosophie n’apparaît plus qu’indirectement et cède la place à la théologie et à l’exégèse biblique.Seule une étude exhaustive des œuvres de Philopon révélerait le degré d'exactitude de cette reconstitution provisoire. Celle-ci me semble du moins respecter plus complètement que celle de Gudeman les indications sur lesquelles j’ai attiré l’attention. Elle permet en outre de mieux comprendre les répercussions des événements de la première moitié du VIe siècle sur l'esprit de Philopon. [conclusion, p. 356-357]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/spYKKnIJSQ8Wyan

{"_index":"sire","_id":"553","_score":null,"_source":{"id":553,"authors_free":[{"id":782,"entry_id":553,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":92,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Evrard, \u00c9tienne ","free_first_name":"\u00c9tienne ","free_last_name":"Evrard","norm_person":{"id":92,"first_name":"\u00c9tienne ","last_name":"Evrard","full_name":"Evrard, \u00c9tienne ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118945750","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les convictions religieuses de Jean Philopon et la date de son Commentaire aux \u00abM\u00e9t\u00e9orologiques\u00bb","main_title":{"title":"Les convictions religieuses de Jean Philopon et la date de son Commentaire aux \u00abM\u00e9t\u00e9orologiques\u00bb"},"abstract":"Philopon \u00e9tait probablement un chr\u00e9tien de naissance. Rien en tout cas n\u2019indique qu'il ait jamais \u00e9t\u00e9 pa\u00efen. D\u00e8s le d\u00e9but de son activit\u00e9 litt\u00e9raire, il manifeste son christianisme en interpr\u00e9tant Aristote d\u2019une mani\u00e8re favorable \u00e0 l\u2019immortalit\u00e9 de l'\u00e2me humaine et en le \r\ncritiquant \u00e0 propos de la cr\u00e9ation du monde et de l\u2019\u00e9ternit\u00e9 du mouvement. Il fut peut-\u00eatre s\u00e9duit un instant par les id\u00e9es d\u2019Orig\u00e8ne, mais les abandonna bient\u00f4t. La fermeture de l\u2019\u00e9cole \r\nd\u2019Ath\u00e8nes a sans doute produit sur son esprit une assez forte impression. Il est remarquable en tout cas que son Contre Proclus est l\u2019exact contemporain de cet \u00e9v\u00e9nement. Peut-\u00eatre la mesure de Justinien fut-elle difficilement admise dans les cercles philoso\u00adphiques d'Alexandrie, o\u00f9 pa\u00efens et chr\u00e9tiens semblent avoir \r\nfait un effort pour harmoniser leurs points de vue. Philopon aurait alors voulu montrer qu\u2019elle atteignait les disciples d\u2019un philosophe dont l\u2019enseignement \u00e9tait fort criticable et qui n\u2019avait \r\nconsenti aucune concession au christianisme. C\u2019est peut-\u00eatre pour la m\u00eame raison qu\u2019un peu apr\u00e8s, dans son Commentaire aux M\u00e9t\u00e9orologiques, il attaqua \u00e0 plusieurs reprises Damascius, qui dirigeait l\u2019\u00e9cole d'Ath\u00e8nes au moment de sa fermeture. A ce moment encore, il prit apparemment une conscience plus nette \r\ndes contradictions entre les doctrines des pa\u00efen\u2019s et sa religion. C\u2019est en effet dans le Contre Proclus qu\u2019appara\u00eet pour la premi\u00e8re fois la critique de la cinqui\u00e8me essence. Un ouvrage post\u00e9rieur \r\nque nous ne poss\u00e9dons plus y ajoutait une r\u00e9futation de la th\u00e9orie du mouvement surnaturel du feu. On peut penser que Philopon craignait dans ces doctrines une certaine divinisation du ciel dans laquelle il voyait une atteinte \u00e0 la majest\u00e9 de Dieu. Le Com\u00admentaire aux M\u00e9t\u00e9orologiques, compos\u00e9 apr\u00e8s 529, r\u00e9v\u00e8le une accentuation de cette attitude. On y voit en plus appara\u00eetre la \r\ncritique de l\u2019astrologie. Enfin le Contre Aristote constitue comme une somme des griefs de Philopon contre le syst\u00e8me p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticien. Dans le De Opificio mundi, post\u00e9rieur au Contre Aristote \r\net \u00e9crit apr\u00e8s 557, la philosophie n\u2019appara\u00eet plus qu\u2019indirectement et c\u00e8de la place \u00e0 la th\u00e9ologie et \u00e0 l\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se biblique.Seule une \u00e9tude exhaustive des \u0153uvres de Philopon r\u00e9v\u00e9lerait le degr\u00e9 d'exactitude de cette reconstitution provisoire. Celle-ci me semble du moins respecter plus compl\u00e8tement que celle de Gudeman les indications sur lesquelles j\u2019ai attir\u00e9 l\u2019attention. \r\nElle permet en outre de mieux comprendre les r\u00e9percussions des \u00e9v\u00e9nements de la premi\u00e8re moiti\u00e9 du VIe si\u00e8cle sur l'esprit \r\nde Philopon. [conclusion, p. 356-357]","btype":3,"date":"1953","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/spYKKnIJSQ8Wyan","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":92,"full_name":"Evrard, \u00c9tienne ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":553,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Bulletin de la classe des lettres, sciences morales et politiques de l'Acad\u00e9mie Royale de Belgique","volume":"5e S\u00e9rie, Tome 39","issue":"","pages":"299\u2013357"}},"sort":[1953]}

Anaximander und die Anfänge der Philosophie, 1953
By: Hölscher, Uvo

Title	Anaximander und die Anfänge der Philosophie
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1953
Journal	Hermes
Volume	81
Issue	3
Pages	257-277
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hölscher, Uvo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Der Satz HERMANN FRANKELS, daß alle doxographischen Berichte solange unbestimmt sind, als nicht originaler Wortlaut hinzukommt, gilt in gewissem Sinne auch umgekehrt. Denn obwohl jener Satz gerade auch mit Rücksicht auf Anaximander gesagt worden ist, hat doch die Diskussion des Anaximanderfragments gezeigt, wie vieldeutig ein Satzbruchstück bleibt, wenn man es für sich betrachtet, aber auch, wieviel Hilfe aus der Analyse der Überlieferung kommen kann. Aus dieser wird noch einiges herangezogen, ohne daß hinlänglich gefragt würde, wo es herrührt. Sofern es sich im folgenden noch einmal um die Lehre von den Gegensatzen handelt, kommt es mir weniger darauf an, dem einzelnen Placitum sein Recht zu bestreiten, als etwas von der Weise dieses schwer zugänglichen Denkens zu erkennen. Es wird dabei zunächst in einer Untersuchung fortgefahren werden, die sich schon ausgewiesen hat: der Kritik der aristotelischen Berichte. Im zweiten Teil soll dagegen versucht werden, jene Denkform von den Voraussetzungen her zu bestimmen, aus denen Anaximander seine Konzeption des Ursprungs entwickelt hat. [introduction p. 17]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/THjvXeZsyHON9jV

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Mediaeval Versions of Aristotle, De Caelo, and of the Commentary of Simplicius, 1950
By: Allan, Donald J.

Title	Mediaeval Versions of Aristotle, De Caelo, and of the Commentary of Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1950
Journal	Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies
Volume	2
Pages	82–120
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Allan, Donald J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The main problem with which we shall be concerned is the authorship of the versions of De Caelo from the Greek that appeared during the thirteenth century. But it will be best to begin with a recapitulation of the facts ascertained by previous writers concerning the Arabic-Latin versions in which this treatise first became known in the lands of Western Europe. Until the middle of the thirteenth century, the work was commonly known and quoted in one of two versions: 1. A version of the text alone, beginning: Summa cognicionis nature et scientie ipsam demonstrantis. Its author, as we know from manuscript authority, was Gerard of Cremona (d. 1187). 2. A version accompanying the commentary of Averroes, beginning: Maxima cognicio nature et scientia demonstrans ipsam. The translator, Michael Scot, dedicated his work to Stephanus de Pruvino, who, along with two others, was commissioned by Gregory IX in 1231 to examine Aristotle’s writings on natural philosophy and to report on their contents. Moreover, Avicenna had compiled a summary of the doctrine of this treatise, arranged under sixteen headings, which had been translated into Latin even before Gerard’s version appeared. It bears the title: Collectiones expositionum ab antiquis Graecis in libro Aristotelis qui dicitur liber caeli et mundi. Expositiones istae in sedecim continentur capitulis. Among the manuscripts of this work (which are, however, very numerous) are: Oxford, Balliol College 173A and 284; Bodleian, Selden supra 24; Paris, B.N. Lat. 16604—all from the thirteenth century. A much-emended text can be found in the edition of Avicenna’s scientific writings printed in Venice in 1308. This is not the place to discuss the origin of Avicenna’s summary or its influence on scholastic philosophy; however, it may be said that the translation, like those of similar works of Avicenna, must have been due to the Toledo scholars, such as Gundisalvi and John Avendehut (c. 1150). The summary clearly foregrounds the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of the physical world, which naturally calls to mind the decree issued to the University of Paris in 1215: Non legantur libri Aristotelis de metaphysica et naturali philosophia, nec summa de iisdem. According to Roger Bacon, the attack was directed against the expositions by Avicenna and Averroes. In the latter half of the thirteenth century, a translation from the Greek makes its appearance. No exact date can be given, but several indications point to the decade 1260–1270. Jourdain observed that De Caelo is quoted by Albertus Magnus only in the Arabic versions, and Grabmann has pointed out that Codex Urbinas Latinus 206, written in 1253, contains De Caelo and the first three books of the Meteorologica in Arabic versions, while Physics and De Generatione occur in versions from the Greek. The first author to quote the text in this new translation is, as far as is known, Roger Bacon in the Opus Majus (1266–1267). Finally, it is known from Balliol College MS. 99 that the version of Simplicius’ commentary by William of Moerbeke was completed in 1271. This must have been accompanied by a translation of at least the Aristotelian passages quoted as “lemmata.” An attempt has been made to show that a version from the Greek was already current in the twelfth century. Haskins quotes the following passage from the preface to the version of the Almagest, completed around 1160 by a Sicilian translator: Tut ergo boni muneris memor, quo earum quas Aristoteles acrivellatas vocat artium doctrina—animum sitientem liberaliter imbuit... etc. He sees in this a reference to De Caelo III 306b27, where, in the course of a criticism of the Timaeus, Aristotle says: πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἀνάγκη μὴ πᾶν σῶμα λέγειν διαιρετόν, ἀλλὰ μάχεσθαι ταῖς ἀκριβεστάταις ἐπιστήμαις. However, at least two other passages must be borne in mind: 1. Metaphysics 982a25: ἀκριβέσταται δὲ τῶν ἐπιστημῶν αἱ μάλιστα τῶν πρώτων εἰσιν. 2. Nicomachean Ethics I 1141a16: ὥστε δῆλον ὅτι ἀκριβεστάτη ἂν τῶν ἐπιστημῶν εἴη ἡ σοφία. In neither of these passages do the earliest translators transliterate the Greek word, and it is possible that the writer of the preface is not quoting a current translation but referring to the Greek original. It seems improbable that the De Caelo passage should be the one he had in mind, as it is not part of an explicit discussion of scientific method, and the reference to mathematics is purely incidental. Much stronger evidence would be needed to justify the supposition of an otherwise unknown translation. The commentary of St. Thomas Aquinas on this treatise was certainly composed between 1271 and 1274. He uses throughout the version of Simplicius’ commentary that William of Moerbeke completed on June 15, 1271. Balliol College MS. 99 ends with the note: Ego autem frater Guylermus de Morbeka de ordine fratrum predicatorum, domini papae penitenciarius et capellanus, hoc cum magno corporis labore et multo mentis tedio latinitati offero, putans in hoc translationis opere me plura Latinorum studiis addidisse. Expleta autem fuit haec translacio Viterbii A.D. MCCLXXI XVII Kal. Iulii post mortem bonae memoriae Clementis papae quarti, apostolica sede vacante. When St. Thomas died in March 1274, he had only completed his commentary as far as Book III, chapter 3. His manuscript of Simplicius may have temporarily passed into the possession of Peter of Auvergne, who was entrusted with completing the commentary. However, St. Thomas had apparently promised the manuscript to the Faculty of Arts in Paris. A. Birkenmajer, in Vermischte Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der mittelalterlichen Philosophie, called attention to a letter addressed by the Faculty to the General Chapter of the Dominican Order, then meeting in Lyons, in which they asked for the dispatch of certain manuscripts, including Simplicius on De Caelo, in accordance with this promise. [introduction p. 82-85]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yBMjK2X5ugL3938

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1013","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1013,"authors_free":[{"id":1529,"entry_id":1013,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":32,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Allan, Donald J.","free_first_name":"Donald J.","free_last_name":"Allan","norm_person":{"id":32,"first_name":"Donald J.","last_name":"Allan","full_name":"Allan, Donald J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1158470029","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Mediaeval Versions of Aristotle, De Caelo, and of the Commentary of Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Mediaeval Versions of Aristotle, De Caelo, and of the Commentary of Simplicius"},"abstract":"The main problem with which we shall be concerned is the authorship of the versions of De Caelo from the Greek that appeared during the thirteenth century. But it will be best to begin with a recapitulation of the facts ascertained by previous writers concerning the Arabic-Latin versions in which this treatise first became known in the lands of Western Europe.\r\nUntil the middle of the thirteenth century, the work was commonly known and quoted in one of two versions:\r\n1.\tA version of the text alone, beginning: Summa cognicionis nature et scientie ipsam demonstrantis. Its author, as we know from manuscript authority, was Gerard of Cremona (d. 1187).\r\n2.\tA version accompanying the commentary of Averroes, beginning: Maxima cognicio nature et scientia demonstrans ipsam. The translator, Michael Scot, dedicated his work to Stephanus de Pruvino, who, along with two others, was commissioned by Gregory IX in 1231 to examine Aristotle\u2019s writings on natural philosophy and to report on their contents.\r\nMoreover, Avicenna had compiled a summary of the doctrine of this treatise, arranged under sixteen headings, which had been translated into Latin even before Gerard\u2019s version appeared. It bears the title: Collectiones expositionum ab antiquis Graecis in libro Aristotelis qui dicitur liber caeli et mundi. Expositiones istae in sedecim continentur capitulis. Among the manuscripts of this work (which are, however, very numerous) are: Oxford, Balliol College 173A and 284; Bodleian, Selden supra 24; Paris, B.N. Lat. 16604\u2014all from the thirteenth century. A much-emended text can be found in the edition of Avicenna\u2019s scientific writings printed in Venice in 1308. This is not the place to discuss the origin of Avicenna\u2019s summary or its influence on scholastic philosophy; however, it may be said that the translation, like those of similar works of Avicenna, must have been due to the Toledo scholars, such as Gundisalvi and John Avendehut (c. 1150). The summary clearly foregrounds the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of the physical world, which naturally calls to mind the decree issued to the University of Paris in 1215: Non legantur libri Aristotelis de metaphysica et naturali philosophia, nec summa de iisdem. According to Roger Bacon, the attack was directed against the expositions by Avicenna and Averroes.\r\nIn the latter half of the thirteenth century, a translation from the Greek makes its appearance. No exact date can be given, but several indications point to the decade 1260\u20131270. Jourdain observed that De Caelo is quoted by Albertus Magnus only in the Arabic versions, and Grabmann has pointed out that Codex Urbinas Latinus 206, written in 1253, contains De Caelo and the first three books of the Meteorologica in Arabic versions, while Physics and De Generatione occur in versions from the Greek. The first author to quote the text in this new translation is, as far as is known, Roger Bacon in the Opus Majus (1266\u20131267). Finally, it is known from Balliol College MS. 99 that the version of Simplicius\u2019 commentary by William of Moerbeke was completed in 1271. This must have been accompanied by a translation of at least the Aristotelian passages quoted as \u201clemmata.\u201d\r\nAn attempt has been made to show that a version from the Greek was already current in the twelfth century. Haskins quotes the following passage from the preface to the version of the Almagest, completed around 1160 by a Sicilian translator: Tut ergo boni muneris memor, quo earum quas Aristoteles acrivellatas vocat artium doctrina\u2014animum sitientem liberaliter imbuit... etc. He sees in this a reference to De Caelo III 306b27, where, in the course of a criticism of the Timaeus, Aristotle says:\r\n\u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c4\u03bf\u03cd\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03ac\u03b3\u03ba\u03b7 \u03bc\u1f74 \u03c0\u1fb6\u03bd \u03c3\u1ff6\u03bc\u03b1 \u03bb\u03ad\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd \u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03b9\u03c1\u03b5\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd, \u1f00\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 \u03bc\u03ac\u03c7\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f00\u03ba\u03c1\u03b9\u03b2\u03b5\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03b9\u03c2.\r\nHowever, at least two other passages must be borne in mind:\r\n1.\tMetaphysics 982a25:\r\n\u1f00\u03ba\u03c1\u03b9\u03b2\u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b1\u1f31 \u03bc\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u03ce\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd.\r\n2.\tNicomachean Ethics I 1141a16:\r\n\u1f65\u03c3\u03c4\u03b5 \u03b4\u1fc6\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd \u1f45\u03c4\u03b9 \u1f00\u03ba\u03c1\u03b9\u03b2\u03b5\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c4\u03b7 \u1f02\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03b7\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b5\u1f34\u03b7 \u1f21 \u03c3\u03bf\u03c6\u03af\u03b1.\r\nIn neither of these passages do the earliest translators transliterate the Greek word, and it is possible that the writer of the preface is not quoting a current translation but referring to the Greek original. It seems improbable that the De Caelo passage should be the one he had in mind, as it is not part of an explicit discussion of scientific method, and the reference to mathematics is purely incidental. Much stronger evidence would be needed to justify the supposition of an otherwise unknown translation.\r\nThe commentary of St. Thomas Aquinas on this treatise was certainly composed between 1271 and 1274. He uses throughout the version of Simplicius\u2019 commentary that William of Moerbeke completed on June 15, 1271. Balliol College MS. 99 ends with the note: Ego autem frater Guylermus de Morbeka de ordine fratrum predicatorum, domini papae penitenciarius et capellanus, hoc cum magno corporis labore et multo mentis tedio latinitati offero, putans in hoc translationis opere me plura Latinorum studiis addidisse. Expleta autem fuit haec translacio Viterbii A.D. MCCLXXI XVII Kal. Iulii post mortem bonae memoriae Clementis papae quarti, apostolica sede vacante. When St. Thomas died in March 1274, he had only completed his commentary as far as Book III, chapter 3. His manuscript of Simplicius may have temporarily passed into the possession of Peter of Auvergne, who was entrusted with completing the commentary. However, St. Thomas had apparently promised the manuscript to the Faculty of Arts in Paris. A. Birkenmajer, in Vermischte Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der mittelalterlichen Philosophie, called attention to a letter addressed by the Faculty to the General Chapter of the Dominican Order, then meeting in Lyons, in which they asked for the dispatch of certain manuscripts, including Simplicius on De Caelo, in accordance with this promise. [introduction p. 82-85]","btype":3,"date":"1950","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/yBMjK2X5ugL3938","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":32,"full_name":"Allan, Donald J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1013,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"2","issue":"","pages":"82\u2013120"}},"sort":[1950]}

The Unity of Empedocles' Thought, 1949
By: Long, Herbert S.

Title	The Unity of Empedocles' Thought
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1949
Journal	The American Journal of Philology
Volume	70
Issue	2
Pages	142-158
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Long, Herbert S.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper I shall first state the problem of the unity of Empedocles' thought, then consider two difficulties in the way of a solution and the effect that not observing them has had, and finally propose and attempt to justify what appears to me to be a reasonable explanation of the problem. [p. 142]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XFRsopl0nu5E6SQ

{"_index":"sire","_id":"731","_score":null,"_source":{"id":731,"authors_free":[{"id":1094,"entry_id":731,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":456,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Long, Herbert S.","free_first_name":"Herbert S.","free_last_name":"Long","norm_person":{"id":456,"first_name":"Herbert, S.","last_name":"Long","full_name":"Long, Herbert, S.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Unity of Empedocles' Thought","main_title":{"title":"The Unity of Empedocles' Thought"},"abstract":"In this paper I shall first \r\nstate the problem of the unity of Empedocles' thought, then \r\nconsider two difficulties in the way of a solution and the effect \r\nthat not observing them has had, and finally propose and attempt to justify what appears to me to be a reasonable explanation of \r\nthe problem. [p. 142]","btype":3,"date":"1949","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/XFRsopl0nu5E6SQ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":456,"full_name":"Long, Herbert, S.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":731,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The American Journal of Philology","volume":"70","issue":"2","pages":"142-158"}},"sort":[1949]}

Un vers méconnu des Oracles Chaldaïques dans Simplicius. In de Caelo II.1, 284a14 (p. 375. 9 ss. Heib), 1948
By: Festugière, André-Jean

Title	Un vers méconnu des Oracles Chaldaïques dans Simplicius. In de Caelo II.1, 284a14 (p. 375. 9 ss. Heib)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1948
Journal	Symbolae Osloenses
Volume	26
Pages	75–77
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Festugière, André-Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Il avait semblé à Kroll (p. 24) que ce diaphragme était dit doué d’intelligence parce qu’il était dérivé du feu intelligent, et qu’il avait pour rôle de séparer les transmundana des mundana. Il apparaît maintenant, grâce au texte probant de Simplicius, qu’il est dit intelligent en vertu de l’antique association des phrenes avec le nous et qu’il a pour rôle tout à la fois de séparer et de réunir les deux premiers feux-intellects.² Cette doctrine offre de curieuses ressemblances avec le pneuma unifiant de la théologie chrétienne. Il vaudrait la peine de rechercher si c’est à la théologie orthodoxe ou à quelqu’une des sectes gnostiques³ que l’auteur des Oracula l’a empruntée. [conclusion p. 77]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GUbjWMoCMaLBH5d

{"_index":"sire","_id":"549","_score":null,"_source":{"id":549,"authors_free":[{"id":773,"entry_id":549,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":112,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Festugi\u00e8re, Andr\u00e9-Jean","free_first_name":"Andr\u00e9-Jean","free_last_name":"Festugi\u00e8re","norm_person":{"id":112,"first_name":"Andr\u00e9-Jean","last_name":"Festugi\u00e8re","full_name":"Festugi\u00e8re, Andr\u00e9-Jean","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117758256","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Un vers m\u00e9connu des Oracles Chalda\u00efques dans Simplicius. In de Caelo II.1, 284a14 (p. 375. 9 ss. Heib)","main_title":{"title":"Un vers m\u00e9connu des Oracles Chalda\u00efques dans Simplicius. In de Caelo II.1, 284a14 (p. 375. 9 ss. Heib)"},"abstract":"Il avait sembl\u00e9 \u00e0 Kroll (p. 24) que ce diaphragme \u00e9tait dit dou\u00e9 d\u2019intelligence parce qu\u2019il \u00e9tait d\u00e9riv\u00e9 du feu intelligent, et qu\u2019il avait pour r\u00f4le de s\u00e9parer les transmundana des mundana. Il appara\u00eet maintenant, gr\u00e2ce au texte probant de Simplicius, qu\u2019il est dit intelligent en vertu de l\u2019antique association des phrenes avec le nous et qu\u2019il a pour r\u00f4le tout \u00e0 la fois de s\u00e9parer et de r\u00e9unir les deux premiers feux-intellects.\u00b2\r\n\r\nCette doctrine offre de curieuses ressemblances avec le pneuma unifiant de la th\u00e9ologie chr\u00e9tienne. Il vaudrait la peine de rechercher si c\u2019est \u00e0 la th\u00e9ologie orthodoxe ou \u00e0 quelqu\u2019une des sectes gnostiques\u00b3 que l\u2019auteur des Oracula l\u2019a emprunt\u00e9e.\r\n[conclusion p. 77]","btype":3,"date":"1948","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GUbjWMoCMaLBH5d","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":112,"full_name":"Festugi\u00e8re, Andr\u00e9-Jean","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":549,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Symbolae Osloenses","volume":"26","issue":"","pages":"75\u201377"}},"sort":[1948]}

Zeno of Elea's Attacks on Plurality, 1942
By: Fraenkel, Hermann

Title	Zeno of Elea's Attacks on Plurality
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1942
Journal	The American Journal of Philology
Volume	63
Issue	1
Pages	1-25
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fraenkel, Hermann
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In recent decades students of mathematics, philosophy, and the classics have again and again raised their voices 1 to vindicate the serious importance of Zeno's paradoxes of motion (Vorsokr.2 29 A 25-28 - Lee,3 nos. 19-36), not even excluding the Stadium. No longer can the problem implied in the paradoxes be disposed of by simply pointing out that time and space are equally divisible. The question which is at the bottom of all four of them is far more profound. [...] Fur- thermore, it has been shown that Aristotle, when qriticizing the paradoxes, was not concerned conscientiously to adjust his objec- tions to that which the historical Zeno had tried to prove, or rather disprove. [...] If it is thus established that Zeno's syllogisms must not necessarily be condemned as a futile play of dialectics 6 and that Aristotle's censure fails to do Zeno justice, a road seems to be open to a full rehabilitation and, perhaps, glorification. But one doubt remains. How adequately did the real Zeno actually deal with the problems he had in hand? And how sincere was he about them? [pp. 1 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kQhlQX6rXg7NB8Y

{"_index":"sire","_id":"746","_score":null,"_source":{"id":746,"authors_free":[{"id":1109,"entry_id":746,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":115,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Fraenkel, Hermann","free_first_name":"Hermann","free_last_name":"Fraenkel","norm_person":{"id":115,"first_name":"Hermann","last_name":"Fraenkel","full_name":"Fraenkel, Hermann","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119051478","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Zeno of Elea's Attacks on Plurality","main_title":{"title":"Zeno of Elea's Attacks on Plurality"},"abstract":"In recent decades students of mathematics, philosophy, and \r\nthe classics have again and again raised their voices 1 to vindicate \r\nthe serious importance of Zeno's paradoxes of motion (Vorsokr.2 29 A 25-28 - Lee,3 nos. 19-36), not even excluding the Stadium. \r\nNo longer can the problem implied in the paradoxes be disposed of by simply pointing out that time and space are equally divisible. The question which is at the bottom of all four of \r\nthem is far more profound. [...] Fur- \r\nthermore, it has been shown that Aristotle, when qriticizing the \r\nparadoxes, was not concerned conscientiously to adjust his objec- tions to that which the historical Zeno had tried to prove, or \r\nrather disprove. [...] If it is \r\nthus established that Zeno's syllogisms must not necessarily be \r\ncondemned as a futile play of dialectics 6 and that Aristotle's \r\ncensure fails to do Zeno justice, a road seems to be open to a \r\nfull rehabilitation and, perhaps, glorification. But one doubt \r\nremains. How adequately did the real Zeno actually deal with \r\nthe problems he had in hand? And how sincere was he about \r\nthem? [pp. 1 f.]","btype":3,"date":"1942","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/kQhlQX6rXg7NB8Y","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":115,"full_name":"Fraenkel, Hermann","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":746,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The American Journal of Philology","volume":"63","issue":"1","pages":"1-25"}},"sort":[1942]}

Neue Fragmente aus ΠΕΡΙ ΤΑΓΑΘΟΥ, 1941
By: Wilpert, Paul

Title	Neue Fragmente aus ΠΕΡΙ ΤΑΓΑΘΟΥ
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1941
Journal	Hermes
Volume	76
Issue	3
Pages	225-250
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wilpert, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Fassen wir abschließend zusammen. Der Bericht des Sextus über die pythagoreische Lehre von der Zahl hat sich im wesentlichen als eine ziemlich lückenlose Wiedergabe von Gedanken herausgestellt, die der platonischen Altersvorlesung cÜber das Gute* entstammen4). Vergleiche mit anderen Textzeugnissen ließen erkennen, daß die Gedankenschritte in der Hauptsache treu bewahrt sind und größere Eingriffe in den Zusammenhang unterblieben sind. Damit haben wir aber an unserer Stelle einen Bericht über diese wichtige Vorlesung, der an Umfang6) alle bisher bekannten Texte übertrifft und uns nicht nur erlaubt, verschiedene schon bekannte Stücke in den Gedanken aufbau einzuordnen, sondern auch darüber hinaus neues Gedankengut eröffnet. [conclusion p. 250]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nEGFEAlUmyi99jc

{"_index":"sire","_id":"426","_score":null,"_source":{"id":426,"authors_free":[{"id":572,"entry_id":426,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":362,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wilpert, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Wilpert","norm_person":{"id":362,"first_name":"Paul","last_name":"Wilpert","full_name":"Wilpert, Paul","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/11739629X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Neue Fragmente aus \u03a0\u0395\u03a1\u0399 \u03a4\u0391\u0393\u0391\u0398\u039f\u03a5","main_title":{"title":"Neue Fragmente aus \u03a0\u0395\u03a1\u0399 \u03a4\u0391\u0393\u0391\u0398\u039f\u03a5"},"abstract":"Fassen wir abschlie\u00dfend zusammen. Der Bericht des Sextus \u00fcber die \r\npythagoreische Lehre von der Zahl hat sich im wesentlichen als eine ziemlich \r\nl\u00fcckenlose Wiedergabe von Gedanken herausgestellt, die der platonischen \r\nAltersvorlesung c\u00dcber das Gute* entstammen4). Vergleiche mit anderen \r\nTextzeugnissen lie\u00dfen erkennen, da\u00df die Gedankenschritte in der Hauptsache \r\ntreu bewahrt sind und gr\u00f6\u00dfere Eingriffe in den Zusammenhang unterblieben \r\nsind. Damit haben wir aber an unserer Stelle einen Bericht \u00fcber diese wichtige \r\nVorlesung, der an Umfang6) alle bisher bekannten Texte \u00fcbertrifft und uns \r\nnicht nur erlaubt, verschiedene schon bekannte St\u00fccke in den Gedanken\u00ad\r\naufbau einzuordnen, sondern auch dar\u00fcber hinaus neues Gedankengut \r\ner\u00f6ffnet. [conclusion p. 250]","btype":3,"date":"1941","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/nEGFEAlUmyi99jc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":362,"full_name":"Wilpert, Paul","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":426,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"76","issue":"3","pages":"225-250"}},"sort":[1941]}

Aristotle De Caelo 288a 2-9, 1939
By: Cornford, Francis Macdonald

Title	Aristotle De Caelo 288a 2-9
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1939
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	33
Issue	1
Pages	34-35
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cornford, Francis Macdonald
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this passage from Aristotle's De Caelo, he explores why the heavens revolve in one direction rather than the other. He suggests that the universe has a front and a back, which implies a forward motion that is superior to backward motion, just as upward and rightward motions are superior to their respective opposites. Aristotle argues that since nature always follows the best course, the direction of the heaven's revolution must be forward and therefore better. The text is difficult to understand due to possible corruptions, but a comparison with Simplicius' paraphrase suggests that both the subject and object of the main verb are missing and need to be restored. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/b8mcJ8eN6idQIqA

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1281","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1281,"authors_free":[{"id":1870,"entry_id":1281,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":55,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cornford, Francis Macdonald","free_first_name":"Francis Macdonald","free_last_name":"Cornford","norm_person":{"id":55,"first_name":"Francis Macdonald","last_name":"Cornford","full_name":"Cornford, Francis Macdonald","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118975056","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aristotle De Caelo 288a 2-9","main_title":{"title":"Aristotle De Caelo 288a 2-9"},"abstract":"In this passage from Aristotle's De Caelo, he explores why the heavens revolve in one direction rather than the other. He suggests that the universe has a front and a back, which implies a forward motion that is superior to backward motion, just as upward and rightward motions are superior to their respective opposites. Aristotle argues that since nature always follows the best course, the direction of the heaven's revolution must be forward and therefore better. The text is difficult to understand due to possible corruptions, but a comparison with Simplicius' paraphrase suggests that both the subject and object of the main verb are missing and need to be restored. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":3,"date":"1939","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/b8mcJ8eN6idQIqA","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":55,"full_name":"Cornford, Francis Macdonald","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1281,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"33","issue":"1","pages":"34-35"}},"sort":[1939]}

Der Satz des Anaximandros von Milet (VS⁵ 12 B 1), 1938
By: Dirlmeier, Franz

Title	Der Satz des Anaximandros von Milet (VS⁵ 12 B 1)
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1938
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	87
Issue	4
Pages	376-382
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dirlmeier, Franz
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die Weltsicht der Ionier wird zu einer Zeit, als sie schon der Geschichte angehörte, neu geformt durch die Wissenschaft- ler der aristotelischen Schule, die somit die uranfängliche Scheu vor dem Unbestimmten, Unbegrenzten treu bewahren. Aber sie dehnen sie auch noch aus auf fast alle Bereiche des Seins. Frühionische Bändigung des Chaos der -feveffeic in irepioboi vollzieht sich aufs neue, wenn etwa Aristoteles den ungeord- neten, den nur „gereihten46 Ablauf der Menschenrede „unter- wirft", mit der Begründung: die XéHiç elpojiévTi sei ein àr'bkç olà tò ÔTreipov tò fàp TéXoç iravreç ßouXovrai K0t6opâv (Rhet. y 9, 1409 a31). Wenn wir zu den Erkenntnissen der schöpferischen Jahrhunderte VI bis III die sorgsame Auseinandersetzung des Simplikios nehmen, der am Ausgang der Antike mit fester Hand das gültig Gedachte noch einmal zusammenfaßt, so haben wir damit ein Jahrtausend hellenischen Geistes überblickt. [p. 382]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oxNOVgaT4IjUsH6

{"_index":"sire","_id":"757","_score":null,"_source":{"id":757,"authors_free":[{"id":1122,"entry_id":757,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":63,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dirlmeier, Franz ","free_first_name":"Franz","free_last_name":"Dirlmeier","norm_person":{"id":63,"first_name":"Franz ","last_name":"Dirlmeier","full_name":"Dirlmeier, Franz ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140255591","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Der Satz des Anaximandros von Milet (VS\u2075 12 B 1)","main_title":{"title":"Der Satz des Anaximandros von Milet (VS\u2075 12 B 1)"},"abstract":"Die Weltsicht der Ionier wird zu einer Zeit, als sie schon \r\nder Geschichte angeh\u00f6rte, neu geformt durch die Wissenschaft- \r\nler der aristotelischen Schule, die somit die uranf\u00e4ngliche Scheu \r\nvor dem Unbestimmten, Unbegrenzten treu bewahren. Aber \r\nsie dehnen sie auch noch aus auf fast alle Bereiche des Seins. \r\nFr\u00fchionische B\u00e4ndigung des Chaos der -feveffeic in irepioboi \r\nvollzieht sich aufs neue, wenn etwa Aristoteles den ungeord- \r\nneten, den nur \u201egereihten46 Ablauf der Menschenrede \u201eunter- \r\nwirft\", mit der Begr\u00fcndung: die X\u00e9Hi\u00e7 elpoji\u00e9vTi sei ein \u00e0r'bk\u00e7 ol\u00e0 \r\nt\u00f2 \u00d4Treipov t\u00f2 f\u00e0p T\u00e9Xo\u00e7 iravre\u00e7 \u00dfouXovrai K0t6op\u00e2v (Rhet. y 9, \r\n1409 a31). Wenn wir zu den Erkenntnissen der sch\u00f6pferischen \r\nJahrhunderte VI bis III die sorgsame Auseinandersetzung des \r\nSimplikios nehmen, der am Ausgang der Antike mit fester Hand \r\ndas g\u00fcltig Gedachte noch einmal zusammenfa\u00dft, so haben \r\nwir damit ein Jahrtausend hellenischen Geistes \u00fcberblickt. [p. 382]","btype":3,"date":"1938","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/oxNOVgaT4IjUsH6","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":63,"full_name":"Dirlmeier, Franz ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":757,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rheinisches Museum f\u00fcr Philologie","volume":"87","issue":"4","pages":"376-382"}},"sort":[1938]}

Indivisible Lines, 1936
By: Nicol, A. T.

Title	Indivisible Lines
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1936
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	30
Issue	2
Pages	120-126
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Nicol, A. T.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

To summarize, Democritus, who had moved beyond the confusion between point and atom, also avoided the notion of indivisible lines. The people who confused points and atoms probably held a similar theory of motion and space. However, it was not they but Plato who proposed the existence of indivisible lines, driven by his conception of the problem of continuity. This idea, however, was not straightforward to understand, and Plato did not explain it in detail in the dialogues. Anyone reading the Timaeus and knowing that Plato believed in indivisible lines might become confused trying to locate references to them in that dialogue. It was Xenocrates who made the theory widely known, but he further complicated the issue by introducing the concept of the ideal line, potentially adding other misunderstandings. Aristotle described this as "giving in" to a dichotomy argument, which directly suggests Zeno. All this made it easy for those who did not fully grasp the theory to conflate it with the ideas of the point-atomists. The argument is as follows: if indivisible lines exist, then there must also be surfaces that are divided by those indivisible lines, and all surfaces could be reduced to indivisible surfaces. For example, if x is the length of an indivisible line, a surface measuring x by 2x could be divided into two square surfaces with sides of length x. These squares could then be divided diagonally, but no further division would be possible, as this would require either cutting the indivisible length x or creating a line shorter than x. The same logic applies to solids divided along indivisible surfaces. In this reasoning, the indivisible surface is treated as a surface bounded by indivisible lines. This has been noted by the Oxford translator. The author of περὶ ἀτόμων γραμμῶν (Peri atomōn grammōn) either realized, or was informed, that indivisible lines were essentially points but did not recognize that indivisible surfaces were lines. If there existed, alongside Plato's theory of indivisible lines, another theory positing that matter, space, and motion were composed of tiny indivisibles, it would have been easy to conflate the two ideas. The passage quoted from Peri atomōn grammōn serves as an example of such a confusion. [conclusion p. 125-126 ]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WmfjXuXivBEx38o

{"_index":"sire","_id":"866","_score":null,"_source":{"id":866,"authors_free":[{"id":1270,"entry_id":866,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":278,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Nicol, A. T.","free_first_name":"A. T.","free_last_name":"Nicol","norm_person":{"id":278,"first_name":"Nicol","last_name":"A. T.","full_name":"Nicol, A. T.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Indivisible Lines","main_title":{"title":"Indivisible Lines"},"abstract":"To summarize, Democritus, who had moved beyond the confusion between point and atom, also avoided the notion of indivisible lines. The people who confused points and atoms probably held a similar theory of motion and space. However, it was not they but Plato who proposed the existence of indivisible lines, driven by his conception of the problem of continuity. This idea, however, was not straightforward to understand, and Plato did not explain it in detail in the dialogues.\r\n\r\nAnyone reading the Timaeus and knowing that Plato believed in indivisible lines might become confused trying to locate references to them in that dialogue. It was Xenocrates who made the theory widely known, but he further complicated the issue by introducing the concept of the ideal line, potentially adding other misunderstandings. Aristotle described this as \"giving in\" to a dichotomy argument, which directly suggests Zeno. All this made it easy for those who did not fully grasp the theory to conflate it with the ideas of the point-atomists.\r\n\r\nThe argument is as follows: if indivisible lines exist, then there must also be surfaces that are divided by those indivisible lines, and all surfaces could be reduced to indivisible surfaces. For example, if x is the length of an indivisible line, a surface measuring x by 2x could be divided into two square surfaces with sides of length x. These squares could then be divided diagonally, but no further division would be possible, as this would require either cutting the indivisible length x or creating a line shorter than x. The same logic applies to solids divided along indivisible surfaces.\r\n\r\nIn this reasoning, the indivisible surface is treated as a surface bounded by indivisible lines. This has been noted by the Oxford translator. The author of \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u1f00\u03c4\u03cc\u03bc\u03c9\u03bd \u03b3\u03c1\u03b1\u03bc\u03bc\u1ff6\u03bd (Peri atom\u014dn gramm\u014dn) either realized, or was informed, that indivisible lines were essentially points but did not recognize that indivisible surfaces were lines.\r\n\r\nIf there existed, alongside Plato's theory of indivisible lines, another theory positing that matter, space, and motion were composed of tiny indivisibles, it would have been easy to conflate the two ideas. The passage quoted from Peri atom\u014dn gramm\u014dn serves as an example of such a confusion. [conclusion p. 125-126 ]","btype":3,"date":"1936","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/WmfjXuXivBEx38o","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":278,"full_name":"Nicol, A. T.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":866,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"30","issue":"2","pages":"120-126"}},"sort":[1936]}

Ein Simplikios-Zitat bei Pseudo-Alexandros und ein Plotinos-Zitat bei Simplikios, 1935
By: Merlan, Philipp

Title	Ein Simplikios-Zitat bei Pseudo-Alexandros und ein Plotinos-Zitat bei Simplikios
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1935
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie. Neue Folge
Volume	84
Issue	2
Pages	154-160
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Merlan, Philipp
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In diesem Text geht es um Simplikios' Kommentar zu Aristoteles' De caelo II, 1, 284 a 14 ff. und Pseudo-Alexandros' Kommentar zu Aristoteles' Metaphysik A, 8, 1074aff. Beide diskutieren Fragen zur Bewegung des Himmels und stellen ähnliche Gedanken zum Verhältnis von Seele und Bewegung dar. Der Text betrachtet die Möglichkeit, dass Simplikios und Pseudo-Alexandros einander zitiert haben oder dass sie beide den echten Alexandros zitieren. Es wird auch auf die Interpretation von Aristoteles' De caelo H, 1,284a 27 ff. durch Simplikios eingegangen. [derived from the whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cyUoxPziHeqUgjb

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1209","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1209,"authors_free":[{"id":1790,"entry_id":1209,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":258,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Merlan, Philipp","free_first_name":"Philipp","free_last_name":"Merlan","norm_person":{"id":258,"first_name":"Philip","last_name":"Merlan","full_name":"Merlan, Philip","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/128860502","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ein Simplikios-Zitat bei Pseudo-Alexandros und ein Plotinos-Zitat bei Simplikios","main_title":{"title":"Ein Simplikios-Zitat bei Pseudo-Alexandros und ein Plotinos-Zitat bei Simplikios"},"abstract":"In diesem Text geht es um Simplikios' Kommentar zu Aristoteles' De caelo II, 1, 284 a 14 ff. und Pseudo-Alexandros' Kommentar zu Aristoteles' Metaphysik A, 8, 1074aff. Beide diskutieren Fragen zur Bewegung des Himmels und stellen \u00e4hnliche Gedanken zum Verh\u00e4ltnis von Seele und Bewegung dar. Der Text betrachtet die M\u00f6glichkeit, dass Simplikios und Pseudo-Alexandros einander zitiert haben oder dass sie beide den echten Alexandros zitieren. Es wird auch auf die Interpretation von Aristoteles' De caelo H, 1,284a 27 ff. durch Simplikios eingegangen. [derived from the whole text]","btype":3,"date":"1935","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/cyUoxPziHeqUgjb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":258,"full_name":"Merlan, Philip","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1209,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rheinisches Museum f\u00fcr Philologie. Neue Folge","volume":"84","issue":"2","pages":"154-160"}},"sort":[1935]}

A New Fragment of Parmenides, 1935
By: Cornford, Francis Macdonald

Title	A New Fragment of Parmenides
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1935
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	49
Issue	4
Pages	122-123
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cornford, Francis Macdonald
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The text discusses a disputed line in Parmenides, quoted in Plato's Theaetetus and Simplicius' Physics. Some editors deny the line's independent existence, claiming it was created by Plato by misquoting another verse. The author disagrees with this view, arguing that the line is meaningful and could have been in their texts of Parmenides. The author also argues that there is no reason to believe that Simplicius took the line from Plato, and that Plato was not slovenly in his treatment of Parmenides. The author proposes a corrected version of the line and suggests that it may be Parmenides' last word on the unity and unchangeableness of Being. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/T0iSCzh2Kntxx5a

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1280","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1280,"authors_free":[{"id":1869,"entry_id":1280,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":55,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cornford, Francis Macdonald","free_first_name":"Francis Macdonald","free_last_name":"Cornford","norm_person":{"id":55,"first_name":"Francis Macdonald","last_name":"Cornford","full_name":"Cornford, Francis Macdonald","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118975056","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"A New Fragment of Parmenides","main_title":{"title":"A New Fragment of Parmenides"},"abstract":"The text discusses a disputed line in Parmenides, quoted in Plato's Theaetetus and Simplicius' Physics. Some editors deny the line's independent existence, claiming it was created by Plato by misquoting another verse. The author disagrees with this view, arguing that the line is meaningful and could have been in their texts of Parmenides. The author also argues that there is no reason to believe that Simplicius took the line from Plato, and that Plato was not slovenly in his treatment of Parmenides. The author proposes a corrected version of the line and suggests that it may be Parmenides' last word on the unity and unchangeableness of Being. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":3,"date":"1935","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/T0iSCzh2Kntxx5a","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":55,"full_name":"Cornford, Francis Macdonald","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1280,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"49","issue":"4","pages":"122-123"}},"sort":[1935]}

Grundbegriffe der stoischen Ethik. Eine traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung , 1933
By: Rieth, Otto

Title	Grundbegriffe der stoischen Ethik. Eine traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1933
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Weidmann
Series	Problemata. Forschungen zur klassischen Philologie
Volume	9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rieth, Otto
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This book is an important study of one aspect of Stoicism. The conception of Stoicism as a kind of religion which disguised itself as a complete philosophy by irrelevantly assuming the more useless parts of Aristotle's logic and certain peculiar metaphysical doctrines is here attacked from a new point. The credit of showing the novelty of the Stoic logic is due to M. Bréhier. Dr. Rieth takes the Stoic treatment of the conceptions poion, idion, poiotês, diathesis, hexis, schesis, aition, and of the categories, and shows how it interlocks with their ethical theory. These are the Grundbegriffe of his title. It may be considered a somewhat paradoxical one, but the truth remains that we cannot understand the Chrysippean system unless these conceptions are given their proper prominence. Dr. Rieth expounds his interpretations with lucidity and a thorough grasp of his material. It is an indication of both merits that at the end of the book are twelve excursus in twenty-six pages of small type, including a valuable one on sêmeion. I do not think that he has always said the last word, but he is always worth reading. Our chief source of information on the topics of this book is Simplicius. Dr. Rieth, who sees Stoicism to be post-Aristotelian philosophically as well as temporally, hopes that his work may prove of value to the study of Peripateticism. These Stoic doctrines, he argues, were a criticism of Aristotle: they were in turn criticised by Peripatetics: but the Peripatetics interpreted their master in a way different from that they would have taken had there not been the rival system. He also hopes, perhaps with more justification, that by establishing the orthodox Chrysippean system he will make easier the study of Posidonius, from which he began his investigations. It is to be hoped that he will himself be able to attack the undergrowth of the Poseidoniosforschung. His sober judgment, absence of parti pris, and ability to marshal complicated evidence fit him for the Herculean task. [Review by S.H. Sandbach, Trinity College, Cambridge]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1606","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1606,"authors_free":[{"id":2814,"entry_id":1606,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rieth, Otto","free_first_name":"Otto","free_last_name":"Rieth","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Grundbegriffe der stoischen Ethik. Eine traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung ","main_title":{"title":"Grundbegriffe der stoischen Ethik. Eine traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung "},"abstract":"This book is an important study of one aspect of Stoicism. The conception of Stoicism as a kind of religion which disguised itself as a complete philosophy by irrelevantly assuming the more useless parts of Aristotle's logic and certain peculiar metaphysical doctrines is here attacked from a new point. The credit of showing the novelty of the Stoic logic is due to M. Br\u00e9hier. Dr. Rieth takes the Stoic treatment of the conceptions poion, idion, poiot\u00eas, diathesis, hexis, schesis, aition, and of the categories, and shows how it interlocks with their ethical theory. These are the Grundbegriffe of his title. It may be considered a somewhat paradoxical one, but the truth remains that we cannot understand the Chrysippean system unless these conceptions are given their proper prominence. Dr. Rieth expounds his interpretations with lucidity and a thorough grasp of his material. It is an indication of both merits that at the end of the book are twelve excursus in twenty-six pages of small type, including a valuable one on s\u00eameion. I do not think that he has always said the last word, but he is always worth reading.\r\nOur chief source of information on the topics of this book is Simplicius. Dr. Rieth, who sees Stoicism to be post-Aristotelian philosophically as well as temporally, hopes that his work may prove of value to the study of Peripateticism. These Stoic doctrines, he argues, were a criticism of Aristotle: they were in turn criticised by Peripatetics: but the Peripatetics interpreted their master in a way different from that they would have taken had there not been the rival system. He also hopes, perhaps with more justification, that by establishing the orthodox Chrysippean system he will make easier the study of Posidonius, from which he began his investigations. It is to be hoped that he will himself be able to attack the undergrowth of the Poseidoniosforschung. His sober judgment, absence of parti pris, and ability to marshal complicated evidence fit him for the Herculean task.\r\n[Review by S.H. Sandbach, Trinity College, Cambridge]","btype":1,"date":"1933","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1606,"pubplace":"Berlin","publisher":"Weidmann","series":"Problemata. Forschungen zur klassischen Philologie","volume":"9","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1933]}

Zur Entstehung und zum Wesen des griechischen wissenschaftlichen Kommentars, 1932
By: Geffcken, Johannes

Title	Zur Entstehung und zum Wesen des griechischen wissenschaftlichen Kommentars
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1932
Journal	Hermes
Volume	67
Issue	4
Pages	397-412
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Geffcken, Johannes
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ich habe hier versucht, auf engem Raum die Entstehung des Kommentars als solchen zu skizzieren, einige seiner Erscheinungsformen zu würdigen, ein paar Höchstleistungen zu werten. Gerade Entwicklungslinien darf auch auf diesem Gebiet kein Besonnener suchen oder gar „aufzeigen“; jedes Phänomen, auch in der Welt des Geistes, mag es auch noch so einfacher Struktur sein, verdankt seinen Ursprung einer Reihe von schaffenden Kräften. Auch der antike Kommentar ist aus dem Zusammenwirken verschiedener Faktoren erwachsen. Ein Kraftzentrum aber bildeten der Platonismus und der ältere Peripatos; beide, besonders letzterer, schufen die Stimmung für solche Unternehmungen, sie erzogen das Gewissen des Gelehrten. Das Genie der großen Alexandriner musste sich dann vielfach eigene Wege bahnen. Aber in allen wirklich wissenschaftlichen Kommentaren, die wir kennen, lebt der echte Geist der Aristotelischen Schule. Eine wirkliche Geschichte des antiken Kommentars scheint auch mir unbedingt notwendig. Es wird sich dabei herausstellen, wann sich ein äußeres Schema entwickelt hat und welche Kontinuität auch hier wieder wahrnehmbar ist. Umso kraftvoller aber werden sich von der überlieferten Form die Individuen der Forscher und auch Denker abheben. [conclusion p. 411-412]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Y56uK7HVPYJ1WSa

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1314","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1314,"authors_free":[{"id":1948,"entry_id":1314,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":126,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Geffcken, Johannes","free_first_name":"Johannes","free_last_name":"Geffcken","norm_person":{"id":126,"first_name":"Johannes","last_name":"Geffcken","full_name":"Geffcken, Johannes","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/120376644","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Zur Entstehung und zum Wesen des griechischen wissenschaftlichen Kommentars","main_title":{"title":"Zur Entstehung und zum Wesen des griechischen wissenschaftlichen Kommentars"},"abstract":"Ich habe hier versucht, auf engem Raum die Entstehung des Kommentars als solchen zu skizzieren, einige seiner Erscheinungsformen zu w\u00fcrdigen, ein paar H\u00f6chstleistungen zu werten. Gerade Entwicklungslinien darf auch auf diesem Gebiet kein Besonnener suchen oder gar \u201eaufzeigen\u201c; jedes Ph\u00e4nomen, auch in der Welt des Geistes, mag es auch noch so einfacher Struktur sein, verdankt seinen Ursprung einer Reihe von schaffenden Kr\u00e4ften. Auch der antike Kommentar ist aus dem Zusammenwirken verschiedener Faktoren erwachsen.\r\n\r\nEin Kraftzentrum aber bildeten der Platonismus und der \u00e4ltere Peripatos; beide, besonders letzterer, schufen die Stimmung f\u00fcr solche Unternehmungen, sie erzogen das Gewissen des Gelehrten. Das Genie der gro\u00dfen Alexandriner musste sich dann vielfach eigene Wege bahnen. Aber in allen wirklich wissenschaftlichen Kommentaren, die wir kennen, lebt der echte Geist der Aristotelischen Schule.\r\n\r\nEine wirkliche Geschichte des antiken Kommentars scheint auch mir unbedingt notwendig. Es wird sich dabei herausstellen, wann sich ein \u00e4u\u00dferes Schema entwickelt hat und welche Kontinuit\u00e4t auch hier wieder wahrnehmbar ist. Umso kraftvoller aber werden sich von der \u00fcberlieferten Form die Individuen der Forscher und auch Denker abheben. [conclusion p. 411-412]","btype":3,"date":"1932","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Y56uK7HVPYJ1WSa","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":126,"full_name":"Geffcken, Johannes","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1314,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"67","issue":"4","pages":"397-412"}},"sort":[1932]}

The Parmenides of Plato and the Origin of the Neoplatonic 'One' , 1928
By: Dodds, Eric R.

Title	The Parmenides of Plato and the Origin of the Neoplatonic 'One'
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1928
Journal	Classical Quarterly
Volume	22
Issue	3/4 (Jul. - Oct., 1928),
Pages	129–142
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dodds, Eric R.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The last phase of Greek philosophy has until recently been less intelli- gently studied than any other, and in our understanding of its development there are still lamentable lacunae. Three errors in particular have in the past prevented a proper appreciation of Plotinus' place in the history of philosophy. When this false trail was at length abandoned the fashion for orientalizing explanations persisted in another guise: to the earliest historians of Neo- platonism, Simon and Vacherot, the school of Plotinus was (in defiance of geographical facts) 'the school of Alexandria,' and its inspiration was mainly Egyptian. Vacherot says of Neoplatonism that it is 'essentially and radically oriental, having nothing of Greek thought but its language and procedure.' Few would be found to-day to subscribe to so sweeping a pronouncement; but the existence of an important oriental element in Plotinus' thought is still affirmed by many French and German writers. [introduction p. 129]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2WBu4QLsdoPjbaC

{"_index":"sire","_id":"554","_score":null,"_source":{"id":554,"authors_free":[{"id":783,"entry_id":554,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":65,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dodds, Eric R. ","free_first_name":"Eric R. ","free_last_name":"Dodds","norm_person":{"id":65,"first_name":"Eric R. ","last_name":"Dodds","full_name":"Dodds, Eric R. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123026288","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Parmenides of Plato and the Origin of the Neoplatonic 'One' ","main_title":{"title":"The Parmenides of Plato and the Origin of the Neoplatonic 'One' "},"abstract":"The last phase of Greek philosophy has until recently been less intelli- \r\ngently studied than any other, and in our understanding of its development \r\nthere are still lamentable lacunae. Three errors in particular have in the past \r\nprevented a proper appreciation of Plotinus' place in the history of philosophy. When this false trail was at length abandoned the fashion for orientalizing \r\nexplanations persisted in another guise: to the earliest historians of Neo- \r\nplatonism, Simon and Vacherot, the school of Plotinus was (in defiance of \r\ngeographical facts) 'the school of Alexandria,' and its inspiration was mainly \r\nEgyptian. Vacherot says of Neoplatonism that it is 'essentially and radically \r\noriental, having nothing of Greek thought but its language and procedure.' \r\nFew would be found to-day to subscribe to so sweeping a pronouncement; but \r\nthe existence of an important oriental element in Plotinus' thought is still \r\naffirmed by many French and German writers. [introduction p. 129]","btype":3,"date":"1928","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2WBu4QLsdoPjbaC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":65,"full_name":"Dodds, Eric R. ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":554,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Classical Quarterly","volume":"22","issue":"3\/4 (Jul. - Oct., 1928),","pages":"129\u2013142"}},"sort":[1928]}

The Homoiomeries of Anaxagoras, 1927
By: Leon, Philip

Title	The Homoiomeries of Anaxagoras
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1927
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	21
Issue	3/4
Pages	133-141
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Leon, Philip
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Anaxagoras does indeed, as he has been said to do, represent the culminating point of the enquiry into the one bto-tv. That simple enquiry for a simple unity becomes curiously complex, just because of the very simplicity and the thorough-going and uncompromising nature of Anaxagoras' logical mind. It has with him reached a stage where it must become transformed and pass on the one hand into logic in Plato, into the enquiry about the nature of predication through Gorgias and Antisthenes, and on the other hand into metaphysics, the theory of ideas, also in Plato. This central position of Anaxagoras is made clear by the passage discussed, according to which, I think, in considering the 'homoiomeries,' we should look upon parts as 'homoiomerous' primarily to the whole i~c6otov, and only secondarily to subordinate wholes. Indeed, it is implied in Anaxagoras' principle that there are only two entities which are properly wholes, the 0c0/cpo and voDv^. To call anything else a whole is more or less arbitrary, a principle not unworthy of the most thorough-going of modern absolutists. [Conclusion, p. 141]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qJGkpDhgqeYGAi8

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Simplikios, Neplatoniker, 1927
By: Praechter, Karl, Wissowa, Georg (Ed.), Kroll, Wilhelm (Ed.), Mittelhaus, Karl (Ed.)

Title	Simplikios, Neplatoniker
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1927
Published in	Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neue Bearbeitung begonnen von Georg Wissowa unter Mitwirkung zahlreicher Fachgenossen, herausgegeben von Wilhelm Kroll und Karl Mittelhaus. Zweite Reihe, Fünfter Halbband: Silacenis bis Sparsus
Pages	204-213
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Praechter, Karl
Editor(s)	Wissowa, Georg , Kroll, Wilhelm , Mittelhaus, Karl
Translator(s)

Eintrag zu Simplikios in der Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MKvSYjVl9KIu03S

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Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neue Bearbeitung begonnen von Georg Wissowa unter Mitwirkung zahlreicher Fachgenossen, herausgegeben von Wilhelm Kroll und Karl Mittelhaus. Zweite Reihe, Fünfter Halbband: Silacenis bis Sparsus, 1927
By: Wissowa, Georg (Ed.), Kroll, Wilhelm (Ed.), Mittelhaus, Karl (Ed.)

Title	Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neue Bearbeitung begonnen von Georg Wissowa unter Mitwirkung zahlreicher Fachgenossen, herausgegeben von Wilhelm Kroll und Karl Mittelhaus. Zweite Reihe, Fünfter Halbband: Silacenis bis Sparsus
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1927
Publication Place	Stuttgart
Publisher	Alfred Druckenmüller Verlag
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Wissowa, Georg , Kroll, Wilhelm , Mittelhaus, Karl
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KS57wiTmYZaf3Mc

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1381","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1381,"authors_free":[{"id":2125,"entry_id":1381,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":297,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Wissowa, Georg","free_first_name":"Georg","free_last_name":"Wissowa","norm_person":{"id":297,"first_name":"Georg","last_name":"Wissowa","full_name":"Wissowa, Georg","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117413755","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2126,"entry_id":1381,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":300,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Kroll, Wilhelm ","free_first_name":"Wilhelm","free_last_name":"Kroll","norm_person":{"id":300,"first_name":"Wilhelm","last_name":"Kroll","full_name":"Kroll, Wilhelm","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116552581","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2127,"entry_id":1381,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":301,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Mittelhaus, Karl","free_first_name":"Karl","free_last_name":"Mittelhaus","norm_person":{"id":301,"first_name":"Karl","last_name":"Mittelhaus","full_name":"Mittelhaus, Karl","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/11706355X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Paulys Realencyclop\u00e4die der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neue Bearbeitung begonnen von Georg Wissowa unter Mitwirkung zahlreicher Fachgenossen, herausgegeben von Wilhelm Kroll und Karl Mittelhaus. Zweite Reihe, F\u00fcnfter Halbband: Silacenis bis Sparsus","main_title":{"title":"Paulys Realencyclop\u00e4die der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neue Bearbeitung begonnen von Georg Wissowa unter Mitwirkung zahlreicher Fachgenossen, herausgegeben von Wilhelm Kroll und Karl Mittelhaus. Zweite Reihe, F\u00fcnfter Halbband: Silacenis bis Sparsus"},"abstract":"","btype":4,"date":"1927","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KS57wiTmYZaf3Mc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":297,"full_name":"Wissowa, Georg","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":300,"full_name":"Kroll, Wilhelm","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":301,"full_name":"Mittelhaus, Karl","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":{"id":1381,"pubplace":"Stuttgart","publisher":"Alfred Druckenm\u00fcller Verlag","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1927]}

Simpl. in Aristot. de Caelo p. 370, 29 ff. H, 1924
By: Praechter, Karl

Title	Simpl. in Aristot. de Caelo p. 370, 29 ff. H
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1924
Journal	Hermes
Volume	59
Issue	1
Pages	118-119
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Praechter, Karl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Dieser Beitrag untersucht einen zentralen Passus aus den Schriften des Neuplatonikers Simplikios, der für seine polemische Auseinandersetzung mit dem Christentum von besonderem Interesse ist. Anhand der Überlieferung bei Heiberg wird die Bedeutung der Formulierung διαβεβλαμμένοι („verwirrt“ oder „zerfallen“) im Kontext der Darstellung christlicher Vorstellungen von Himmel und Gottheit analysiert. Es zeigt sich, dass Simplikios die Christen als unter dem Einfluss falscher metaphysischer Annahmen stehend betrachtet, was ihn dazu veranlasst, ihre Auffassung vom Himmel als Sitz Gottes zu kritisieren. Darüber hinaus wird ein intertextueller Bezug zu Heraklit (fr. 96 Diels) aufgezeigt, der für das Verständnis der Stelle essenziell ist. Die Argumentation von Simplikios reiht sich in die breitere neuplatonische Kritik an der christlichen Theologie ein, insbesondere in Bezug auf die Verehrung des toten Christus und den Gräberkult. Diese Analyse trägt zur Erhellung der spätantiken Debatten zwischen Neuplatonikern und Christen bei und verdeutlicht zugleich die methodischen Herausforderungen bei der Interpretation antiker philosophischer Texte. [derived from the whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GHLXvIo8dgtPSpy

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Nikostratos der Platoniker, 1922
By: Praechter, Karl

Title	Nikostratos der Platoniker
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1922
Journal	Hermes
Volume	57
Issue	4
Pages	481-517
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Praechter, Karl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Als Beitrag zur Vor- und Entwicklungsgeschichte des Neu platonismus auf einem Teilgebiet seiner Lehre möchte [...] die vorliegende Untersuchung betrachtet werden. Ich selbst habe zu zeigen versucht, daß der alexandrinische Neuplatonismus keines wegs die Linie Plotin-Porphyrios-Iamblich fortsetzt, sondern an ein früheres Stadium platonischer Lehrentwicklung anschließt. [conclusion p. 517]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VI1pJau1eYyh9C4

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Simplicius de anima 146. 21, 1922
By: Shorey, Paul

Title	Simplicius de anima 146. 21
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1922
Journal	Classical Philology
Volume	17
Issue	2
Pages	143-144
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Shorey, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Note on Simplicius de anima 146. 21

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pOLcHui33vJaEz1

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Ioannes Philoponus, 1917
By: Gudeman, Alfred, Kroll, Wilhelm (Ed.)

Title	Ioannes Philoponus
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1917
Published in	Paulys Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neunter Band Hyaia — Iugum
Pages	1768-1795
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gudeman, Alfred
Editor(s)	Kroll, Wilhelm
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/jn8LgJK5DW0lutG

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1525","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1525,"authors_free":[{"id":2650,"entry_id":1525,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":566,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gudeman, Alfred","free_first_name":"Alfred","free_last_name":"Gudeman","norm_person":{"id":566,"first_name":"Alfred","last_name":"Gudeman","full_name":"Gudeman, Alfred","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"https:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/102810761","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2651,"entry_id":1525,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":300,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Kroll, Wilhelm","free_first_name":"Wilhelm","free_last_name":"Kroll","norm_person":{"id":300,"first_name":"Wilhelm","last_name":"Kroll","full_name":"Kroll, Wilhelm","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116552581","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ioannes Philoponus","main_title":{"title":"Ioannes Philoponus"},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"1917","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/jn8LgJK5DW0lutG","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":566,"full_name":"Gudeman, Alfred","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":300,"full_name":"Kroll, Wilhelm","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1525,"section_of":1526,"pages":"1768-1795","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1526,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":1,"language":"de","title":"Paulys Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neunter Band Hyaia \u2014 Iugum","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1916","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DT7g7hn04BY8jPG","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1526,"pubplace":"Stuttgart","publisher":"Metzler","series":"Paulys Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft","volume":"9","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1917]}

Paulys Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neunter Band Hyaia — Iugum, 1916
By: Kroll, Wilhelm (Ed.)

Title	Paulys Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neunter Band Hyaia — Iugum
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1916
Publication Place	Stuttgart
Publisher	Metzler
Series	Paulys Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft
Volume	9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Kroll, Wilhelm
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VzejKM6yhAYowJ3

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Richtungen und Schulen im Neuplatonismus, 1910
By: Praechter, Karl, Robert, Carl (Ed.)

Title	Richtungen und Schulen im Neuplatonismus
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1910
Published in	Genethliakon
Pages	105-156
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Praechter, Karl
Editor(s)	Robert, Carl
Translator(s)

Karl Praechter deals at some length with the tendencies and schools of Neoplatonism. His classification differs materially from that of Zeller, who divided the Neoplatonists into three schools according to their order of progress, viz. the school of Plotinus, the Syrian school of Iamblichus, and the school of Athens, whose foremost representative was Proclus. Praechter maintains that the system was founded by Plotinus and Porphyrius; that Iamblichus then developed the doctrines in a speculative and mystic direction, the result being seen in two schools, the Syrian and the Athenian. A separate and distinctively religious tendency is manifested in the Pergamene school of Aidesios and Chrysanthios. Neoplatonism ends with the learned schools of Alexandria and the West, of which Hypatia and Macrobius were representative. Neoplatonism undoubtedly derives much of its interest from the fact that it forms a kind of connecting link between Ancient Philosophy and Christianity. [from the notices of the book]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ZUNcPDq2qaf1DRB

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1065","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1065,"authors_free":[{"id":1615,"entry_id":1065,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":293,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Praechter, Karl","free_first_name":"Karl","free_last_name":"Praechter","norm_person":{"id":293,"first_name":"Karl","last_name":"Praechter","full_name":"Praechter, Karl","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116278609","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1616,"entry_id":1065,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":294,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Robert, Carl","free_first_name":"Carl","free_last_name":"Robert","norm_person":{"id":294,"first_name":"Carl","last_name":"Robert","full_name":"Robert, Carl","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116575956","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Richtungen und Schulen im Neuplatonismus","main_title":{"title":"Richtungen und Schulen im Neuplatonismus"},"abstract":"Karl Praechter deals at some length with the tendencies and schools of Neoplatonism. His classification differs materially from that of Zeller, who divided the Neoplatonists into three schools according to their order of progress, viz. the school of Plotinus, the Syrian school of Iamblichus, and the school of Athens, whose foremost representative was Proclus. Praechter maintains that the system was founded by Plotinus and Porphyrius; that Iamblichus then developed the doctrines in a speculative and mystic direction, the result being seen in two schools, the Syrian and the Athenian. A separate and distinctively religious tendency is manifested in the Pergamene school of Aidesios and Chrysanthios. Neoplatonism ends with the learned schools of Alexandria and the West, of which Hypatia and Macrobius were representative. Neoplatonism undoubtedly derives much of its interest from the fact that it forms a kind of connecting link between Ancient Philosophy and Christianity. [from the notices of the book]","btype":2,"date":"1910","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ZUNcPDq2qaf1DRB","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":293,"full_name":"Praechter, Karl","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":294,"full_name":"Robert, Carl","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1065,"section_of":1600,"pages":"105-156","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":1600,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":"bibliography","type":4,"language":"de","title":"Genethliakon","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Robert1910","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1910","edition_no":null,"free_date":null,"abstract":"This is a series of studies on different subjects dedicated by friends and former pupils to Carl Robert on his attaining his sixtieth birthday. The first two, by Benedictus Niese and Georg Wissowa respectively, deal with three chapters in the history of Elis and Naevius and the Metelli. Both these historical inquiries are characterized by the employment of similar methods of criticism. Certain events, said to have taken place at a particular period, are held never to have taken place at that time, but to have been carried back from the history of a later day. Thus, Niese believes that the stories of the repeated quarrels between Elis and Pisa have no historical foundation, except in the single instance of the years 365\u2013364 B.C., when the Pisatae for a brief period formed a separate community and, in conjunction with the Arcadians, carried out the Olympic Games. Wissowa, in Naevius and the Metelli, endeavors to show that the story of the poet's quarrel with that house is a figment derived from a later period. The line fato Metelli Romae fiunt consules is, he thinks, quite pointless in relation to the Metelli of Naevius' day. It would apply forcibly, however, to the period of the Gracchi, in which the Metelli were singularly prominent as holders of high office. The traditional reply, malum dabunt Metelli Naevio poetae, Wissowa attributes to Caesius Bassus in Nero's time, when it was composed as a model of a Saturnian line. It may be suggested that the above method of historical criticism (very popular at the present time) may be carried a little too far. It is true that the historian is frequently tempted to add to the glory of his country in early times, but is it true that there is an equal tendency to fabricate history when no such motive can be assigned? The arguments of both Niese and Wissowa are ingenious, but hardly convincing.\r\n\r\nBechtel subjects the names of persons as published by Frankel in the fourth volume of I.O. to a searching criticism. A fair number of errors, certain or probable, are pointed out, but they are perhaps scarcely serious enough (consideration being had to the magnitude of the work) to justify the rather severe tone of criticism employed. Bechtel's proposed corrections are, however, likely to win approval for the most part. Otto Kern discusses the origin of the collection of hymns comprehended under the title \u1f48\u03c1\u03c6\u03ad\u03c9\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u039c\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03c7\u03ac\u03c1\u03b9\u03c4\u03b9. These were apparently designed for the use of a body of mystae devoted to the service of Dionysos. The occurrence of the names of the goddess Hipta and of Dionysos Erikepaios both in these hymns and in inscriptions recently discovered in Asia Minor leads Kern to look to Asia Minor rather than to Egypt for their origin. The connection between the later Orphism and magical inscriptions is rightly pointed out by Kern. There is no doubt that the Gnostic and magical inscriptions on metal foil are a continuation of the Orphic inscriptions on similar material.\r\n\r\nKarl Praechter deals at some length with the tendencies and schools of Neoplatonism. His classification differs materially from that of Zeller, who divided the Neoplatonists into three schools according to their order of progress, viz. the school of Plotinus, the Syrian school of Iamblichus, and the school of Athens, whose foremost representative was Proclus. Praechter maintains that the system was founded by Plotinus and Porphyrius; that Iamblichus then developed the doctrines in a speculative and mystic direction, the result being seen in two schools, the Syrian and the Athenian. A separate and distinctively religious tendency is manifested in the Pergamene school of Aidesios and Chrysanthios. Neoplatonism ends with the learned schools of Alexandria and the West, of which Hypatia and Macrobius were representative. Neoplatonism undoubtedly derives much of its interest from the fact that it forms a kind of connecting link between Ancient Philosophy and Christianity.\r\n\r\nEduard Meyer chooses for his study Hesiod's Works and Days, and in particular the part dealing with the Five Races of Mankind. In general, it may be remarked that his interpretations do not differ greatly from those of the late Dr. Adam in his Religious Teachers of Greece. The central idea of the poem is, according to Meyer, 'the dignity of labour'; according to Adam, 'Justice between man and man.' These views, it may be pointed out, are united in the Platonic conception of Justice as consisting in the doing by each man of the work nature intended him to do. These broodings over the relation of man to man (says Wissowa) lead the poet to take a wider view of the development of mankind in his description of the Five Ages. The golden and silver ages are a picture of decline in a race of ideal beings; the bronze and iron ages are a picture of a decline in morals accompanying an improvement in culture, a phenomenon noted by the poet from his own observation. The heroic age is interpolated between these two in order to suit the general belief in its existence; it is also a ray of hope piercing the gloom of Hesiod's pessimism. Professor Meyer, as Professor Mair in his recent translation of Hesiod, emphasizes the almost Hebraic spirit of religion pervading the poem.\r\n\r\nUlrich Wilcken devotes an extremely interesting article to a fresh study of a Greek papyrus found by Prof. Petrie at Hawara in 1889. This was at first regarded by Prof. Sayce as a fragment of a lost history of Sicily, perhaps that of Timaeus. Dr. Wilcken, however, in that same year expressed the opinion that the fragment really formed part of a descriptive guide to Athens and the Peiraeus. This conclusion is amply confirmed by the present very ingenious study. Dr. Wilcken successfully distinguishes portions describing the Peiraeus (including the mention of an otherwise unknown sundial), Munichia (with a mention of 'the famous shrine of Artemis'), and the circuit of the Peiraeus wall, which is here said to measure ninety-odd stades, whereas the Themistoclean wall described by Thucydides measured but sixty. Hence, the wall described must be the wall of Konon. The manuscript goes on to describe the Long Walls and the Phaleric wall (mentioning the hill Sikelia) and breaks off just at the beginning of an account of 'the town of Theseus.' It is probable that this guide was written at the beginning of the third century B.C., though the papyrus is to be dated at about 100 A.D. The name of the author must remain uncertain, though it is conceivably the work of Diodorus the Periegetes.\r\n\r\nThe concluding study by Benno Erdmann on the philosophy of Spinoza falls outside the scope of this Journal. [notices of book]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wxEGw3MZ3aRDjPW","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":1600,"pubplace":"Berlin","publisher":"Weidmann","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[1910]}

Genethliakon, 1910
By: C. Robert (Ed.)

Title	Genethliakon
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	1910
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Weidmann
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	C. Robert
Translator(s)

This is a series of studies on different subjects dedicated by friends and former pupils to Carl Robert on his attaining his sixtieth birthday. The first two, by Benedictus Niese and Georg Wissowa respectively, deal with three chapters in the history of Elis and Naevius and the Metelli. Both these historical inquiries are characterized by the employment of similar methods of criticism. Certain events, said to have taken place at a particular period, are held never to have taken place at that time, but to have been carried back from the history of a later day. Thus, Niese believes that the stories of the repeated quarrels between Elis and Pisa have no historical foundation, except in the single instance of the years 365–364 B.C., when the Pisatae for a brief period formed a separate community and, in conjunction with the Arcadians, carried out the Olympic Games. Wissowa, in Naevius and the Metelli, endeavors to show that the story of the poet's quarrel with that house is a figment derived from a later period. The line fato Metelli Romae fiunt consules is, he thinks, quite pointless in relation to the Metelli of Naevius' day. It would apply forcibly, however, to the period of the Gracchi, in which the Metelli were singularly prominent as holders of high office. The traditional reply, malum dabunt Metelli Naevio poetae, Wissowa attributes to Caesius Bassus in Nero's time, when it was composed as a model of a Saturnian line. It may be suggested that the above method of historical criticism (very popular at the present time) may be carried a little too far. It is true that the historian is frequently tempted to add to the glory of his country in early times, but is it true that there is an equal tendency to fabricate history when no such motive can be assigned? The arguments of both Niese and Wissowa are ingenious, but hardly convincing. Bechtel subjects the names of persons as published by Frankel in the fourth volume of I.O. to a searching criticism. A fair number of errors, certain or probable, are pointed out, but they are perhaps scarcely serious enough (consideration being had to the magnitude of the work) to justify the rather severe tone of criticism employed. Bechtel's proposed corrections are, however, likely to win approval for the most part. Otto Kern discusses the origin of the collection of hymns comprehended under the title Ὀρφέως πρὸς Μουσαῖον εὐτυχοῦς χάριτι. These were apparently designed for the use of a body of mystae devoted to the service of Dionysos. The occurrence of the names of the goddess Hipta and of Dionysos Erikepaios both in these hymns and in inscriptions recently discovered in Asia Minor leads Kern to look to Asia Minor rather than to Egypt for their origin. The connection between the later Orphism and magical inscriptions is rightly pointed out by Kern. There is no doubt that the Gnostic and magical inscriptions on metal foil are a continuation of the Orphic inscriptions on similar material. Karl Praechter deals at some length with the tendencies and schools of Neoplatonism. His classification differs materially from that of Zeller, who divided the Neoplatonists into three schools according to their order of progress, viz. the school of Plotinus, the Syrian school of Iamblichus, and the school of Athens, whose foremost representative was Proclus. Praechter maintains that the system was founded by Plotinus and Porphyrius; that Iamblichus then developed the doctrines in a speculative and mystic direction, the result being seen in two schools, the Syrian and the Athenian. A separate and distinctively religious tendency is manifested in the Pergamene school of Aidesios and Chrysanthios. Neoplatonism ends with the learned schools of Alexandria and the West, of which Hypatia and Macrobius were representative. Neoplatonism undoubtedly derives much of its interest from the fact that it forms a kind of connecting link between Ancient Philosophy and Christianity. Eduard Meyer chooses for his study Hesiod's Works and Days, and in particular the part dealing with the Five Races of Mankind. In general, it may be remarked that his interpretations do not differ greatly from those of the late Dr. Adam in his Religious Teachers of Greece. The central idea of the poem is, according to Meyer, 'the dignity of labour'; according to Adam, 'Justice between man and man.' These views, it may be pointed out, are united in the Platonic conception of Justice as consisting in the doing by each man of the work nature intended him to do. These broodings over the relation of man to man (says Wissowa) lead the poet to take a wider view of the development of mankind in his description of the Five Ages. The golden and silver ages are a picture of decline in a race of ideal beings; the bronze and iron ages are a picture of a decline in morals accompanying an improvement in culture, a phenomenon noted by the poet from his own observation. The heroic age is interpolated between these two in order to suit the general belief in its existence; it is also a ray of hope piercing the gloom of Hesiod's pessimism. Professor Meyer, as Professor Mair in his recent translation of Hesiod, emphasizes the almost Hebraic spirit of religion pervading the poem. Ulrich Wilcken devotes an extremely interesting article to a fresh study of a Greek papyrus found by Prof. Petrie at Hawara in 1889. This was at first regarded by Prof. Sayce as a fragment of a lost history of Sicily, perhaps that of Timaeus. Dr. Wilcken, however, in that same year expressed the opinion that the fragment really formed part of a descriptive guide to Athens and the Peiraeus. This conclusion is amply confirmed by the present very ingenious study. Dr. Wilcken successfully distinguishes portions describing the Peiraeus (including the mention of an otherwise unknown sundial), Munichia (with a mention of 'the famous shrine of Artemis'), and the circuit of the Peiraeus wall, which is here said to measure ninety-odd stades, whereas the Themistoclean wall described by Thucydides measured but sixty. Hence, the wall described must be the wall of Konon. The manuscript goes on to describe the Long Walls and the Phaleric wall (mentioning the hill Sikelia) and breaks off just at the beginning of an account of 'the town of Theseus.' It is probable that this guide was written at the beginning of the third century B.C., though the papyrus is to be dated at about 100 A.D. The name of the author must remain uncertain, though it is conceivably the work of Diodorus the Periegetes. The concluding study by Benno Erdmann on the philosophy of Spinoza falls outside the scope of this Journal. [notices of book]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wxEGw3MZ3aRDjPW

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1600","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1600,"authors_free":[{"id":2800,"entry_id":1600,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"C. Robert","free_first_name":"C.","free_last_name":"Robert","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Genethliakon","main_title":{"title":"Genethliakon"},"abstract":"This is a series of studies on different subjects dedicated by friends and former pupils to Carl Robert on his attaining his sixtieth birthday. The first two, by Benedictus Niese and Georg Wissowa respectively, deal with three chapters in the history of Elis and Naevius and the Metelli. Both these historical inquiries are characterized by the employment of similar methods of criticism. Certain events, said to have taken place at a particular period, are held never to have taken place at that time, but to have been carried back from the history of a later day. Thus, Niese believes that the stories of the repeated quarrels between Elis and Pisa have no historical foundation, except in the single instance of the years 365\u2013364 B.C., when the Pisatae for a brief period formed a separate community and, in conjunction with the Arcadians, carried out the Olympic Games. Wissowa, in Naevius and the Metelli, endeavors to show that the story of the poet's quarrel with that house is a figment derived from a later period. The line fato Metelli Romae fiunt consules is, he thinks, quite pointless in relation to the Metelli of Naevius' day. It would apply forcibly, however, to the period of the Gracchi, in which the Metelli were singularly prominent as holders of high office. The traditional reply, malum dabunt Metelli Naevio poetae, Wissowa attributes to Caesius Bassus in Nero's time, when it was composed as a model of a Saturnian line. It may be suggested that the above method of historical criticism (very popular at the present time) may be carried a little too far. It is true that the historian is frequently tempted to add to the glory of his country in early times, but is it true that there is an equal tendency to fabricate history when no such motive can be assigned? The arguments of both Niese and Wissowa are ingenious, but hardly convincing.\r\n\r\nBechtel subjects the names of persons as published by Frankel in the fourth volume of I.O. to a searching criticism. A fair number of errors, certain or probable, are pointed out, but they are perhaps scarcely serious enough (consideration being had to the magnitude of the work) to justify the rather severe tone of criticism employed. Bechtel's proposed corrections are, however, likely to win approval for the most part. Otto Kern discusses the origin of the collection of hymns comprehended under the title \u1f48\u03c1\u03c6\u03ad\u03c9\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u039c\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1\u1fd6\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03bf\u1fe6\u03c2 \u03c7\u03ac\u03c1\u03b9\u03c4\u03b9. These were apparently designed for the use of a body of mystae devoted to the service of Dionysos. The occurrence of the names of the goddess Hipta and of Dionysos Erikepaios both in these hymns and in inscriptions recently discovered in Asia Minor leads Kern to look to Asia Minor rather than to Egypt for their origin. The connection between the later Orphism and magical inscriptions is rightly pointed out by Kern. There is no doubt that the Gnostic and magical inscriptions on metal foil are a continuation of the Orphic inscriptions on similar material.\r\n\r\nKarl Praechter deals at some length with the tendencies and schools of Neoplatonism. His classification differs materially from that of Zeller, who divided the Neoplatonists into three schools according to their order of progress, viz. the school of Plotinus, the Syrian school of Iamblichus, and the school of Athens, whose foremost representative was Proclus. Praechter maintains that the system was founded by Plotinus and Porphyrius; that Iamblichus then developed the doctrines in a speculative and mystic direction, the result being seen in two schools, the Syrian and the Athenian. A separate and distinctively religious tendency is manifested in the Pergamene school of Aidesios and Chrysanthios. Neoplatonism ends with the learned schools of Alexandria and the West, of which Hypatia and Macrobius were representative. Neoplatonism undoubtedly derives much of its interest from the fact that it forms a kind of connecting link between Ancient Philosophy and Christianity.\r\n\r\nEduard Meyer chooses for his study Hesiod's Works and Days, and in particular the part dealing with the Five Races of Mankind. In general, it may be remarked that his interpretations do not differ greatly from those of the late Dr. Adam in his Religious Teachers of Greece. The central idea of the poem is, according to Meyer, 'the dignity of labour'; according to Adam, 'Justice between man and man.' These views, it may be pointed out, are united in the Platonic conception of Justice as consisting in the doing by each man of the work nature intended him to do. These broodings over the relation of man to man (says Wissowa) lead the poet to take a wider view of the development of mankind in his description of the Five Ages. The golden and silver ages are a picture of decline in a race of ideal beings; the bronze and iron ages are a picture of a decline in morals accompanying an improvement in culture, a phenomenon noted by the poet from his own observation. The heroic age is interpolated between these two in order to suit the general belief in its existence; it is also a ray of hope piercing the gloom of Hesiod's pessimism. Professor Meyer, as Professor Mair in his recent translation of Hesiod, emphasizes the almost Hebraic spirit of religion pervading the poem.\r\n\r\nUlrich Wilcken devotes an extremely interesting article to a fresh study of a Greek papyrus found by Prof. Petrie at Hawara in 1889. This was at first regarded by Prof. Sayce as a fragment of a lost history of Sicily, perhaps that of Timaeus. Dr. Wilcken, however, in that same year expressed the opinion that the fragment really formed part of a descriptive guide to Athens and the Peiraeus. This conclusion is amply confirmed by the present very ingenious study. Dr. Wilcken successfully distinguishes portions describing the Peiraeus (including the mention of an otherwise unknown sundial), Munichia (with a mention of 'the famous shrine of Artemis'), and the circuit of the Peiraeus wall, which is here said to measure ninety-odd stades, whereas the Themistoclean wall described by Thucydides measured but sixty. Hence, the wall described must be the wall of Konon. The manuscript goes on to describe the Long Walls and the Phaleric wall (mentioning the hill Sikelia) and breaks off just at the beginning of an account of 'the town of Theseus.' It is probable that this guide was written at the beginning of the third century B.C., though the papyrus is to be dated at about 100 A.D. The name of the author must remain uncertain, though it is conceivably the work of Diodorus the Periegetes.\r\n\r\nThe concluding study by Benno Erdmann on the philosophy of Spinoza falls outside the scope of this Journal. [notices of book]","btype":4,"date":"1910","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wxEGw3MZ3aRDjPW","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1600,"pubplace":"Berlin","publisher":"Weidmann","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1910]}

Simplicii in Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium, 1907
By: Kalbfleisch, Karl (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicii in Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1907
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Reimer
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Kalbfleisch, Karl
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/px7OssXSSM7x2DG

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Der Bericht des Simplicius Über die Quadraturen des Antiphon und des Hippokrates, 1907
By: Simplicius, Cilicius, Rudio, Ferdinand (Ed.),

Title	Der Bericht des Simplicius Über die Quadraturen des Antiphon und des Hippokrates
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1907
Publication Place	Charleston
Publisher	Nabu Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)	Rudio, Ferdinand
Translator(s)	Rudio, Ferdinand() .

Der Bericht des Simplicius über die Quadraturen des Antiphon und des Hippokrates ist eine der wichtigsten Quellen für die Geschichte der griechischen Geometrie vor Euklid. Enthält doch dieser Bericht, neben vielen anderen historisch höchst wertvollen Mitteilungen, einen umfangreichen wörtlichen Auszug aus der leider verloren gegangenen Geschichte der Geometrie des Eudemus! Das uns auf diese Weise erhaltene Referat des Eudemus bezieht sich auf die scharfsinnigen Untersuchungen, die Hippokrates von Chios etwa um das Jahr 440 v. Chr. in einer ebenfalls verloren gegangenen Abhandlung über die Quadraturen der sogenannten Möndchen angestellt hat – Untersuchungen, die vielleicht als Vorbereitungen zu der von alters her umworbenen Quadratur des Kreises gedient haben. Die Abhandlung des Hippokrates ist umso wertvoller, als sie die älteste auf griechischem Boden entstandene mathematische Arbeit darstellt, die uns in gesicherter, zugleich ausführlicher und zusammenhängender Überlieferung vorliegt. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UVddREbMVSZaoqA

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On Simplicius De Caelo, 476, 11 sqq, 1905
By: Shorey, Paul

Title	On Simplicius De Caelo, 476, 11 sqq
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1905
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	19
Issue	4
Pages	205
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Shorey, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Notes on On Simplicius De Caelo, 476, 11 sqq.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JJdmbGUh1TLKUrg

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Musonius and Simplicius, 1903
By: Mayor, John E.B.

Title	Musonius and Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1903
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	17
Issue	1
Pages	23-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mayor, John E.B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A new edition of the remains of Musonius is advertised; and indeed Peerlkamp's edition has long been out of date and is little known. In two interesting fragments (Stob. flor. 17 n. 43 Meineke, n. 42 Hense, and 18 n. 38 M, 37 H, 10. Stob. anthol. iii. 503, 523, Weidmann 1894), Hense illustrates some details from other authors but has missed the most comprehensive parallel, the commentary of Simplicius on Epictetus Enchiridion c. 46 (of Schweighäuser's edition c. 33 s. 7, Epict. iv. 427-8). [introduction p. 23]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cXhfxWvaVaNv6wx

{"_index":"sire","_id":"988","_score":null,"_source":{"id":988,"authors_free":[{"id":1489,"entry_id":988,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":242,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Mayor, John E.B.","free_first_name":"John E.B.","free_last_name":"Mayor","norm_person":{"id":242,"first_name":"John E. B.","last_name":"Mayor","full_name":"Mayor, John E. B.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129593915","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Musonius and Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Musonius and Simplicius"},"abstract":"A new edition of the remains of Musonius is advertised; and indeed Peerlkamp's edition has long been out of date and is little known. In two interesting fragments (Stob. flor. 17 n. 43 Meineke, n. 42 Hense, and 18 n. 38 M, 37 H, 10. Stob. anthol. iii. 503, 523, Weidmann 1894), Hense illustrates some details from other authors but has missed the most comprehensive parallel, the commentary of Simplicius on Epictetus Enchiridion c. 46 (of Schweigh\u00e4user's edition c. 33 s. 7, Epict. iv. 427-8).\r\n[introduction p. 23]","btype":3,"date":"1903","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/cXhfxWvaVaNv6wx","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":242,"full_name":"Mayor, John E. B.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":988,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"17","issue":"1","pages":"23-24"}},"sort":[1903]}

Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung, 1903
By: Zeller, Edward

Title	Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1903
Publication Place	Leipzig
Publisher	Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zeller, Edward
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Das erstmals zwischen 1844 und 1852 erschienene Werk ›Die Philosophie der Griechen. Eine Untersuchung über Charakter, Gang und Hauptmomente ihrer Entwicklung‹ gilt als eine der monumentalsten philosophischen Studien der Geschichte. In nie wieder erreichter Vollständigkeit und Geschlossenheit beschreibt Eduard Zeller hier den Entwicklungsgang der Philosophie Griechenlands. Als Übersichts- und Grundlagenwerk ist ›Der Zeller‹ auch heute noch von großer Bedeutung. Hervorhebenswert an der Arbeit Eduard Zellers ist vor allem, dass er eine akribische Quellenarbeit mit systematisch-philosophischem Interesse verbindet. Obwohl ein klassischer Gelehrter des 19. Jahrhunderts, philosophiert er in modernem wissenschaftlichen Sinne. Zeller, der den Begriff ›Erkenntnistheorie‹ überhaupt erst in die philosophische Diskussion eingeführt hat, hat mit der ›Philosophie der Griechen‹ ein Werk geschaffen, dessen Bedeutung auch im 21. Jahrhundert unbestritten ist. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wqWO03gtyLISydF

{"_index":"sire","_id":"207","_score":null,"_source":{"id":207,"authors_free":[{"id":264,"entry_id":207,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":413,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Zeller, Edward","free_first_name":"Edward","free_last_name":"Zeller","norm_person":{"id":413,"first_name":"Eduard","last_name":"Zeller,","full_name":"Zeller, Eduard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118636383","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung","main_title":{"title":"Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung"},"abstract":"Das erstmals zwischen 1844 und 1852 erschienene Werk \u203aDie Philosophie der Griechen. Eine Untersuchung \u00fcber Charakter, Gang und Hauptmomente ihrer Entwicklung\u2039 gilt als eine der monumentalsten philosophischen Studien der Geschichte. In nie wieder erreichter Vollst\u00e4ndigkeit und Geschlossenheit beschreibt Eduard Zeller hier den Entwicklungsgang der Philosophie Griechenlands. Als \u00dcbersichts- und Grundlagenwerk ist \u203aDer Zeller\u2039 auch heute noch von gro\u00dfer Bedeutung. Hervorhebenswert an der Arbeit Eduard Zellers ist vor allem, dass er eine akribische Quellenarbeit mit systematisch-philosophischem Interesse verbindet. Obwohl ein klassischer Gelehrter des 19. Jahrhunderts, philosophiert er in modernem wissenschaftlichen Sinne. Zeller, der den Begriff \u203aErkenntnistheorie\u2039 \u00fcberhaupt erst in die philosophische Diskussion eingef\u00fchrt hat, hat mit der \u203aPhilosophie der Griechen\u2039 ein Werk geschaffen, dessen Bedeutung auch im 21. Jahrhundert unbestritten ist. [offical abstract]","btype":1,"date":"1903","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wqWO03gtyLISydF","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":413,"full_name":"Zeller, Eduard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":207,"pubplace":"Leipzig","publisher":"Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft","series":"","volume":"5","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1903]}

Einige Corollarien des Simplicius in seinem Commentar zu Aristoteles’ Physik (ed. Diels). I. p. 1129–1152 (contra Philoponum), 1902
By: Zahlfleisch, Johann

Title	Einige Corollarien des Simplicius in seinem Commentar zu Aristoteles’ Physik (ed. Diels). I. p. 1129–1152 (contra Philoponum)
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1902
Journal	Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume	15
Issue	2
Pages	186–213
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zahlfleisch, Johann
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Der vorliegende Text behandelt einige Corollarien von Simplicius in seinem Kommentar zu Aristoteles' Physik, wobei er sich insbesondere mit Philoponus' Einwänden auseinandersetzt. Die Diskussion dreht sich um die Definition der Bewegung bei Aristoteles und die Frage nach ewigen und begrenzten Bewegungen. Philoponus hinterfragt, wie begrenzte Bewegung als Folge einer ewigen Bewegung angesehen werden kann, da die Potenz immer bestehe und eine Bedingung für die Bewegung sei. Simplicius argumentiert, dass die Potenz und Bewegung untrennbar verbunden sind und dass es keine ewige Bewegung geben könne. Er erläutert Aristoteles' Position und verteidigt sie gegen Philoponus' Einwände. Die Diskussion umfasst Themen wie die Rolle der Potenz in der Bewegung, die Anwendung der Begriffsdefinition auf verschiedene Sachverhalte und die Frage nach einem obersten Beweger. Am Ende wird betont, dass selbst bei einer Ablehnung des Aristotelischen Axioms von der Bewegung die Annahme eines ewigen obersten Bewegers bestehen bleibt. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vfhmk7U2Ze3RMEr

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Repetitions in Empedokles, 1898
By: Fairbanks, Arthur

Title	Repetitions in Empedokles
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1898
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	12
Issue	1
Pages	16-17
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fairbanks, Arthur
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The reader of Empedokles, as the text is restored by Stein, cannot fail to be struck by the repetition of certain phrases and lines. The recurrent use of convenient phrases is characteristic of the epic style which Empedokles affects, and in this way the repetition of many phrases is accounted for. The phrase all‘ age, ll. 19, 74, 96 (cf. 130, 262), will serve as an example. The first half of ll. 36, 61, 76, and the last half of ll. 112, 239, 140, are other illustrations of what may be expected in an 'epic' writer, and deserve no special consideration here. A second class of apparent repetitions may be dismissed with a word, namely the repetition of a line for emphasis, with distinct statement of the fact that it is repeated (e.g., ll. 60-62 repeated 75-77). It amounts to the same thing when a thesis is stated, and then repeated at the close of the discussion. In this way, I explain ll. 66 and 72. Thirdly, there are numerous passages that impress the reader as repetitions because they deal with much the same thought, although there is a studied effort to put this thought in different language. In ll. 173 and 248, the language of 67 and 116 almost reappears. Lines 69, 70 repeat the thought of 61-62 with intentional change of language. The fundamental thought of the poem is that all things on the earth are the product of four elements moved by two forces. The three parts of this thought appear again and again, but with intentional variation in language so as to prevent a sense of monotony. The list of things on the earth appears in lines 40 f., 105 f. (= 124 f.), 252 f., 383 f., 421 f. The four elements are mentioned in different terms many times: 33 f., 78, 130 f., 187, 197 f., (200), 204 f., 211, 215 f., 265 f., 333 f., 378 f. These repetitions, like those of the last group, are examples of a literary device appropriate to philosophic poetry. By means of it, the poet is able to enforce and bring home his thought without too much wearying his readers. There remains another class of repetitions which are due, as I believe, to a wrong reconstruction of the text, and it is with the purpose of eliminating the repetitions which belong to this class that I have instituted this study. 105-107 = 124-126. Lines 105-107 appear in Simplicius 7v 33, 15 and 34r 159, 22, and their position in this connection is confirmed by the quotation of 104-107 in Arist. Met. ii. 4, 1000a 29. On the other hand, the same lines after l. 123 are found only in Simplicius 34r 160, 6; the text here is somewhat uncertain, and the link with the preceding by the participle κτίοντε is rather artificial. Simplicius had quoted these lines less than half a page back, and it seems to me probable that the lines were inadvertently repeated here — possibly instead of some similar enumeration of things on the earth. 94(-95) = 108(-109) = 114(-115). Lines 94-95 are the fitting conclusion of the preceding discussion of the elements, but they have no meaning after 107. They stand in Simplicius 34r 159, 3 at the end of a long quotation, and it is not unlikely that they were repeated at the end of the next quotation (34r 159, 25) by the error either of Simplicius or of some copyist. The last half of 109 reads like a gloss that has been incorporated into the text. A negative argument of less weight for the omission of these lines (108-109) is the fact that they are omitted in Simpl. 7v 33, 17. The same lines appear in Simpl. 8r 33, 21. Here they are intimately connected with the two preceding lines, but their connection with the following lines is forced, and the following lines—as I shall hope to show—belong better in another connection. Accordingly, I propose to identify 114-115 with 94-95 and to insert 112-113 before 94-95. The order will then be 90-93, 112-113, 94-95 (= 114-115). The insertion of 112-113 between 93 and 94 is confirmed by the fact that 112-113 form the natural response to 93 and give a fitting introduction to 94-95. 67-68 = 116-117 (cf. 248). Lines 67-68 appear in this connection several times in Simplicius, and indeed 70-73 appear directly after 118 at Simpl. 8r 33, 26. Stein inserts Simpl. 8r 33, 26 as his line 69. My proposal is to insert both Simpl. 8r 33, 25 and 26 after 68, in which case there is no reason for regarding 116-117 as different from 67-68. So I would read 67-68, 118, 69-73. These two changes in the text of Simplicius, which cut out several repetitions, rest on the interpretation of Simpl. 8r 33, 19. Stein breaks this passage after 33, 25 and inserts 33, 26 as line 69. I propose to break it at the point where the meaning halts, namely after 33, 22; the first four lines I would place after 93 as I have suggested in the last paragraph but one, and the remainder after 66, as I have suggested in the last paragraph. 134 = 138. Line 134, which consists simply of the word sphairon, has no reason for existence; as the reference in Simpl. 258r may perfectly well apply to line 138. 3 = 228. The close resemblance between these two lines may be due to the restoration of 228. We may notice, however, merimnas (3, 45, 228) and deila (3, 53, 228, 343, 400, 441, 446) are favourite words with Empedokles, so that perhaps there is no reason to discredit line 228. In conclusion, I should like to suggest a slight emendation of line 85. The text of Simplicius at 34r 158, 24 reads met‘ osoisin (so aE; DE met‘ ossoisin); Preller suggests g‘ ossoisin; Panzerbieter, meth‘ oloisin. What is wanted is a reference to the four elements, with which Love works, though her activity cannot be discerned by mortal men. So I would suggest meta toisin, since tauta, tade, ta are commonly used to refer to the elements in the whole poem. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1EJm8S2SsGJjpTn

{"_index":"sire","_id":"597","_score":null,"_source":{"id":597,"authors_free":[{"id":848,"entry_id":597,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":94,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Fairbanks, Arthur","free_first_name":"Arthur","free_last_name":"Fairbanks","norm_person":{"id":94,"first_name":"Arthur ","last_name":"Fairbanks","full_name":"Fairbanks, Arthur ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1157467903","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Repetitions in Empedokles","main_title":{"title":"Repetitions in Empedokles"},"abstract":"The reader of Empedokles, as the text is restored by Stein, cannot fail to be struck by the repetition of certain phrases and lines. The recurrent use of convenient phrases is characteristic of the epic style which Empedokles affects, and in this way the repetition of many phrases is accounted for. The phrase all\u2018 age, ll. 19, 74, 96 (cf. 130, 262), will serve as an example. The first half of ll. 36, 61, 76, and the last half of ll. 112, 239, 140, are other illustrations of what may be expected in an 'epic' writer, and deserve no special consideration here.\r\nA second class of apparent repetitions may be dismissed with a word, namely the repetition of a line for emphasis, with distinct statement of the fact that it is repeated (e.g., ll. 60-62 repeated 75-77). It amounts to the same thing when a thesis is stated, and then repeated at the close of the discussion. In this way, I explain ll. 66 and 72.\r\nThirdly, there are numerous passages that impress the reader as repetitions because they deal with much the same thought, although there is a studied effort to put this thought in different language. In ll. 173 and 248, the language of 67 and 116 almost reappears. Lines 69, 70 repeat the thought of 61-62 with intentional change of language. The fundamental thought of the poem is that all things on the earth are the product of four elements moved by two forces. The three parts of this thought appear again and again, but with intentional variation in language so as to prevent a sense of monotony.\r\nThe list of things on the earth appears in lines 40 f., 105 f. (= 124 f.), 252 f., 383 f., 421 f. The four elements are mentioned in different terms many times: 33 f., 78, 130 f., 187, 197 f., (200), 204 f., 211, 215 f., 265 f., 333 f., 378 f. These repetitions, like those of the last group, are examples of a literary device appropriate to philosophic poetry. By means of it, the poet is able to enforce and bring home his thought without too much wearying his readers.\r\nThere remains another class of repetitions which are due, as I believe, to a wrong reconstruction of the text, and it is with the purpose of eliminating the repetitions which belong to this class that I have instituted this study.\r\n105-107 = 124-126. Lines 105-107 appear in Simplicius 7v 33, 15 and 34r 159, 22, and their position in this connection is confirmed by the quotation of 104-107 in Arist. Met. ii. 4, 1000a 29. On the other hand, the same lines after l. 123 are found only in Simplicius 34r 160, 6; the text here is somewhat uncertain, and the link with the preceding by the participle \u03ba\u03c4\u03af\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5 is rather artificial. Simplicius had quoted these lines less than half a page back, and it seems to me probable that the lines were inadvertently repeated here \u2014 possibly instead of some similar enumeration of things on the earth.\r\n94(-95) = 108(-109) = 114(-115). Lines 94-95 are the fitting conclusion of the preceding discussion of the elements, but they have no meaning after 107. They stand in Simplicius 34r 159, 3 at the end of a long quotation, and it is not unlikely that they were repeated at the end of the next quotation (34r 159, 25) by the error either of Simplicius or of some copyist. The last half of 109 reads like a gloss that has been incorporated into the text. A negative argument of less weight for the omission of these lines (108-109) is the fact that they are omitted in Simpl. 7v 33, 17.\r\nThe same lines appear in Simpl. 8r 33, 21. Here they are intimately connected with the two preceding lines, but their connection with the following lines is forced, and the following lines\u2014as I shall hope to show\u2014belong better in another connection. Accordingly, I propose to identify 114-115 with 94-95 and to insert 112-113 before 94-95. The order will then be 90-93, 112-113, 94-95 (= 114-115). The insertion of 112-113 between 93 and 94 is confirmed by the fact that 112-113 form the natural response to 93 and give a fitting introduction to 94-95.\r\n67-68 = 116-117 (cf. 248). Lines 67-68 appear in this connection several times in Simplicius, and indeed 70-73 appear directly after 118 at Simpl. 8r 33, 26. Stein inserts Simpl. 8r 33, 26 as his line 69. My proposal is to insert both Simpl. 8r 33, 25 and 26 after 68, in which case there is no reason for regarding 116-117 as different from 67-68. So I would read 67-68, 118, 69-73.\r\nThese two changes in the text of Simplicius, which cut out several repetitions, rest on the interpretation of Simpl. 8r 33, 19. Stein breaks this passage after 33, 25 and inserts 33, 26 as line 69. I propose to break it at the point where the meaning halts, namely after 33, 22; the first four lines I would place after 93 as I have suggested in the last paragraph but one, and the remainder after 66, as I have suggested in the last paragraph.\r\n134 = 138. Line 134, which consists simply of the word sphairon, has no reason for existence; as the reference in Simpl. 258r may perfectly well apply to line 138.\r\n3 = 228. The close resemblance between these two lines may be due to the restoration of 228. We may notice, however, merimnas (3, 45, 228) and deila (3, 53, 228, 343, 400, 441, 446) are favourite words with Empedokles, so that perhaps there is no reason to discredit line 228.\r\nIn conclusion, I should like to suggest a slight emendation of line 85. The text of Simplicius at 34r 158, 24 reads met\u2018 osoisin (so aE; DE met\u2018 ossoisin); Preller suggests g\u2018 ossoisin; Panzerbieter, meth\u2018 oloisin. What is wanted is a reference to the four elements, with which Love works, though her activity cannot be discerned by mortal men. So I would suggest meta toisin, since tauta, tade, ta are commonly used to refer to the elements in the whole poem. [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"1898","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/1EJm8S2SsGJjpTn","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":94,"full_name":"Fairbanks, Arthur ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":597,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review","volume":"12","issue":"1","pages":"16-17"}},"sort":[1898]}

Die Polemik des Simplicius gegen Alexander und Andere in dem Commentar des ersteren zu der aristotelischen Schrif de coelo, 1897
By: Zahlfleisch, Johann

Title	Die Polemik des Simplicius gegen Alexander und Andere in dem Commentar des ersteren zu der aristotelischen Schrif de coelo
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1897
Journal	Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume	10
Issue	3
Pages	191-227
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zahlfleisch, Johann
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In dem Artikel geht es um die Polemik des Simplicius gegen Alexander im Zusammenhang mit der aristotelischen Schrift De Caelo. Während Alexander behauptet, dass es in der Schrift um die physikalischen Verhältnisse der Himmelssphäre geht, argumentiert Simplicius, dass es Aristoteles vielmehr darum geht, die letzte Ursache in der Leitung der Welt anzugeben. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4kk7bZgKnVIHNFv

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1213","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1213,"authors_free":[{"id":1795,"entry_id":1213,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":367,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Zahlfleisch, Johann","free_first_name":"Johann","free_last_name":"Zahlfleisch","norm_person":{"id":367,"first_name":"Johann","last_name":"Zahlfleisch","full_name":"Zahlfleisch, Johann","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116948736","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Die Polemik des Simplicius gegen Alexander und Andere in dem Commentar des ersteren zu der aristotelischen Schrif de coelo","main_title":{"title":"Die Polemik des Simplicius gegen Alexander und Andere in dem Commentar des ersteren zu der aristotelischen Schrif de coelo"},"abstract":"In dem Artikel geht es um die Polemik des Simplicius gegen Alexander im Zusammenhang mit der aristotelischen Schrift De Caelo. W\u00e4hrend Alexander behauptet, dass es in der Schrift um die physikalischen Verh\u00e4ltnisse der Himmelssph\u00e4re geht, argumentiert Simplicius, dass es Aristoteles vielmehr darum geht, die letzte Ursache in der Leitung der Welt anzugeben. [introduction]","btype":3,"date":"1897","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/4kk7bZgKnVIHNFv","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":367,"full_name":"Zahlfleisch, Johann","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1213,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Archiv f\u00fcr Geschichte der Philosophie","volume":"10","issue":"3","pages":"191-227"}},"sort":[1897]}

Sur la période finale de la philosophie grecque, 1896
By: Tannery, Paul

Title	Sur la période finale de la philosophie grecque
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1896
Journal	Revue philosophique de la France et de L'Étranger
Volume	42
Pages	266-287
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tannery, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Les historiens de la philosophie grecque ont pris, entre autres, deux habitudes : la première est de passer sous silence tout personnage reconnu comme chrétien, quand bien même ses écrits suivraient la tradition des maîtres païens ; la seconde est d'adopter comme limite inférieure la date de la fermeture, par Justinien, de l'école d'Athènes en 529. C'est ainsi qu'Édouard Zeller, pour ne citer que son exemple, ne consacre pas une ligne de son texte à Jean Philopon, dont cependant il invoque assez souvent dans ses notes les commentaires sur Aristote ; c'est ainsi encore qu'il parle de Simplicius avant de raconter l'exode en Perse des philosophes d'Athènes, quoique, avec son exactitude ordinaire, il ait soin de remarquer que les ouvrages les plus importants du dernier diadochos sont postérieurs à 529. Ces indications suffisent à montrer que les deux errements que j'ai signalés et qui, à première vue, ne semblent avoir rien de commun, se rattachent cependant à une même opinion, aussi généralement reçue qu'elle est probablement difficile à ébranler. Cette opinion est que le travail, si considérable pourtant, des commentateurs d'Aristote est, dans l'histoire de la philosophie, tout à fait négligeable vis-à-vis de l'œuvre des néoplatoniciens. Je ne veux nullement contester que le mouvement intellectuel dont on rattache l'origine à Ammonius Saccas soit le seul courant qui, en dehors du christianisme, ait, à cette époque de décadence, persisté avec une réelle originalité, malgré le flot montant d'une nouvelle religion, apportant avec elle d'autres solutions aux problèmes métaphysiques, introduisant d'autres habitudes d'esprit, d'autres modes de raisonnement. Je considère également comme tout à fait rationnel de séparer en principe l'histoire de la philosophie ancienne et celle de la philosophie chrétienne, quoique, à partir du IVᵉ siècle, les représentants de cette dernière aient certainement été à la hauteur de leurs rivaux païens ; les influences réciproques que les uns ont pu exercer sur les autres sont en effet beaucoup trop faibles pour qu'il y ait intérêt à lier intimement l'étude des deux camps ennemis. Il n'y a cependant pas là, évidemment, des raisons suffisantes soit pour négliger l'étude des commentateurs d'Aristote postérieurs à Alexandre d'Aphrodisias, soit pour faire rentrer cette étude dans celle du néoplatonisme, en écartant les chrétiens comme Jean Philopon. L'œuvre de ces commentateurs a en effet une importance historique bien supérieure à celle de l'école de Plotin ; quoique cette dernière n'ait nullement été inconnue des Arabes, ni des scolastiques du Moyen Âge, ses doctrines n'ont plus joué, à partir du VIᵉ siècle de notre ère, qu'un rôle passablement insignifiant, sauf le mouvement factice qui s'est produit un moment en leur faveur à la Renaissance. Depuis lors, l'intérêt qu'elles ont provoqué, notamment dans notre siècle, est d'un ordre purement historique. On doit affirmer au contraire que ce sont les commentateurs anciens d'Aristote qui ont décidé le succès des doctrines de leur maître chez les Arabes et, dès lors, par contre-coup, dans l'Occident latin. D'autre part, un fait méconnu, je crois, jusqu'à présent, mais que je me propose particulièrement de mettre en lumière, à savoir qu'après Ammonius, fils d'Hermias, l'école d'Alexandrie est devenue chrétienne, mais qu'on n'en a pas moins continué à y professer la philosophie aristotélique jusqu'à l'invasion arabe, ce fait, dis-je, avait naturellement amené une adaptation de cette philosophie à une religion monothéiste enseignant la création. Cette circonstance ne laissait pour ainsi dire aucune liberté de choix aux Arabes ; en même temps que les écrits des commentateurs idolâtres ou non, constituant un corps de doctrine complet, ils rencontraient, soit en Égypte, soit chez les Syriaques ou les Arméniens, une tradition vivante pour l'enseignement aristotélique aux fidèles d'une religion tout à fait semblable à la leur. Beaucoup moins originaux, comme penseurs ou comme savants, qu'on l'a supposé sans un examen approfondi, ils ne pouvaient que se mettre à la même école, et ils ne surent guère s'en affranchir. Avant donc les Arabes, avant nos scolastiques de l'Occident latin, les commentateurs grecs d'Aristote ont créé la méthode exégétique, signalé les points de controverse, indiqué des solutions qui se sont perpétuées. Ils n'ont pas été seulement des précurseurs, mais bien de véritables maîtres, dont l'influence a persisté jusqu'au XVIIIᵉ siècle. [introduction p. 266-268]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zOpjj1OBM4BnCRa

{"_index":"sire","_id":"476","_score":null,"_source":{"id":476,"authors_free":[{"id":642,"entry_id":476,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":329,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tannery, Paul","free_first_name":"Paul","free_last_name":"Tannery","norm_person":{"id":329,"first_name":"Paul","last_name":"Tannery","full_name":"Tannery, Paul","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117201065","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Sur la p\u00e9riode finale de la philosophie grecque","main_title":{"title":"Sur la p\u00e9riode finale de la philosophie grecque"},"abstract":"Les historiens de la philosophie grecque ont pris, entre autres, deux habitudes : la premi\u00e8re est de passer sous silence tout personnage reconnu comme chr\u00e9tien, quand bien m\u00eame ses \u00e9crits suivraient la tradition des ma\u00eetres pa\u00efens ; la seconde est d'adopter comme limite inf\u00e9rieure la date de la fermeture, par Justinien, de l'\u00e9cole d'Ath\u00e8nes en 529.\r\n\r\nC'est ainsi qu'\u00c9douard Zeller, pour ne citer que son exemple, ne consacre pas une ligne de son texte \u00e0 Jean Philopon, dont cependant il invoque assez souvent dans ses notes les commentaires sur Aristote ; c'est ainsi encore qu'il parle de Simplicius avant de raconter l'exode en Perse des philosophes d'Ath\u00e8nes, quoique, avec son exactitude ordinaire, il ait soin de remarquer que les ouvrages les plus importants du dernier diadochos sont post\u00e9rieurs \u00e0 529.\r\n\r\nCes indications suffisent \u00e0 montrer que les deux errements que j'ai signal\u00e9s et qui, \u00e0 premi\u00e8re vue, ne semblent avoir rien de commun, se rattachent cependant \u00e0 une m\u00eame opinion, aussi g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement re\u00e7ue qu'elle est probablement difficile \u00e0 \u00e9branler. Cette opinion est que le travail, si consid\u00e9rable pourtant, des commentateurs d'Aristote est, dans l'histoire de la philosophie, tout \u00e0 fait n\u00e9gligeable vis-\u00e0-vis de l'\u0153uvre des n\u00e9oplatoniciens.\r\n\r\nJe ne veux nullement contester que le mouvement intellectuel dont on rattache l'origine \u00e0 Ammonius Saccas soit le seul courant qui, en dehors du christianisme, ait, \u00e0 cette \u00e9poque de d\u00e9cadence, persist\u00e9 avec une r\u00e9elle originalit\u00e9, malgr\u00e9 le flot montant d'une nouvelle religion, apportant avec elle d'autres solutions aux probl\u00e8mes m\u00e9taphysiques, introduisant d'autres habitudes d'esprit, d'autres modes de raisonnement.\r\n\r\nJe consid\u00e8re \u00e9galement comme tout \u00e0 fait rationnel de s\u00e9parer en principe l'histoire de la philosophie ancienne et celle de la philosophie chr\u00e9tienne, quoique, \u00e0 partir du IV\u1d49 si\u00e8cle, les repr\u00e9sentants de cette derni\u00e8re aient certainement \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e0 la hauteur de leurs rivaux pa\u00efens ; les influences r\u00e9ciproques que les uns ont pu exercer sur les autres sont en effet beaucoup trop faibles pour qu'il y ait int\u00e9r\u00eat \u00e0 lier intimement l'\u00e9tude des deux camps ennemis.\r\n\r\nIl n'y a cependant pas l\u00e0, \u00e9videmment, des raisons suffisantes soit pour n\u00e9gliger l'\u00e9tude des commentateurs d'Aristote post\u00e9rieurs \u00e0 Alexandre d'Aphrodisias, soit pour faire rentrer cette \u00e9tude dans celle du n\u00e9oplatonisme, en \u00e9cartant les chr\u00e9tiens comme Jean Philopon.\r\n\r\nL'\u0153uvre de ces commentateurs a en effet une importance historique bien sup\u00e9rieure \u00e0 celle de l'\u00e9cole de Plotin ; quoique cette derni\u00e8re n'ait nullement \u00e9t\u00e9 inconnue des Arabes, ni des scolastiques du Moyen \u00c2ge, ses doctrines n'ont plus jou\u00e9, \u00e0 partir du VI\u1d49 si\u00e8cle de notre \u00e8re, qu'un r\u00f4le passablement insignifiant, sauf le mouvement factice qui s'est produit un moment en leur faveur \u00e0 la Renaissance. Depuis lors, l'int\u00e9r\u00eat qu'elles ont provoqu\u00e9, notamment dans notre si\u00e8cle, est d'un ordre purement historique.\r\n\r\nOn doit affirmer au contraire que ce sont les commentateurs anciens d'Aristote qui ont d\u00e9cid\u00e9 le succ\u00e8s des doctrines de leur ma\u00eetre chez les Arabes et, d\u00e8s lors, par contre-coup, dans l'Occident latin.\r\n\r\nD'autre part, un fait m\u00e9connu, je crois, jusqu'\u00e0 pr\u00e9sent, mais que je me propose particuli\u00e8rement de mettre en lumi\u00e8re, \u00e0 savoir qu'apr\u00e8s Ammonius, fils d'Hermias, l'\u00e9cole d'Alexandrie est devenue chr\u00e9tienne, mais qu'on n'en a pas moins continu\u00e9 \u00e0 y professer la philosophie aristot\u00e9lique jusqu'\u00e0 l'invasion arabe, ce fait, dis-je, avait naturellement amen\u00e9 une adaptation de cette philosophie \u00e0 une religion monoth\u00e9iste enseignant la cr\u00e9ation.\r\n\r\nCette circonstance ne laissait pour ainsi dire aucune libert\u00e9 de choix aux Arabes ; en m\u00eame temps que les \u00e9crits des commentateurs idol\u00e2tres ou non, constituant un corps de doctrine complet, ils rencontraient, soit en \u00c9gypte, soit chez les Syriaques ou les Arm\u00e9niens, une tradition vivante pour l'enseignement aristot\u00e9lique aux fid\u00e8les d'une religion tout \u00e0 fait semblable \u00e0 la leur.\r\n\r\nBeaucoup moins originaux, comme penseurs ou comme savants, qu'on l'a suppos\u00e9 sans un examen approfondi, ils ne pouvaient que se mettre \u00e0 la m\u00eame \u00e9cole, et ils ne surent gu\u00e8re s'en affranchir.\r\n\r\nAvant donc les Arabes, avant nos scolastiques de l'Occident latin, les commentateurs grecs d'Aristote ont cr\u00e9\u00e9 la m\u00e9thode ex\u00e9g\u00e9tique, signal\u00e9 les points de controverse, indiqu\u00e9 des solutions qui se sont perp\u00e9tu\u00e9es. Ils n'ont pas \u00e9t\u00e9 seulement des pr\u00e9curseurs, mais bien de v\u00e9ritables ma\u00eetres, dont l'influence a persist\u00e9 jusqu'au XVIII\u1d49 si\u00e8cle. [introduction p. 266-268]","btype":3,"date":"1896","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/zOpjj1OBM4BnCRa","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":329,"full_name":"Tannery, Paul","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":476,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue philosophique de la France et de L'\u00c9tranger","volume":"42","issue":"","pages":"266-287"}},"sort":[1896]}

Simplicii in Aristotelis physicorum libros quattuor posteriores commentaria, 1895
By: Diels, Hermann (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicii in Aristotelis physicorum libros quattuor posteriores commentaria
Type	Monograph
Language	undefined
Date	1895
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Reimers
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca
Volume	10
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Diels, Hermann
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6WQLy8FVouLd2Ad

{"_index":"sire","_id":"139","_score":null,"_source":{"id":139,"authors_free":[{"id":174,"entry_id":139,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":91,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Diels, Hermann","free_first_name":"Hermann","free_last_name":"Diels","norm_person":{"id":91,"first_name":"Hermann","last_name":"Diels","full_name":"Diels, Hermann","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119061457","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2477,"entry_id":139,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicii in Aristotelis physicorum libros quattuor posteriores commentaria","main_title":{"title":"Simplicii in Aristotelis physicorum libros quattuor posteriores commentaria"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1895","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6WQLy8FVouLd2Ad","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":91,"full_name":"Diels, Hermann","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":139,"pubplace":"Berlin","publisher":"Reimers","series":"Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca","volume":"10","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1895]}

Simplicii in Aristotelis De caelo Commentaria, 1894
By: Heiberg, Johan Ludvig (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicii in Aristotelis De caelo Commentaria
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1894
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Reimer
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca
Volume	7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Heiberg, Johan Ludvig
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/uhpQIRcFwoFdVHF

{"_index":"sire","_id":"127","_score":null,"_source":{"id":127,"authors_free":[{"id":156,"entry_id":127,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":229,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Heiberg, Johan Ludvig","free_first_name":"Johan Ludvig","free_last_name":"Heiberg","norm_person":{"id":229,"first_name":"Johan Ludvig","last_name":"Heiberg","full_name":"Heiberg, Johan Ludvig","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/120334100","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2466,"entry_id":127,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicii in Aristotelis De caelo Commentaria","main_title":{"title":"Simplicii in Aristotelis De caelo Commentaria"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1894","language":"Latin","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/uhpQIRcFwoFdVHF","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":229,"full_name":"Heiberg, Johan Ludvig","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":127,"pubplace":"Berlin","publisher":"Reimer","series":"Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca","volume":"7","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1894]}

Handschriftliches zum Commentar des Simplicius zu Aristoteles de caelo, 1892
By: Heiberg, Johan Ludvig

Title	Handschriftliches zum Commentar des Simplicius zu Aristoteles de caelo
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1892
Journal	Sitzungsberichte der Königlich-Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin
Pages	59-76
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Heiberg, Johan Ludvig
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Über dem Kommentar des Simplicius zu Aristoteles De caelo hat bisher ein besonderer Unglücksstern gewaltet. Das wichtige Werk liegt griechisch nur in zwei Ausgaben vor: der Aldina von 1526, deren Text von Peyron als Rückübersetzung der lateinischen Übersetzung Wilhelms von Moerbeke bezeichnet wurde, an welcher Entdeckung jedoch von neueren wieder gerüttelt worden ist, und der holländischen Akademie-Ausgabe vom Jahre 1865, zu deren Charakteristik diese Abhandlung genügendes liefern wird. Beide Ausgaben sind ohne kritischen Apparat, und derselbe Mangel macht auch die Auszüge bei Brandis, die übrigens auf besserer handschriftlicher Grundlage fußen, wenig brauchbar, besonders für die zahlreichen Zitate aus verlorenen Schriften, welche diesem Werke des Simplicius einen besonderen Wert geben. Es soll hier als erster Schritt zur Hebung des Bannes der Versuch gemacht werden, die handschriftliche Grundlage dieses Werkes festzustellen. [introduction p. 59]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/umbt971kuW4QUC0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"514","_score":null,"_source":{"id":514,"authors_free":[{"id":2059,"entry_id":514,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":229,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Heiberg, Johan Ludvig","free_first_name":"Johan Ludvig","free_last_name":"Heiberg","norm_person":{"id":229,"first_name":"Johan Ludvig","last_name":"Heiberg","full_name":"Heiberg, Johan Ludvig","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/120334100","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Handschriftliches zum Commentar des Simplicius zu Aristoteles de caelo","main_title":{"title":"Handschriftliches zum Commentar des Simplicius zu Aristoteles de caelo"},"abstract":"\u00dcber dem Kommentar des Simplicius zu Aristoteles De caelo hat bisher ein besonderer Ungl\u00fccksstern gewaltet. Das wichtige Werk liegt griechisch nur in zwei Ausgaben vor: der Aldina von 1526, deren Text von Peyron als R\u00fcck\u00fcbersetzung der lateinischen \u00dcbersetzung Wilhelms von Moerbeke bezeichnet wurde, an welcher Entdeckung jedoch von neueren wieder ger\u00fcttelt worden ist, und der holl\u00e4ndischen Akademie-Ausgabe vom Jahre 1865, zu deren Charakteristik diese Abhandlung gen\u00fcgendes liefern wird.\r\n\r\nBeide Ausgaben sind ohne kritischen Apparat, und derselbe Mangel macht auch die Ausz\u00fcge bei Brandis, die \u00fcbrigens auf besserer handschriftlicher Grundlage fu\u00dfen, wenig brauchbar, besonders f\u00fcr die zahlreichen Zitate aus verlorenen Schriften, welche diesem Werke des Simplicius einen besonderen Wert geben.\r\n\r\nEs soll hier als erster Schritt zur Hebung des Bannes der Versuch gemacht werden, die handschriftliche Grundlage dieses Werkes festzustellen. [introduction p. 59]","btype":3,"date":"1892","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/umbt971kuW4QUC0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":229,"full_name":"Heiberg, Johan Ludvig","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":514,"section_of":378,"pages":"59-76","is_catalog":null,"book":null},"article":{"id":514,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Sitzungsberichte der K\u00f6niglich-Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin","volume":"","issue":"","pages":"59-76"}},"sort":[1892]}

Simplicii in libros Aristotelis De anima Commentaria, 1882
By: Hayduck, Michael (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicii in libros Aristotelis De anima Commentaria
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1882
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Reimer
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca
Volume	11
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Hayduck, Michael
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1B6GoaZKyfTpbO6

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Simplicii in Aristotelis Physicorum libros quattuor priores commentaria, 1882
By: Diels, Hermann (Ed.), Simplicius, Diels, Hermann

Title	Simplicii in Aristotelis Physicorum libros quattuor priores commentaria
Type	Monograph
Language	Greek
Date	1882
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Reimer
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem graeca
Volume	9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Diels, Hermann
Editor(s)	Diels, Hermann
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/71VqaL4eRrEvyGk

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1304","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1304,"authors_free":[{"id":1927,"entry_id":1304,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":91,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Diels, Hermann","free_first_name":"Hermann","free_last_name":"Diels","norm_person":{"id":91,"first_name":"Hermann","last_name":"Diels","full_name":"Diels, Hermann","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119061457","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1928,"entry_id":1304,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":2353,"entry_id":1304,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":91,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Diels, Hermann","free_first_name":"Hermann","free_last_name":"Diels","norm_person":{"id":91,"first_name":"Hermann","last_name":"Diels","full_name":"Diels, Hermann","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119061457","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicii in Aristotelis Physicorum libros quattuor priores commentaria","main_title":{"title":"Simplicii in Aristotelis Physicorum libros quattuor priores commentaria"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1882","language":"Greek","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/71VqaL4eRrEvyGk","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":91,"full_name":"Diels, Hermann","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}},{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":91,"full_name":"Diels, Hermann","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":1304,"pubplace":"Berlin","publisher":"Reimer","series":"Commentaria in Aristotelem graeca","volume":"9","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1882]}

ΠΕΡΙ ΤΥΧΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΥ ΑΥΤΟΜΑΤΟΥ. Aristot. Phys. B 4-6, 1875
By: Torstrik, Adolf

Title	ΠΕΡΙ ΤΥΧΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΥ ΑΥΤΟΜΑΤΟΥ. Aristot. Phys. B 4-6
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1875
Journal	Hermes
Volume	9
Issue	4
Pages	425-470
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Torstrik, Adolf
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Werfen wir nun noch einen Blick auf den zurückgelegten Weg, so finden wir in dieser Abhandlung eine solche Masse von Verderbnis, wie kaum in irgendeinem anderen Teil gleichen Umfangs der aristotelischen Schriften. Und hier handelt es sich keineswegs um jene harmlosen Verschreibungen und Auslassungen, die sich hier wie überall finden; auch nicht bloß um einen so plumpen und gemeinen Fälscher, der zu drei verschiedenen Malen dem Aristoteles sein exô und entos aufdrängt, das hier lediglich nichts zu schaffen hat, einen Mann von der Geistesrichtung etwa des Straton; nein, bis ins Herz des Begriffs ist die Fälschung gedrungen durch die, welche dem Aristoteles die Meinung zuschrieben, zufällig sei das, was auch ein Werk des Verstandes oder der Natur sein könnte. Andererseits fanden wir gewisse Unvollkommenheiten, welche uns die Vermutung nahelegten, Aristoteles habe zwar den ganzen architektonischen Bau angelegt und den größten Teil auch ausgeführt, einige kleine Teile aber nur für sich durch ein memento angedeutet, welche Teile dann von dem, der dieses Werk herausgegeben hat – also doch wohl Eudemus – nicht immer zum Besten ausgeführt worden seien. Dies verdient Nachsicht, umso eher, als wir an der frommsten Gewissenhaftigkeit des Herausgebers nicht zweifeln können: hat er uns doch sogar an zwei Stellen einen Einblick in die Art gewährt, wie Aristoteles arbeitete, indem er uns zwei Fassungen desselben Gedankens überliefert hat, die er in den Papieren des Meisters vorgefunden hat. Es schließen sich diese doppelten Fassungen den übrigen an, die uns in der Psychologie, der Metaphysik und so vielen anderen Schriften erhalten sind; Tatsachen, die ihre volle Würdigung erst dann finden werden, wenn es sich einst darum handeln wird, die Geschichte des aristotelischen Textes zu schreiben. Aber nicht für den Philologen allein, auch für den Philosophen hat diese Abhandlung des Aristoteles hohe Bedeutung. Sicher geleitet an der Hand der griechischen Sprache, welche mit der zartesten Auffassung aller Schattierungen, die in der Erscheinungswelt des Menschenlebens spielen – wie man dies besonders in der Ethik erkennt – einen metaphysischen Tiefsinn verbindet, die sie zu mehr als zum vollkommensten Werkzeug der Philosophie macht, die sie in dieser selbst zum Ariadnefaden machte, ist es dem Aristoteles gelungen, durch die Entwicklung eines unscheinbaren und von den spekulativen Philosophen meistens auf die Seite geschobenen Begriffs dem Materialismus einen Streich zu versetzen, den er nicht verwinden wird, ohne sich mit dem, was in aller Erscheinung das Offenbarste ist, in Widerspruch zu setzen. Dies Offensichtliche, das a-lêthes, ist der Zweck; und wir sehen denn auch, dass die Materialisten aller Zeiten den Zweck am meisten bekämpfen. Mit Recht: hebt ihn auf, und ihr habt das aition kath' hauto aufgehoben und den göttlichen Kosmos in den wüsten Strudel sich sinnlos befehdender Kräfte gerissen. Dinos basileuei. [conclusion p. 469-470]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Sg8QDCMsdh5qIuI

{"_index":"sire","_id":"841","_score":null,"_source":{"id":841,"authors_free":[{"id":1245,"entry_id":841,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":342,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Torstrik, Adolf","free_first_name":"Adolf","free_last_name":"Torstrik","norm_person":{"id":342,"first_name":"Adolf","last_name":"Torstrik","full_name":"Torstrik, Adolf","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117407224","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"\u03a0\u0395\u03a1\u0399 \u03a4\u03a5\u03a7\u0397\u03a3 \u039a\u0391\u0399 \u03a4\u039f\u03a5 \u0391\u03a5\u03a4\u039f\u039c\u0391\u03a4\u039f\u03a5. Aristot. Phys. B 4-6","main_title":{"title":"\u03a0\u0395\u03a1\u0399 \u03a4\u03a5\u03a7\u0397\u03a3 \u039a\u0391\u0399 \u03a4\u039f\u03a5 \u0391\u03a5\u03a4\u039f\u039c\u0391\u03a4\u039f\u03a5. Aristot. Phys. B 4-6"},"abstract":"Werfen wir nun noch einen Blick auf den zur\u00fcckgelegten Weg, so finden wir in dieser Abhandlung eine solche Masse von Verderbnis, wie kaum in irgendeinem anderen Teil gleichen Umfangs der aristotelischen Schriften. Und hier handelt es sich keineswegs um jene harmlosen Verschreibungen und Auslassungen, die sich hier wie \u00fcberall finden; auch nicht blo\u00df um einen so plumpen und gemeinen F\u00e4lscher, der zu drei verschiedenen Malen dem Aristoteles sein ex\u00f4 und entos aufdr\u00e4ngt, das hier lediglich nichts zu schaffen hat, einen Mann von der Geistesrichtung etwa des Straton; nein, bis ins Herz des Begriffs ist die F\u00e4lschung gedrungen durch die, welche dem Aristoteles die Meinung zuschrieben, zuf\u00e4llig sei das, was auch ein Werk des Verstandes oder der Natur sein k\u00f6nnte.\r\n\r\nAndererseits fanden wir gewisse Unvollkommenheiten, welche uns die Vermutung nahelegten, Aristoteles habe zwar den ganzen architektonischen Bau angelegt und den gr\u00f6\u00dften Teil auch ausgef\u00fchrt, einige kleine Teile aber nur f\u00fcr sich durch ein memento angedeutet, welche Teile dann von dem, der dieses Werk herausgegeben hat \u2013 also doch wohl Eudemus \u2013 nicht immer zum Besten ausgef\u00fchrt worden seien. Dies verdient Nachsicht, umso eher, als wir an der frommsten Gewissenhaftigkeit des Herausgebers nicht zweifeln k\u00f6nnen: hat er uns doch sogar an zwei Stellen einen Einblick in die Art gew\u00e4hrt, wie Aristoteles arbeitete, indem er uns zwei Fassungen desselben Gedankens \u00fcberliefert hat, die er in den Papieren des Meisters vorgefunden hat. Es schlie\u00dfen sich diese doppelten Fassungen den \u00fcbrigen an, die uns in der Psychologie, der Metaphysik und so vielen anderen Schriften erhalten sind; Tatsachen, die ihre volle W\u00fcrdigung erst dann finden werden, wenn es sich einst darum handeln wird, die Geschichte des aristotelischen Textes zu schreiben.\r\n\r\nAber nicht f\u00fcr den Philologen allein, auch f\u00fcr den Philosophen hat diese Abhandlung des Aristoteles hohe Bedeutung. Sicher geleitet an der Hand der griechischen Sprache, welche mit der zartesten Auffassung aller Schattierungen, die in der Erscheinungswelt des Menschenlebens spielen \u2013 wie man dies besonders in der Ethik erkennt \u2013 einen metaphysischen Tiefsinn verbindet, die sie zu mehr als zum vollkommensten Werkzeug der Philosophie macht, die sie in dieser selbst zum Ariadnefaden machte, ist es dem Aristoteles gelungen, durch die Entwicklung eines unscheinbaren und von den spekulativen Philosophen meistens auf die Seite geschobenen Begriffs dem Materialismus einen Streich zu versetzen, den er nicht verwinden wird, ohne sich mit dem, was in aller Erscheinung das Offenbarste ist, in Widerspruch zu setzen.\r\n\r\nDies Offensichtliche, das a-l\u00eathes, ist der Zweck; und wir sehen denn auch, dass die Materialisten aller Zeiten den Zweck am meisten bek\u00e4mpfen. Mit Recht: hebt ihn auf, und ihr habt das aition kath' hauto aufgehoben und den g\u00f6ttlichen Kosmos in den w\u00fcsten Strudel sich sinnlos befehdender Kr\u00e4fte gerissen. Dinos basileuei. [conclusion p. 469-470]","btype":3,"date":"1875","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Sg8QDCMsdh5qIuI","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":342,"full_name":"Torstrik, Adolf","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":841,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"9","issue":"4","pages":"425-470"}},"sort":[1875]}

Simplikios' Commentar zu Epiktetos Handbuch, 1867
By: Simplicius, Enk, K. (Ed.)

Title	Simplikios' Commentar zu Epiktetos Handbuch
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1867
Publication Place	Wien
Publisher	Beck
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Enk, K.
Translator(s)	Enk, K.(Enk, K.) ,

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wQrDndzStcjmgWc

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Simplicii commentarius in IV libros Aristotelis de caelo, 1865
By: Karsten, Simon (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicii commentarius in IV libros Aristotelis de caelo
Type	Monograph
Language	undefined
Date	1865
Publication Place	Trajecti ad Rhenum
Publisher	Apud Kemink et Filium
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Karsten, Simon
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Dbnvw5qT6230wFc

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Note sur les observations astronomiques envoyées, dit-on, de Babylone en Grèce, par Callisthène, sur la demande d'Aristote, 1862
By: Martin, Thomas Henri

Title	Note sur les observations astronomiques envoyées, dit-on, de Babylone en Grèce, par Callisthène, sur la demande d'Aristote
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1862
Journal	Revue Archéologique, Nouvelle Série
Volume	5
Pages	243-246
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Martin, Thomas Henri
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

L'importance du mémoire lu à l'Académie des inscriptions par M. Th. Henri Martin dans la séance du 21 février, et dont nous avons dit un mot dans le compte rendu des séances de l’Académie du mois dernier, nous engage à en donner un résumé plus complet. Plus, en effet, l’opinion soutenue par M. Vivien de Saint-Martin est séduisante au premier abord, plus il est nécessaire d’examiner avec soin les bases sur lesquelles elle repose. Or, M. Henri Martin conteste l’authenticité du chiffre 1903 et apporte à l’appui de sa conviction des arguments qui nous semblent très puissants. Il est donc de notre devoir de mettre nos lecteurs à même de juger la valeur des assertions de M. Henri Martin qui, si elles sont acceptées, ruinent complètement les conclusions de M. Vivien de Saint-Martin. [introduction p. 243]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/39NzQsbvM2BCm0e

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Theophrasti Characteres, Marci Antonini Commentarii, Epicteti Dissertationes ab Arriano literis mandatae, Fragmenta et Enchiridion cum commentario Simplicii, Cebetis Tabula, Maximi Tyrii Dissertationes, graece et latine cum indicibus, Theophrasti Characteres XV et Maximum Tyrium ex antiquissimis codicibus accurate excussis emendavit, 1840
By: Dübner, Friedrich (Ed.)

Title	Theophrasti Characteres, Marci Antonini Commentarii, Epicteti Dissertationes ab Arriano literis mandatae, Fragmenta et Enchiridion cum commentario Simplicii, Cebetis Tabula, Maximi Tyrii Dissertationes, graece et latine cum indicibus, Theophrasti Characteres XV et Maximum Tyrium ex antiquissimis codicibus accurate excussis emendavit
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1840
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Firmin Didot
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Dübner, Friedrich
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rvxXqedTFzKy5R3

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The Treatises of Aristotle On the Heavens, On generation and corruption, and On meteors, 1807
By: Aristoteles,

Title	The Treatises of Aristotle On the Heavens, On generation and corruption, and On meteors
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1807
Publication Place	Montana
Publisher	Kessinger Publishing, LLC
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Aristoteles
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Taylor, Thomas(Taylor, Thomas) .

This volume contains On the Heavens with most of the Commentary of Simplicius (some of which is not available in any other English translation), On Generation & Corruption; On Meteors, including the Commentary of Olympiodorus. The translations of Aristotle by Taylor are unique amongst those of modern times because Thomas Taylor was convinced - as were the neoplatonists of late antiquity - that Aristotle should be read and understood as a Platonist rather than as a dissenter from his teacher. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UAmJGYciowfNrAw

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Caput XXIV. (olim XXIX.) De Simplicio, interprete Aristotelis et Epicteti, 1804
By: Fabricius, Johann Albert , Fabricius, Johann Albert (Ed.), Harless, Adolf Gottlieb Christoph (Ed.)

Title	Caput XXIV. (olim XXIX.) De Simplicio, interprete Aristotelis et Epicteti
Type	Book Section
Language	Latin
Date	1804
Published in	Bibliotheca Graeca. Sive notitia scriptorum ueterum Graecorum, Vol. 9. Editio nova, curante Gottlieb Christophero Harles.
Pages	529-568
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fabricius, Johann Albert
Editor(s)	Fabricius, Johann Albert , Harless, Adolf Gottlieb Christoph
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/svsBTP48ixwjLF5

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Bibliotheca Graeca. Sive notitia scriptorum ueterum Graecorum, Vol. 9. Editio nova, curante Gottlieb Christophero Harles., 1804
By: Fabricius, Johann Albert, Harless, Adolf Gottlieb Christoph (Ed.)

Title	Bibliotheca Graeca. Sive notitia scriptorum ueterum Graecorum, Vol. 9. Editio nova, curante Gottlieb Christophero Harles.
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1804
Publication Place	Hamburg
Publisher	Carolum Ernestum Bohn
Series	Bibliotheca Graeca
Volume	9
Edition No.	nova
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fabricius, Johann Albert
Editor(s)	Harless, Adolf Gottlieb Christoph
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vUaUAT2tvCEEVgP

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Simplicii Commentarius in Epicteti Encheiridion, accedit Enchiridii paraphrasis christiana et Nili Encheiridion, tomus posterior, 1800
By: Schweighäuser, Johann (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicii Commentarius in Epicteti Encheiridion, accedit Enchiridii paraphrasis christiana et Nili Encheiridion, tomus posterior
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1800
Publication Place	Lipsiae
Publisher	Weidmann
Series	Epicteteae Philosophiae Monumenta
Volume	4-5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Schweighäuser, Johann
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/unmDLxiD9xFG0vc

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Simplicii Commentarius in Epicteti Enchiridion, 1778
By: Simplicius, Schulthess, Johann Georg,

Title	Simplicii Commentarius in Epicteti Enchiridion
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1778
Publication Place	Zürich
Publisher	Orell, Füssli und Co
Series	Bibliothek der griechischen Philosophen
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Schulthess, Johann Georg
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Schulthess, Johann Georg() .

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/J2pSqquEihu2i7D

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Commentar zu Epicteti Enchiridion, 1776
By: Schulthess, Johann Georg

Title	Commentar zu Epicteti Enchiridion
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1776
Publication Place	Zürich
Publisher	Orell, Geßner, Fueßlin
Series	Bibliothek der griechischen Philosophen
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schulthess, Johann Georg
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oJCZ4zliGq52PuG

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Epictetus his Morals, with Simplicius his Comment. Made English from the Greek by George Stanhope, with the life of Epictetus, from Monfieur Boileau. , 1694
By: Stanhope, George (Ed.), Simplicius, Epictetus,

Title	Epictetus his Morals, with Simplicius his Comment. Made English from the Greek by George Stanhope, with the life of Epictetus, from Monfieur Boileau.
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1694
Publication Place	London
Edition No.	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Epictetus
Editor(s)	Stanhope, George
Translator(s)	Stanhope, George(Stanhope, George) .

I do not intend to give a tedious account of the work itself, but shall only say that it has been my endeavor to express the author’s sense with all the ease and freedom I could, so as to avoid both the slavery of a literal and the licentiousness of a loose and luxuriant interpretation. My design at present is only to make some necessary reflections upon those parts of the Stoic philosophy which are apt to prejudice men against it, and tempt some, from these extravagant systems of moral perfection, to think (at least to plead in defense of their own excesses) that the general rules prescribed for reforming our manners are things too finely thought, sublime, airy, and impracticable speculations. [Preface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gOrohcWUD3cBJs5

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Commentaria Simplicii in tres libros de anima Aristotelis, de Græca lingua in Latinam nuperrimè translata. Evangelista Lungo Asulano Interprete, 1564
By: Simplicius, Asulano, Lungo (Ed.)

Title	Commentaria Simplicii in tres libros de anima Aristotelis, de Græca lingua in Latinam nuperrimè translata. Evangelista Lungo Asulano Interprete
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1564
Publication Place	Venedig
Publisher	Scotus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Asulano, Lungo
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mLZ0Xb5FBTAfO3g

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Epicteti Enchiridion, hoc est pugio, siue ars humanae vitae correctrix; Simplicii in eundem Epicteti libellum doctissima scholia; Arriani Commentariorum de Epicteti Disputationibus libri 4, 1563
By: Simplicius , Wolf, Hieronymus

Title	Epicteti Enchiridion, hoc est pugio, siue ars humanae vitae correctrix; Simplicii in eundem Epicteti libellum doctissima scholia; Arriani Commentariorum de Epicteti Disputationibus libri 4
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1563
Publication Place	Basileae
Publisher	Oporinus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Wolf, Hieronymus
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/o7ZdGX3ZzCBIKXK

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Simplicius, Commentarii in Aristotelis Categorias sive Praedicamenta, graecè: Σιμπλικίου διδασκάλου τοῦ μεγάλου σχόλια ἀπὸ φωνῆς αὐτοῦ, εἰς τὰς Ἀριστοτέλους κατηγορίας, 1551
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, Commentarii in Aristotelis Categorias sive Praedicamenta, graecè: Σιμπλικίου διδασκάλου τοῦ μεγάλου σχόλια ἀπὸ φωνῆς αὐτοῦ, εἰς τὰς Ἀριστοτέλους κατηγορίας
Type	Monograph
Language	Greek
Date	1551
Publication Place	Basel
Publisher	Isingrinius
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qwmfBMRpJ3bAomd

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Simplicius, Commentationes in Praedicamenta Aristotelis, 1550
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, Commentationes in Praedicamenta Aristotelis
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1550
Publication Place	Venedig
Publisher	Scotus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/I4iM9XRCFClqipi

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Simplicii peripatetici acutissimi Commentaria in octo libros Aristotelis de physico audito. Nunquam antae excusa. Lucillo Philaltheo interprete, 1544
By: Philalteo, Lucillo, Simplicius

Title	Simplicii peripatetici acutissimi Commentaria in octo libros Aristotelis de physico audito. Nunquam antae excusa. Lucillo Philaltheo interprete
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1544
Publication Place	Parisiis
Publisher	Apud Ioannem Roigny
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Philalteo, Lucillo , Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Mut1oY8q5W4dVup

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Simplicii philosophi acutissimi Commentaria in quatuor libros Aristotelis De caelo, 1544
By: Simplicius , von Moerbeke, Wilhelm

Title	Simplicii philosophi acutissimi Commentaria in quatuor libros Aristotelis De caelo
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1544
Publication Place	Venetiis
Publisher	Apud Hieronymum Scotum
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , von Moerbeke, Wilhelm
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/t63tyqyP31yFPxj

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Simplicii magni doctoris cognomento Commentationes accuratissimae in Praedicamenta Aristotelis. Quibus postrema etiam sex illa fusius praedicamenta explicantur quae strictim nobis Aristoteles velut per transennam præteriens ostendit: nuper diligentius in latinam linguam translatæ, opus Sebastiano Foscareno, 1543
By: Simplicius ,

Title	Simplicii magni doctoris cognomento Commentationes accuratissimae in Praedicamenta Aristotelis. Quibus postrema etiam sex illa fusius praedicamenta explicantur quae strictim nobis Aristoteles velut per transennam præteriens ostendit: nuper diligentius in latinam linguam translatæ, opus Sebastiano Foscareno
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1543
Publication Place	Venetiis
Publisher	apud Hieronymum Scotum
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Foscareno, Sebastiano(Foscareno, Sebastiano) .

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Dhl6DfAvfK8bSeZ

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Simplicii Commentarii in libros De anima Aristotelis, 1543
By: Simplicius ,

Title	Simplicii Commentarii in libros De anima Aristotelis
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1543
Publication Place	Venetiis
Publisher	Apud Octauianum Scotum
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Faseolus, Joannes(Faseolus, Joannes) .

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/usiqG94NoM344Zb

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Simplicii Commentaria in tres libros Aristotelis De anima: Alexandri Aphridisiei comentaria in librum de sensu & sensibili. Michaelis Ephesii annotationes in librum de memoria & librum reminiscentia, 1527
By: Simplicius, Alexander Aphrodisiensis, Michael von Ephesos

Title	Simplicii Commentaria in tres libros Aristotelis De anima: Alexandri Aphridisiei comentaria in librum de sensu & sensibili. Michaelis Ephesii annotationes in librum de memoria & librum reminiscentia
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1527
Publication Place	Venedig
Publisher	Aldus & Andreas Asulanus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Alexander Aphrodisiensis , Michael von Ephesos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yHbyGGtkVLTzBVT

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Σιμπλικίου ὑπόμνημα εἰς τὸ πρῶτον τῶν Ἀριστοτέλους περὶ οὐράνου, 1526
By: Simplicius

Title	Σιμπλικίου ὑπόμνημα εἰς τὸ πρῶτον τῶν Ἀριστοτέλους περὶ οὐράνου
Type	Monograph
Language	Greek
Date	1526
Publication Place	Venedig
Publisher	Aldus & A. Asulanus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8qKIsBgzjWtheG3

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Simplicius, Commentarii in octo Aristotelis Physicae auscultationis libros, graecè, cum ipso Aristotelis textu: Σιμπλικίου ὑπομνήματα εἰς τὰ ὄκτω Ἀριστοτέλου Φυσικῆς Ἀκροάσεως βιβλία μετὰ τοῦ ὑποκειμένου τοῦ Ἀριστοτέλους, 1526
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, Commentarii in octo Aristotelis Physicae auscultationis libros, graecè, cum ipso Aristotelis textu: Σιμπλικίου ὑπομνήματα εἰς τὰ ὄκτω Ἀριστοτέλου Φυσικῆς Ἀκροάσεως βιβλία μετὰ τοῦ ὑποκειμένου τοῦ Ἀριστοτέλους
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1526
Publication Place	Venedig
Publisher	Aldus & A. Asulanus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PvTI4FMzIGGRGhe

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Simplicii comentarii in octo Aristotelis physicae auscultationis libros. Com ipso Aristotelis contextu, 1526
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicii comentarii in octo Aristotelis physicae auscultationis libros. Com ipso Aristotelis contextu
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1526
Publication Place	Venezia
Publisher	Aldo Manuzio il vecchio e Andrea Torresano
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Access	https://echo.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/ECHOdocuView?url=/permanent/library/8S605Z1D/index.meta&pn=1
Online Resources	https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JCf2JVkJz82n8Vx

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Simplicius, Σιμπλικίου μεγάλου διδασκάλου ὑπόμνημα εἰς τὰς δέκα κατηγορίας τοῦ Ἀριστοτέλους, 1499
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, Σιμπλικίου μεγάλου διδασκάλου ὑπόμνημα εἰς τὰς δέκα κατηγορίας τοῦ Ἀριστοτέλους
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1499
Publication Place	Venedig
Publisher	Aldus & A. Asulanus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2n20SyesE2MJExh

{"_index":"sire","_id":"77","_score":null,"_source":{"id":77,"authors_free":[{"id":85,"entry_id":77,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":62,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Simplicius","free_first_name":"","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":62,"first_name":"Cilicius","last_name":"Simplicius ","full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118642421","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicius, \u03a3\u03b9\u03bc\u03c0\u03bb\u03b9\u03ba\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 \u03bc\u03b5\u03b3\u03ac\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b4\u03b1\u03c3\u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f51\u03c0\u03cc\u03bc\u03bd\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ad\u03ba\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b7\u03b3\u03bf\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f08\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2","main_title":{"title":"Simplicius, \u03a3\u03b9\u03bc\u03c0\u03bb\u03b9\u03ba\u03af\u03bf\u03c5 \u03bc\u03b5\u03b3\u03ac\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b4\u03b1\u03c3\u03ba\u03ac\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5 \u1f51\u03c0\u03cc\u03bc\u03bd\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1 \u03b5\u1f30\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f70\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ad\u03ba\u03b1 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b7\u03b3\u03bf\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f08\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03bf\u03c5\u03c2"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"1499","language":"Latin","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/2n20SyesE2MJExh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":62,"full_name":"Simplicius Cilicius","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":{"id":77,"pubplace":"Venedig","publisher":"Aldus & A. Asulanus","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[1499]}

Pagans vs. Christians in Late Neoplatonism: Simplicius and Philoponus on the Eternity of the World (forthcoming)
By: Chase, Michael

Title	Pagans vs. Christians in Late Neoplatonism: Simplicius and Philoponus on the Eternity of the World (forthcoming)
Type	Article
Language	English
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

To characterize Simplicius' views of Philoponus in a nutshell, I can do no better than to cite a passage from Simplicius' commentary on the Categories (p. 7, 23-32 Kalbfleisch), in which the pagan philosopher sums up the qualities that a good commentator on Aristotle should possess: The worthy exegete of Aristotle's writings must not fall wholly short of the latter's greatness of intellect (megalonoia). He must also have experience of everything the Philosopher has written and must be a connoisseur (epistēmōn) of Aristotle's stylistic habits. His judgment must be impartial (adekaston), so that he may neither, out of misplaced zeal, seek to prove something well said to be unsatisfactory, nor, if some point should require attention, should he obstinately persist in trying to demonstrate that [Aristotle] is always and everywhere infallible, as if he had enrolled himself in the Philosopher's school. must, I believe, not convict the philosophers of discordance by looking only at the letter (lexis) of what [Aristotle] says against Plato; but he must look towards the spirit (nous) and track down (anikhneuein) the harmony which reigns between them on the majority of points. I think it's safe to say that, in Simplicius' view, Philoponus fails to make the grade on all these points: he does not know Aristotle well, he lacks impartiality (although in his case it is not because he strives to prove that Aristotle is always right, but to prove that he is very often wrong), and above all, he insists on the disagreement between Plato and Aristotle, remaining at the level of the surface meaning of their texts and failing to discern the underlying harmony between the two great philosophers. I suspect Simplicius would also apply to Philoponus what he says shortly afterward in his Commentary on the Categories about the qualities required of a good philosophy student: He must, however, guard against disputatious twaddle (eristikê phluaria), into which many of those who frequent Aristotle tend to fall. Whereas the Philosopher endeavors to demonstrate everything by means of the irrefutable definitions of science, these smart-alecks (hoi perittôs sophoi) have the habit of contradicting even what is obvious, blinding the eye of their souls. Against such people, it is enough to speak Aristotle's words: to wit, they need either sensation (aisthēsis) or punishment. If they are being argumentative without having paid attention, it is perception they need. If, however, they have paid attention to the text but are trying to show off their discursive power, it is punishment they need. We don't know what Philoponus's evaluation of Simplicius would have been, but I am pretty sure it would not have been flattering, either. [conclusion p. 23-24]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XhhKQngjLfncQW0

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1260","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1260,"authors_free":[{"id":1842,"entry_id":1260,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":25,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Chase, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Chase","norm_person":{"id":25,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Chase","full_name":"Chase, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031917152","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Pagans vs. Christians in Late Neoplatonism: Simplicius and Philoponus on the Eternity of the World (forthcoming)","main_title":{"title":"Pagans vs. Christians in Late Neoplatonism: Simplicius and Philoponus on the Eternity of the World (forthcoming)"},"abstract":"To characterize Simplicius' views of Philoponus in a nutshell, I can do no better than to cite a passage from Simplicius' commentary on the Categories (p. 7, 23-32 Kalbfleisch), in which the pagan philosopher sums up the qualities that a good commentator on Aristotle should possess:\r\n\r\n The worthy exegete of Aristotle's writings must not fall wholly short of the latter's greatness of intellect (megalonoia). He must also have experience of everything the Philosopher has written and must be a connoisseur (epist\u0113m\u014dn) of Aristotle's stylistic habits. His judgment must be impartial (adekaston), so that he may neither, out of misplaced zeal, seek to prove something well said to be unsatisfactory, nor, if some point should require attention, should he obstinately persist in trying to demonstrate that [Aristotle] is always and everywhere infallible, as if he had enrolled himself in the Philosopher's school. <The good exegete> must, I believe, not convict the philosophers of discordance by looking only at the letter (lexis) of what [Aristotle] says against Plato; but he must look towards the spirit (nous) and track down (anikhneuein) the harmony which reigns between them on the majority of points.\r\n\r\nI think it's safe to say that, in Simplicius' view, Philoponus fails to make the grade on all these points: he does not know Aristotle well, he lacks impartiality (although in his case it is not because he strives to prove that Aristotle is always right, but to prove that he is very often wrong), and above all, he insists on the disagreement between Plato and Aristotle, remaining at the level of the surface meaning of their texts and failing to discern the underlying harmony between the two great philosophers.\r\n\r\nI suspect Simplicius would also apply to Philoponus what he says shortly afterward in his Commentary on the Categories about the qualities required of a good philosophy student:\r\n\r\n He must, however, guard against disputatious twaddle (eristik\u00ea phluaria), into which many of those who frequent Aristotle tend to fall. Whereas the Philosopher endeavors to demonstrate everything by means of the irrefutable definitions of science, these smart-alecks (hoi peritt\u00f4s sophoi) have the habit of contradicting even what is obvious, blinding the eye of their souls. Against such people, it is enough to speak Aristotle's words: to wit, they need either sensation (aisth\u0113sis) or punishment. If they are being argumentative without having paid attention, it is perception they need. If, however, they have paid attention to the text but are trying to show off their discursive power, it is punishment they need.\r\n\r\nWe don't know what Philoponus's evaluation of Simplicius would have been, but I am pretty sure it would not have been flattering, either. [conclusion p. 23-24]","btype":3,"date":"","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/XhhKQngjLfncQW0","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":25,"full_name":"Chase, Michael ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[-2147483648]}

Review of ACA translation volumes (Alexander, Simplicius, Philoponus)
By: Gerson, Lloyd P.

Title	Review of ACA translation volumes (Alexander, Simplicius, Philoponus)
Type	Article
Language	English
Journal	Philosophical Quarterly
Volume	45
Issue	1
Pages	260-264
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

With the publication of the above four volumes, there are now about twenty in the monumental series of translations Ancient Commentators on Aristotle, begun in 1987 under the editorial direction of Richard Sorabji. By my reckoning, the project is just about halfway completed. When all the volumes have appeared, perhaps by the end of the century, we shall have the first complete translation of the corpus of Aristotelian commentaries in any language. Reviewers of earlier volumes have been rightly fulsome in their praise for the general project. Many scholars have pointed out that during the period AD 200–600, commentaries on Aristotle and Plato comprised one of the principal genres of philosophy. Thus, the volumes in this series record far more than a mass of esoterica: they are actually a mine of some of the best philosophical thinking of the time. Even Plotinus, who was not primarily a commentator, structured many of his Enneads as virtual commentaries or meditations on passages of Plato and others. Since this huge project is not likely to be repeated in another modern language, the series will undoubtedly stand as one of the principal tools available to anyone who does not work comfortably in Greek but who wishes to acquire more than the most superficial knowledge of 400 years of philosophy. There are actually three main divisions of the commentaries contained in the great Berlin Academy edition. The first consists of the extensive and relatively straightforward commentaries up to about the fourth century AD. Among the commentators of this period, Alexander of Aphrodisias, who flourished in the early part of the third century AD, is clearly dominant. His understanding of Aristotle had an authoritative role for subsequent generations. His commentaries are the principal means for the revitalization of Peripatetic philosophy after its long period of desuetude, beginning even in the century after Aristotle himself. The second and largest part of the corpus contains the Neoplatonic commentaries up to AD 600. The two most important figures in this group are John Philoponus and Simplicius (both of whom flourished in the mid-sixth century AD). The label "Neoplatonism" is far from unambiguous, but here it refers to the view that the philosophy of Aristotle is basically in harmony with that of Plato. A proposition that Sorabji calls "perfectly crazy" was actually, as he says, philosophically fruitful. I do not think that the contention that Aristotle was in harmony with Plato on essential points is quite as crazy as Sorabji thinks, especially if we insist, as we must, that the Neoplatonists were referring to Plato as they understood him, not as we do. I must add that there are many scholars today—mostly in continental Europe rather than in Britain or North America—who think that the Neoplatonic understanding of Plato is itself worthy of serious attention. At any rate, although Alexander's commentaries are still among the most reliable guides to Aristotle's tortuous arguments, the commentaries of Philoponus and Simplicius, above all the others in that group, are the most consistently provocative. They are unique documents in the history of philosophy, full of surprising and challenging arguments. The third part, outside the purview of this review, contains the works of some of the eleventh- and twelfth-century Byzantine commentators. This is material at the outermost reaches of the empire of Ancient Greek philosophy, but it is not without interest, particularly as a counterbalance to the medieval Latin Christian interpretations of the Greeks. [introduction p. 260-261]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Ekcc0Hmw42Ha5F6

{"_index":"sire","_id":"649","_score":null,"_source":{"id":649,"authors_free":[{"id":930,"entry_id":649,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":46,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","free_first_name":"Lloyd P.","free_last_name":"Gerson","norm_person":{"id":46,"first_name":"Lloyd P.","last_name":"Gerson","full_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/131525573","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of ACA translation volumes (Alexander, Simplicius, Philoponus)","main_title":{"title":"Review of ACA translation volumes (Alexander, Simplicius, Philoponus)"},"abstract":"With the publication of the above four volumes, there are now about twenty in the monumental series of translations Ancient Commentators on Aristotle, begun in 1987 under the editorial direction of Richard Sorabji. By my reckoning, the project is just about halfway completed. When all the volumes have appeared, perhaps by the end of the century, we shall have the first complete translation of the corpus of Aristotelian commentaries in any language. Reviewers of earlier volumes have been rightly fulsome in their praise for the general project. Many scholars have pointed out that during the period AD 200\u2013600, commentaries on Aristotle and Plato comprised one of the principal genres of philosophy. Thus, the volumes in this series record far more than a mass of esoterica: they are actually a mine of some of the best philosophical thinking of the time. Even Plotinus, who was not primarily a commentator, structured many of his Enneads as virtual commentaries or meditations on passages of Plato and others. Since this huge project is not likely to be repeated in another modern language, the series will undoubtedly stand as one of the principal tools available to anyone who does not work comfortably in Greek but who wishes to acquire more than the most superficial knowledge of 400 years of philosophy.\r\n\r\nThere are actually three main divisions of the commentaries contained in the great Berlin Academy edition. The first consists of the extensive and relatively straightforward commentaries up to about the fourth century AD. Among the commentators of this period, Alexander of Aphrodisias, who flourished in the early part of the third century AD, is clearly dominant. His understanding of Aristotle had an authoritative role for subsequent generations. His commentaries are the principal means for the revitalization of Peripatetic philosophy after its long period of desuetude, beginning even in the century after Aristotle himself.\r\n\r\nThe second and largest part of the corpus contains the Neoplatonic commentaries up to AD 600. The two most important figures in this group are John Philoponus and Simplicius (both of whom flourished in the mid-sixth century AD). The label \"Neoplatonism\" is far from unambiguous, but here it refers to the view that the philosophy of Aristotle is basically in harmony with that of Plato. A proposition that Sorabji calls \"perfectly crazy\" was actually, as he says, philosophically fruitful. I do not think that the contention that Aristotle was in harmony with Plato on essential points is quite as crazy as Sorabji thinks, especially if we insist, as we must, that the Neoplatonists were referring to Plato as they understood him, not as we do. I must add that there are many scholars today\u2014mostly in continental Europe rather than in Britain or North America\u2014who think that the Neoplatonic understanding of Plato is itself worthy of serious attention. At any rate, although Alexander's commentaries are still among the most reliable guides to Aristotle's tortuous arguments, the commentaries of Philoponus and Simplicius, above all the others in that group, are the most consistently provocative. They are unique documents in the history of philosophy, full of surprising and challenging arguments.\r\n\r\nThe third part, outside the purview of this review, contains the works of some of the eleventh- and twelfth-century Byzantine commentators. This is material at the outermost reaches of the empire of Ancient Greek philosophy, but it is not without interest, particularly as a counterbalance to the medieval Latin Christian interpretations of the Greeks. [introduction p. 260-261]","btype":3,"date":"","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Ekcc0Hmw42Ha5F6","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":46,"full_name":"Gerson, Lloyd P.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":649,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Philosophical Quarterly","volume":"45","issue":"1","pages":"260-264"}},"sort":[-2147483648]}

Les relatifs dans les Catégories
By: Caujolle-Zaslawsky, F.

Title	Les relatifs dans les Catégories
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Published in	Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique
Pages	167-195
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Caujolle-Zaslawsky, F.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1564","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1564,"authors_free":[{"id":2731,"entry_id":1564,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Caujolle-Zaslawsky, F. ","free_first_name":"F.","free_last_name":"Caujolle-Zaslawsky","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Les relatifs dans les Cat\u00e9gories","main_title":{"title":"Les relatifs dans les Cat\u00e9gories"},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1564,"section_of":302,"pages":"167-195","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":302,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"fr","title":"Concepts et cat\u00e9gories dans la pens\u00e9e antique","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Aubenque1980b","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1980","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1980","abstract":"Depuis Aristote, on entend par cat\u00e9gories des concepts tr\u00e8s g\u00e9n\u00e9raux, dont la g\u00e9n\u00e9ralit\u00e9 ne d\u00e9rive pas de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience, mais en quelque sorte la pr\u00e9c\u00e8de, puisque c\u2019est eux et eux seuls qui nous permettent de l\u2019organiser et de la penser. Ces concepts \u2013 substance, quantit\u00e9, relation, qualit\u00e9, lieu, temps, action, passion, situation, avoir \u2013 sont-ils des structures universelles de toute pens\u00e9e ou bien sont-ils li\u00e9s aux particularit\u00e9s s\u00e9mantiques ou syntaxiques d\u2019un syst\u00e8me linguistique particulier, en l\u2019occurrence de la langue grecque, \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur de laquelle ils ont \u00e9t\u00e9 pour la premi\u00e8re fois \u00e9nonc\u00e9s et rassembl\u00e9s?\r\nLes \u00e9tudes ici r\u00e9unies, issues d\u2019un s\u00e9minaire qui s\u2019est poursuivi durant plusieurs ann\u00e9es au Centre de recherche sur la Pens\u00e9e antique de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 de Paris-Sorbonne, associ\u00e9 au C.N.R.S. (Centre L\u00e9on-Robin), s\u2019efforcent d\u2019apporter des \u00e9l\u00e9ments de r\u00e9ponse \u00e0 cette grande question, qui demeure au centre des discussions contemporaines sur les rapports de la philosophie et du langage. Leur apport sp\u00e9cifique consiste dans une ex\u00e9g\u00e8se rigoureuse des analyses du trait\u00e9 aristot\u00e9licien des Cat\u00e9gories, \u00e9clair\u00e9 par les d\u00e9veloppements ult\u00e9rieurs de la doctrine, tels que nous les connaissons notamment \u00e0 travers le Commentaire du N\u00e9oplatonicien Simplicius. Certaines de ces \u00e9tudes examinent l\u2019influence ou les transformations des cat\u00e9gories aristot\u00e9liciennes chez les Sto\u00efciens, les grammairiens grecs de la fin de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9, les N\u00e9oplatoniciens tardifs, les P\u00e8res de l\u2019\u00c9glise et dans la tradition latine antique et m\u00e9di\u00e9vale. [author's abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FGpf7U5Cy1dboYI","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":302,"pubplace":"Paris","publisher":"Vrin","series":"Bibliotheque d\u2019histoire de la philosophie","volume":"","edition_no":null,"valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[-2147483648]}

Damascius' Philosophy of Time

Title	Damascius' Philosophy of Time
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Publication Place	Berlin - Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Chronoi
Volume	7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	no authors
Editor(s)	no authors
Translator(s)	no authors

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1569","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1569,"authors_free":[],"entry_title":"Damascius' Philosophy of Time","main_title":{"title":"Damascius' Philosophy of Time"},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1569,"pubplace":"Berlin - Boston","publisher":"De Gruyter","series":"Chronoi","volume":"7","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[-2147483648]}

Commentators and commentaries on Aristotle's Sophistici elenchi : a study of post-Aristotelian ancient and medieval writings on fallacies. Vol. 2 Greek texts and fragments of the latin translation of "Alexander's"
By: Ebbesen

Title	Commentators and commentaries on Aristotle's Sophistici elenchi : a study of post-Aristotelian ancient and medieval writings on fallacies. Vol. 2 Greek texts and fragments of the latin translation of "Alexander's"
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ebbesen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/B0OHHVKOY7ymK5g

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1581","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1581,"authors_free":[{"id":2762,"entry_id":1581,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Ebbesen","free_first_name":"Sten","free_last_name":"Ebbesen","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Commentators and commentaries on Aristotle's Sophistici elenchi : a study of post-Aristotelian ancient and medieval writings on fallacies. Vol. 2 Greek texts and fragments of the latin translation of \"Alexander's\"","main_title":{"title":"Commentators and commentaries on Aristotle's Sophistici elenchi : a study of post-Aristotelian ancient and medieval writings on fallacies. Vol. 2 Greek texts and fragments of the latin translation of \"Alexander's\""},"abstract":"","btype":1,"date":"","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/B0OHHVKOY7ymK5g","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":{"id":1581,"pubplace":"Leiden","publisher":"Brill","series":"","volume":"","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null},"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[-2147483648]}

Aristotelian Material in Cicero's De natura deorum
By: David J. Furley, Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Steinmetz (Ed.)

Title	Aristotelian Material in Cicero's De natura deorum
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Published in	Cicero's Knowledge of the Peripatos
Pages	201-219
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	David J. Furley
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Steinmetz
Translator(s)

Online Resources

The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
By: Zalta, Edward N. (Ed.)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1585","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1585,"authors_free":[{"id":2781,"entry_id":1585,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"David J. Furley","free_first_name":"David J. ","free_last_name":"Furley","norm_person":null},{"id":2782,"entry_id":1585,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Fortenbaugh, William W.","free_first_name":"William W","free_last_name":"Fortenbaugh","norm_person":null},{"id":2783,"entry_id":1585,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Steinmetz","free_first_name":"Peter","free_last_name":"Steinmetz","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Aristotelian Material in Cicero's De natura deorum","main_title":{"title":"Aristotelian Material in Cicero's De natura deorum"},"abstract":"","btype":2,"date":"","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FFKNInd4WCcNVDu","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":{"id":1585,"section_of":334,"pages":"201-219","is_catalog":null,"book":{"id":334,"bilderberg_idno":null,"dare_idno":null,"catalog_idno":null,"entry_type":null,"type":4,"language":"no language selected","title":"Cicero's Knowledge of the Peripatos","title_transcript":"","title_translation":"","short_title":"Fortenbaugh1989b","has_no_author":null,"volume":null,"date":"1989","edition_no":null,"free_date":"1989","abstract":"Cicero is best known for his political speeches. His Catilinarian orations are regularly studied in third or fourth year Latin; his self-proclaimed role as savior of the Republic is much discussed in courses on Roman history. But, however fascinating such material may be, there is another side to Cicero which is equally important and only now receiving the attention it deserves. This is Cicero's interest in Hellenistic thought. As a young man he studied philosophy in Greece; throughout his life he maintained a keen interest in intellectual history; and during periods of political inactivity - especially in his last years as the Republic collapsed - he wrote treatises that today are invaluable sources for our knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy, including the School of Aristotle.\r\n\r\nThe essays collected in this volume deal with these treatises and in particular with Cicero's knowledge of Peripatetic philosophy. They ask such questions as: Did Cicero-know Aristotle first hand, or was the corpus Aristotelicum unavailable to him and his contemporaries? Did Cicero have access to the writings of Theophrastus, and in general did he know the post-Aristotelians whose works are all but lost to us? When Cicero reports the views of early philosophers, is he a reliable witness, and is he conveying important information? These and other fundamental questions are asked with special reference to traditional areas of Greek thought: logic and rhetoric, politics and ethics, physics, psychology, and theology. The answers are various, but the overall impression is clear: Cicero himself was a highly intelligent, well educated Roman, whose treatises contain significant material. Scholars working on Peripatetic thought and on the Hellenistic period as a whole cannot afford to ignore them.\r\n\r\nThis fourth volume in the Rutgers University Studies in Classic Humanities series deals with Cicero, orator and writer of the late Roman Republic. Interest in Cicero arose out of Project Theophrastus, an international undertaking based at Rutgers dedicated to collecting, editing, and translating the fragments of Theophrastus. This collection will be of value to philologists, classicists, philosophers, as well as those interested in the history of science. [official abstract]","republication_of":null,"online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FFKNInd4WCcNVDu","translation_of":null,"new_edition_of":null,"is_catalog":0,"in_bibliography":0,"is_inactive":0,"notes":null,"doi_url":null,"book":{"id":334,"pubplace":"London","publisher":"Routledge","series":"Rutgers Studies in Classical Humanities","volume":"4","edition_no":"","valid_from":null,"valid_until":null}}},"article":null},"sort":[-2147483648]}

Title	The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Type
Language	English
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Zalta, Edward N.
Translator(s)

Welcome to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (SEP), which as of March 2018, has nearly 1600 entries online. From its inception, the SEP was designed so that each entry is maintained and kept up-to-date by an expert or group of experts in the field. All entries and substantive updates are refereed by the members of a distinguished Editorial Board before they are made public. Consequently, our dynamic reference work maintains academic standards while evolving and adapting in response to new research. You can cite fixed editions that are created on a quarterly basis and stored in our Archives (every entry contains a link to its complete archival history, identifying the fixed edition the reader should cite). The Table of Contents lists entries that are published or assigned. The Projected Table of Contents also lists entries which are currently unassigned but nevertheless projected. [author's description]

Online Resources

https://plato.stanford.edu/index.html

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1350","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1350,"authors_free":[{"id":2019,"entry_id":1350,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":185,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"},"free_name":"Zalta, Edward N.","free_first_name":"Edward N.","free_last_name":"","norm_person":{"id":185,"first_name":"Edward N.","last_name":"Zalta","full_name":"Zalta, Edward N.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132645920","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy","main_title":{"title":"The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy"},"abstract":"Welcome to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (SEP), which as of March 2018, has nearly 1600 entries online. From its inception, the SEP was designed so that each entry is maintained and kept up-to-date by an expert or group of experts in the field. All entries and substantive updates are refereed by the members of a distinguished Editorial Board before they are made public. Consequently, our dynamic reference work maintains academic standards while evolving and adapting in response to new research. You can cite fixed editions that are created on a quarterly basis and stored in our Archives (every entry contains a link to its complete archival history, identifying the fixed edition the reader should cite). The Table of Contents lists entries that are published or assigned. The Projected Table of Contents also lists entries which are currently unassigned but nevertheless projected. [author's description]","btype":6,"date":"","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/plato.stanford.edu\/index.html","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":185,"full_name":"Zalta, Edward N.","role":{"id":2,"role_name":"editor"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[-2147483648]}

Théodoret, Graec. Aff. Cur., IV. 12 et l’ordre des fragments de Théophraste issus de Simplicius In Phys. p. 22-28
By: Journée, Gérard

Title	Théodoret, Graec. Aff. Cur., IV. 12 et l’ordre des fragments de Théophraste issus de Simplicius In Phys. p. 22-28
Type	Article
Language	French
Journal	Unpublished
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Journée, Gérard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses the comparison between the fragments of Hippasus and Heraclitus by Theodoret of Cyrus. The similarities between the two texts suggest that they have a common source, which is probably Theophrastus. This observation confirms Theophrastus' use of systematic categories, including unity and plurality, motion, limitation and restriction. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qVCQ9YhZlvKeI75

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1361","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1361,"authors_free":[{"id":2037,"entry_id":1361,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":206,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Journ\u00e9e, G\u00e9rard","free_first_name":"G\u00e9rard","free_last_name":"Journ\u00e9e","norm_person":{"id":206,"first_name":"G\u00e9rard ","last_name":"Journ\u00e9e","full_name":"Journ\u00e9e, G\u00e9rard ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Th\u00e9odoret, Graec. Aff. Cur., IV. 12 et l\u2019ordre des fragments de Th\u00e9ophraste issus de Simplicius In Phys. p. 22-28","main_title":{"title":"Th\u00e9odoret, Graec. Aff. Cur., IV. 12 et l\u2019ordre des fragments de Th\u00e9ophraste issus de Simplicius In Phys. p. 22-28"},"abstract":"This text discusses the comparison between the fragments of Hippasus and Heraclitus by Theodoret of Cyrus. The similarities between the two texts suggest that they have a common source, which is probably Theophrastus. This observation confirms Theophrastus' use of systematic categories, including unity and plurality, motion, limitation and restriction. [introduction]","btype":3,"date":"","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/qVCQ9YhZlvKeI75","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":206,"full_name":"Journ\u00e9e, G\u00e9rard ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1361,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Unpublished","volume":"","issue":"","pages":""}},"sort":[-2147483648]}

Creation and Continuity In Neoplatonism: Origins and Legacy (forthcoming)
By: Chase, Michael

Title	Creation and Continuity In Neoplatonism: Origins and Legacy (forthcoming)
Type	Article
Language	English
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I think, to make a rather long story short, that Rashed is basically right. The notion of continuity is fundamental for al-Fārābī and probably determines his rejection of the instantaneous, all-at-once character of creation advocated by al-Kindī. Yet while Rashed ascribes this attitude to Fārābī’s "Aristotelian puritanism," I would rather attribute it to his fundamental Neoplatonism—unless we want to say, rather paradoxically, that someone like Simplicius was also an Aristotelian purist. As we have seen, in his debate against Philoponus, Simplicius also denies instantaneous motion or change on the basis of the Aristotelian continuity of time, space, and motion, explaining away the examples of the instantaneous transition of sunlight and other "phase transitions" by which Philoponus had attempted to explain how God created the universe instantaneously and ex nihilo. Among the factors that distinguish Philoponus’ creationism from Simplicius’ emanationism is that for the former, it makes sense—in fact, it is unavoidable—to speak of a first instant in the history of the universe, prior to which the universe did not exist. Such a notion makes no sense for Simplicius, and it makes no sense because Simplicius, like Aristotle, believes time and motion are continuous, at least in the physical world. In the Arabo-Islamic world, Kindī sides with Philoponus, as has been noted by scholars for quite some time. It has been less well noted, I think, that Fārābī sides just as resolutely with Simplicius. In the article on which I have relied so heavily in this paper, Marwan Rashed argues that, given the lacunary state of the evidence that remains to us, we can reconstruct only Fārābī’s physical proof of the eternity of the world: the fact, based on an analytical proof (hoti), that it is eternal. In another, lost part of Fārābī’s work, Rashed speculates, Fārābī will have given a demonstrative proof of this affirmation from a synthetic viewpoint, of why (dioti) the universe is eternal. It may, he thinks, have looked like this: God is an eternal cause. Every eternal cause has an eternal effect. Therefore, God has an eternal effect. But this is nothing other than a simplified version of the proof of continuous creation as we studied it above in Proclus and Porphyry. If Rashed is right on this point, and I suspect he is, we would have one more reason to agree with Philippe Vallat (2004) that Fārābī is basically a Neoplatonist rather than the doctrinaire Aristotelian he is usually made out to be. To return to our starting point, on the basis of this notion of continuity, we may have made some progress toward identifying the difference between creationism and emanationism in general. Assuming that we have some kind of First Principle that provides the world with existence, if the world can be said to have a first moment of its existence—i.e., if time is discontinuous—we have to do with creation; if not—i.e., if time is continuous—we have to do with emanation. This seems to me to be a criterion at least as important as others that are usually brought up in this context, such as the role of the will of the First Principle, or whether or not the process takes place ex nihilo. The role of will is often hard to determine, as we can see in the case of Plotinus, while ex nihilo is perhaps even more tricky, implying as it does the question of the origin of matter, which is even more obscure in Plotinus. But either the world has a first instant in its existence, or it does not. Tertium non datur. [conclusion p. 29-31]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HdCRKhOALHddyFH

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1406","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1406,"authors_free":[{"id":2197,"entry_id":1406,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":25,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Chase, Michael","free_first_name":"Michael","free_last_name":"Chase","norm_person":{"id":25,"first_name":"Michael ","last_name":"Chase","full_name":"Chase, Michael ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1031917152","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Creation and Continuity In Neoplatonism: Origins and Legacy (forthcoming)","main_title":{"title":"Creation and Continuity In Neoplatonism: Origins and Legacy (forthcoming)"},"abstract":"I think, to make a rather long story short, that Rashed is basically right. The notion of continuity is fundamental for al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b and probably determines his rejection of the instantaneous, all-at-once character of creation advocated by al-Kind\u012b. Yet while Rashed ascribes this attitude to F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b\u2019s \"Aristotelian puritanism,\" I would rather attribute it to his fundamental Neoplatonism\u2014unless we want to say, rather paradoxically, that someone like Simplicius was also an Aristotelian purist. As we have seen, in his debate against Philoponus, Simplicius also denies instantaneous motion or change on the basis of the Aristotelian continuity of time, space, and motion, explaining away the examples of the instantaneous transition of sunlight and other \"phase transitions\" by which Philoponus had attempted to explain how God created the universe instantaneously and ex nihilo.\r\n\r\nAmong the factors that distinguish Philoponus\u2019 creationism from Simplicius\u2019 emanationism is that for the former, it makes sense\u2014in fact, it is unavoidable\u2014to speak of a first instant in the history of the universe, prior to which the universe did not exist. Such a notion makes no sense for Simplicius, and it makes no sense because Simplicius, like Aristotle, believes time and motion are continuous, at least in the physical world. In the Arabo-Islamic world, Kind\u012b sides with Philoponus, as has been noted by scholars for quite some time. It has been less well noted, I think, that F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b sides just as resolutely with Simplicius.\r\n\r\nIn the article on which I have relied so heavily in this paper, Marwan Rashed argues that, given the lacunary state of the evidence that remains to us, we can reconstruct only F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b\u2019s physical proof of the eternity of the world: the fact, based on an analytical proof (hoti), that it is eternal. In another, lost part of F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b\u2019s work, Rashed speculates, F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b will have given a demonstrative proof of this affirmation from a synthetic viewpoint, of why (dioti) the universe is eternal. It may, he thinks, have looked like this:\r\n\r\n God is an eternal cause.\r\n Every eternal cause has an eternal effect.\r\n Therefore, God has an eternal effect.\r\n\r\nBut this is nothing other than a simplified version of the proof of continuous creation as we studied it above in Proclus and Porphyry. If Rashed is right on this point, and I suspect he is, we would have one more reason to agree with Philippe Vallat (2004) that F\u0101r\u0101b\u012b is basically a Neoplatonist rather than the doctrinaire Aristotelian he is usually made out to be.\r\n\r\nTo return to our starting point, on the basis of this notion of continuity, we may have made some progress toward identifying the difference between creationism and emanationism in general. Assuming that we have some kind of First Principle that provides the world with existence, if the world can be said to have a first moment of its existence\u2014i.e., if time is discontinuous\u2014we have to do with creation; if not\u2014i.e., if time is continuous\u2014we have to do with emanation. This seems to me to be a criterion at least as important as others that are usually brought up in this context, such as the role of the will of the First Principle, or whether or not the process takes place ex nihilo. The role of will is often hard to determine, as we can see in the case of Plotinus, while ex nihilo is perhaps even more tricky, implying as it does the question of the origin of matter, which is even more obscure in Plotinus. But either the world has a first instant in its existence, or it does not. Tertium non datur.\r\n[conclusion p. 29-31]","btype":3,"date":"","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/HdCRKhOALHddyFH","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":25,"full_name":"Chase, Michael ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":null},"sort":[-2147483648]}

PAGE 1 OF 1

“Creatio ex nihilo”: A genuinely philosophical insight derived from Plato and Aristotle? Some notes on the treatise on the Harmony between the two sages, 2012
By: Gleede, Benjamin

Title	“Creatio ex nihilo”: A genuinely philosophical insight derived from Plato and Aristotle? Some notes on the treatise on the Harmony between the two sages
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Arabic Sciences and Philosophy
Volume	22
Pages	91-117
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gleede, Benjamin
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The article aims at demonstrating that in attributing the creatio ex nihilo to both Plato and Aristotle as their unanimous philosophical conviction the Treatise on the Harmony between the Two Sages deeply depends upon the Neoplatonic reading of those two philosophers. The main obstacles for such a view in the works of the two sages are Plato’s assumption of a precosmic chaos in the Timaeus and Aristotle’s denial of any efficient causality to the unmoved mover in the Metaphysics. Both of these points had been, however, done away with by the Neoplatonist commentators already, especially by Ammonius in his lost treatise on efficient and final causality in Aristotle the use of which in the Harmony is shown by a comparison with Simplicius. Christian and Muslim readers just had to transfer those arguments and hermeneutical techniques into an anti-eternalist context in order to make the two philosophers agree with one of the basic tenents of their face, a hermeneutical technique considerably different from the one employed by al-Fārābī in his exposition of Plato’s and Aristotle’s philosophy which is compared to the Harmony in a briefly sketched concluding section.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Q6zkHx0QhaNpLZ6

"Simplikios", 2001
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Schneider, Helmuth (Ed.), Cancik, Hubert (Ed.)

Title	"Simplikios"
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2001
Published in	Der Neue Pauly, Enzyklopädie der Antike
Pages	578-580
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Schneider, Helmuth , Cancik, Hubert
Translator(s)

Ein kurzer Eintrag Eintrag über Simplikios in "Der neue Pauly: Enzyklopädie der Antike".

Online Resources

"Simplikios", 1975
By: Dörrie, Heinrich , Konrat Ziegler (Ed.)

Title	"Simplikios"
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1975
Published in	Der kleine Pauly, Band 5
Pages	205
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dörrie, Heinrich
Editor(s)	Konrat Ziegler
Translator(s)

Alle Schriften von Simplikios, die erhalten sind, wurden nach 533 verfasst. Er war der letzte Platoniker, der in seinen Schriften das Christentum angriff. Seine Werke sind durchweg Kommentare, allerdings ist kein Kommentar von ihm zu einem Dialog Platons bekannt; vermutlich erschien es ihm als zwecklos, mit den Kommentaren des Proklos in Wettstreit zu treten.

Verloren ist sein Hauptwerk, der Kommentar zu Aristoteles’ Metaphysik. In Handschriften erhalten, aber noch nicht ediert, sind ein Kommentar zu Hermogenes’ τέχνη und zu Iamblichos’ περί τής Πυθαγόρου αἱρέσεως. Erhalten und sämtlich in den Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca ediert sind folgende Kommentare:

De caelo, ed. J. L. Heiberg, 1894 (CAG VII).
Categoriae, ed. C. Kalbfleisch, 1907 (CAG VIII).
Physica, ed. H. Diels, 1882, 1895 (CAG IX und X).
De anima, ed. M. Hayduck, 1882 (CAG XI).

Das ungewöhnlichste Werk von Simplikios ist sein Kommentar zum Ἐγχειρίδιον des Epiktet. Die dringend notwendige Neuausgabe wird von Frau Dr. I. Hadot vorbereitet.

Viele Kommentare anderer Platoniker sind aus Vorlesungen für Anfänger hervorgegangen. Im Vergleich dazu stehen die Kommentare von Simplikios auf einem weit höheren Niveau. Ihm, der nicht mehr lehren durfte, ging es darum, für künftige Gelehrte zu schreiben. „Gerade seine nüchternere Weise macht ihn im Verein mit seiner großen Gelehrsamkeit zu einem höchst achtenswerten Kommentator.“ (K. Praechter).

In engem Zusammenhang damit steht, dass Simplikios vor allem im Kommentar zur Physik Zitate aus vorsokratischen Philosophen in beträchtlichem Umfang in seinen Text aufgenommen hat (Stellenverzeichnis bei Diels Vorsokratiker³, 638–640). Dass Empedokles und Parmenides für uns mehr sind als nur Namen, ist einzig Simplikios zu verdanken.

Die Beweisführung von Simplikios tendiert dahin, dass aus allen Philosophen die gleiche σοφία und der gleiche λόγος spricht wie aus Platon. Das gilt für die Vorsokratiker ebenso wie für Aristoteles: Wo dieser Platon widerspricht, handelt es sich nur um eine Diskrepanz in Worten. So wird seine riesige Arbeit zu einer imposanten Apologie der Lehre, dass alle Philosophen – selbstverständlich auch Epiktet – immer nur die eine, stets sich selbst gleiche, unwandelbare Wahrheit verkündet haben.

Außer dem RE-Artikel von K. Praechter gibt es keine zusammenfassende Würdigung von Simplikios. [the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kSQQwhdCGL94DDh

'Place' in Context: On Theophrastus Fr. 21 et 22 Wimmer, 1992
By: Algra, Keimpe A., Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Gutas, Dimitri (Ed.)

Title	'Place' in Context: On Theophrastus Fr. 21 et 22 Wimmer
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1992
Published in	Theophrastus. His Psychological, Doxographical and Scientific Writings
Pages	141-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Algra, Keimpe A.
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Gutas, Dimitri
Translator(s)

The existing scholarly literature on Theophrastus’ conception of place is not extensive. As to the problem of the interpretation of the more crucial fr. 22, the status quaestionis is, roughly, as follows. According to what I shall refer to as the "traditional" view—a view defended by Jammer and Sambursky—fr. 22 testifies to Theophrastus having developed a "relational" theory of place as a full-blown alternative to Aristotle’s defective theory. Sambursky characteristically compared the view expressed in Theophrastus fr. 22 with Leibniz’s theory of place. Pierre Duhem, on the other hand, saw fr. 22 as dealing with the primacy of natural place and, more or less following Simplicius, assumed a close resemblance between this view and Damascius’ theory of "essential place" (topos ousiodes). Unfortunately, however, these scholars offered little beyond a categorical statement of their position. Hence, they left room for a more detailed analysis of both fr. 21 and 22.

Such an analysis has now been provided by Richard Sorabji in his challenging paper "Theophrastus on Place" and in the two relevant chapters of his book Matter, Space and Motion. As a result, any attempt to study Theophrastus’ fragments on place should come to terms with Sorabji’s interpretation, the more so since this interpretation is rather radically opposed to the traditional view. According to Sorabji, fr. 22 should not be read as representing anything like a fully developed concept of place. Rather, it is best understood as an argument (or rather an objection) with a much more limited scope, specifically directed against Aristotle’s conception of (the dynamic character of) natural place.

The aim of the present study is to determine what position should be assigned to Theophrastus’ ideas about place in general, and to fr. 22 in particular, in the Rezeptionsgeschichte of Aristotelian physics. To this purpose, we shall concentrate on the three main items already referred to, viz. (1) the interpretation of fr. 22 in relation to fr. 21 and to Aristotle’s theory of topos as found in the Physics, (2) the problem of Theophrastus’ commitment, and (3) the question as to how our source Simplicius interprets, or misinterprets, Theophrastus’ position.

The structure of the present study, accordingly, is as follows. Section (I) contains some observations on the systematic difficulties inherent in Aristotle’s theory of topos, which may plausibly be regarded as providing the background of Theophrastus’ aporiai in fr. 21. I shall argue that at least four out of these five aporiai (including the one dealing with the immobility of place) concern problems arising from Aristotle’s reified conception of place. This, I argue, is one prima facie reason to believe—pace Sorabji—that Theophrastus fr. 22, which explicitly swaps the conception of topos-as-a-thing for topos-as-a-relation, should be regarded as providing an alternative to Aristotle’s conception of place in general, rather than a mere alternative conception of natural place. This stance will be further defended in Section (II), which studies the role of natural place in Aristotle’s physics and in Theophrastus fr. 22 in some more detail. Section (III) deals with the problem of Theophrastus’ commitment to the contents of fr. 22. Section (IV), finally, attempts to determine what position Simplicius assigns to Theophrastus fr. 22 in his historical survey of concepts of place in the Corollarium de loco. It will be shown that Simplicius groups together Theophrastus, Iamblichus, and Damascius on the basis of a rather limited common ground between their theories. This is done in the context of an elaborate (and allegedly complete) division (diaeresis) of conceptions of place. I shall attempt to show that a closer study of the structure of this diaeresis reveals how Simplicius interpreted the text of our Theophrastus fr. 22. Since Simplicius apparently had first-hand knowledge of Theophrastus’ Physics and since, on the other hand, there are hardly any reasons to assume that Simplicius misrepresents or misunderstands Theophrastus’ position, the way he interprets fr. 22 himself is of great interest. Our conclusions are summarized in Section (V).

The resulting interpretation of Theophrastus’ position differs both from the traditional one and from that put forward by Sorabji. I shall argue, against the "traditional" view, that the evidence does not indicate that Theophrastus ever worked out the suggestions of fr. 22 into a detailed and coherent alternative theory of place. Even if the fragment represents ideas endorsed by Theophrastus in propria persona, as I believe it does, we should take into account that its phrasing points to a dialectical context. At the same time, I dissent from Sorabji’s interpretation in that I do not believe that the argument has Aristotle’s concept of natural place as its exclusive, or even primary, target. The present study should therefore be regarded as an attempt to defend a qualified version of the traditional view by means of a closer study of the preserved evidence. [introduction p. 141-143]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0oHBoWr21Bfhamu

'Planets' in Simplicius De caelo 471.1 ff., 1971
By: Hall, J.J

Title	'Planets' in Simplicius De caelo 471.1 ff.
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1971
Journal	The Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume	91
Pages	138-139
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hall, J.J
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Thus  all  that  Simplicius  is  saying,  on  Eudemus’ 
authority,  is  that  Anaximander  ‘was  the  first  to 
discuss’  the  sizes  and  distances  of  ‘planets’,  using the  latter  term  to  include  sun  and  moon;  and this  agrees  with  what  the  doxographers  tell  us: Anaximander  had  views  about  the  distances  of  sun and  moon,  and  the  size  of the  sun.11  A   sceptic,  like Dicks,  may  question  this  whole  tradition;  but  it should  not  be  claimed  that  what  Simplicius  says  of Anaximander  and  planômena in  471.2-6  is  inconsistent with  our  other authorities. [conclusion, p. 139]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/K5sTJaihiZL0lG5

(Neo-) Platonica, 1984
By: Steel, Carlos

Title	(Neo-) Platonica
Type	Article
Language	Dutch
Date	1984
Journal	Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume	46
Issue	2
Pages	319-330
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Dit is de invalshoek van waaruit Wolfgang Wieland, vooral bekend wegens zijn originele studie over Aristoteles’ Physica, zijn Plato-boek geschreven heeft: Platon und die Formen des Wissens. Het boek bevat drie delen. Het eerste is gewijd aan Plato’s verhouding tot de geschreven tekst. Uitgaande van de bekende passage in de Phaidros onderzoekt Wieland waarom Plato zo kritisch is ten opzichte van het schrift. Plato verzet zich tegen elke poging om het weten te objectiveren alsof men in de tekst over inzicht als over een stuk bezit zou kunnen beschikken. Elke formulering in taal blijft werktuig, iets voorlopigs. Het „gebruiksweten“ dat in de omgang met de dingen tot stand komt, heeft voorrang op het weten dat in proposities is uitgedrukt. Hier staan we meteen voor het centrale thema van Wielands boek. Het is echter de vraag of dit bij Plato wel zo centraal is. Bij Plato gaat het vooreerst om kritiek op het schrift, en niet op het propositionele weten als zodanig.

Vanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook de dialoog als medium van filosofisch denken begrijpen. Indien men ondanks alle reserves toch niet aan tekst verzaken kan, dan biedt de dialoogvorm een uitweg. Eén van de tekorten van de tekst heeft namelijk te maken met het ontbreken van een reële context van het woord. De dialoog brengt deze context op dramatisch-fictieve wijze tot stand. De dialoog is geen didactisch hulpmiddel, geen inkleding van een leer. De uitspraken blijven er als „werktuigen“ in de gespreksactie fungeren. Vanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook het statuut van de mythe binnen de tekst begrijpen, het metaforische karakter van vele passages, het gebruik van de ironie. Tenslotte wijst Wieland in § 5 op het belang van de fictieve chronologie bij het beoordelen van een dialoog. Men kan namelijk, uitgaande van de dramatische situatie van de verschillende dialogen, een fictieve chronologie opstellen: zo zal niemand betwisten dat de Parmenides later is geschreven dan de Phaidon (reële chronologie), maar in de fictieve chronologie komt de Parmenides veel eerder, omdat hierin de jonge Socrates optreedt, terwijl in de Phaidon Socrates voor de dood staat. In de interpretatie heeft men te weinig rekening gehouden met de plaats van een dialoog in deze fictieve chronologie.
[introduction p. 319-320] Übersetzung: Philosophie ist uns vor allem in der Form von Texten zugänglich. Wer Philosophie studieren will, muss zwangsläufig Texte studieren und wird die Ergebnisse seiner eigenen Forschung wiederum in Form von Texten präsentieren. Die Philosophie hat jedoch seit jeher auch die Möglichkeit berücksichtigt, dass Erkenntnisse gewonnen werden können, die nicht diskursiv ausgedrückt werden können, die also nicht „textfähig“ sind. Dennoch hat diese prinzipielle Möglichkeit die Philosophie kaum beeinflusst. Letztendlich kann man auch über diese nicht-textlichen Erkenntnisse reflektieren und schreiben, sodass es scheint, als könne man niemals aus dem Bann des Textes entkommen. Niemand wird daran denken, den Vorteil aufzugeben, den die Philosophie dadurch hat, sich an Texte zu binden und ihre Erkenntnisse so zu objektivieren. Doch es ist bedenklich, dass man die Bindung philosophischer Erkenntnis an den Text als selbstverständlich betrachtet. Dadurch wird auch unklar, was die „Sache“ ist, auf die sich der philosophische Text bezieht. Gibt es überhaupt eine „Sache außerhalb des Textes“?

Es ist bekannt, dass Platon dem Phänomen „Text“ bewusst distanziert gegenüberstand. Man kann ihm sicher nicht vorwerfen, ein naives Vertrauen in den Text als Medium philosophischer Erkenntnis gehabt zu haben: Worauf es in der Philosophie eigentlich ankommt, lässt sich nicht in Texten ausdrücken. Auch wenn er selbst mehr als jeder andere ein Künstler des Textes war, war er sich stets der Grenzen des Textes bewusst. Wer aus Platons Dialogen eine Doktrin konstruiert, ein System von Aussagen über „das, was der Fall ist“, verliert diese kritische Distanz zum Text und reduziert die vielen „Formen des Wissens“ auf ein objektives „propositionales“ Wissen.

Dies ist die Perspektive, aus der Wolfgang Wieland, vor allem bekannt für seine originelle Studie über Aristoteles’ Physik, sein Platon-Buch Platon und die Formen des Wissens geschrieben hat. Das Buch besteht aus drei Teilen. Der erste Teil widmet sich Platons Verhältnis zum geschriebenen Text. Ausgehend von der bekannten Passage im Phaidros untersucht Wieland, warum Platon dem Schreiben so kritisch gegenüberstand. Platon wendet sich gegen jede Versuchung, Wissen zu objektivieren, als könne man in einem Text über Erkenntnisse verfügen wie über einen Besitz. Jede Formulierung in Sprache bleibt ein Werkzeug, etwas Vorläufiges. Das „Gebrauchswissen“, das im Umgang mit den Dingen entsteht, hat Vorrang vor dem Wissen, das in Propositionen ausgedrückt ist. Hier begegnen wir dem zentralen Thema von Wielands Buch. Es bleibt jedoch die Frage, ob dies bei Platon tatsächlich zentral ist. Bei Platon geht es zunächst um Kritik am Schreiben und nicht um Kritik am propositionalen Wissen als solches.

Aus der Schriftkritik lässt sich auch die Dialogform als Medium des philosophischen Denkens verstehen. Wenn man trotz aller Vorbehalte nicht auf den Text verzichten kann, bietet die Dialogform einen Ausweg. Ein Mangel des Textes liegt nämlich im Fehlen eines realen Kontexts des Wortes. Der Dialog stellt diesen Kontext auf dramatisch-fiktive Weise her. Der Dialog ist kein didaktisches Hilfsmittel, keine Verpackung einer Lehre. Die Aussagen fungieren in der Dialoghandlung weiterhin als „Werkzeuge“. Aus der Schriftkritik lässt sich auch der Status des Mythos im Text verstehen, ebenso wie der metaphorische Charakter vieler Passagen und die Verwendung von Ironie. Schließlich weist Wieland in § 5 auf die Bedeutung der fiktiven Chronologie für die Beurteilung eines Dialogs hin. Ausgehend von der dramatischen Situation der verschiedenen Dialoge lässt sich eine fiktive Chronologie erstellen: Niemand wird bestreiten, dass der Parmenides später geschrieben wurde als der Phaidon (reale Chronologie), aber in der fiktiven Chronologie kommt der Parmenides viel früher, da dort der junge Sokrates auftritt, während im Phaidon Sokrates vor seinem Tod steht. In der Interpretation hat man die Stellung eines Dialogs in dieser fiktiven Chronologie bisher zu wenig berücksichtigt.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H1e3T5fZsfMIh5O

529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?, 1978
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1978
Journal	Byzantion
Volume	48
Issue	2
Pages	369–385
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The most important piece of evidence for the continued existence of the Academy is a passage from Olympiodorus' commentary on Plato's 1st Alcibiades which says, "Perhaps Plato made a practice of taking no fees because he was well-off. That is why the diadochika have lasted till now, in spite of many confiscations." Diadochika is left untranslated since its meaning is by no means certain. It could refer to the salary of the Head of the Academy. It could also, however, be a term for the Academy's endowments in general. A third meaning, suggested by J. Whittaker, is spiritual rather than material heritage, but despite arguments, it is unlikely that the word in its context does not refer to some form of funding. To this point, we must return shortly.

Cameron argues convincingly that this passage was written somewhere around 560, on the grounds that it refers to an incident in the career of a grammaticus called Anatolius, dateable to the late 540s, as one that his readers can no longer be expected to remember. He infers from this that the Academy was still operating at that time and, moreover, in possession of substantial funds some thirty years after its alleged closure and expropriation. At about the same time, Whittaker, apparently writing before the appearance of Cameron's paper and arguing against Westerink, questioned whether the text adduced provided evidence either for confiscations at the time when Olympiodorus was writing or for the continued availability of material resources.

Olympiodorus' report certainly raises some serious problems. The first relates to the confiscations. Cameron has discussed a number of possible occasions between 529 and the date of the composition of Olympiodorus' commentary about 560. If Academy funds were being confiscated during that period, then clearly there must have been a conspicuous Academy to be subject to the confiscations. But, as Whittaker has pointed out, the reference of the present participle stating that there were confiscations could be to any time during the reference of the main verb, that is, to the whole period between Plato and the time of writing. One possible inference is that the funds had been subjected to confiscations even before 529 but still survived in the hands of the scholarchs after that date. Justinian's edict is quite likely not to have been new but, like much of his legislation, a re-enactment of former decrees—some of which were in any case disregarded. Nevertheless, it is difficult to find a suitable earlier occasion, or occasions, to be the time of the confiscations in question.

A second, and more basic, problem attaches to the funds themselves. There is no other evidence, except a report in the Suda article on Plato, and a parallel text in Photius, which attributes any of the late Academy's resources, or those of its office-holders, to inheritance from Plato. This Suda article, which is based on Damascius' Life of Isidore, tells us that only the Academy garden had been Plato's—he was not well-off—and that there were large accretions of funds in the fifth century. We know that most of the major buildings in Athens were destroyed by the Heruls in 267. Damascius, moreover, in the extract provided by Photius, made a point of denying what he says was a commonly held view that the resources of the Academy went back to Plato himself: τῶν δὲ διαδόχων οὐσία οὐκ ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ νομίζουσι Πλάτωνος ἦν τὸ ἀνέκαθεν. This summary too continues with the points that Plato was not rich, that only the garden was his, and that there were large additions through bequests later. From this text, we may infer that Olympiodorus' diadochika must have been school resources under the control of the school's head: Damascius is talking about sums of money, and the garden could hardly have been part of the scholarch's salary.

If, then, such funds as were available to the Academy in the 5th and 6th centuries were not the product of Plato's own endowments, Olympiodorus—or his source—has wrongly inferred from the Academy's current, or recent, wealth, and Plato's aristocratic background and refusal to take fees, that Plato himself was responsible for the endowments. Damascius' disclaimer shows that he was not the first to do so. And if Olympiodorus was wrong about that, then he might also, though less obviously, have been wrong in saying that the funds existed in his own day. His information could have been some thirty years out of date, a period for the survival of obsolete information by no means inconceivable even with modern methods of disseminating information. We need look no further than the reputations of university departments in our own times. If the close relation between Athenian and Alexandrian philosophers that had obtained in the fifth century were by now a thing of the past—whether because of odium academicum, as manifested in the bitter attacks launched by Philoponus on the views of Proclus in a previous generation, and Simplicius in his own, the latter being furiously reciprocated—or because nothing was any longer happening at Athens, or for some other reason, that would be sufficient to explain such an error.

To return to the question of a re-endowment in the 5th century. There are a number of indications that this happened. In the first place, negatively, there is little if any evidence that the Academy, or any but insignificant Platonists, were active at Athens in the preceding period. Positively, we have a report from Synesius that he went to Athens and found nothing going on at all:

"It is like a sacrificial victim at the end of the proceedings, with only the skin left as a token of the animal that once was. So philosophy has moved its home, and all that is left for a visitor is to wander around looking at the Academy, the Lyceum, and, yes, the Stoa Poikile..." [introduction p. 369-372]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8waAtP8ixbo8cmC

A Companion to Ancient Philosophy, 2006
By: Gill, Mary Louise (Ed.), Pellegrin, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	A Companion to Ancient Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2006
Publication Place	Malden – Oxford - Victoria
Publisher	Blackwell Publishers
Series	Blackwell Companions to Philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Gill, Mary Louise , Pellegrin, Pierre
Translator(s)

A Companion to Ancient Philosophy provides a comprehensive and current overview of the history of ancient Greek and Roman philosophy from its origins until late antiquity.
Comprises an extensive collection of original essays, featuring contributions from both rising stars and senior scholars of ancient philosophy
Integrates analytic and continental traditions
Explores the development of various disciplines, such as mathematics, logic, grammar, physics, and medicine, in relation to ancient philosophy
Includes an illuminating introduction, bibliography, chronology, maps and an index

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qzOjm6CsROqhaCL

A Fragment of Aristotle's Poetics from Porphyry, concerning Synonymy, 1982
By: Janko, Richard

Title	A Fragment of Aristotle's Poetics from Porphyry, concerning Synonymy
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1982
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	32
Issue	2
Pages	323-326
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Janko, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

An  important fragment of  the lost  portion  of  Aristotle's Poetics is  the definition of synonyms preserved by Simplicius,' which corresponds to Aristotle's own citation of the Poetics for synonyms in the Rhetoric, 3. 2. 1404b 37 ff. I shall argue elsewhere that this derives from a discussion of  the sources of  verbal humour in the lost account of 
comedy  and humour. Here it is  my  aim to  show  that  Simplicius definitely derived the quotation  from Porphyry, which pushes back the attestation of  this part of  the Poetics  by  more  than  two  centuries (although  the citation  in  the Antiatticist,  Poet. fr. 4  Kassel, is  older still). Furthermore, I  shall show  that some  of  the words in  the 
definition are a  gloss  added by Porphyry for the purposes of  his own  polemic. [introduction, p. 323]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FEkzGy6BAHpTaIG

A Lost Passage from Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem in Arabic Translation, 1965
By: Kraemer, Joel L.

Title	A Lost Passage from Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem in Arabic Translation
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1965
Journal	Journal of the American Oriental Society
Volume	85
Issue	3
Pages	318-327
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kraemer, Joel L.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The passage before us, a response to a rhetorical argument, is not on a par with the technical aspects of Philoponus' critique of Aristotle, but it is no less appealing or significant for that reason. The last part of it conveys, in a lyrical way, the religious sentiment of the author in a tone that prefigures the devotional pages of the De opificio mundi. There, he returns to the question of the designation of heaven as the seat of the divine. "What wonder," he writes, "if [people] set apart the noblest and purest of bodily existents, heaven, for God, and, while praying, extend their hands to it." He adds that through the physical act of raising the hands and eyes to heaven, the mind is raised to God. Heaven is a symbol of the majesty of the Creator.

Philoponus obliterates the pagan-Aristotelian distinction between the divine, eternal heavens and the transitory sublunar world. But it is not quite precise to say that he abrogates the superiority of heaven. Heaven and earth are placed in the same order, but heaven ranks higher than earth. That heaven ranks higher than earth and is more closely associated with the divine is part of his Christian heritage. The light metaphor and the idea that all things receive the divine illumination and do so according to their capacity are reflections from Neo-Platonism, but they appear to have been integrated into his Christian vision. The idea that all things are filled with God is not inconsistent with the biblical view that the whole earth is filled with His presence. [conclusion p. 326-327]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3NxYnrQXBWBXLOL

A New Fragment of Parmenides, 1935
By: Cornford, Francis Macdonald

Title	A New Fragment of Parmenides
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1935
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	49
Issue	4
Pages	122-123
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cornford, Francis Macdonald
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The text discusses a disputed line in Parmenides, quoted in Plato's Theaetetus and Simplicius' Physics. Some editors deny the line's independent existence, claiming it was created by Plato by misquoting another verse. The author disagrees with this view, arguing that the line is meaningful and could have been in their texts of Parmenides. The author also argues that there is no reason to believe that Simplicius took the line from Plato, and that Plato was not slovenly in his treatment of Parmenides. The author proposes a corrected version of the line and suggests that it may be Parmenides' last word on the unity and unchangeableness of Being. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/T0iSCzh2Kntxx5a

A New Role for the Hippopede of Eudoxus, 2001
By: Yavetz, Ido

Title	A New Role for the Hippopede of Eudoxus
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Archive for History of Exact Sciences
Volume	56
Issue	1
Pages	69-93
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Yavetz, Ido
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The geometry of the alternative reconstruction of Eudoxan planetary theory is studied. It is 
shown that in this framework the hippopede acquires an analytical role, consolidating the theory's geometrical underpinnings. This removes the main point of incompatibility between the alternative reconstruction and Simplicius's account of Eudoxan planetary astronomy. The analysis also suggests a compass and straight-edge procedure for drawing a point by point outline of the retrograde loop created by any given arrangement of the three inner spheres. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AL92XR05kicTihW

A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras, 1960
By: Wasserstein, Abraham

Title	A Note on Fragment 12 of Anaxagoras
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1960
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	10
Issue	1
Pages	4-5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wasserstein, Abraham
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

These are the last few lines of fragment 12 of Anaxagoras as printed in Diels-Kranz6, ii. 39: D.-K. follow closely, with only a minor modification, the Berlin text of Simplicius in Phys., p. 157, which is the source of our knowledge of this fragment.

It seems to me necessary, or at any rate highly desirable, that any interpretation of this passage should, inter alia, satisfy the following three conditions:

ὁμοῖος should have the same meaning when applied to νοῦς and when applied to ἕτερον in the next line.

The clause ἕτερον δὲ οὐδὲν ... should contain a contrast to the clause νοῦς δέ ..., i.e. we should be able to understand that something is true of νοῦς that is not true of anything other (ἕτερον) than νοῦς.

The clause ἀλλ’ ... should follow naturally on the preceding two clauses.

This set of conditions is not satisfied by any interpretation that I know. Here are the translations of Diels, Tannery, Burnet:

Diels (loc. cit.): "Geist aber ist allemal von gleicher Art, der größere wie der kleinere. Sonst aber ist nichts dem anderen gleichartig, sondern wovon am meisten in einem Dinge enthalten ist, dies als das deutlichst Erkennbare ist und war das eine Einzelding."
Tannery (Pour l’histoire de la science hellénique, p. 311): "Tout le noas est semblable, le plus grand et le plus petit; il n'y a, par ailleurs, aucune chose qui soit semblable à aucune autre, mais chacune est pour l'apparence ce dont elle contient le plus."
Burnet: "And all Nous is alike, both the greater and the smaller; while nothing else is like anything else, but each single thing is and was most manifestly those things of which it has most in it."

It will be seen at once that all these translation-interpretations involve us in a number of difficulties:

In all three cases ὁμοῖος, which, when applied to νοῦς, quite naturally (and, surely, inevitably) means something like "homogeneous" (i.e. ὁμοῖος κατὰ φύσιν), is understood in a different sense and construed in a different way when it is used again in the same sentence. For what is, according to these interpretations, denied in the clause ἕτερον δὲ ... is that any other thing is "like" (gleichartig, semblable) anything else, not that they are "homogeneous," which had been asserted of νοῦς.

But if that is right, there is no immediately obvious contrast between νοῦς and anything other than νοῦς. Such a contrast is obviously intended; at any rate, a comparison between νοῦς and other things is made in terms of being ὁμοῖος; but such a comparison loses all point if ὁμοῖος is used in two different senses.

It is further to be observed that in all these interpretations there is no real point in the third clause ἀλλ’ .... What is ἀλλὰ supposed to mean here? But? ("sondern"? "mais"?) How is this clause related to what precedes?

All these difficulties can be removed very easily. I propose that οὐδενί be excised. Read:

νοῦς δὲ ἰσαῖς μέτροις ὅμοιος· ἕτερον δὲ οὐδὲν ὅμοιον· ἀλλὰ τῶν πλεῖστων εἶναι τὰ φαινόμενα ἔνθα καὶ ἦν.

And interpret:
"Nous is all homogeneous, both the greater and the smaller; nothing else is homogeneous; but [the apparent homogeneity of other things like, e.g., gold, is due to the fact that] each thing is (or appears to be) most manifestly that of which there is most in it."

Thus, if we excise οὐδενί,

ὁμοῖος has the same sense ("homogeneous") both as applied to νοῦς and as applied to ἕτερον.

There is a pointed comparison between νοῦς and other things: something is true of νοῦς that is not true of other things.

The last clause follows naturally on the earlier statements; for, after making the comparison, Anaxagoras goes on to remove a possible objection: "But is not gold, or iron, or anything else like that, also homogeneous?" "No, it is not; it only looks as if it were, because everything looks like that of which it has most in it." This statement is, of course, immediately intelligible in the light of other statements about ὁμοίως φαίνεσθαι, such as ἐν παντὶ παντός μορφὴ ἐνέστηκε (frg. 11); or the beginning of our fragment 12: τὰ ἐν παντὶ πλείω μετέχει κτλ. (Cf. also Simplicius, in Phys., p. 27, where frg. 11 is quoted together with τῶν πλείστων εἶναι κτλ.).

Lest it be thought that the excision of οὐδενί is altogether too radical an expedient, I may mention one other point: Simplicius is capable of extending his quotations by the addition of his own words; that is to say, he could add words to explain what he took to be the meaning of a passage he quoted. Thus, if he misunderstood this statement of Anaxagoras in a sense which made the addition of οὐδενί seem natural, he may well, without even noticing it himself, have added it. We know that elsewhere, quoting this very same sentence, he adds a few words of his own. He writes (in Phys., p. 165, 13): καὶ εἰς τὸν ἕτερον ὁμοιομέρειαν Ἀναξαγόρας ὑπέθετο λέγειν, ὃς δ’ ἐστὶν πλεῖστον αὐτῷ ἐπιπεπτῶκεν. Now, the words ἐπιπεπτῶκεν are generally thought to be not part of the quotation but an explanatory addition by Simplicius; the quotation marks after οὐδενί here are, of course, Diels’s, not Simplicius’s; perhaps we ought to put them before οὐδενί and make that too part of the (mistaken) explanation of Simplicius? If Simplicius could add (as seems to be admitted by all scholars with the one exception of Schorn) the words πλεῖστον αὐτῷ ἐπιπεπτῶκεν, he may also have added οὐδενί. [the whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0UZZOhtjCwUNKOl

A Philosophical Portrait of Stephanus the Philosopher, 2016
By: Roueché, Mossman, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	A Philosophical Portrait of Stephanus the Philosopher
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	541-564
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Roueché, Mossman
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/N5kDdYi5KDU6EBg

A note on ancient Sardinian incubation (Aristotle, Physica IV 11), 2013
By: Minunno, Giuseppe, Loretz, Oswald (Ed.), Ribichini, Sergio (Ed.), Watson, Wilfred G. E. (Ed.), Zamora, José Antonio (Ed.)

Title	A note on ancient Sardinian incubation (Aristotle, Physica IV 11)
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2013
Published in	Ritual, Religion and Reason: Studies in the Ancient World in Honour of Paolo Xella
Pages	553-560
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Minunno, Giuseppe
Editor(s)	Loretz, Oswald , Ribichini, Sergio , Watson, Wilfred G. E. , Zamora, José Antonio
Translator(s)

Aristotle’s meagre reference does not indicate either who these heroes were or the reason for sleeping near them, but some more information on the matter is provided by commentators on Aristotle. While Temistius’ commentary gives no more than a paraphrase of Aristotle’s text, Philoponus claims that these persons were sick people who went and slept near the heroes. He also claims that, after having slept for five days uninterruptedly, they recovered. Simplicius believes that people slept near the heroes ὀνείρων ἕνεκεν ἢ ἄλλης τινὸς χρείας; furthermore, he asserts that the heroes mentioned by Aristotle were the nine sons whom Herakles begot by the daughters of Thespios. They died in Sardinia, where their corpses remained uncorrupted and intact, giving them the appearance of sleepers (φαντασίαν καθευδόντων παρεχόμενα).

Tertullian, also, makes a reference to Aristotle who, according to him, mentioned incubatores of the sanctuary (fanum) of a Sardinian hero having the power to deprive them of dreams (visionibus privantem). [introduction p. 553-554]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zgzJrhACQcU9nqT

A propos de la biographie de Simplicius, 1991
By: Van Riet, Simone

Title	A propos de la biographie de Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1991
Journal	Revue philosophique de Louvain
Volume	83
Pages	506-514
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Van Riet, Simone
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Known for his adherence to the Neoplatonic School of Athens, Simplicius represents the intellectual lineage that blended Plotinus' metaphysics with oriental mysteries and rites, tracing its roots back to the ancient Platonic Academy. His journey also intersects with the evolution of philosophy in Alexandria, known for its leanings towards natural studies and empirical sciences. However, unlike many of his contemporaries, Simplicius lacks a dedicated biographer, necessitating careful historical reconstruction of his life. A notable event in his life was the closure of the Neoplatonic School of Athens in 529, pushing Simplicius and others to Persia, only to face disappointment and eventual return due to a peace treaty. While his commentaries on Aristotle's treatises form the main body of his works, this study argues for a deeper recognition of Simplicius and his fellow Aristotelian commentators as distinctive thinkers in the history of philosophy, whose biographies merit thorough exploration. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8nsFoCQv5aHc85J

A “New” Text of Alexander on the Soul’s Motion, 1997
By: Rashed, Marwan, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	A “New” Text of Alexander on the Soul’s Motion
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1997
Published in	Aristotle and after
Pages	181-195
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

A last argument: when Alexander describes the doctrine through which Aristotle hoped to escape from Atticus’ criticisms, he writes, apropos the intellect: "and it is separated out (ekkrinetai) in the same way as it is introduced (eiskrinetai)". Thus, the only two occurrences in Alexander of the verb eiskrinesthai are deeply connected with Atticus’ theory, either directly or through Aristotle’s reply. It seems, therefore, very probable that Alexander himself was aware of the significance of this technical term, and that he mentioned it twice.

To conclude, then, the historical evolution of the polemics may be summarised as follows:

    The ‘Aristotelian’ claim of the intellect from without.
    Atticus attacks the intellect from without because of its inability to move.
    Aristoteles of Mytilene (as reported by Alexander in C1) defends the intellect from without by claiming its ubiquity.
    Alexander (De intell., C2) criticises Aristoteles’ solution to Atticus’ criticisms and gives an alternative reply to Atticus by accounting for separation in terms of thought processes.
    Alexander (In Phys.) attacks Atticus’ vehicle-theory on the grounds that it does not resolve the question at all and alludes indirectly to his previous solution.

Thus, we may conclude that the De intellectu is an authentic work of Alexander, but an earlier one than the commentary on the Physics. [conclusion p. 194-195]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/roAfpopRonK2aKn

A. Der Parisinus graecus 1853, 3. Die Handschrift E - kulturgeschichtlich, 2001
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	A. Der Parisinus graecus 1853, 3. Die Handschrift E - kulturgeschichtlich
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2001
Published in	Die Überlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione
Pages	43-53
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Es ist nicht bekannt, welche Rolle E während der Renaissance gespielt hat, wenn überhaupt. Für die Zeit vor dem 16. Jahrhundert, d. h. vor dem Zeitpunkt der Eingliederung in Ridolfis Bibliothek, bietet P. Moraux keinen Hinweis.

Doch gibt es, auch wenn die spätere Geschichte des Paris. sehr rätselhaft ist, gute Gründe anzunehmen, dass sich E schon am Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts in Florenz befand. A. Diller hat entdeckt, dass die unter der Nummer 81 in dem um 1510 kopierten Katalog des Fabio Vigili "Mediceae domus insignis Bibliotheca quae nunc est apud R.mum Card. de Medicis. Graeca bibliotheca" (Barber. lat. 3185, fol. 1–76) beschriebene Handschrift nur E sein konnte.

Es liegt demnach die Vermutung nahe, dass E schon zu Lebzeiten Lorenzos zur Librería Privata gehörte: "It [Hs. E] was probably in the Bibliotheca Medicea privata in the time of Lorenzo (d. 1492)." Leider wissen wir nicht, unter welchen Umständen die Medici in den Besitz der wichtigen Handschrift gelangt sind. Möglicherweise hat Janos Laskaris den Kodex im Osten entdeckt und ihn nach Florenz mitgebracht.

Die spätere Geschichte ist gut bekannt und von Moraux in allen Einzelheiten beschrieben. [conclusion p. 53]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/v6hwr0DWpDDC3mu

Title	Abū l-ʿAbbās an-Nayrīzīs Exzerpte aus (Ps.-?)Simplicius' Kommentar zu den Definitionen, Postulaten und Axiomen in Euclids Elementa I. Eingeleitet, ediert und mit arabischen und lateinischen Glossaren versehen von Rüdiger Arnzen
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2002
Publication Place	Köln – Essen
Publisher	Rüdiger Arnzen
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Arnzen, Rüdiger , Nairīzī, al-Faḍl Ibn-Ḥātim an-
Editor(s)	Arnzen, Rüdiger
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IUWXMfOVCLrlpvs

Active Perception in the History of Philosophy From Plato to Modern Philosophy , 2014
By: Silva, José Filipe (Ed.)

Title	Active Perception in the History of Philosophy From Plato to Modern Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2014
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Springer
Series	Studies in the History of Philosophy of Mind
Volume	14
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Silva, José Filipe
Translator(s)

The aim of the present work is to show the roots of the conception of perception as an active process, tracing the history of its development from Plato to modern philosophy. The contributors inquire into what activity is taken to mean in different theories, challenging traditional historical accounts of perception that stress the passivity of percipients in coming to know the external world. Special attention is paid to the psychological and physiological mechanisms of perception, rational and non-rational perception and the role of awareness in the perceptual process. Perception has often been conceived as a process in which the passive aspects - such as the reception of sensory stimuli - were stressed and the active ones overlooked. However, during recent decades research in cognitive science and philosophy of mind has emphasized the activity of the subject in the process of sense perception, often associating this activity to the notions of attention and intentionality. Although it is recognized that there are ancient roots to the view that perception is fundamentally active, the history remains largely unexplored. The book is directed to all those interested in contemporary debates in the fields of philosophy of mind and cognitive psychology who would like to become acquainted with the historical background of active perception, but for historical reliability the aim is to make no compromises. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

Addenda Eudemea, 2006
By: Baltussen, Han

Title	Addenda Eudemea
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2006
Journal	Leeds International Classical Studies
Volume	5
Issue	1
Pages	1-28
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This  paper  presents  16  fragments  of  the  Peripatetic  philosopher  Eudemus  (c. 350-290 BC), which were not printed in the (still) standard edition of Wehrli (1955; revised  1969),  but  which  had  been  signalled  in  passing  by  De  Lacy  (1957)  and  Gottschalk (1973). The aim is to provide a text with translation and brief annotation, to be included in a future edition, and to argue that context can add to our understanding of these  passages.  Their  importance  lies  in  bringing  greater  comprehensiveness  to  the  collection,  offering  at  least  five  additional  (near)  quotations,  and  illustrating  the  new  trend  in  fragment  studies  to  contextualize  fragments  on  several  levels  in  order  to  gain  further insight into their value and reception. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HRE0ldIrfqIxrEE

Addendum: Simplicius, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium (CAG 8), V, P. 109, 5-110, 25 (Kalbfleish), 2009
By: Narbonne, Jean-Marc, Narbonne, Jean-Marc (Ed.), Poirier, Paul-Hubert (Ed.)

Title	Addendum: Simplicius, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium (CAG 8), V, P. 109, 5-110, 25 (Kalbfleish)
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2009
Published in	Gnose et Philosophie. Études en hommage à Pierre Hadot
Pages	97-100
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Narbonne, Jean-Marc
Editor(s)	Narbonne, Jean-Marc , Poirier, Paul-Hubert
Translator(s)

This text is an addendum to the book Simplicius, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium (CAG 8) p. 109. It explores Plotinus‘ concept of substance and non-substance, good and evil, and the principle of better and worse things. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ahDdnxIxJ6Y3VGD

After Chalcedon. Studies in Theology and Church History. Offered to Professor Albert van Roey for his seventieth birthday, 1985
By: Laga, Carl (Ed.), Munitiz, Joseph A. (Ed.), Rompay, Lucas van (Ed.)

Title	After Chalcedon. Studies in Theology and Church History. Offered to Professor Albert van Roey for his seventieth birthday
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1985
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Itgeverij Peeters Leuven
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Laga, Carl , Munitiz, Joseph A. , Rompay, Lucas van
Translator(s)

This volume in honour of Prof. P.H.L. Eggermont, Indologist and Classicist, is focused on North and Northwest India, and on the adjacent regions to the west, with special attention to the Hellenistic monarchies, the historical geography of India, the ancient trade routes, and the contacts between India, Greece and Rome. The contributions of this Festschrift provide a bulk of material, especially for those interested in relations between Classical and Oriental philological, historical, archaeological, and geographical sources. Besides, the volume contains a biography and a bibliography of Prof. Eggermont. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GSkAPkgJ17bDZ3g

Akrasia and Enkrateia in Simplicius’s Commentary on Epictetus’s Emcheiridion, 2014
By: Lawrence, Marilynn, Layne, Danielle A. (Ed.), Tarrant, Harold (Ed.)

Title	Akrasia and Enkrateia in Simplicius’s Commentary on Epictetus’s Emcheiridion
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2014
Published in	The Neoplatonic Socrates
Pages	127-142
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lawrence, Marilynn
Editor(s)	Layne, Danielle A. , Tarrant, Harold
Translator(s)

This text explores the problem of akrasia, or the phenomenon of knowingly erring, within Socratic philosophy, and its relationship to Socratic intellectualism. The denial of akrasia by Socrates and Aristotle's response to it have been discussed by scholars, with interpretations and critiques of the argument that no one willingly chooses to do what they know is wrong. Simplicius attempted to reconcile these differing views and harmonize the phenomenon of akrasia while preserving Socrates' intellectualist position through his commentary on Epictetus's Encheiridion. The text concludes with Simplicius's reflections on the antiphilosophical culture of his time and the importance of philosophical education. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hnBeShzJI9WChDr

Albert le Grand sur la dérivation des formes géométriques: Un témoignage de l'influence de Simplicius par le biais des Arabes?, 2008
By: Chase, Michael

Title	Albert le Grand sur la dérivation des formes géométriques: Un témoignage de l'influence de Simplicius par le biais des Arabes?
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2008
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Or, ce schéma de dérivation géométrique joue un rôle assez important dans la pensée d'Albert, qui l'attribue à Platon. Cette attribution ne semble pas si farfelue que cela, même si la dérivation des formes géométriques à partir du flux du point semble provenir de Speusippe plutôt que de son oncle Platon. Il n'en reste pas moins que, du moins selon l'interprétation de l'École de Tübingen, le schéma de dérivation point/nombre-ligne-surface-corps est d'une importance tout à fait fondamentale pour l'ontologie ésotérique de Platon.

Sans accès aux Dialogues de Platon, Albert le Grand finit donc, quelles qu'aient été ses sources prochaines et lointaines pour les doctrines platoniciennes, par défendre une image de Platon qui correspond, dans une large mesure, à celle de l'École de Tübingen.

Quant à la question de ses sources et de la voie de transmission de ces doctrines, Albert a pu trouver chez la plus importante d'entre elles — la pensée d'Avicenne — de quoi nourrir une réflexion approfondie sur cette question de la dérivation des formes géométriques. Cependant, le commentaire d'Albert aux Éléments d'Euclide montre qu'à cette influence avicennienne est venue s'ajouter une autre, indépendante : la doctrine géométrique de Simplicius, véhiculée par la traduction latine du commentaire euclidien d'al-Nairīzī.

Qu'en est-il de la relation entre Simplicius et Avicenne ? Nous avons vu que certains éléments du schéma simplicien de la dérivation des formes géométriques se retrouvent déjà dans l'École de Bagdad, autour de Yaḥyā ibn ‘Adī. G. Freudenthal, pour sa part, avait conclu de son étude de la géométrie d'al-Fārābī qu'« il est fort probable qu'al-Fārābī connaissait soit les ouvrages de Simplicius auxquels an-Nairīzī avait accès, soit seulement la brève citation [p. 2, 19-23 Curze] contenue dans le commentaire d'an-Nairīzī ».

Quoi qu'il en soit, il semble difficile d'éviter la conclusion qu'Avicenne connaissait bien la doctrine géométrique de Simplicius, du moins telle que transmise par le commentaire d'al-Nairīzī, soit par l'intermédiaire de l'École de Bagdad, soit par ses lectures propres.

De Platon à Speusippe, en passant par des sources hellénistiques telles que Sextus Empiricus, la doctrine de la dérivation des formes géométriques a fini, au VIe siècle apr. J.-C., par faire partie intégrante du bagage intellectuel des derniers néoplatoniciens tels que Philopon et Simplicius.

C'est, semble-t-il, la pensée géométrique de ce dernier qui, traduite en arabe et préservée dans le commentaire euclidien d'al-Nairīzī, contribue à former la pensée d'Avicenne au premier quart du XIe siècle, avant d'arriver, quelque deux siècles plus tard, sous les yeux de ce lecteur omnivore qu'était Albert le Grand.

Pour expliquer cet itinéraire de la pensée, il n'est sans doute pas nécessaire de postuler que, comme le soutient Mme Hadot, Simplicius ait rédigé son Commentaire d'Euclide à Harran. Mais rien n'exclut cette hypothèse non plus, et quand on pense aux éléments de preuve rassemblés par Mme Hadot et d'autres concernant l'importance du legs de l'École mathématique de Simplicius dans le monde arabe, on peut estimer que le cas du schéma de la dérivation des formes géométriques à partir du point ne fait qu'ajouter une brique de plus à l'édifice des preuves témoignant en faveur de l'hypothèse de l'« École néoplatonicienne de Harran ». [conclusion p. 28-29]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mVjTC4EIjO2Aggg

Alessandro di Afrodisia, Commentario al De caelo di Aristotele. Frammenti del primo libro, 2004
By: Rescigno, Andrea (Ed.), Alexander Aphrodisiensis,

Title	Alessandro di Afrodisia, Commentario al De caelo di Aristotele. Frammenti del primo libro
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2004
Publication Place	Amsterdam
Publisher	Hakkert
Series	Supplementi di Lexis
Volume	26
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Alexander Aphrodisiensis
Editor(s)	Rescigno, Andrea
Translator(s)	Rescigno, Andrea(Rescigno, Andrea)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tu72sBCDmGrvNf3

Alexander of Aphrodisias in the later Greek commentaries on Aristotle’s De Anima, 1987
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Alexander of Aphrodisias in the later Greek commentaries on Aristotle’s De Anima
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben
Pages	90-106
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

These  are  a  few  examples  of  how  the  Neoplatonist  commenta
tors  confronted  Alexander  on  matters  where  differences  could 
hardly fail  to  arise. What happens  is  clear enough.  But it would be 
wrong to think that these principles of interpretation are not applied 
at  other  points  in  the  work.  Let  us  take  an  apparently  innocuous 
issue like the section where Aristotle discusses locomotion under the 
stimulus  of the  appetitive  faculty  (433  b  8sqq.). Alexander, giving a 
clearly  Aristotelian  explanation,  said  that  the  faculty  was  moved 
accidentally.  Plutarch  differed,  and  said  that  the  activity  of  the 
appetitive  faculty  is  movement:  this  Simplicius  describes  as  a  Pla
tonic explanation, and prefers it (302,23-30).44 On the other hand, a 
few  pages  below  Simplicius  prefers  Alexander  to  Plutarch  on  the 
question  whether  moving  but  ungenerated  entities  have  sense-per
ception  (320,33-34):  we  have  already  looked  at  his  and  Stephanus’ account  of  this  passage.45  As  we  indicated,  Stephanus  there quotes 
Alexander only to disagree with him, and here we have at least one 
piece  of  evidence  to  show  that  Neoplatonist  commentators  could 
take a different view of the same passage. If we had more examples 
of texts where Alexander’s views of the De anima were discussed by 
more than one of his successors, we should be able to form a clearer 
picture  of  how  far  the  different  commentators  were  prepared  to 
accept them, and thus incidentally of the precise differences between 
these commentators themselves on the points at issue. [conclusion p. 105-106]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yyFedFSkP8qo8dn

Alexander of Aphrodisias on Celestial Motions, 1997
By: Bodnár, István M.

Title	Alexander of Aphrodisias on Celestial Motions
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1997
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	42
Issue	2
Pages	190-205
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bodnár, István M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A number of features of the doctrine of Alexander of Aphrodisias on heavenly motions are beyond reasonable doubt. First and foremost of these is
that he identified the nature of the heavenly spheres with their soul, thereby he could entirely collapse natural motion with voluntary motion into one in their case. Moreover the celestial element, which Alexander tends to call theion sôma, divine body is removed from the components of
the everchanging sublunary world to the extent that it can be a legitimate question whether the substrate of celestial bodies can be called matter, and Alexander can refer to perishable entities as evIua, material in contrast to this sublime element. After identifying the contribution of the nature of the celestial spheres with that of their soul, Alexander follows
Aristotle in setting out a celestial hierarchy, on top of which there is or there are the separate unmoved mover(s), which move(s) by being object(s) of striving and desire for the less perfect entities of the heavens. This much seems to be firmly settled. A number of further issues, however, call for detailed examination. In this paper first I set out to clarify the contributions of the striving of the different celestial spheres, then I turn to describing the interaction between the various motions of the celestial system, and I discuss whether the theory Alexander propounded could have been a fundamental revision, or rather an alternative exposition of the original, Aristotelian celestial theory deploying homocentric spheres. [Introduction, p. 190-191]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FT5oXWdKEJGehLA

Alexander of Aphrodisias on Stoic Physics. A study of the De mixtione with Preliminary Essays, Text, Translation and Commentary, 1976
By: Todd, Robert B.

Title	Alexander of Aphrodisias on Stoic Physics. A study of the De mixtione with Preliminary Essays, Text, Translation and Commentary
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1976
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua
Volume	28
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Todd, Robert B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The importance of  Alexander of  Aphrodisias in the Aristotelian 
tradition in Western  philosophy is  well  established.  This reputa›
tion however rests almost exclusively on his very influential inter›
pretation of Aristotle’s doctrine of the active intellect. The subject 
of the present study, the de mixtione, is a treatise in which he deals 
with  the  philosophically  less  important  topic  of  the  mixture  of 
physical bodies.  My  aim is  to show that both as  an exposition of 
Aristotelian thought and as an extended discussion of Stoic physics 
it offers  an excellent  opportunity to observe  the development  of 
Peripatetic scholasticism  in the face  of  ideas  developed  in post›
Aristotelian  philosophy.  In this  way  I  shall  try to establish  the 
largely unacknowledged importance of Alexander’s contribution to 
the Greek philosophical tradition. 
Alexander  is  still  unfortunately  a  relatively  obscure  author 
and so I  have devoted Part One of this study to a basic description 
of  his works and a  preliminary attempt to place him in his intel›
lectual milieu. His philosophical creativity, as this essay will show, 
has  greater  rein  in  his  short  treatises  than  in  his  monumental 
commentaries, and it is from these works that his relation to other 
philosophical  schools  can  best  be  gauged.  Like  his  de  Jato  the 
de  mixtione is basically an attack on the Stoics, but it also contains 
a  great  deal  of  important source  material and some  constructive 
criticisms of Stoic physics. Much of this I shall evaluate in a com›
mentary in Part Three,  but these  aspects  of  the work  must also 
be seen  in the light of  similar contributions by our other sources 
for  Stoic  physics  as  well  as  Alexander’s  own  overall  relation  to 
Stoicism.  For this reason in Part Two  I  survey the latter before 
undertaking  an  extended  examination  of  Alexander’s  exposition 
and critique of  the Stoic theory of total blending (xpiia~<;  8~’  lSAwv), the main subject of the de  mixtione. [preface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4Gg0RFYjZ0oHdLr

Alexander on Physics 2.9, 2012
By: Sharples, Robert W.

Title	Alexander on Physics 2.9
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
Volume	55
Issue	1
Pages	19-30
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sharples, Robert W.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I want to draw your attention today to a report of Alexander in Simplicius’s Physics commentary which, as far as I can tell, has escaped the notice of everyone, myself included—and I have rather less excuse than most, for, as we shall see, the report connects directly with issues about which I have written in other contexts. That was concerned with On Coming-to-Be and Passing-Away [hereafter GC] 2.11, with Philoponus’s commentary thereon, and with Alexander’s discussion in some of the Quaestiones; the present paper, with Simplicius’s help, extends the discussion to Physics 2.9. Alexander’s GC commentary and the relevant part of his Physics commentary are lost. The text that will chiefly concern us is (3) (2) in the appendix, where Simplicius says:

    "For my part, I do not understand why Alexander says that unqualified necessity excludes what is for the sake of something."

Perhaps indeed he does understand why Alexander says this, and this is a disingenuous way of introducing a problem; but the problem may be real nonetheless.

If my story has a moral, it is, I suppose, that those who have an interest in Alexander should be more proactive than I confess I have myself been in looking up the later commentaries on passages of Aristotle that are of interest in the context of Alexander, in order to see whether Alexander is recorded as having had interesting comments to make. Or, if that is a counsel of perfection, I think it shows that we need a collection of the reports of Alexander by name in later Greek commentaries on the Physics, rather like Andrea Rescigno’s recent edition of the fragments of the De Caelo commentary. We already have the fragments of the Physics commentary preserved in Arabic, and the fragments in Greek identified by Marwan Rashed; there may be scope, if copyright and other issues can be overcome, for a compendium assembling all this material in the order of the passages of Aristotle commented upon. This would indeed in a way be assistance for the lazy, making nothing available that individual scholars could not find for themselves in published sources, but it might be useful nonetheless.

In Physics 2.9, Aristotle continues his polemic against those who explain nature in terms of necessitating material interactions, arguing that necessity is present in all things that have goal-directedness, if I may so translate “the for-the-sake-of-something,” but that the necessity of matter is not the cause or explanation of what comes about. There is, by the way, in my view a systematic ambiguity in the terminology commonly used here; necessity can be conditional either on a future goal or on some past event, but the custom has developed of using “conditional” or “hypothetical” necessity to indicate that which relates to the future, “absolute” to indicate that which is conditional on past events—presumably because there is no longer anything hypothetical about these. But, especially in the ancient Peripatetic context where, as Patzig pointed out, qualifications attach to predicates rather than to whole propositions, this could be misleading from the point of view of logical analysis.

Building a house necessarily requires bricks; but the fact that you, or the builder, purchased a pile of bricks from the builders’ merchant is not an explanation of why you now have a house. (It could be an explanation of why you have a brick house, or more strictly of why, given that you have a house, it is a brick one; but that is a different point.) To be sure, Aristotle’s argument in 2.9 is open to challenge in that he takes his examples from human goal-directed activity, and the extrapolation from these to natural processes is open to question. David Sedley well suggests that the self-building wall may be a parody of atomist cosmogony. A human being requires human flesh and human bones; but, Aristotle’s view would seem to imply, human flesh does not self-assemble into a human being—perhaps because it cannot even be human flesh, except homonymously, if it is not part of a human being. There are well-known problems here about how the final cause of embryonic development can also be the efficient cause, but I do not propose to pursue them now.

For, more important in the present context, is a distinction indicated by the example I have just used. The fact that you, or the builder, purchased a pile of bricks from the builders’ merchant is not an explanation of why you now have a house. Why not? Well, presumably, because sitting looking at the pile of bricks will not give you a house; you, or the builder, need to do something with them. Bricks not only do not explain the coming-to-be of a brick house (let us call this “thesis A”); they do not necessarily lead to it, either (let us call this “thesis B”). In more formal language, they are necessary but not sufficient conditions. For the Presocratic natural philosophers whom Aristotle is attacking, on the other hand, material interactions are both sufficient conditions for, and explanations of, natural phenomena.

Normally, an explanation will be a sufficient condition, or at least that one of a number of jointly sufficient conditions that is relevant in the explanatory context. Consequently, to say that material actions may necessitate, i.e., may be sufficient for, but may not explain, some event, or in the contexts with which we are concerned the coming-to-be of something, is to raise the specter of over-determination. If natural comings-to-be are necessitated by matter and its interactions—what some call “absolute” necessity—is there any room left in which to argue that they are explained by the purposes or goals for which they are necessary means?
[introduction p. 19-20]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RKYRiSGUGVV8cTg

Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la métaphysique aristotéliecienne, 2017
By: Balansard, Anne (Ed.), Jaulin, Annick (Ed.)

Title	Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la métaphysique aristotéliecienne
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2017
Publication Place	Leuven – Paris – Bristol, CT
Publisher	Peeters
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Balansard, Anne , Jaulin, Annick
Translator(s)

Les neuf études de ce volume portent sur le Commentaire à la Métaphysique d'Aristote par Alexandre d'Aphrodise, écrit au tournant des IIe et IIIe siècles. Elles ont été suscitées par le colloque international "Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la métaphysique aristotélicienne", tenu à l'Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne du 22 au 24 juin 2015. La question de la réception est au cœur de ces études : réception de la Métaphysique par Alexandre, réception de son exégèse par la tradition ultérieure. En effet, le commentaire d'Alexandre établit la compréhension du texte d'Aristote à partir du IIIe siècle ; il servira de référence à toutes les interprétations ultérieures, qu'elles soient néoplatoniciennes, arabes ou latines. Ces études mettent en évidence les rapports complexes entre logique, physique, philosophie première et même éthique, établis par le commentaire d'Alexandre. La question la plus disputée est celle de l'usage des Catégories dans le commentaire à la Métaphysique. Les neuf études ont pour auteurs : Cristina Cerami, Riccardo Chiaradonna, Michel Crubellier, Silvia Fazzo, Pantelis Golitsis, Gweltaz Guyomarc'h, Annick Jaulin, Claire Louguet, Marwan Rashed.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6CJEJ5bTfAFzZdH

Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la « magna quaestio ». Rôle et indépendance des scholies dans la tradition byzantine du corpus aristotélicien, 1995
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la « magna quaestio ». Rôle et indépendance des scholies dans la tradition byzantine du corpus aristotélicien
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1995
Journal	Les Études Classiques
Volume	63
Pages	295–351
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Sur le problème du lieu du Tout et de la sphère des fixes, on assiste ainsi, au sein même de la tradition aristotélicienne, à un débat qui, d’Eudème à Ibn Ruschd, en passant, comme on pense l’avoir découvert, par les premiers commentateurs péripatéticiens, puis Alexandre et ses successeurs grecs et arabes, fut le premier à révéler l’antagonisme, voire la contradiction, entre cosmologie et physique aristotéliciennes.

Il est peu d’apories, dans l’histoire de l’aristotélisme, qui aient autant mis à mal le système du Maître. Elle n’est cependant pas la seule, et bien d’autres points nous demanderont une étude attentive et difficile ; aussi, au terme de ce travail, voudrions-nous souligner l’importance du chemin restant à parcourir : les résultats acquis devront être discutés, affinés et, surtout, interprétés à la lumière d’études ponctuelles et précises sur la tradition aristotélicienne en général et alexandrine en particulier.

Si l’on a choisi de traiter d'un cas restreint et bien déterminé, le problème cosmologique du lieu aristotélicien interprété par Alexandre, c’était autant pour éclairer la profonde originalité de pensée de l’Exégète et l’importance capitale, dans l’histoire de l’aristotélisme, de son commentaire partiellement retrouvé à la Physique, que pour montrer qu’il n’y a pas, en la matière, d’histoire partielle : l’aristotélisme fit plus que se survivre au contact des doctrines stoïciennes, et l’hellénisme arabe eut tôt fait d’atteindre et de dépasser les horizons de sa jeunesse attique.

Est-il dès lors besoin d’insister sur l’idée de tradition aristotélicienne qui semble se dégager ? Celle-ci ne se reconnaît pas à l’acceptation servile de la lettre du Maître, mais à une façon commune de questionner l'ensemble de son œuvre. Interprétée par cette lignée, la véracité d’Aristote dépasse l’immédiateté de son texte pour devenir, limite et condition de la philosophie, l’assurance d’un sens « où tous les sens s’accordent ». [conclusion p. 350-351]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/m86rWMBz7g2Vnfn

Alexandre d’Aphrodise, Simplicius, et la cause efficiente de l’univers, 2017
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Balansard, Anne (Ed.), Jaulin, Annick (Ed.)

Title	Alexandre d’Aphrodise, Simplicius, et la cause efficiente de l’univers
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2017
Published in	Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la métaphysique aristotéliecienne
Pages	217-235
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Balansard, Anne , Jaulin, Annick
Translator(s)

Les commentaires aristotéliciens de Simplicius, du moins ceux sur le traité Du ciel et sur la Physique, seraient sensiblement différents si l’exégète néoplatonicien n’avait pas eu accès aux commentaires d’Alexandre d’Aphrodise. Simplicius appelle Alexandre « l’étudiant le plus attentif d’Aristote » et ses abondantes références aux explications de l’exégète péripatéticien montrent de manière éloquente que les commentaires de ce dernier étaient pour lui des outils indispensables : ils lui ont permis d’expliquer plusieurs difficultés du texte d’Aristote, exception faite des cas où Aristote critique (ou semble critiquer, comme dirait Simplicius lui-même) Platon. Dans l’un de ces cas, la position de Simplicius envers Alexandre est clairement exprimée :

    Je crois qu’Alexandre d’Aphrodise, dans les autres cas, suit manifestement de belle manière, plus belle que celle des autres philosophes péripatéticiens, les discours d’Aristote. Pourtant, à propos de ce que dit Aristote contre Platon, il me semble qu’il ne respecte plus le but de l’antilogie d’Aristote, but qui vise l’apparence des discours de Platon, mais il objecte à Platon en quelque sorte avec perfidie, puisqu’il n’essaie pas uniquement de réfuter, lui aussi, le sens apparent de ce que dit Platon par souci envers les gens simples, comme Aristote l’a précisément fait, mais il calomnie les concepts du divin Platon et tente de tirer des conclusions qui ne suivent fréquemment même pas le sens apparent de son discours.

Par l’emploi de l’adverbe κακοσχόλως («malicieusement», «avec perfidie»), Simplicius suggère à ses lecteurs qu’Alexandre connaissait en réalité le vrai objectif des critiques d’Aristote, qu’il a pourtant caché à ses propres lecteurs à cause de son appartenance à une secte philosophique, à savoir celle des Péripatéticiens. Les critiques d’Aristote envers Platon font preuve, selon Simplicius, du souci pédagogique du Stagirite ; elles sont mises en œuvre pour protéger les âmes philosophantes des contresens qu’elles risquent de faire en abordant des doctrines philosophiques qui sont difficilement compréhensibles.

Les critiques apparentes concernent surtout la doctrine platonicienne de l’âme, comme dans le passage précédemment cité, où Aristote, selon l’interprétation que Simplicius propose contre Alexandre, se livre à une critique apparente du Timée 36e2-4 :

    « [L’âme], tissée à travers le ciel, du centre à l’extrémité […] commença une vie perpétuelle et raisonnable » (ἡ δὲ ἐκ μέσου πρὸς τὸν ἔσχατον οὐρανὸν πάσῃ διεκλακεῖσα […] ἤρξατο ἀθανάτου καὶ φρονίμου βίου).

Si Aristote a ainsi critiqué Platon, c’est pour que les philosophes débutants ne pensent pas, à cause de l’usage en réalité métaphorique du participe διεκλακεῖσα («tissée»), que l’âme du monde, matériellement présente dans le corps céleste, le contraigne à se mouvoir en cercle, ce qui aurait deux conséquences non voulues :

    Que le mouvement circulaire ne serait pas le mouvement naturel du ciel,
    Que l’âme, exerçant une contrainte sur le ciel, ne pourrait pas vraiment mener une vie bienheureuse.

La critique d’Aristote concerne aussi la thèse, intenable, selon laquelle le monde fut « engendré » (γενητός) dans le temps, thèse qu’Aristote attribue à Platon seulement à un premier niveau de lecture, en adaptant son discours au degré de connaissance des âmes philosophantes. Ces dernières n’arrivent pas encore à saisir le sens de γενητός comme renvoyant, dans le contexte du Timée, à ce qui n’est pas « auto-constituant » (αὐτοσύστατον), mais qui reçoit son existence d’une autre réalité, aussi sous un mode intemporel.

Du point de vue de Simplicius, Aristote ne critique pas Platon, mais il critique en guise de préliminaire une fausse interprétation de Platon, afin que les étudiants ne soient pas amenés à croire, par leur lecture superficielle du Timée, à la création du monde.

Les critiques que Simplicius adresse à Alexandre, dans son Commentaire au traité Du ciel comme dans son Commentaire à la Physique, sont toutes liées au fait que l’Aphrodisien interprète Aristote à la lettre. Cela vaut aussi pour le problème philosophique que nous nous proposons d’examiner ici, à savoir celui de savoir si l’univers a une cause efficiente ou non.
[introduction p. 217-219]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/z0tM2tB9CIsYiik

Title	Alexandre d’Aphrodise, commentaire perdu à la « Physique » d’Aristote (livres IV−VIII) : les scholies byzantines. Édition, traduction et commentaire
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2011
Publication Place	Berlin – Boston
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan , Alexander Aphrodisiensis
Editor(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Translator(s)

The no longer extant commentary by Alexander of Aphrodisias (approx. 200 AD) on Aristotle’s Physics is one of the most important works of antiquity ‑, as a source text having influenced both the Greek commentators on Aristotle and ‒ through the mediation of Arab scholars ‑ Western medieval philosophy. This volume presents the first edition and study of nearly 700 recently discovered Byzantine scholia, which allow a more exact reconstruction of Alexander’s teachings on physics, and at the same time contribute to a better understanding of Aristotelianism and preclassical physics. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/7D2ncBfgdXVfziU

Alexandria as a Center of Greek Philosophy in Later Classical Antiquity, 1993
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Alexandria as a Center of Greek Philosophy in Later Classical Antiquity
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	Illinois Classical Studies
Volume	18
Pages	307-325
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Any  discussion of Greek Alexandria may properly  take  its starting point 
from the work of P. M. Fraser, even if only to dissent from it.  In the preface 
to Ptolemaic Alexandria Fraser observes  that philosophy  was one of the 
“items”  that  “were  not  effectively  transplanted  to  Alexandria.”1  In  his 
chapter  on  philosophy,  talking  of  the  establishment  of  the  main 
philosophical schools at Athens, Fraser writes that it “remained the centre of 
philosophical studies down to the closing of the schools by Justinian in A.D. 
563.”2  The  first of these  statements  is  near enough  the  truth,  since  the 
Alexandria of the Ptolemies was not distinguished in philosophy as ifwas in 
literature or  science,  though  even  then  some important things  happened 
during  that period too.  But the  implication  that  this  situation  continued 
during the Roman and early Byzantine periods is misleading, and by the end 
of the period simply false.3  The purpose of this paper is to examine some 
aspects  of  the  considerable  contribution  that  Alexandria  made  to  the 
philosophical tradition that continued into the Islamic and Christian middle 
ages and beyond, and to show  that it may lay claim  to have been at least 
equal to that of Athens itself. [Introduction, p. 307]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MGb8ujHWfXvghPD

Alexandrië 529: Philoponus en het einde van de antieke filosofie, 1998
By: Verrycken, Koenraad

Title	Alexandrië 529: Philoponus en het einde van de antieke filosofie
Type	Monograph
Language	Dutch
Date	1998
Publication Place	Budel
Publisher	Damon
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verrycken, Koenraad
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Alexandrië: wie kan de naam van deze stad horen zonder te denken aan de brand van de bibliotheken (47 v. Chr.), aan de zelfmoord van Cleopatra en het einde van het Ptolemaeïsche koninkrijk (30 V. Chr.)? Maar de eigenlijke betovering van Alexandrië ligt hierin dat het de ondergang van de antieke wereld in opeenvolgende, elkaar overdekkende vormen belichaamt. Alexandrië 529'behandelt de zoveelste breuk tussen verleden en toekomst en wel liet laatste kapitale moment in de strijd van liet christendom om de intellectuele alleenheerschappij. In het jaar waarin in Athene de heidense filosofische school werd gesloten (529), publiceert Philoponus in Alexandrië een christelijk filosofisch traktaat 'De aeternitate mundi contra Proclum' waarin hij probeert de academische filosofie te kerstenen. Korte tijd later valt het doek over dit christelijk-filosofisch experiment: Philoponus wordt theoloog en de Alexandrijnse filosofie valt, na de christelijke episode-Philoponus, nog voor enkele decennia terug in haar oude plooi. Daarmee wordt duidelijk dat de christelijke filosofie allerminst als voltooiing van het Alexandrijnse neoplatonisme begrepen kan worden, immers de dogmatische theologie van Philoponus te staan tegenover een heidens neoplatonisme vooral vertegenwoordigd door Olympiodorus.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mYcdp7hrXn3LjHV

All Voids Large and Small, Being a Discussion of Place and Void in Strato of Lampsacus's Matter Theory, 1999
By: Lehoux, Daryn

Title	All Voids Large and Small, Being a Discussion of Place and Void in Strato of Lampsacus's Matter Theory
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1999
Journal	Apeiron. A journal for ancient philosophy and science
Volume	32
Issue	1
Pages	1–36
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lehoux, Daryn
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In his collection of Strato's fragments, Fritz Wehrli more or less followed Diels, and H.B. Gottschalk took Diels's argument even further, presenting almost the whole of Hero's introduction as a fragment of Strato. Since then, however, a number of writers have contested different parts of Diels's reconstruction. In 1985, David Furley argued that, while the microvoid theory seems plausible enough, we cannot attribute to Strato the theory of horror vacui. And in a recent paper, Sylvia Berryman rejected the idea that we can demonstrate that Erasistratus held a matter theory involving either microvoids or the theoretical prohibition of larger extended voids.

Berryman's argument hinges on a careful distinction between the idea of the horror vacui as an explanation for why matter rushes in to fill the void, and the simple observation that matter does simply fill the space being emptied by suction. That is: when a Greek writer refers to the "following-in to what-is-being-emptied," is he referring to some theoretical mechanism by which void spaces are filled (i.e., what has been called the horror vacui), or is he simply saying that when we empty a vessel of one substance, some other substance always follows in to fill the space being emptied? To draw an analogy: in answer to the question "Why does a dropped ball hit the ground?" is the Greek τὸ πρὸς τὸ κενουμένου ἀκολουθεῖν analogous to the answer (a) "because of gravity" (implying a theory about the forces acting on matter) or (b) "because it falls" (implying only an observation that this always happens when you drop something)? Berryman thinks that Erasistratus used the "following-in to what-is-being-emptied" in this latter sense, that is, as an explanandum rather than as an explanans.

Another problem, related to this question of voids, revolves around Strato's theory of 'place' (τόπος). The two writers (Simplicius and Stobaeus) who tell us of Strato's definition of place do not agree with each other, and one of them (Simplicius) may even seem at first to be self-contradictory. Through an analysis of the extant testimonia, I shall attempt to establish Strato's theory of place, ultimately favoring Simplicius's account over that of Stobaeus. The arguments and issues involved, however, will take us through a wide variety of the possible sources for Strato and an analysis of their ideas and objectives in providing their evidence. I argue, contra Furley and Berryman, that there is good reason to suppose that Strato held a theory of horror vacui qua explanans, possibly having borrowed it from some earlier source, and that he did in fact create the microvoid theory. These separate strands tie together into a coherent system that is attributable to Strato based on evidence that is sometimes direct and sometimes circumstantial. Thus, Strato will be seen to be breaking away (to a certain extent) from a strictly Aristotelian position, perhaps following Theophrastus's lead.

While much of this work is directed at doubts about Strato's theory expressed by Furley and Berryman, I do not wish to overemphasize the amount of certainty we can attain when looking at Strato. We cannot ascertain beyond doubt that the theory I present here is in fact Strato's. But I think the evidence points fairly clearly at Strato as the originator of a physical theory which incorporates both microvoids and horror vacui, and which was adopted into medicine by Erasistratus and into mechanics by Philo or possibly Ctesibius. [introduction p. 1-3]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/uZqo1P8OJqOJxd5

Alternatives to Alternatives: Approaches to Aristotle's Arguments per impossibile, 2002
By: Kukkonen, Taneli

Title	Alternatives to Alternatives: Approaches to Aristotle's Arguments per impossibile
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Vivarium
Volume	40
Issue	2
Pages	137-173
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kukkonen, Taneli
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

When arguing from impossible premises, what was Aristotle's rationale? Is there a way to salvage all of these purported arguments "through the impossible"? In this article, I wish to examine some of the answers offered by commentators on Aristotle ranging from Alexander to Buridan. We shall see that within the discussion, a more systematic picture of Aristotle's intentions slowly emerged. Whether this picture accurately represents Aristotle is arguable. Because the cited examples arose in connection with some of Aristotle's universally held natural principles, the discussion was seen to tie in with cosmological issues of central importance. The various solutions put forward therefore serve to reveal what the discussants took to be the limits to the world's conceptualization. It is not quite a case of assessing "possible worlds"; this systematic notion only enters the discussion in the early 14th century. Rather, what is at stake is what the possible features of the one and only world are. [p. 141]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/j1e9HSV2wsOobQn

An Excerpt from Boethus of Sidon's Commentary on the Categories?, 1981
By: Huby, Pamela M.

Title	An Excerpt from Boethus of Sidon's Commentary on the Categories?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1981
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	31
Issue	2
Pages	398-409
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Huby, Pamela M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The text discusses an excerpt of a set of leaves from a fourteenth-century manuscript called Laurentianus 71, 32, containing paraphrases of several works. Theodore Waitz uses these leaves for scholia on Aristotle's Categories and De Interpretatione. The heading of the leaves is "Peri tês tou pote katêgorias," and the work consists of two parts. The first part discusses Time, based on Physics 4, while the second part deals with the category of When, which Aristotle only briefly mentions. The author of the work is believed to be Boethus of Sidon, the Peripatetic, who wrote a commentary on the Categories, as mentioned by Simplicius in his own commentary on the same work. Boethus is seen as a conservative who defended Aristotle against innovations, particularly Andronicus of Rhodes' attempt to substitute the category of Time for When. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MEh6PB5J3LpaDg5

An Intellective Perspective on Aristotle: Iamblichus the Divine, 2016
By: Opsomer, Jan, Falcon, Andrea (Ed.)

Title	An Intellective Perspective on Aristotle: Iamblichus the Divine
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Brill’ Companion to the Reception of Aristotle in Antiquity
Pages	341-357
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Opsomer, Jan
Editor(s)	Falcon, Andrea
Translator(s)

Iamblichus (ccl 245-320) is sometimes called the second founder of
Neoplatonism.1 His innovations were essential to late Neoplatonic philosophy
as it developed in the schools of Athens in particular» but also Alexandria. These
innovations do not just pertain to philosophical tenets» but also to philosophi
cal method and style. Iamblichus defined stricter exegetical rules and new
metaphysical laws. He also created an alliance between philosophy and theurgy
and insisted on the philosophical value of various religious traditions and reli
gious-philosophical texts like the Chaldaean oracles. Iamblichus was» more
over, decisive in shaping the school curriculum and, more generally, the canon
of texts that, whether philosophical or religious, carried authority for philo
sophical research. He, for instance, systematically included texts belonging
to a Pythagorean tradition— a tradition which to some extent was of his own
construal. His selection of philosophically important texts was in line with cer
tain earlier developments, but it was Iamblichus who established a real canon.
Indeed, after Iamblichus the canon remained more or less stable.If we look at the importance assigned to Aristotle and the Peripatetic tra
dition, it is clear that the difference between Iamblichus and his arch-rival
Porphyry does not reside in which texts were held to be worthy of profound
study. Hie difference is situated rather in the role and status attributed to them
within the Platonic philosophical system. From the early Imperial era onward,
Aristotle was seen by most Platonists as an ally, unlike the Stoics and Epicureans,
who were regarded as opponents. Yet the extent to which Aristotelian ideas
were incorporated varied greatly. Different parts of Aristotle's thought attracted
different Platonists and the strategies used for integrating and assimilating
them diverged. Here Iamblichus made his mark, as will become clear below. [Introduction, p. 341]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/aCdD22AdndA4ijA

An Introduction to Aspasius, 1999
By: Barnes, Jonathan, Alberti, Antonina (Ed.), Sharples, Robert W. (Ed.)

Title	An Introduction to Aspasius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1999
Published in	Aspasius: The Earliest Extant Commentary on Aristotle's Ethics
Pages	1-50
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Barnes, Jonathan
Editor(s)	Alberti, Antonina , Sharples, Robert W.
Translator(s)

The text, An Introduction to Aspasius, explores his life, works, and his Commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics. It examines Aspasius’ contributions to ethical philosophy and his relationship with Aristotle’s texts, highlighting his influence on the interpretation and transmission of Aristotelian thought. [derived from the whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hbcmVxtFs2Lthsj

Analyse de l'édition Aldine du Commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d'Aristote, 1977
By: Cordero, Néstor-Luis

Title	Analyse de l'édition Aldine du Commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d'Aristote
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1977
Journal	Hermes
Volume	105
Issue	1
Pages	42-54
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cordero, Néstor-Luis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

À la mort d’Alde, comme nous l’avons dit, Musurus a continué de collaborer avec Andrea d’Asola, mais seulement jusqu’en 1516. En 1517, le fils d’Andrea, Francesco d’Asola, a commencé à travailler à l’imprimerie, et l’année suivante, il figure déjà en tant qu’éditeur responsable de Térence, de Dioscoride et d’Eschyle.

À partir de 1518, sauf pour l’édition de Cicéron de 1519, Francesco d’Asola figure en tant que responsable direct de la plupart des éditions aldines où l’on indique le nom de l’éditeur, tout au moins jusqu’en 1529.

Mais nous avons des ouvrages d’éditeur anonyme où Francesco d’Asola ne figure qu’en tant qu’auteur de la préface. C’est précisément le cas de l’édition de Simplicius, dont la préface est dédicacée par F. Asulanus au cardinal Hercule Gonzaga.

Avec certaines réserves, nous pouvons donc supposer que, d’une manière ou d’une autre, Francesco d’Asola est le responsable de l’édition et, ainsi, l’auteur des conjectures qu’elle présente.

En ce qui concerne sa valeur, Renouard fait remarquer qu’il s’agit d’un éditeur intelligent « mais beaucoup trop hardi dans ses conjectures », ainsi qu’il apparaît dans son édition des Argonautica de C. V. Flaccus, en 1523.

Cependant, le cas le plus illustratif est son édition d’Homère (à laquelle nous avons fait précédemment allusion) de 1524, qui présente de telles divergences par rapport aux précédentes qu’elle semblerait être fondée sur un nouveau manuscrit. Mais Renouard rejette cette hypothèse :

« Il s’agit simplement de conjectures de Francesco d’Asola lui-même, car s’il avait été appuyé de nouveaux manuscrits, il n’eût pas manqué d’en avertir dans une nouvelle préface, au lieu de copier celle d’Alde de l’édition de 1504, déjà imprimée dans celle de 1517. »

Tout porte à croire, par conséquent, que l’édition de Simplicius de 1526 a été effectuée sous la responsabilité de Francesco d’Asola, dont les conjectures, en général, n’ont pas été tellement heureuses.

Cependant, nous devons reconnaître une fois de plus que nous nous trouvons sur le plan des conjectures et que la possibilité — lointaine, certes — n’est pas exclue que Francesco d’Asola ait disposé de l’archétype de l’œuvre de Simplicius.

Toutefois, nous pouvons constater que les manuscrits conservés actuellement présentent le même texte que E et F et, par conséquent, ne justifient pas quelques conjectures "trop hardies".
[conclusion p. 53-54]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ooZGKSisiH1j9G1

Anaxagoras B 14 DK, 1976
By: Marcovich, Miroslav

Title	Anaxagoras B 14 DK
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1976
Journal	Hermes
Volume	104
Issue	2
Pages	240-241
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Marcovich, Miroslav
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Notes about Anaxagoras B 14 DK

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qjqMabHfJRZhGG4

Anaxagoras Fr. 14 DK, 1974
By: Sider, David

Title	Anaxagoras Fr. 14 DK
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1974
Journal	Hermes
Volume	102
Issue	2
Pages	365-367
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sider, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Note on Anaxagoras Fr. 14 DK

Online Resources

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Anaxagoras' Other World Revisited, 1996
By: Schofield, Malcom, Algra, Keimpe A. (Ed.), Runia, David T. (Ed.)

Title	Anaxagoras' Other World Revisited
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1996
Published in	Polyhistor. Studies in the history and historiography of ancient philosophy: presented to Jaap Mansfeld on his sixtieth birthday
Pages	3-20
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schofield, Malcom
Editor(s)	Algra, Keimpe A. , Runia, David T.
Translator(s)

Very  short  papers  are  not  what  his  readers  most  immediately 
associate  with  the  name  of Jaap  Mansfeld.  But  his  piece  entitled 
‘Anaxagoras’ Other World’ runs to less than three full pages of text, 
and  the  notes cover  only half a page  more.1  Perhaps its brevity is 
one of the reasons for its neglect. Schofield in his light revision of 
Raven’s  chapter on Anaxagoras  in  The Presocratic Philosophers does 
not refer  to  it.2  Nor do  more  recent  articles  such  as Inwood’s  or 
Furth’s.3 The neglect is unfortunate.  Of the difficult text Mansfeld 
takes  as  his  topic,  ‘Anaxagoras’  Other World’  seems  to  me  much 
the most persuasive account available in the scholarly literature. In 
what follows I shall advance further considerations in favour of its 
interpretation of the mysterious ‘other world’, and against some of 
the alternatives favoured in other quarters. [p. 3]

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Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonism: The Legacy of Anaxagoras to Classical and Late Antiquity, 2016
By: Panayiotis Tzamalikos

Title	Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonism: The Legacy of Anaxagoras to Classical and Late Antiquity
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2016
Publication Place	Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Arbeiten Zur Kirchengeschichte
Volume	128
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Panayiotis Tzamalikos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Origen has been always studied as a theologian and too much credit has been given to Eusebius’ implausible hagiography of him. This book explores who Origen really was, by pondering into his philosophical background, which determines his theological exposition implicitly, yet decisively. For this background to come to light, it took a ground-breaking exposition of Anaxagoras’ philosophy and its legacy to Classical and Late Antiquity, assessing critically Aristotle’s distorted representation of Anaxagoras. Origen, formerly a Greek philosopher of note, whom Proclus styled an anti-Platonist, is placed in the history of philosophy for the first time. By drawing on his Anaxagorean background, and being the first to revive the Anaxagorean Theory of Logoi, he paved the way to Nicaea. He was an anti-Platonist because he was an Anaxagorean philosopher with far-reaching influence, also on Neoplatonists such as Porphyry. His theology made an impact not only on the Cappadocians, but also on later Christian authors. His theory of the soul, now expounded in the light of his philosophical background, turns out more orthodox than that of some Christian stars of the Byzantine imperial orthodoxy. [author's abstract]

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Anaximander and Dr Dicks, 1970
By: O'Brien, Denis

Title	Anaximander and Dr Dicks
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1970
Journal	The Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume	90
Pages	198-199
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Five separate doxographical sources attribute to Anaxagoras the statement that the sun is larger, or many times larger, than the Peloponnese. Galen, or pseudo-Galen, notes that Anaxagoras' sun is larger than the earth. I suggested that this second formula, although it may not misrepresent the substance of Anaxagoras' theory, was "probably in Galen simply a random error, arising from the fact that the preceding sentence, on Anaximander, twice makes a comparison of sun and earth" (JHS LXXXVIII [1968] 124 n. 62). It is hard to know what motivates Dr. Dicks to omit my reasoning and to stigmatize my conclusion as "curious" and "eccentric."
Tannery

Tannery offered three pairs of figures for the distances of the inner and outer diameters of the wheels of stars, moon, and sun in Anaximander's universe: 9 and 10, 18 and 19, 27 and 28 (Science Hellène 94-5). Of these, the figures 19, 27, and 28 are given in doxographical sources. The remaining figures, 9, 10, and 18, are conjectural.

If one wishes to criticize Tannery's reconstruction, it makes little sense to isolate one half only of this series. It makes still less sense to isolate the half for which there is less evidence: 9, 18, and 27. But only by doing so is Dr. Dicks able to justify the sentence which I quoted from him: "only 27 in the series has any textual authority."

I am sorry if the manner in which I quoted this sentence made it appear that Dr. Dicks had never even heard of the other two figures which appear in the sources, 19 and 28. But Dr. Dicks is wrong to criticize Tannery as though he had generated a single series of numbers from the one figure, 27, which would have been a very dubious procedure. Tannery produced a double series of numbers from the three figures, 19, 27, and 28. This is a very different argument, which has won the support of several scholars and which has recently fallen into disfavour only as the result of a number of misunderstandings, which I have tried to dispel in an article in The Classical Quarterly (n.s. XVII [1967] 423-32).
Simplicius

In these, and in other doxographical passages, statements are attributed to Anaximander about the sizes and distances of earth, stars, moon, and sun. In Simplicius, mention of megethê kai apostêmata is restricted, albeit loosely, to ta planômena: that the restriction in the context is a loose one anyone may verify who cares to turn up the original passage (De Caelo 470.29 ff = DK 12A19 in part).

Because I suggest that Simplicius here may misrepresent Eudemus, whom Simplicius refers to at this point, Dr. Dicks attributes to me the principle that "Simplicius' words may be altered, excised, or transposed at will." In fact, my interpretation of this passage in Simplicius is no different from that implied by Zeller in his great work (Philosophie der Griechen I 1, 298-301) and in part by Tannery (Science Hellène 91).
Theophrastus

Finally, Dr. Dicks objects to my quotation of two claims:

"The chances that the original works of the earlier Pre-Socratics were still readily available to his (sc. Aristotle's) pupils, such as Theophrastus and Eudemus... are extremely small."
"There is, therefore, no justification whatsoever for supposing that very late commentators, such as Proclus (5th century A.D.) and Simplicius (6th century A.D.), can possibly possess more authentic information about the Pre-Socratics than the earlier epitomators and excerptors..."

It was these two sentences which occasioned my footnote: for here an important principle is at stake. Dr. Dicks now explains that his remarks were intended to be limited to Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes. The reader could not have guessed that this was so: for the very paragraphs from which Dr. Dicks' judgment is quoted include references to Xenophanes and (indirectly) Heraclitus, while the paragraph immediately following the second sentence which I quoted (CQ n.s. IX [1959] 301) lists "Thales, Pythagoras, Heraclitus, and Empedocles" as "these early figures."

Nonetheless, even if we restrict ourselves to Dr. Dicks' chosen trio, my point remains: there is evidence that Anaximander's work was known both to Apollodorus and to Theophrastus. (N.B. "Known to": for, as I remarked in my note, "I would not claim to distinguish between 'available' and 'readily available' in the case of Theophrastus and Eudemus".)

Dr. Dicks ignores this simple refutation of both his earlier and his emended thesis. [the entire note]

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Anaximander and the origins of Greek cosmology, 1960
By: Kahn, Charles H.

Title	Anaximander and the origins of Greek cosmology
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1960
Publication Place	New York
Publisher	Columbia University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kahn, Charles H.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Reconstructs the pattern of Anaximander's thought, through a criticism and analysis of ancient traditions. Discusses the evidence for Anaximander's views and how this contributed to his observations of the universe.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5AVLBjuyq5oE4Od

Anaximander und die Anfänge der Philosophie, 1953
By: Hölscher, Uvo

Title	Anaximander und die Anfänge der Philosophie
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1953
Journal	Hermes
Volume	81
Issue	3
Pages	257-277
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hölscher, Uvo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Der Satz HERMANN FRANKELS, daß alle doxographischen Berichte solange unbestimmt sind, als nicht originaler Wortlaut hinzukommt, gilt in gewissem Sinne auch umgekehrt. Denn obwohl jener Satz gerade auch mit Rücksicht auf Anaximander gesagt worden ist, hat doch die Diskussion des Anaximanderfragments gezeigt, wie vieldeutig ein Satzbruchstück bleibt, wenn man es für sich betrachtet, aber auch, wieviel Hilfe aus der Analyse der Überlieferung kommen kann. Aus dieser wird noch einiges herangezogen, ohne daß hinlänglich gefragt würde, wo es herrührt. Sofern es sich im folgenden noch einmal um die Lehre von den Gegensatzen handelt, kommt es mir weniger darauf an, dem einzelnen Placitum sein Recht zu bestreiten, als etwas von der Weise dieses schwer zugänglichen Denkens zu erkennen. Es wird dabei zunächst in einer Untersuchung fortgefahren werden, die sich schon ausgewiesen hat: der Kritik der aristotelischen Berichte. Im zweiten Teil soll dagegen versucht werden, jene Denkform von den Voraussetzungen her zu bestimmen, aus denen Anaximander seine Konzeption des Ursprungs entwickelt hat. [introduction p. 17]

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Anaximander's Conception of the "Apeiron", 1993
By: Finkelberg, Aryeh

Title	Anaximander's Conception of the "Apeiron"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	38
Issue	3
Pages	229-256
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Finkelberg, Aryeh
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simpl. Phys. 24, 13 (DK 12 A 9): Anaximander... said that the arche and the element of existing things was the Apeiron... and he says that it is neither water nor any other of the so-called elements, but some other infinite nature...
Diog. ii 1 (DK 12 A 1): Anaximander... said that the arche and the element is the Apeiron, not determining whether it is air or water or something else.
Aet. 1 3, 3 (DK 12 A 14): Anaximander... says that the arche of existing things is the Apeiron... but he errs in that he does not say what the Apeiron is, whether it is air, or water, or earth, or some other body.

The question of whether Simplicius or Diogenes and Aetius are true to Theophrastus' genuine wording is not of purely philological interest. As Barnes notes, "the view that Anaximander's principle was qualitatively indeterminate loses in plausibility if he did not positively distinguish it from the elements." Kahn adds, "here again the words of Simplicius must closely reflect the text of Theophrastus. The parallels [in Aetius and Diogenes] prove this, even if they are not precise enough to establish the original wording." However, Barnes also admits that "we cannot tell whether Simplicius or Diogenes better represents Theophrastus' judgment."

A decisive answer, however, has already been provided by Hölscher, who assessed Simplicius' words as "clearly a distortion; the correct phrase is in Diogenes, ob ὀρθῶς," and this not merely because Simplicius is in a minority, but for the simple reason that "otherwise there could have been no discussion about it [i.e., the Apeiron] at all." Thus, what Theophrastus actually said is that Anaximander did not determine his arche and element in respect of qualities.

It is one thing to say that Anaximander did not determine his arche qualitatively and quite another to say that he posited a qualitatively indeterminate body as the arche; concluding from the former to the latter is not an inference that logicians would approve.

That being said, it is not to imply that Anaximander provided his arche with no qualification at all—he called it to Apeiron. The Greek word may mean "boundless, infinite, countless" or "endless" in the sense of "circular" (see LSJ, s.v.). However, the third meaning—"without outlet"—is surely irrelevant to Anaximander. Gottschalk correctly pointed out that the widely accepted idea that under to Apeiron Anaximander meant "that which is without internal boundaries or distinctions," effectively "qualitatively indeterminate," has no linguistic justification.

In calling his principle to Apeiron, Anaximander may have meant to specify it as spatially infinite (or, more plausibly historically, indefinitely large), temporally infinite (i.e., eternal), or most probably both; he may even have intended to denote it as spherical. However, qualitative indefiniteness was certainly not what he intended to express by this term.

The scholarly belief that Anaximander posited a qualitatively indefinite body as the principle is thus, at best, a speculative conjecture and, at worst, a confusion which has neither doxographical nor linguistic support and, moreover, strictly speaking, goes against our evidence. [introduction p. 229-231]

Online Resources

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Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken, 1964
By: Schwabl, Hans

Title	Anaximander: Zu den Quellen und seiner Einordnung im Vorsokratischen Denken
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1964
Journal	Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume	9
Pages	59-72
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schwabl, Hans
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die alten Milesier können erst nach einiger kritischer Vorarbeit Gegenstand begriffsgeschichtlicher Forschung sein. Der Anfang der griechischen Philosophie ist uns ja nur durch die Berichte späterer Autoren überliefert und aus dem Blickwinkel einer Problemstellung, die nicht mehr die der ersten Philosophen ist. So scheint der Versuch, die Eigenart der milesischen Philosophie zu bestimmen, zunächst so gut wie aussichtslos, insbesondere wenn man bedenkt, dass nicht einmal die eigentliche Quelle unserer Nachrichten, das Werk Theophrasts, uns als solche überkommen ist, sondern dass wir auch hier erst rekonstruieren müssen.

Der Anfang muss also sein, zu erforschen, was Theophrast gesagt und gemeint hat. Erst dann stellt sich die Aufgabe einer Rückübersetzung seiner Berichte ins Archaische. Diese Rückübersetzung ist nur möglich innerhalb einer entwicklungsgeschichtlichen Linie, die von den Früheren zu den Milesiern und von diesen wieder zu den späteren Vorsokratikern zu ziehen ist.

In unserer kurzen Skizze kann das dafür schon Geleistete bzw. noch zu Leistende nur angedeutet werden. Wir beschränken uns außerdem auf Anaximander, einmal wegen der besonderen Stellung, die ihm zukommt, dann aber auch wegen der Quellenlage, die, wenn man sie nur recht einzuschätzen weiß, doch einigermaßen tragfähige Schlüsse auf den Ansatzpunkt und die Eigenart dieses frühen Denkers gestattet. [introduction p. 59-60]

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Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus, 2003
By: Sharples, Robert W. (Ed.), Sheppard, Anne D. (Ed.)

Title	Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2003
Publication Place	University of London
Publisher	Institute of Classical Studies
Series	Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
Volume	46, Supplement 78
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sharples, Robert W. , Sheppard, Anne D.
Translator(s)

Twelve academic essays, given during the Institute of Classical Studies research seminar in 2000 and 2001, examine Plato's vision of the `real world' as he presented it in Timaeus while considering the text's influence on classical philosophers and scientists. Specific subjects include astronomy, the reactions of Aristotle and others to Timaeus , Hellenistic musicology, Proclus' Commentary , comparisons with Aristotle's Physics , mythology. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UsvEmjeEeL17itA

Ancient Greek Dialectic and Its Reception, 2023
By: Muzala, Melina (Ed.)

Title	Ancient Greek Dialectic and Its Reception
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2023
Publication Place	Berlin/Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Topics in Ancient Philosophy/ Themen der antiken Philosophie
Volume	10
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Muzala, Melina
Translator(s)

The volume focusses on ancient Greek dialectic and its impact on later philosophical thought, up to Byzantium. The contributions are written by distinguished scholars in their respective fields of study and shed light on the relation of ancient Greek dialectic to various aspects of human life and soul, to self-knowledge and self-consciousness, to science, rhetoric, and political theory.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MoGCt68R9BNx3zl

Ancient Interpretations of Aristotle's Doctrine of Homonyma, 1969
By: Anton, John Peter

Title	Ancient Interpretations of Aristotle's Doctrine of Homonyma
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1969
Journal	Journal of the History of Philosophy
Volume	7
Issue	1
Pages	1–18
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Anton, John Peter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The main body of this paper is given to a discussion of the interpretations which the ancient commentators offered and to an analysis of the assumptions which underlie them. It can be stated here, in anticipation of what follows, that the commentators often attached to Aristotle's meaning of homonymy aspects that were quite foreign to his views, and that by doing so, these commentators were taking extensive liberties with the text at hand. As we hope to show, the commentators brought into their discussions of this particular portion of the Categories issues and views that were far more relevant to their own ontologies and logical theories than to Aristotle's doctrines. In order to show how this is the case, we must first give a summary of what we believe our text permits us to say about the meaning of homonymy, as given in the opening chapter of the Categories. Suffice it to add at this point that the interpretations of the doctrine of homonymy with which we are concerned here are only those that are discussed exclusively in the relevant commentaries on this work. [introduction p. 1-2]

Online Resources

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Ancient Perspectives on Aristotle's De anima, 2009
By: Destrée, Pierre (Ed.), Van Riel, Gerd (Ed.), Crawford, Cyril K. (Ed.), Van Campe, Leen (Ed.)

Title	Ancient Perspectives on Aristotle's De anima
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2009
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Leuven University Press
Series	De Wulf-Mansion Centre, Ancient and Medieval Philosophy
Volume	I 41
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Destrée, Pierre , Van Riel, Gerd , Crawford, Cyril K. , Van Campe, Leen
Translator(s)

Aristotle's treatise "On the Soul" figures among the most influential texts in the intellectual history of the West. It is the first systematic treatise on the nature and functioning of the human soul, presenting Aristotle's authoritative analyses of, among others, sense perception, imagination, memory, and intellect. The ongoing debates on this difficult work continue the commentary tradition that dates back to antiquity. This volume offers a selection of papers by distinguished scholars, exploring the ancient perspectives on Aristotle's "De anima", from Aristotle's earliest successors through the Aristotelian Commentators at the end of Antiquity. It constitutes a twin publication with a volume entitled "Medieval Perspectives on Aristotle's "De anima"" [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1vWVivBFKYUW50b

Ancient Philosophy and the Doxographical Tradition, 2006
By: Mejer, Jørgen, Gill, Mary Louise (Ed.), Pellegrin, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Ancient Philosophy and the Doxographical Tradition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2006
Published in	A Companion to Ancient Philosophy
Pages	20-33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mejer, Jørgen
Editor(s)	Gill, Mary Louise , Pellegrin, Pierre
Translator(s)

Most of the other philosophical Lives from late antiquity are written in the context 
of the Platonic philosophy: Apuleius wrote a book on Plato and his philosophy in the 
second century ce, and a hundred years later both Porphyry and Iamblichus wrote 
biographies of Pythagoras, but they are all three more of value as a source to the times 
of their authors than as a source to the subject of their biographies. Porphyry’s life 
of Pythagoras  was  part  of his  Historia Philosopha,  on  the  history  of philosophy in 
four books up to and culminating in Plato. More important is the fact that we have 
biographies of some Neoplatonic philosophers written by their students: Porphyry not 
only collected and edited Plotinus’ writings at the end of the third century ce, he also 
wrote a vivid description of Plotinus’ life as he knew it from his own time with the 
Neoplatonic philosopher in Rome.3 Two hundred years later Marinus wrote a life of 
Proclus who was head of the Academy in Athens in the fifth century ce, and early in 
the  sixth  century  Damascius  wrote  a  Historia Philosopha  (previously  called  Life of 
Isidorus),  which  covers  the  last  couple  of generations  of Platonic  philosophers  in 
Athens. Since we have so many writings by the Neoplatonic philosophers themselves, 
the significance of these biographies is not what they have to tell us about the thoughts 
of these Neoplatonists, but their description of the philosophical activities in Athens. 
Taken together with the numerous commentaries on works of Plato and Aristotle, 
they offer important information about the institutional aspects of doing philosophy in 
late antiquity, and much remains to be done in this area.4 It is no coincidence that 
Simplicius and many others in this period were capable of composing commentaries 
that are still important both for our understanding of the texts they comment on and 
for our knowledge of Greek philosophy. [Conclusion, p. 33]

Online Resources

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Ancient Readings of Plato’s Phaedo, 2015
By: Delcomminette, Sylvain (Ed.), Hoine, Pieter d’ (Ed.), Gavray, Marc-Antoine (Ed.)

Title	Ancient Readings of Plato’s Phaedo
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2015
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua
Volume	140
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Delcomminette, Sylvain , Hoine, Pieter d’ , Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Translator(s)

Plato’s Phaedo has never failed to attract the attention of philosophers and scholars. Yet the history of its reception in Antiquity has been little studied. The present volume therefore proposes to examine not only the Platonic exegetical tradition surrounding this dialogue, which culminates in the commentaries of Damascius and Olympiodorus, but also its place in the reflections of the rival Peripatetic, Stoic, and Sceptical schools.
This volume thus aims to shed light on the surviving commentaries and their sources, as well as on less familiar aspects of the history of the Phaedo’s ancient reception. By doing so, it may help to clarify what ancient interpreters of Plato can and cannot offer their contemporary counterparts. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/V5pyD4OzXUkorzM

Ancora su Simplicio e le Categorie, 1990
By: Isnardi Parente, Margherita

Title	Ancora su Simplicio e le Categorie
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1990
Journal	Rivista di Storia della Filosofia
Volume	45
Issue	4
Pages	723-732
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Isnardi Parente, Margherita
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

La storia del concetto di relativo ha già precedenti che sarebbe troppo lungo ricordare. Basti accennare qui a due essenziali limitazioni che i relativi hanno già subito nella storia della tradizione platonico-aristotelica: la negazione di un modello ideale per la relazione (i modelli ideali esistono per le realtà poste in relazione, non per la relazione stessa o per ciò che è solo in funzione della relazione); la definizione di paraphyas per il relativo, definizione che va da Aristotele (EN I, 1096 a 21) ad Andronico ed oltre: paraphyas, cioè ciò che si pone accanto alla vera phýsis, come una sorta di natura aggiunta e secondaria.

Gli stoici hanno una loro parte nella storia di questa riduzione della relazione a fatto di ordine mentale o soggettivo. I pros ti pôs echonta sono una nuova forma di incorporeo che viene ad aggiungersi alle altre, anche se nessuna lista riveduta ci è fornita dalla tradizione. E di questa nuova importanza dell'incorporeità in rapporto con la teoria dei generi dell'essere, passi come quello di Simplicio o come questo di Sesto offrono una attestazione fondamentale. [conclusion p. 731-732]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RIxIO3H5yPGRKEc

Andronicus and Boethus: Reflections on Michael Griffin’s Aristotle’s Categories in the Early Roman Empire, 2018
By: Menn, Stephen

Title	Andronicus and Boethus: Reflections on Michael Griffin’s Aristotle’s Categories in the Early Roman Empire
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2018
Journal	Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale
Volume	29
Pages	13-43
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Menn, Stephen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Griffin, Rashed, and Chiaradonna have shown how we can use Simplicius’ Categories commentary to  reconstruct much  of Porphyry’s  greater  Categories commentary  (also witnessed by the Archimedes Palimpsest), and then use this to reconstruct much of the work of Boethus, and to  a lesser  extent Andronicus,  on the Categories. In  some cases 
building on Griffin, in other cases disagreeing with him, I bring out some ways in which Andronicus and Boethus differ from most later interpreters; this can help us understand Alexander’s  and Porphyry’s responses.  I  reconstruct (i) Andronicus’ interpretation of ‘in’ and ‘said of, which is based on Aristotle’s distinction between abstract nouns and paronymous concrete nouns, and avoids the metaphysical freight that later interpreters load onto the notion of ‘said o f; (ii) Boethus’ use of De Interpretation 1 to explain how 
a universal term can be synonymous without positing either universals in re or  Stoic 
XeKid, and the  consequences he draws for the different aims  of the  Categories and De Interpretation; and (iii) Boethus’ solution to the tension between Aristotle’s hylomorphism and the Categories’ account of substance. Boethus, unlike later interpreters, thinks the 
form is in the matter, and is therefore not a substance but (typically) a quality, but that it 
is nonetheless able to constitute the composite as a substance distinct from the matter. I bring out the Aristotelian basis for Boethus’ reading, connect it with Boethus’ accounts of differentiae and of the soul, and show how Boethus’ views help motivate Porphyry’s responses.  In  some  cases  Porphyry  constructs  his  views  by  triangulating  between Boethus and Alexander. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QBnyRLAL62sCzX0

Andronikos von Rhodos und die Postprädikamente bei Boethius, 1953
By: Pfligersdorffer, Georg

Title	Andronikos von Rhodos und die Postprädikamente bei Boethius
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1953
Journal	Vigiliae Christianae
Volume	7
Issue	2
Pages	98-115
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Pfligersdorffer, Georg
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In  der  Erläuterungsschrift  des  Boethius  zu  den  Kategorien  des 
Aristoteles  ist  nach  Absolvierung  der  einzelnen  Kategorien  das 
vierte  Buch  der  Besprechung  der  sogenannten  Postprädikamente 1 
eingeräumt  (Migne  PL  64,  263-294),  wozu  freilich  gleich  auch 
gesagt werden musz, dasz die handschriftliche Überlieferung vielfach 
die  Abtrennung  eines  vierten  Buches  nicht  aufweist,  sondern  die 
uns  geläufigen  Bücher  III  und  IV  zu  einem  zusammenfaszt2, 
worauf  hier  jedoch  nicht  weiter  eingegangen  werden  soll.  Mit 
diesem Sachverhalt scheint zusammenzuhängen,  dasz —  soweit ich 
bis  jetzt  sagen  kann  —   die Handschriften C(odex) l(atinus) m(ona- 
censis)  6403  und  14516,  Bern.  265,  Paris.  B.  N.  lat.  11129  sowie 
die  Sangallenses  817  und  821  gegenüber  der  Ausgabe  von  Migne 
das  Aristoteles-Lemma de oppositis  (Kateg.  10,  11b  16  ff.)  vor die 
Kommentar-Partie  263  B-264  B  Migne  (Expeditis  .  .  .  )  treten 
lassen. [...] Die  Zweifel,  die sich  an  die  Stelle  263  B  M.  knüpfen,  möchte ich 
im  folgenden,  um  einschlägige  Arbeiten  anderer  nicht  indirekt  zu hemmen,  schon  vor  meiner  Ausgabe  möglichst  einschränken  und 
vielleicht  auch  beheben. [pp. 98 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PbVU1hqwXwhd1ee

Antike Interpretationen zur aristotelischen Lehre vom Geist, 2018
By: Busche, Hubertus (Ed.), Perkams, Matthias (Ed.)

Title	Antike Interpretationen zur aristotelischen Lehre vom Geist
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	2018
Publication Place	Hamburg
Publisher	Felix Meiner Verlag
Series	Philosophische Bibliothek
Volume	694
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Busche, Hubertus , Perkams, Matthias
Translator(s)

Im Einzelnen enthält der Band die Deutungen von Theophrast (4. Jh. v. Chr.), Alexander von Aphrodisias (De anima und De intellectu [umstritten]; um 200), Themistios (4. Jh.), Johannes Philoponos, Priskian (Theophrast-Metaphrase), Pseudo-Simplikios, d.h. Priskian aus Lydien (De-anima-Kommentar; alle nach 500) und Pseudo-Philoponos, d.h. Stephanos von Alexandria (um 550). Da sich diese Kommentatoren nicht selten auf frühere Ausleger beziehen, wurde die Zusammenstellung um weitere wichtige Zeugnisse ergänzt, z. B. zur Aristoteles-Deutung des Xenokrates sowie eines Anonymus des 2. Jahrhunderts. Zwei allgemeine Einführungstexte der Herausgeber informieren über die systematischen Probleme der Auslegung von De anima III 4-5 sowie über die antike Auslegungsgeschichte dieses Textes. Spezielle Einleitungen zu den acht Interpretationen informieren über Leben und Werk ihrer Autoren sowie über die Besonderheiten ihrer Interpretation. Die Anmerkungen in den Anhängen geben weitere gedankliche, sachliche oder historische Erläuterungen zu einzelnen Textstellen. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

Antike Philosophie verstehen – Understanding Ancient Philosophy, 2006
By: Ackeren, Marcel van (Ed.), Müller, Jörn (Ed.)

Title	Antike Philosophie verstehen – Understanding Ancient Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2006
Publication Place	Darmstadt
Publisher	Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Ackeren, Marcel van , Müller, Jörn
Translator(s)

Der mit international bekannten Fachleuten (Martha Nussbaum, Pierre Hadot, Dorothea Frede, Christoph Rapp, Terence Irwin u.a.) sehr hochkarätig besetzte Band geht das Denken der Antike von einer neuen Seite an. Die deutsch- und englischsprachigen Texte setzen an den entscheidenden Stellen an, an denen ein Verständnis scheitern kann; sie bieten Deutungsmuster für den modernen Leser und erläutern die Probleme, die beim Interpretieren der Philosophie der Antike entstehen können. Welche Textformen gibt es, welche Übersetzungsprobleme können auftreten und wie wurden uns die alten Dokumente überhaupt überliefert? Durch den internationalen Zugang und die Einbeziehung älterer Texte, die für ihre jeweiligen Bereiche Standards gesetzt haben, wird hier ein Grundlagenwerk vorgelegt, das für viele Jahre eine Rolle in der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion spielen wird. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HHFDfWDciwoyh50

Antiquités imaginaires. La référence antique dans l'art occidental, de la Renaissance à nos jours, 1996
By: Hoffmann, Philippe (Ed.), Rinuy, Paul-Louis (Ed.), Farnoux, Alexandre (Coll.) (Ed.)

Title	Antiquités imaginaires. La référence antique dans l'art occidental, de la Renaissance à nos jours
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1996
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Presses de l’École normale supérieure
Series	Études de littérature ancienne
Volume	7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe , Rinuy, Paul-Louis , Farnoux, Alexandre (Coll.)
Translator(s)

Rassemblant quatorze contributions de spécialistes de la littérature et de l’histoire de l’art, ce livre tente de donner une série d’aperçus précis des différentes manières dont la référence à l’Antiquité a joué un rôle, capital, dans la création artistique de la Renaissance à nos jours.
De Raphaël jusqu’aux actuels mouvements « post-modernes », la création a été profondément marquée en Occident par les visages successifs d’une Antiquité sans cesse réinventée et réinterprétée. Ovide, Philostrate, Platon et Aristote ont été au coeur des débats et des réflexions des écrivains et des critiques, tout comme les chefs-d’oeuvre de l’architecture et de la sculpture – le Parthénon ou le Laocoon – ont inspiré les artistes au fil de leurs redécouvertes successives de l’art antique. Héritage, influence, réinvention, Classic revival, Nachleben der Antike ? Les mots et les expressions sont nombreux pour tenter de cerner un phénomène crucial et chatoyant. Les études ici réunies par Philippe Hoffmann, Paul-Louis Rinuy et Alexandre Farnoux, au terme d’un séminaire et d’une table ronde tenus au Centre d’études anciennes de l’École normale supérieure, veulent ouvrir des pistes pour de nouvelles recherches et illustrer divers aspects de la présence de l’Antique au sein des modernités [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Al1RSBIKKbIdEE7

Antisthenes Fg. 50B (Caizzi): A Possible Section of περί τῆς ’Αληθείας, 1973
By: Rankin, Herbert David

Title	Antisthenes Fg. 50B (Caizzi): A Possible Section of περί τῆς ’Αληθείας
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1973
Journal	L'Antiquité Classique
Volume	42
Issue	1
Pages	178-180
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rankin, Herbert David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This passage (Simplicii in Categoriarum c. 8 [Arist. p. ]) is placed by Caizzi among a group of passages of epistemological interest but not clearly attributable to any of the works which Antisthenes is said to have composed. Its argument is characteristic enough, being one of the representations of Antisthenes' opposition to Plato's eîdē, and an assertion of his view that the concrete phenomenal object is the starting point of our capability of knowledge, which in his view is probably limited by the restrictions placed upon us by the narrow capacity of our language with regard to logical discourse.

The purpose of this article is to consider whether a part of this passage is a quotation from Antisthenes' own writings and to suggest a possible place for it in one of the works with which he is credited. [introduction p. 178]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/a36SykFCN2qyzot

Aperçu de la réception de la doctrine stoïcienne du mélange total dans le néoplatonisme après Plotin, 2007
By: Cohen, Daniel

Title	Aperçu de la réception de la doctrine stoïcienne du mélange total dans le néoplatonisme après Plotin
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2007
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	25
Issue	2
Pages	67-100
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cohen, Daniel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aux niveaux les plus inférieurs, où prédomine la multiplicité et la division, le mélange peut se manifester selon deux modes :

    Ou bien les composants d'une totalité préservent leur identité au détriment de l'unité du produit du mélange (il ne s'agit alors pas à proprement parler d'un mélange mais plutôt d'un « assemblage » dans lequel les éléments sont simplement juxtaposés : il s'agit plutôt de la παράθεσις stoïcienne ou de la σύνθεσις d'Aristote).
    Ou bien le produit du mélange forme une véritable totalité unifiée, mais alors cette unité est réalisée au détriment de l'identité des composantes, qui s'altèrent et se confondent pour former une entité nouvelle (il s'agit alors de la σύγχυσις stoïcienne ou du véritable mélange au sens aristotélicien).

Au niveau des réalités immatérielles, c'est sur le modèle stoïcien du mélange total que les Néoplatoniciens envisagent cette paradoxale « fusion sans confusion » qui unifie toute multiplicité sur le mode de la totalité antérieure à la dispersion de ses parties au sein de la matière.

Dans la mesure où les jugements que les Néoplatoniciens portent sur l'héritage philosophique des doctrines anciennes se présentent la plupart du temps comme une confrontation avec la perspective qui est supposée être celle de Platon, on peut dire que la réception néoplatonicienne des physiques du mélange d'Aristote et des Stoïciens aboutit à la conclusion suivante :

    Les Stoïciens se trompent parce qu'ils rendent les causes immanentes et donc mélangées à la matière.
    Aristote a raison, mais il se limite à rendre compte des phénomènes sensibles.

Aristote et les Stoïciens font partie de ce que Proclus qualifiera de « crème des disputeurs qui, pour avoir observé quelque petite portion de la nature, pensent pouvoir déchirer Platon ».

Ce n'est donc pas le moindre des paradoxes si les représentants du Néoplatonisme, après avoir rejeté les lois de la physique aristotélicienne comme n'ayant de validité qu'au seul niveau sensible, et après avoir vigoureusement critiqué le matérialisme stoïcien, ont transposé la donnée la plus fondamentale de la physique stoïcienne — celle qui permettait aux Stoïciens de justifier l'immanence intégrale de la causalité divine (et donc le matérialisme corporaliste le plus radical) — aux niveaux les plus élevés, comme régissant les relations entre les réalités immatérielles et incorporelles.

Comme l'a bien montré Pierre Hadot, cette transfiguration doctrinale, qui deviendra typique de la démarche néoplatonicienne, a été amorcée dans le cadre de la synthèse réalisée par Porphyre. En ce sens, écrivait-il, « c'est précisément une des caractéristiques de la doctrine porphyrienne (...) de montrer que le Stoïcisme n'est vrai que dans la transposition néoplatonicienne, la physique stoïcienne devenant ainsi une métaphysique », de sorte que « la théorie des mélanges élaborée par les Stoïciens ne découvre sa vérité que sur le plan intelligible ».

Nous avons vu cependant que cette vérité se découvre avant même d'envisager le mélange proprement noétique, Porphyre lui-même ayant déjà fait intervenir la krasis stoïcienne dans le contexte d'un exposé sur l'embryologie, et les Néoplatoniciens ultérieurs dans cet ordre intermédiaire, négligé par Plotin, où se tiennent les « corps immatériels » non qualifiés.

La conception stoïcienne du mélange total s'est finalement imposée au sein de la métaphysique néoplatonicienne au prix d'un double réaménagement doctrinal, ayant eu pour résultat :

    La synthèse de la doctrine stoïcienne de l'interpénétration totale sans confusion avec les élaborations aristotéliciennes de l'acte et de la puissance.
    La transposition du domaine des réalités matérielles à celui des réalités corporelles non encore engagées dans la matière première. [conclusion p. 99-100]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/T9kWS2QRZ2oeq7V

Apories orales de Plotin sur les Catégories d’Aristote, 1987
By: Henry, Paul, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Apories orales de Plotin sur les Catégories d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben
Pages	120-156
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Henry, Paul
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Les premières apories que Dexippe attribue explicitement à Plotin traitent du nombre des catégories, mais plus précisément sous l’aspect du rapport des catégories du monde intelligible à celles du monde sensible. Chez Simplicius aussi ces apories sont explicitement attribuées à Plotin. D’un monde à l’autre, les catégories sont-elles les mêmes ou différentes, ou bien les unes sont-elles les mêmes, les autres différentes ? Sont-elles en nombre égal, plus nombreuses, moins nombreuses ? C’est le problème préliminaire qu’examine Plotin au chapitre 1 de son premier traité VI 1, au début du chapitre 2 sur la substance et, une troisième fois, au début du chapitre 5 de son troisième traité, VI 3. Nos textes de base sont donc : VI 1,1,19-30 ; VI 1,2,1-8 ; VI 3,5,1-7, mais aussi VI 2,16,1-2 et VI 3,27,1-4.

S’y réfèrent trois apories de Dexippe, mais l’une sous trois formes différentes – ce qui nous donne cinq petits textes – et deux longues pages de Simplicius, qui correspondent pour une part aux Ennéades, pour une part aux textes de Dexippe, mais qui toutes deux associent le nom de Plotin à celui de ses prédécesseurs. En outre, deux textes anonymes, l’un de Dexippe, l’autre de Simplicius.

Les relations entre tous ces textes étant fort compliquées, il est utile de les énumérer ici, avec les sigles que je leur attribue, et dans l’ordre où je les étudie :

    01 = Simpl. p. 73,15-28 (Plotin, Lucius et Nicostrate)
    01b* = Dex. II 1 sommaire et aporie (anonymes) = Simpl. p. 73,15-16 (Plotin)
    02 = Simpl. p. 73,25-27 (Plotin)
    01a* = Dex. II 4 sommaire et aporie (Plotin)
    F1 = Simpl. p. 76,13-22 (Plotin et Nicostrate)
    F1 = Dex. II 2 aporie (dans le corps de l’ouvrage) (Plotin)
    01c = Dex. II 2 sommaire (Plotin)
    01e = Dex. II 2 solution (Plotin), cf. Simpl. 76,22-77,4
    F2 = Dex. 138 solution (anonyme) = Simpl. p. 66,30-31 (anonyme)

Bien que, au début, ces distinctions paraissent compliquées, la suite montrera qu’elles aident à clarifier les questions.

Je signale tout de suite que le grand texte attribué au « très divin Plotin » par Simpl. p. 73,15-28 contient aussi ce que contiennent Dex. II 1, Dex. II 2 somm., et de nombreuses correspondances avec Dex. II 4.

Nous finirons notre chapitre par un texte très court relatif au problème de l’opposé du mouvement, le repos, auquel font allusion Enn. VI 3,27,4-5, ainsi que Dex. I 38 sol., p. 34,17-19 (τις) et Simpl. p. 66,30-31 (τις), et qui, faisant partie d’une source composite, justifiera le sigle F2.

Le tout est un chassé-croisé de références, un enchevêtrement de textes, de correspondances et de non-correspondances entre l’écrit, l’oral, les sources, à peu près inextricable, un des ensembles les plus complexes auxquels nous ayons jamais eu affaire.

Dans ce fouillis, je vais m’efforcer d’introduire un peu d’ordre et de clarté. Patiemment, car il s’agit bien d’un jeu de patience, je répartirai de mon mieux ces fragments, qui chevauchent les uns sur les autres, entre deux séries, celle des reportata de l’enseignement oral (O) et celle des sources (F).

Avec des coefficients variables de certitude ou de probabilité, je compte récupérer de la sorte deux fragments certains de l’oral, deux fragments très probables, un fragment simplement probable, enfin deux sources certaines.

Dès les premiers textes, nous affrontons les trois principaux problèmes qui nous intéressent et cela, on l’a dit, dans une complexité plus grande qu’ailleurs.

    Le problème fondamental des rapports de l’écrit et de l’oral. Les limites entre l’un et l’autre sont parfois indécises, incertaines. Ce qui est sûr, c’est que l’oral, quand oral il y a, éclaire considérablement l’écrit, sorte de commentaire ou de résumé anticipé.
    Le problème de l’indépendance mutuelle de Dexippe et de Simplicius et de leur complémentarité. La question essentielle, souvent insoluble, est de savoir lequel des deux est le plus fidèle à la formulation de l’aporie orale ou de la source telle que les transmettait Porphyre, voire même le seul Jamblique. Le lecteur avisé s’apercevra sans peine que Simplicius ne peut vraiment dépendre de Dexippe ; il paraît ne jamais l’utiliser dans le corps de son ouvrage ; le nom n’apparaît qu’une seule fois, et cela dans la Préface, p. 2,25, où Simplicius énumère les commentateurs des Catégories, alors qu’ailleurs il n’a pas honte de citer fidèlement ses sources, notamment Porphyre et Jamblique.
    Enfin, le problème des sources de Plotin. Sources de l’oral ou de l’écrit ou de l’un et de l’autre. Ici même, par deux fois, un texte attribué par Simplicius à Plotin est attribué aussi, par lui, aux prédécesseurs de Plotin. Chez Dexippe, ce n’est pas le cas ici et ce sera toujours beaucoup plus rare.

Les deux seuls points vraiment fermes et solides – ce ne sera pas toujours le cas – sont : primo, que les apories sont nettement authentifiées, citées sous le nom de Plotin, tant par Dexippe que par Simplicius, lequel souvent, ailleurs, se contente d’écrire « quelques-uns », là même où nous savons pertinemment qu’il s’agit de Plotin. Secundo, qu’une partie au moins des apories, tout en étant sûrement plotiniennes, n’ont aucun parallèle dans les Ennéades et proviennent donc de l’oral. [introduction p. 120-122]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kSddLNtzgHnzFEv

Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien, 2004
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Pierre

Title	Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2004
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Librairie générale française
Series	Le livre de poche : références
Volume	603
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut , Hadot, Pierre
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

L'ouvrage de I. et P. Hadot constitue une introduction au Manuel d'Epictète, œuvre stoïcienne majeure du IIe siècle de notre ère, ainsi qu'au commentaire du Manuel rédigé trois siècles plus tard par le néoplatonicien Simplicius. Une approche d'ensemble de ces œuvres, de leurs caractéristiques formelles et doctrinales, ainsi que l'étude de quelques thèmes choisis (la distinction de " ce qui dépend de nous " et de " ce qui ne dépend pas de nous ", les paraboles de l'escale et du banquet, le rapport entre religion et philosophie) permettent de cerner des postures philosophiques fondamentales, touchant la question de la piété, celle du destin et du libre arbitre, ou encore de notre rapport aux maux et à la mort. Par là, ce livre à deux voix représente aussi et avant tout une méditation sur le sens fondamental de l'activité philosophique dans l'Antiquité ; comme l'écrivent les auteurs : " En utilisant la méthode exégétique, nous avons eu l'intention de répondre à une interrogation, à la fois historique et existentielle comment apprenait-on à philosopher dans l'Antiquité ? Car le Manuel et son commentaire par Simplicius peuvent nous apporter de précieux renseignements sur la nature exacte et la pratique de la philosophie antique.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gsp6KGfJmhS9A3Z

Aquinas and Simplicius on Dispositions – A Question in Fundamental Moral Theory, 2001
By: Boland, Vivian

Title	Aquinas and Simplicius on Dispositions – A Question in Fundamental Moral Theory
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	New Blackfriars
Volume	82
Issue	968
Pages	467-478
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Boland, Vivian
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Leaving behind moral theology in that sense did not mean his leaving behind a concern with moral questions. On the contrary, he has maintained great interest in developments in fundamental moral theory and in the centrality of morality for all theology. In this, he is faithful to Aquinas who, as Leonard Boyle has argued, envisaged Summa Theologiae as a work in which the moral is central. If, as Kerr himself has been arguing recently, beatitudo is a key to the unity of the Summa, then this is further support for what Boyle argued on historical and palaeographical grounds.

This is not to claim that what Aquinas had in mind was anything like what moral theology came to describe later on, when a strict distinction and even separation of dogma and moral came to prevail, especially in seminary training. Aquinas belongs to an earlier world, from which contemporary moral philosophers continue to learn, in which these later distinctions did not apply. The inherent difficulty in separating them is clear if one tries to answer the question of whether the theology of grace belongs to dogma or to moral.

One of the key areas in which Aquinas continues to contribute to debates in moral philosophy is in relation to virtue-theory. Anglo-Saxon moral philosophy has contributed with distinction to the revival of interest in the notion of virtue, as mentioning the names Anscombe, Foot, and MacIntyre is enough to show. A crucial building block in Aquinas's moral theory is the notion of habitus or disposition since, for him, following Aristotle, a virtue is a kind of disposition.

But this more philosophical part of his account of virtue has received little enough direct attention in recent times for reasons that may become clearer as we proceed. What I want to do in this paper is to look again at those questions in the Summa where Aquinas explains this notion of habitus or disposition. It is important for his understanding of the human being as a moral agent as well as for his account of grace, and in particular of those gifts of faith, hope, and what Christian tradition calls theological virtues.

It is a text whose examination will lead us into a number of central and current questions about the nature of Aquinas's theological synthesis and about whether or not we may consider any of his work as purely philosophical, i.e., philosophical as distinct from theological. [introduction p. 467-468]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zuaVu4YEsILwhuu

Aquinas and the Platonists, 2002
By: Hankey, Wayne J., Gersh, Stephen (Ed.), Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M. (Ed.)

Title	Aquinas and the Platonists
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	The Platonic Tradition in the Middle Ages: A Doxographic Approach
Pages	279-324
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hankey, Wayne J.
Editor(s)	Gersh, Stephen , Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M.
Translator(s)

In fact, Thomas’ own system stands within a tradition whose foundation, as he represents it, he self-consciously opposes. Because his understanding of the Platonic tradition is deeply problematic in many ways, while his knowledge of it is extensive, and because the tradition is itself so complex, Aquinas is frequently (or, better, normally) criticizing one aspect of Platonism from the perspective of another. Such internal criticism is characteristic of Plato’s thought and of its tradition. The ancient Platonists were, however, far better informed about the history of the tradition in which they stood than were their Latin medieval successors. The Platonists of late antiquity, upon whom Thomas depends for much of his understanding of the history of philosophy, did not have the degree of naivete present in the self-opposition that characterizes Thomas’ relation to Platonism.

Getting hold of Thomas’s self-conscious relation to Platonism has been largely accomplished, and many of the tools to complete the task are available. The lexicographical aspect of the work was substantially done almost fifty years ago by R.J. Henle. His Saint Thomas and Platonism: A Study of the Plato and Platonici Texts in the Writings of Saint Thomas is almost complete in terms of the texts it considers. Henle lavishly reproduces the relevant passages in Latin. For the most part, he gives the likely sources of the doctrines attributed to the Platonists with the accuracy possible when he wrote. His analysis, within the parameters he sets and which his perspective sets for him, is thorough and inescapable. Beyond Henle’s work, it is necessary to add the few texts he missed, to correct his work on the basis of better editions than the ones he had available (or used), and to compensate for the limits of his undertaking and his biases.

The principal problems with Henle’s work, once we accept its limits, lie in the vestiges of the neo-Scholastic mentality he retains. This mentality is opposed to that of the historian and was antipathetic to Platonic idealism. On this account, like Aquinas himself, he misses the extent to which Thomas’ representation of Platonism and of his own relation to it actually stands within its long and diverse tradition.

Henle’s work accurately describes how, for Aquinas, a philosophical school is a fixed way of thinking, which results in “a series of like statements formulated in the several minds that teach it and learn it, that write it and read it” (as Mark Jordan puts it). Despite accepting this definition of a “philosophical teaching” from Jordan, as well as his crucial point that Aquinas is not a philosopher whose position is an Aristotelianismus in an Enlightenment or neo-Scholastic manner, I shall continue to write herein both of “Platonism” and of Thomas’ Platonism.

As a matter of fact, for Aquinas, what the Platonici teach has been reduced to a fixed way of thinking, which he treats ahistorically, although he knows much of its history. Further, at several crucial points, he self-consciously sides with them. In rescuing Aquinas from neo-Scholastic representations of his philosophy, Jordan is importantly right that Aquinas did not think of Christians as philosophers. He neglects, however, the continuities that do exist between Scholastic and neo-Scholastic treatments of philosophy. Henle, working within these, through his analysis of the texts in which Thomas speaks of Plato and the Platonici, shows how Platonism is presented as one of these viae.

This via Thomas criticizes, and for most purposes finds the way of Aristotle superior, even if he may accept some of the positions at which the Platonists arrive—positions that also may be reached otherwise. For Thomas, Platonism has a fundamental point of departure, established in Plato’s attempt to save certain knowledge from the consequences of the doctrine of the ancient Physicists (Priores Naturales), with whom he accepts that philosophy began. For him, Plato’s flawed solution to the epistemological problem determines Platonic ontology. The Platonic philosophical position as a whole proceeds according to a distinct method of reasoning to arrive at positions. It is a series of syllogisms whose basic premises are deficient.

In the thirteenth century, only the Meno, the Phaedo, and the Timaeus were available to the Latin West. Henle concluded that Aquinas had no direct knowledge of any of them. Thus, much as with Augustine, he knows only what he takes to be Plato’s doctrines and is without knowledge of the dialogues themselves. Thomas’ approach to philosophy gave him little sympathy for the kind of dialectic by which the fundamentals of philosophy are questioned and reconsidered within and between the dialogues.

The substance of Thomas’ own thinking shows almost no development—except, significantly, in his coming to accept that knowledge involves the formation of a Plotinian-Augustinian inner word in the mind, the verbum mentis. There is certainly no development remotely comparable to that within Plato’s corpus. In consequence, his picture of Plato’s way of thinking is not only lacking in the most basic information but is also without the intellectual necessities for a sympathetic representation.
[introduction p. 1-3]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LajmF4jRGYCVzFn

Archytas lu par Simplicius. Un art de la conciliation, 2011
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine

Title	Archytas lu par Simplicius. Un art de la conciliation
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2011
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	5
Issue	1
Pages	85-158
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Intent upon harmonizing doctrines of their predecessors, some Neoplatonic com-mentators are faced with a problem of resolving doctrinal discrepancies so as to restore the συμφωνία in the history of philosophy. This article considers a parti-cular example of this attempt ats harmonization:  how Simplicius reconciles Aris-totle’s Categories with the Neopythagorean doctrine of the Pseudo-Archytas. The chronological  inversion  introduced  by  the  counterfeiter  produces  remarkable  effects  on  the  late  Platonic  doctrine  about  general  terms,  to  the  extent  that  a  commentator  such  as  Simplicius  works  to  reduce  the  dissonance  between   Archytas’ and Aristotle’s words. This paper has three aims:  to restore the general grid that Simplicius uses for reading and commenting on Archytas through Aristotle; to identify the exegeti-cal strategies aimed at a doctrinal reconciliation; to consider a specific case, pro-vided  by  the  doctrine  of  weight,  which  engenders  a  new  physical  theory  by  Simplicius. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CcW2PJaT6w7pONA

Argument from Hypothesis in Ancient Philosophy, 2011
By: Longo, Angela (Ed.), Del Forno, Davide (Coll.) (Ed.)

Title	Argument from Hypothesis in Ancient Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2011
Publication Place	Napoli
Publisher	Bibliopolis
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Longo, Angela , Del Forno, Davide (Coll.)
Translator(s)

This volume offers an over-arching study of teh use of hypothetical arguments in ancient philosophy. It may claim to be pioneering inasmuch as it considers texts and authors from the classical period from the Hellenistic age, and from late antiquity. Its order is chronological: from Plato to Damascius. Its approach is plural: there are historico-critical essays and there are pieces of a more theoretical nature; the theoretical parts of the volume aim to explain what sort of thing a hypothesis is, what marks off arguments based upon hypotheses from other arguments, what rules of inference hypothetical argumentation invokes, what a hypothecial argument may hope to achieve, and so on. 
The primary aspiration of the volume is to provide a wide view of a subject which, insofar as it is in itself semwhat technical, tends to attract a nice and narrow inspection. Thus one criterion which contributors have been encouraged to observe is this: the use of hypothetical arguments - or of the "hypothetical method" - should be considered not in isolation but rather in connection with the other dialectical procedures of division, definition, demonstration, and analysis. The volume makes a first step towrds a synthetic account of the use of hypotheses in ancient dialectic.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ABkBQ3CmiH2yDCa

Title	Argument und literarische Form in antiker Philosophie. Akten des 3. Kongresses der Gesellschaft für antike Philosophie 2010
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	de Gruyter
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Erler, Michael , Heßler, Jan Erik , Blumenfelder, Benedikt (Collaborator)
Translator(s)

In der modernen Universität werden Literatur, Philologie und Philosophie als unterschiedliche Bereiche betrachtet. Damit wird eine im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert zunehmende Entfremdung zwischen der Erforschung antiker Philosophie und Philologie manifest, die den ursprünglichen Gegebenheiten in der Antike keineswegs gerecht wird. Denn die Philosophie entwickelt sich in Griechenland und Rom in enger Verbindung mit und oft in einem Spannungsverhältnis zu unterschiedlichen literarischen Genres. Dies hat zur Folge, dass die Autoren und Interpreten infolge der Wahl bestimmter Gattungen als Medium philosophischer Botschaften neben der eigentlichen Argumentation auch Darstellungsformen der jeweiligen Gattungen zu würdigen haben. Dieses oft spannungsvolle Verhältnis von philosophischem Argument und literarischer Form auszuleuchten hatte sich der 3. Kongress der Gesellschaft für antike Philosophie vorgenommen. In Vorträgen und Diskussionsrunden von Philosophen und Philologen wurde diese Frage unter verschiedenen Aspekten mit Blick auf antike Philosophen verschiedener Epochen lebendig diskutiert. Dieser Band, der den Großteil dieser Beiträge versammelt, mag einen Eindruck von der Diskussion vermitteln und Philologen, Philosophen und an der Antike Interessierte zu weiteren Überlegungen anregen. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0QiKNhBCl16gJMn

Aristote dans l'enseignement philosophique néoplatonicien : les préfaces descommentaires sur les Catégories, 1992
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Aristote dans l'enseignement philosophique néoplatonicien : les préfaces descommentaires sur les Catégories
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1992
Journal	Revue de théologie et de philosophie
Volume	124
Issue	4
Pages	407–425
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Cet article représente une contribution de plus à ma critique générale des thèses de Praechter selon lesquelles l'école néoplatonicienne dite «d'Alexandrie» se distinguerait, non seulement par le lieu de son enseignement, de celle dite «d'Athènes», mais encore et surtout par ses
doctrines philosophiques et par son attitude envers T œuvre d'Aristote. La comparaison entre elles des préfaces des cinq commentaires néoplatoniciens des Catégories d'Aristote. dont l'un, celui de Simplicius, appartiendrait, selon Praechter, à l'école d'Athènes, et ceux des quatre autres à l'école d'Alexandrie, fait apparaître la concordance fondamentale de la philosophie néoplatonicienne qui était enseignée à Athènes avec celle qui était enseignée à Alexandrie: toutes deux interprètent la philosophie d'Aristote dans la même perspective néoplatonicienne et la même volonté d'harmoniser Platon et Aristote. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/7tyvPpwgQ6rj4sJ

Aristote, Du ciel. Texte établi et traduit par Paul Moraux, 1965
By: Moraux, Paul, Aristote

Title	Aristote, Du ciel. Texte établi et traduit par Paul Moraux
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1965
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Les Belles Lettres
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul , Aristote
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Cet article examine les différentes interprétations du De caelo d’Aristote par les commentateurs antiques ainsi que les défis posés par la structure de l’ouvrage. Tandis qu’Alexandre d’Aphrodise considère ce traité comme une étude globale du cosmos, les Néoplatoniciens, dont Jamblique et Syrien, estiment qu’Aristote s’intéresse avant tout à la substance céleste et à son influence sur les éléments sublunaires. Simplicius rejette ces deux perspectives et affirme que le véritable objet du De caelo est l’étude des cinq éléments, en particulier de l’élément céleste, qui donne son titre à l’ouvrage.

L’article explore également les difficultés liées à la composition et à la transmission des textes d’Aristote. La philologie moderne suggère que nombre de ses ouvrages ne furent pas rédigés en une seule fois selon un plan préétabli, mais plutôt constitués progressivement par l’assemblage de monographies indépendantes. Cette genèse particulière explique en partie les incohérences structurelles du De caelo. Aristote lui-même semble ne pas avoir toujours poursuivi une cohérence absolue dans la rédaction de ses traités, laissant parfois à ses disciples et éditeurs posthumes, comme Andronicos de Rhodes et Tyrannion, le soin de regrouper ses écrits.

L’analyse montre que De caelo se divise en deux grands axes : l’étude de l’univers dans son ensemble et l’examen des corps élémentaires qui le composent. Les deux premiers livres portent principalement sur la nature et la structure du cosmos, tandis que la seconde moitié du traité se concentre sur les éléments sublunaires et leurs propriétés. Ainsi, les divergences interprétatives et les discontinuités textuelles du De caelo ne résultent pas uniquement d’une rédaction hâtive ou d’interventions ultérieures, mais reflètent aussi les méthodes de travail d’Aristote et les perspectives philosophiques variées de ses commentateurs.
[introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IXzsAQc4o9nCoao

Aristote, Du ciel. Texte établi et traduit par Paul Moraux. Introduction, 1965
By: Moraux, Paul

Title	Aristote, Du ciel. Texte établi et traduit par Paul Moraux. Introduction
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1965
Published in	Aristote, Du ciel. Texte établi et traduit par Paul Moraux
Pages	VII-CXC
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The introduction discusses the object and structure of Aristotle's treatise De caelo, which presents a challenge for commentators due to its lack of unity. While some ancient commentators saw the study of the world as a whole as the main object of the treatise, others focused on the study of the celestial body and its relation to the sublunar world. The modern understanding of the genesis of Aristotle's works suggests that the treatise may have been formed by combining previously independent monographs. Additionally, Aristotle himself may have attempted to give his works a coherent structure, but did so in a somewhat artificial way. Despite these challenges, the treatise is seen as an important work in the history of philosophy and science. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EzAHeSeExATtJIm

Aristote, «De la prière», 1967
By: Pépin, Jean

Title	Aristote, «De la prière»
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1967
Journal	Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume	157
Pages	59-70
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Pépin, Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Au nombre des Aristotelis fragmenta figure un bref témoignage de Simplicius, selon lequel Aristote, sur la fin de son livre Περ ευχής, aurait dit que Dieu est ou bien intellect, ou bien quelque chose au-delà de l'intellect, ὃτι ό θεός ή νους εστίν ή καΐ έπέκεινά τι του νου. Simplicius est le seul auteur à rapporter cette surprenante doxographie, et même à évoquer le contenu de cet écrit aristotélicien. Son témoignage étant ainsi l'unique point de départ, on doit avant tout l'examiner de très près, en lui adjoignant les quelques lignes qui le précèdent. Cette investigation permettra peut-être d'en évaluer les chances d'authenticité. Il restera alors à s'interroger sur le sens exact de la doctrine ainsi rapportée à Aristote. [Introduction, p. 59]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QHzOiPBFSXVNXwj

Aristote, «Physique», IV, 2, 1997
By: Brisson, Luc

Title	Aristote, «Physique», IV, 2
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1997
Journal	Les Études philosophiques. Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	3
Pages	377-387
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Brisson, Luc
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Le texte, qui se veut une lecture commentée du chapitre 2 du livre IV de la Physique d'Aristote, se présente comme un travail de recherche qui ne prétend pas parvenir à des conclusions définitives. En effet, il a pour but de soulever un certain nombre de questions sur des sujets trop vastes pour être traités en quelques pages.

L'idée force ici développée est la suivante : Aristote traduit en des termes soigneusement définis, dans le cadre de sa philosophie, des termes utilisés de façon peu rigoureuse par Platon dans le Timée. Ce faisant, Aristote change le sens même des termes utilisés par Platon.

Le mécanisme de cette « traduction », qui équivaut à une distorsion dont les conséquences sont particulièrement importantes, parce que le vocabulaire aristotélicien a longtemps prévalu dans le domaine de la physique, sera ici minutieusement décrit, afin d’en montrer les conséquences philosophiques. [introduction p. 377]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NoOjnCvmvbsUPXt

Aristote: quantité et contrariété. Une critique de l’école d’Oxford, 1980
By: O'Brien, Denis, Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Aristote: quantité et contrariété. Une critique de l’école d’Oxford
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1980
Published in	Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique
Pages	89-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

Avant-propos
L’école d’Oxford et le commentaire du Professeur J. L. Ackrill sur les Catégories d’Aristote.
Les divisions du texte — un point de repère.
Objet de l’argument (5b11-15)

    Distinction entre propriétés et possesseurs de propriétés.
    Distinction entre l’aire et la surface, le volume et le corps.
    Distinction entre quantités déterminées et quantités indéterminées.

Le premier argument (5b15-29)

    La grandeur relative et la grandeur en soi.
    Les nombreux et les peu nombreux : motif de la double comparaison.
    Commentaire de Simplicius : les deux formes du paradoxe.
    Commentaire de Simplicius : la grandeur relative et la grandeur absolue.
    Le doublet (5b26-29).

Le deuxième argument (5b30-33)

    Rubrique liminaire : une même chose peut-elle se rencontrer dans plus d’une catégorie ?
    Les relatifs peuvent-ils avoir des contraires ?
    Les deux groupes de relatifs : ceux qui peuvent avoir un contraire, ceux qui ne peuvent pas avoir de contraire.
    Relation et contrariété : la prémisse sous-jacente de l’argument.

Le troisième argument (5b33-6a11)

    Introduction à l’argument (5b33-35).
    Première partie de l’argument : une chose admettra deux contraires à la fois (5b35-6a4).
    Seconde partie de l’argument : les choses contraires seront, à elles-mêmes, contraires (6a4-8).
    Conclusion de l’argument (6a8-11).

Traduction-Paraphrase du chapitre six des Catégories (4b20-6a35) [structure by the author]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fSSFgeHBQMgQH3p

Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule, 1985
By: Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.), Marian Plezia (Ed.), W. J. Verdenius (Ed.), Jean Pépin (Ed.)

Title	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1985
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen , Marian Plezia , W. J. Verdenius , Jean Pépin
Translator(s)

Der hier  vorgelegte erste Band eines zweiteiligen Werkes, das 
Aristoteles  und dem  Aristotelismus  gewidmet  ist,  enthält  31 Origi-
nalbeiträge zum Corpus Aristotelicum und zum alten Peripatos. 
Kommentierung,  Uberlieferung  und Nachleben des  Aristoteles bil-
den  das  Thema  des  zweiten  Bandes,  der  so  bald  als  möglich  folgen  
wird.  [Vorwort]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fo2YolqZedXU2Im

Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben, 1987
By: Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.), H. J. Lulofs (Ed.), Jutta Kollesch (Ed.), Vivian Nutton (Ed.)

Title	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	1987
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet
Volume	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen , H. J. Lulofs , Jutta Kollesch , Vivian Nutton
Translator(s)

Kommentierung, Uberlieferung und Nachleben des Aristoteles sind das Thema dieses Bandes. Mit der Aristotelesrenaissance des 1. Jh. v.Chr. einsetzend, vermitteln die Beiträge, unter acht Hauptkapiteln zusammengefaßt, ein eindrucksvolles Bild von der Rezeption zweier Jahrtausende. D a ß diese Rezeption kontinuierlich in ihren wichtigen Phasen illustriert werden kann, ist - wie schon im ersten Band - der freundlichen Kooperation der beteiligten Autoren zu verdanken. Als besonderer Glücksfall mag gelten, daß einige Beiträge sich in idealer Weise ergänzen. So wird der Leser in zwei auf einanderfolgenden Artikeln die Interpretationsgeschichte der zentralen Kapitel Metaphysik Λ 7 und 9 von Plotin und Themistios über Maimonides und Gersonides bis Hegel verfolgen können. Dieses Bemühen um Aristoteles von der Antike bis in die Neuzeit ist etwa für De anima bei Alexander von Aphrodisias und Leibniz, für die
Kategorien bei Plotin und Peirce dokumentiert, wobei die Erstveröffentlichung der Ubersetzung von Cat. 1 - 4 durch den bedeutenden amerikanischen Philosophen mit besonderer Freude angezeigt werden darf.
Von den Autoren dieses Bandes weilen Paul Henry und Charles B. Schmitt nicht mehr unter uns. In ein Buch über Plotins Entretiens sollte der hier veröffentlichte Beitrag von Paul Henry später einmal integriert werden; daraus erklären sich gelegentliche Hinweise auf geplante Teile dieses nun nicht mehr vollendeten Werkes. Die Studie von Charles B.Schmitt über die Aristoteles-Florilegien der Renaissance bietet die erste Gesamtdarstellung zu diesem Thema und enthält im Anhang ein Verzeichnis mit wichtigen Ergänzungen zu seiner grundlegenden „Bibliography of Aristotle Editions, 1501-1600". [Vorwort p. V-VI]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Q1P6OhIp8zaE99c

Aristoteles als Wissenschaftstheoretiker. Eine Aufsatzsammlung, 1983
By: Irmscher, Johannes (Ed.), Müller, Reimar (Ed.)

Title	Aristoteles als Wissenschaftstheoretiker. Eine Aufsatzsammlung
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	1983
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Akademie-Verlag
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Irmscher, Johannes , Müller, Reimar
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/A1XXLVpd3w2XvXY

Aristoteles' Kategorienschrift in ihrer antiken Kommentierung, 2004
By: Thiel, Rainer

Title	Aristoteles' Kategorienschrift in ihrer antiken Kommentierung
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2004
Publication Place	Tübingen
Publisher	Mohr Siebeck
Series	Philosophische Untersuchungen
Volume	11
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Thiel, Rainer
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle's Categories are still widely seen as being incompatible with both Aristotle's later analysis of ousia (in Metaphysics Z) and Plato's ontology. Porphyry's attempt to make sense of this work within a Neoplatonic context is considered, in turn, both as failing to do justice to Aristotle and as directed against Plotinus' purported criticism of Aristotle's Categories . Rainer Thiel shows that the Neoplatonic commentaries on the Categories that go back to Prophyry's reading can be viewed as a valid interpretation of Aristotle which does not contradict Plotinus' view, but in fact can be traced back to him. Plotinus himself does not criticize Aristotle; he does however criticize certain middle-Platonic readings of the Categories. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XddENwtj5FJ59XC

Title	Aristoteles-Kommentare als Editionsquellen: Der Fall des Simplikios-Kommentars zur aristotelischen Schrift 'De caelo'
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2024
Published in	Aristoteles-Kommentare und ihre Überlieferung. Wichtige Etappen von der Antike bis in die frühe Neuzeit
Pages	191-223
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Boureau, Mai-Lan
Editor(s)	Deckers, Daniel , Brockmann, Christian , Valente, Stefano
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NqVyPiLS6En2pMe

Aristoteles-Kommentare und ihre Überlieferung. Wichtige Etappen von der Antike bis in die frühe Neuzeit, 2024
By: Brockmann, Christian (Ed.), Deckers, Daniel (Ed.), Valente, Stefano (Ed.)

Title	Aristoteles-Kommentare und ihre Überlieferung. Wichtige Etappen von der Antike bis in die frühe Neuzeit
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2024
Publication Place	Berlin/Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Philosophie der Antike
Volume	44
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Brockmann, Christian , Deckers, Daniel , Valente, Stefano
Translator(s)

Von der Antike und der Spätantike bis ins Mittelalter und in die Neuzeit stellt die Kommentierung der aristotelischen Schriften eine der fundamentalen Formen philosophischer Tätigkeit dar. In diesem Sammelband werden wesentliche Etappen der griechischen Kommentartradition zu den Schriften des Aristoteles sowie ihre philosophische und kulturgeschichtliche Bedeutung an ausgewählten Beispielen analysiert und interpretiert. Die Autorinnen und Autoren setzen sich dabei sowohl mit den Manuskripten und der Überlieferung einzelner Schriften als auch mit der Rezeption und Weiterentwicklung der Aristotelischen Philosophie auseinander.

Der Kernbestand der hier versammelten Beiträge geht auf die dreitägige internationale Konferenz „Aristoteles-Kommentare und ihre Überlieferung in Spätantike, Mittelalter und Renaissance" (26.–28.10.2017) zurück, die dank der Förderung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung an der Universität Hamburg am Centre for the Study of Manuscript Cultures stattgefunden hat.  [publisher's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ABLmF9W1WrH4QDt

Aristotelian Material in Cicero's De natura deorum
By: David J. Furley, Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Steinmetz (Ed.)

Title	Aristotelian Material in Cicero's De natura deorum
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Published in	Cicero's Knowledge of the Peripatos
Pages	201-219
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	David J. Furley
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Steinmetz
Translator(s)

Online Resources

Aristotelian objections and post-Aristotelian responses to Plato's elemental theory, 2012
By: Mueller, Ian, Wilberding, James (Ed.), Horn, Christoph (Ed.)

Title	Aristotelian objections and post-Aristotelian responses to Plato's elemental theory
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2012
Published in	Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature
Pages	129-146
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mueller, Ian
Editor(s)	Wilberding, James , Horn, Christoph
Translator(s)

Aristotle and Plato advanced very different theories of the traditional four elements. Whereas Plato in his Timaeus proposes a geometrical theory of these elements, Aristotle in his On the Heavens (and On Generation and Corruption) offers a qualitative analysis and offers a series of objections to Plato’s theory. These objections provided later Platonists with the opportunity to defend Plato against and possibly harmonize him with Aristotle. This paper explores Simplicius’ responses to Aristotle one by one, paying particular attention to the brand of scientific discourse that he engages in with Proclus, and to how different commitments to harmonization affect their responses to these objections. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nEraa8dkGyuG6Zy

Aristotelian philosophy in the Roman world from the time of Cicero to the end of the second century AD, 1987
By: Gottschalk, Hans B., Haase, Wolfgang (Ed.), Temporini, Hildegard (Ed.)

Title	Aristotelian philosophy in the Roman world from the time of Cicero to the end of the second century AD
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Teil II: Principat, Philosophie, Wissenschaften, Technik. 2. Teilband: Philosophie
Pages	1079-1174
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gottschalk, Hans B.
Editor(s)	Haase, Wolfgang , Temporini, Hildegard
Translator(s)

We may ignore the third of these, which contributed little or nothing to the development of Aristotelianism as such. Historians naturally concentrate on the first, which so profoundly influenced the subsequent tradition, but it would be a mistake to neglect the second entirely. The eminent men of affairs who professed themselves followers of Aristotle will not have been motivated by a passionate belief in the priority of the categorical over the hypothetical syllogism or the eternity of the physical universe. What Aristotelianism had to offer them was a view of the world and a reasoned set of ethical beliefs that avoided the mechanism and hedonism of the Epicureans, the determinism and rigorism of the Stoics, and the other-worldliness of Platonism; and this is more or less what we find in the popular writings influenced by Aristotle’s philosophy, whether composed by members of the school or by outsiders like Plutarch. However we rate the philosophical value of this side of the school’s activity, it undoubtedly helped to establish its position in society and the claim of its members to publicly funded teaching posts and the other privileges accorded to philosophers.

This dualism entered into the popular image of the school and was believed to go back to its very beginnings. Lucian, in a well-known passage, describes the Peripatetic as the thinker with two philosophies, the 'exoteric’ and the 'esoteric,’ to offer, and according to Aulus Gellius, Aristotle used to give rigorous courses for specialists in the morning and more popular ones in the afternoon. The diffusion of this view in the literature of the second century AD suggests that it accurately reflected the conditions of the time, but this does not mean that we need doubt its historical truth. Gellius’ source was probably Andronicus, who is quoted later in the same chapter; the distinction between 'esoteric’ (or 'acroamatic’) and 'exoteric’ writings is already found in Cicero, who probably had it from Antiochus of Ascalon, and Aristotle himself refers to the 'exoteric’ works in the extant treatises. The history of the Hellenistic Peripatos is, to a large extent, one of the tension between these tendencies in the work of the school.

The same continuity is found in the school’s teaching, especially at the popular level. The dialogues and handbooks read in the Hellenistic age continued in use, and the opinions about the school and its beliefs current among outsiders in the first two centuries AD hardly differed from those of the Ciceronian age. At the more specialized level, Andronicus’ edition made a new start in the study of Aristotle’s writings, but his way of presenting Aristotle’s philosophy was a legitimate extension of the work of Theophrastus and Eudemus. Even the freedom with which he and his immediate followers suggested the need for changes in details imitated the practice of the first generation of Peripatetics.

There is one difference, however. The early Peripatetics not only expounded Aristotle’s philosophy but tried to extend its scope by independent study of the natural world and human behavior. The absence of this element from the work of Andronicus and those who came after him resulted in the growth of the book-centered scholasticism we meet in the Imperial age.

All this is not to say that the popular and scholarly traditions were isolated from one another. The popular books and lectures of professed Peripatetics were meant to give a true outline of the philosophy developed fully in the school treatises, and even some of the pseudo-Pythagorean books contain material clearly derived from the extant pragmateiai, at however many removes; a few of them, notably the pseudo-Archytean reworkings of the Categories, reflect a stage in their understanding that can be clearly defined and connected with the names of known commentators. On the other hand, some of the commentaries on Aristotle’s pragmateiai seem to have originated in elementary lecture courses, and this may account for the superficiality of some of their contents.

The specialized work of the school was based on the exegesis of Aristotle’s writings. In this field, its members developed a high degree of competence, and its influence is not exhausted even today, but the thrust of their interpretation was very different from that of the modern historian of philosophy. Their aim was to present Aristotle’s philosophy as a system and to elucidate his doctrines; they were less interested in the character of his arguments and not at all in the origin and growth of his ideas.

New developments of his teaching took one of two directions. On the one hand, real or apparent discrepancies in Aristotle’s writings had to be explained. This was part of exegesis and subordinated to the systematic tendency of the school (we find no genetic explanations); some of the difficulties raised were of a kind that would only be felt by elementary students, and clearly much attention was paid to their needs. But there are real loose ends in Aristotle’s work, which his followers tried to tie up as best they could. Secondly, new problems had arisen in the course of philosophical debate in the period since Aristotle’s death, which Aristotle had not discussed or only in a marginal way; the question of Fate and Providence is the most notable instance. Here there was a constant tension between the implications of the problem and the requirements of orthodoxy, and progress was limited. On the whole, orthodoxy prevailed, backed up by polemics against rival viewpoints.

At this point, we can observe a rigidity that inhibited the further development of Aristotelianism and may explain its failure to resist the encroachment of Platonism. We have already seen that many Aristotelian ideas, including the whole of his logic and a good part of his metaphysics, natural philosophy, and ethics, were taken over by Platonists from the first century onwards. In spite of some opposition, from Plotinus as well as lesser figures, this process continued until all Aristotelian doctrines that could be brought into conformity with Platonic principles were incorporated into the developed Neoplatonic systems. As this happened, Aristotelianism ceased to exist as an independent philosophy.

There is a Protean quality about Platonism that has allowed it at various times to absorb alien ideas without losing its essential character, perhaps precisely because its fundamental insights were not tied to a fixed system. Aristotelianism, in the systematic form it had acquired, lacked this flexibility. It was well suited to the enlightened atmosphere of the first two centuries AD but could no longer meet the needs, especially the religious aspirations, of the centuries that followed. But it could offer the Platonists something they lacked—a ready-made set of components for building their own system. Many of the parts proved more durable than the whole; they constituted the Erkenntnisse, in N. Hartmann’s sense of the word, of Aristotle’s thinking. Within the new framework, Aristotle’s leading ideas retained their vigor, and Aristotle became what, by and large, he has remained ever since: the philosopher’s philosopher.
[conclusion p. 1172-1174]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FPwm868kRTy5Ier

Aristotelianism as a commentary tradition, 2004
By: Fazzo, Silvia, Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Stone, Martin W. F. (Ed.)

Title	Aristotelianism as a commentary tradition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2004
Published in	Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1
Pages	1-19
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fazzo, Silvia
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Baltussen, Han , Stone, Martin W. F.
Translator(s)

[Conclusion, p. 14]: We have seen that it was only in the twentieth century, after the two  World Wars,  that  the 
study of Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca began to  come  into  its  own  as  a  field  of 
research.44 Among  the first  to  make  profitable  use  of  the  CAG  were  those  Orientalists, 
chiefly from Germany,  who  were interested  in  Greek-Arabic connections  and  translations. 
In the case of Alexander, the availability of critical editions of the texts made it possible to 
identify the Greek counterparts of many short pieces  transmitted  in  Arabic  under his  name 
but with titles different from those familiar to us.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MKWHuyZ1jyOKcwR

Aristotelica: Mélanges offerts à Marcel de Corte, 1985
By: Motte, André (Ed.), Rutten, Christian (Ed.)

Title	Aristotelica: Mélanges offerts à Marcel de Corte
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1985
Publication Place	Bruxelles – Liège
Publisher	Éditions Ousia – Presses universitaires
Series	Cahiers de philosophie ancienne
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Motte, André , Rutten, Christian
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vbTKdtbzJ5KxKIX

Aristotle De Caelo 288a 2-9, 1939
By: Cornford, Francis Macdonald

Title	Aristotle De Caelo 288a 2-9
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1939
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	33
Issue	1
Pages	34-35
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cornford, Francis Macdonald
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this passage from Aristotle's De Caelo, he explores why the heavens revolve in one direction rather than the other. He suggests that the universe has a front and a back, which implies a forward motion that is superior to backward motion, just as upward and rightward motions are superior to their respective opposites. Aristotle argues that since nature always follows the best course, the direction of the heaven's revolution must be forward and therefore better. The text is difficult to understand due to possible corruptions, but a comparison with Simplicius' paraphrase suggests that both the subject and object of the main verb are missing and need to be restored. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/b8mcJ8eN6idQIqA

Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators, 2016
By: Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2016
Publication Place	New York
Publisher	Bloomsbury Academic
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

This volume presents collected essays – some brand new, some republished, and others newly translated – on the ancient commentators on Aristotle and showcases the leading research of the last three decades. Through the work and scholarship inspired by Richard Sorabji in his series of translations of the commentators started in the 1980s, these ancient texts have become a key field within ancient philosophy. Building on the strength of the series, which has been hailed as ‘a scholarly marvel’, ‘a truly breath-taking achievement’ and ‘one of the great scholarly achievements of our time’ and on the widely praised edited volume brought out in 1990 (Aristotle Transformed) this new book brings together critical new scholarship that is a must-read for any scholar in the field.

With a wide range of contributors from across the globe, the articles look at the commentators themselves, discussing problems of analysis and interpretation that have arisen through close study of the texts. Richard Sorabji introduces the volume and himself contributes two new papers. A key recent area of research has been into the Arabic, Latin and Hebrew versions of texts, and several important essays look in depth at these. With all text translated and transliterated, the volume is accessible to readers without specialist knowledge of Greek or other languages, and should reach a wide audience across the disciplines of Philosophy, Classics and the study of ancient texts. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gZ0ZaTAlMe0PYrI

Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence, 1990
By: Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1990
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury Academic
Edition No.	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

The story of the ancient commentators on Aristotle has not previously been told
at book length. Here it is assembled for the fi rst time by drawing both on some
of the classic articles translated into English or revised and on the very latest
research. Some of the chapters will be making revisionary suggestions unfamiliar
even to specialists in the fi eld. Th e philosophical interest of the commentators
has been illustrated elsewhere. 1 Th e aim here is not so much to do this again as
to set out the background of the commentary tradition against which further
philosophical discussion and discussions of other kinds can take place.
Th e importance of the commentators lies partly in their representing the
thought and classroom teaching of the Aristotelian and Neoplatonist schools,
partly in the panorama they provide of the 1100 years of Ancient Greek
philosophy, preserving as they do many original quotations from lost philosophical
works. Still more signifi cant is their profound infl uence, uncovered in some of the
chapters below, on subsequent philosophy, Islamic and European. Th is was due
partly to their preserving anti-Aristotelian material which helped to inspire
medieval and Renaissance science, but still more to their presenting an Aristotle
transformed in ways which happened to make him acceptable to the Christian
Church. It is not just Aristotle, but this Aristotle transformed and embedded in
the philosophy of the commentators, that lies behind the views of later thinkers. [authors abstract]

Online Resources

Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence, 1990
By: Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1990
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Edition No.	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

This book brings together twenty articles giving a comprehensive view of the work of the Aristotelian commentators. First published in 1990, the collection is now brought up to date with a new introduction by Richard Sorabji. New generations of scholars will benefit from this reissuing of classic essays, including seminal works by major scholars, and the volume gives a comprehensive background to the work of the project on the Ancient Commentators on Aristotle, which has published over 100 volumes of translations since 1987 and has disseminated these crucial texts to scholars worldwide.

The importance of the commentators is partly that they represent the thought and classroom teaching of the Aristotelian and Neoplatonist schools and partly that they provide a panorama of a thousand years of ancient Greek philosophy, revealing many original quotations from lost works. Even more significant is the profound influence - uncovered in some of the chapters of this book - that they exert on later philosophy, Islamic and Western. Not only did they preserve anti-Aristotelian material which helped inspire Medieval and Renaissance science, but they present Aristotle in a form that made him acceptable to the Christian church. It is not Aristotle, but Aristotle transformed and embedded in the philosophy of the commentators that so often lies behind the views of later thinkers. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

Aristotle and His Commentators. Studies in Memory of Paraskevi Kotzia, 2019
By: Golitsis, Pantelis (Ed.), Ierodiakonou, Katerina (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle and His Commentators. Studies in Memory of Paraskevi Kotzia
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2019
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina. Quellen und Studien
Volume	7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis , Ierodiakonou, Katerina
Translator(s)

This volume includes twelve studies by international specialists on Aristotle and his commentators. Among the topics treated are Aristotle's political philosophy and metaphysics, the ancient and Byzantine commentators' scholia on Aristotle's logic, philosophy of language and psychology as well as studies of broader scope on developmentalism in ancient philosophy and the importance of studying Late Antiquity. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JDcdeQjoSV6hLxE

Aristotle and Neoplatonism in late antiquity: Interpretations of the "De Anima", 1996
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Aristotle and Neoplatonism in late antiquity: Interpretations of the "De Anima"
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1996
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Steven Strange: Emory University Scholars have traditionally used the Aristotelian commentators as sources for lost philosophical works and occasionally also as aids to understanding Aristotle. In H. J. Blumenthal's view, however, the commentators often assumed that there was a Platonist philosophy to which not only they but Aristotle himself subscribed. Their expository writing usually expressed their versions of Neoplatonist philosophy. Blumenthal here places the commentators in their intellectual and historical contexts, identifies their philosophical views, and demonstrates their tendency to read Aristotle as if he were a member of their philosophical circle.This book focuses on the commentators' exposition of Aristotle's treatise De anima (On the Soul), because it is relatively well documented and because the concept of soul was so important in all Neoplatonic systems. Blumenthal explains how the Neoplatonizing of Aristotle's thought, as well as the widespread use of the commentators' works, influenced the understanding of Aristotle in both the Islamic and Judaeo-Christian traditions.H. J. Blumenthal is the author or coeditor of six previous books and is currently preparing a two-volume translation, with introduction and commentary, of Simplicius' Commentary on "De anima" for publication in Cornell's series Ancient Commentators on Aristotle.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VOUUZIIp0rHNG0V

Aristotle and Other Platonists, 2005
By: Gerson, Lloyd P.

Title	Aristotle and Other Platonists
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	Ithaca, NY
Publisher	Cornell University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In a wide-ranging book likely to cause controversy, Lloyd P. Gerson sets out the case for the "harmony" of Platonism and Aristotelianism, the standard view in late antiquity. [autor's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rxVkkaQrVPjZeXg

Aristotle and Simplicius on Mathematical Infinity, 1981
By: Mueller, Ian, Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs Nikolaou (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle and Simplicius on Mathematical Infinity
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1981
Published in	Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Thessaloniki August 7-14 1978
Pages	179-182
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mueller, Ian
Editor(s)	Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs Nikolaou
Translator(s)

Aristotle was the first not only to distinguish between potential and actual infinity but also to insist that potential infinity alone is enough for mathematics thus initiating an issue still central to the philosophy of mathematics. Modern scholarship, however, has attacked Aristotle's thesis because, according to the received doctrine, it does not square with Euclidean geometry and it also seems to contravene Aristotle's belief in the finitude of the physical universe. This monograph, the first thorough study of the issue, puts Aristotle's views on infinity in the proper perspective. Through a close study of the relevant Aristotelian passages it shows that the Stagirite's theory of infinity forms a well argued philosophical position which does not bear on his belief in a finite cosmos and does not undermine the Euclidean nature of geometry. The monograph draws a much more positive picture of Aristotle's views and reaffirms his disputed stature as a serious philosopher of mathematics. This innovative and stimulating contribution will be essential reading to a wide range of scholars, including classicists, philosophers of science and mathematics as well as historians of ideas. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XpR1jO7FPHTJmR4

Aristotle and after, 1997
By: Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle and after
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	University of London
Publisher	Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study
Series	BICS (Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies) Supplement
Volume	68
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

A selection of papers given at the Institute of Classical Studies during 1996. They cover a variety of new work on the 900 years of philosophy from Aristotle to Simplicius. There is a strong concentration on stoicism with papers by: Michael Frede ( Euphrates of Tyre ); A. A. Long ( Property ownership and community ); Brad Inwood ( 'Why do fools fallin love?' ); Susanne Bobzein ( freedom and ethics ); Richard Gaskin ( cases, predicates and the unity of the proposition ); Richard Sorabji ( stoic philosophy and psychotherapy ); Bernard Williams ( reply to Richard Sorabji ). The other papers are by: Heinrich von Staden ( Galen and the 'Second Sophistic' ); Hans B. Gottschalk ( continuity and change in Aristotelianism ); Travis Butler ( the homonymy of signification in Aristotle ); Andrea Falcon ( Aristotle's theory of division ); Sylvia Berryman (Horror Vacui in the third century BC ); M. B. Trapp ( On the Tablet of Cebes ); Marwan Rashed ( a 'new' text of Alexander on the soul's motion ). [authors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/x8uyail9ZCl9wfr

Aristotle and some of his Commentators on the Timaeus’ Receptacle, 2003
By: Gregory, Andrew, Sharples, Robert W. (Ed.), Sheppard, Anne D. (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle and some of his Commentators on the Timaeus’ Receptacle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2003
Published in	Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus
Pages	29-47
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gregory, Andrew
Editor(s)	Sharples, Robert W. , Sheppard, Anne D.
Translator(s)

Some commentators believe that the receptacle passage (Timaeus 48e-53b) is self-contained and can be taken in isolation from the rest of the Timaeus. In my view, that is quite wrong. Geometrical atomism (GA) is introduced at 53c. By geometrical atomism, I mean the theory that the elements (earth, water, air, fire) can be analyzed into three-dimensional particles of definite shape (cubes, octahedra, icosahedra, tetrahedra, which I shall call "atoms" in the modern sense), and that these particles can be further subdivided into planes, and these planes into one of two types of triangle. GA does not sit entirely easily with the receptacle passage. It may develop or modify the receptacle theory, and certainly, it has a considerable bearing on the nature of the receptacle. At the very least, we need to think carefully about how the entities proposed by GA relate to the receptacle.

What is undeniable is that the rest of the Timaeus (53c to the end) discusses phenomena in terms of GA and not the receptacle. We get an analysis of objects, human beings, human perception, and qualities resulting from the interaction of objects and human beings, entirely in terms of GA without any mention of the receptacle. In my view, we often underrate the importance of GA in relation to the receptacle. It may well be the case that Plato was primarily interested in philosophy rather than science, and that, to us, the receptacle is interesting "live" philosophy, while GA is merely redundant "dead" science. However, Plato in the Timaeus was interested in at least the broad outlines of a teleological account of the cosmos and humans, and GA is certainly an important and integral part of that. What we find philosophically interesting in the Timaeus is no sure guide to what Plato or the ancients following Plato found important, and hopefully, this is something that an examination of Aristotle and some of his commentators may illuminate.

There is an important consideration about Aristotle’s evidence in relation to these issues. Undoubtedly, the best-known passage on the receptacle in Aristotle is Physics 4.2, on the supposed identification of space and matter in Plato. However, there are passages in De Caelo and De Generatione et Corruptione, as well as the commentaries on those works, which deal with the nature of the entities supposed by GA and their relation to the receptacle, and how Plato explains changing phenomena. We need to look at and evaluate this less well-known evidence as well.

Firstly, I will give a brief overview of the receptacle passage and some of the main problems of interpretation relating to it. I will then look briefly at the relation between the receptacle passage and GA. We will then be in a position to examine the evidence of Aristotle and some of his commentators on these matters. [introduction p. 29-30]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yAlkhsJc93zuSvB

Aristotle on Space, Form, and Matter ("Physics" IV:2, 209 B 17–32), 2006
By: Fritsche, Johannes

Title	Aristotle on Space, Form, and Matter ("Physics" IV:2, 209 B 17–32)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2006
Journal	Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume	48
Pages	45-63
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fritsche, Johannes
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In Physics IV.2, Aristotle argues for private Space of a body as its form (209 b 1-6) and as its matter (209 b 6-11) to conclude that Plato maintains that χώρα, matter, and space are the same (209 b 11-17). Subsequently, he réfutés both possibilities of conceiving Space (209 b 17-28). In a paper on 209 b 6-17,1 have tried to show that his view of Plato is right.1 In this paper, I would like to show that in his réfutation of both possibilities Aristotle argues dialectically in the proper sense; that is, he does not use any assumption that is peculiar to  his own theory and not shared by his Opponent. For this purpose I présent (I.) Aristotle's différent usages of (ού) χωρίζεται/χωριστός (»[not] separated/separable«) and (II.) the three différent interprétations of 209 b 22-28 in Philoponus, Simplicius, and Sorabji, and I rule out Sorabji's interprétation. Thereafter, I will give three reasons for Simplicius's interprétation. The first relates to (III.) the issue of prin ciples as the main topic of the Physics in général. Secondly, (IV.) Philoponus's interprétation of 209 b 22-28 contradicts Aristotle's own définition of Space. Thirdly, (V.) only in Simplicius's interprétation is the argument dialectically va lid. Thereafter, I will show (VI.) that the argument in Simplicius's interprétation is  conclusive against Plato's reasoning in the Timaeus to finish with (VII.) some général remarks on  this paper and the paper on  209 b  1-17. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/We3uupXlF3bVzh0

Title	Aristotle's 'Physics' VIII, Translated into Arabic by Ishaq ibn Hunayn (9th c.), Introduction, Edition, and Glossaries, Contributor: Pieter Sjoerd Hasper
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2021
Publication Place	Berlin – Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Scientia Graeco-Arabica
Volume	30
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Arnzen, Rüdiger , Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd (Contributor) , Aristoteles
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle's theory of eternal continuous motion and his argument from everlasting change and motion to the existence of an unmoved primary cause of motion, provided in book VIII of his Physics, is one of the most influential and persistent doctrines of ancient Greek philosophy. Nevertheless, the exact wording of Aristotle's discourse is doubtful and contentious at many places. The present critical edition of Ishaq ibn Hunayn's Arabic translation (9th c.) is supposed to replace the faulty edition by A. Badawi and aims at contributing to the clarification of these textual difficulties by means of a detailed collation of the Arabic text with the most important Greek manuscripts, supported by comprehensive Greek and Arabic glossaries. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NW1zXhIu1ijxgPf

Aristotle's Categories in the Early Roman Empire, 2015
By: Griffin, Michael J.

Title	Aristotle's Categories in the Early Roman Empire
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2015
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Griffin, Michael J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This volume studies the origin and evolution of philosophical interest in Aristotle's Categories. After centuries of neglect, the Categories became the focus of philosophical discussion in the first century BCE, and was subsequently adopted as the basic introductory textbook for philosophy in the Aristotelian and Platonic traditions.

In this study, Michael Griffin builds on earlier work to reconstruct the fragments of the earliest commentaries on the treatise, and illuminates the earliest arguments for Aristotle's approach to logic as the foundation of higher education. Griffin argues that Andronicus of Rhodes played a critical role in the Categories' rise to prominence, and that his motivations for interest in the text can be recovered. The volume also tracks Platonic and Stoic debate over the Categories, and suggests reasons for its adoption into the mainstream of both schools.

Covering the period from the first century BCE to the third century CE, the volume focuses on individual philosophers whose views can be recovered from later, mostly Neoplatonic sources, including Andronicus of Rhodes, Eudorus of Alexandria, Pseudo-Archytas, Lucius, Nicostratus, Athenodorus, and Cornutus. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CCYdqxs5shlkkzs

Aristotle's Categories in the Greek and Latin medieval exegetical tradition. The case of the argument for the non-simultaneity of relatives, 1996
By: Demetracopoulos, John A.

Title	Aristotle's Categories in the Greek and Latin medieval exegetical tradition. The case of the argument for the non-simultaneity of relatives
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1996
Journal	Cima (Cahiers de l'institut du Moyen Âge grec et latin, Université de Copenhague)
Volume	66
Pages	117-134
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Demetracopoulos, John A.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

To conclude: even if we are eager to say that in the case of Anselm’s use of the Aristotelian passage 7b38-39 we notice a medieval misconcep
tion  of the text of the  great ancient philosopher,  first  we should  not hasten to infer from this that the medievals couldn’t understand Aristotle 
or generally  ancient writers;  and second,  we should not be at all surprised.  Commentators and users of Aristotle’s works have often been 
exceptional men, but not super-human. Complaining about the texts’ lan
guage  and  so  implicitly  apologizing  for the  value of his  interpretive  work, one commentator notes that the interpretation of many Aristotelian 
texts presupposes something like oracular powers of divination (Sophonias, CAG XXIII,2, 2, 8-13).  Such modesty on the part of one of the Greek 
commentators of Aristotle ought to shake any confidence we might have in definitive interpretations of certain difficult or ambiguous Aristotelian 
passages, which, as often as we insist on examining them intensely, con
stantly answer our exegetical anxiety with a spiteful silence. [conclusion, p. 133]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/G5FnskmvoZU1kyI

Aristotle, Plotinus, and Simplicius on the Relation of the Changer to the Changed, 2005
By: Wilberding, James

Title	Aristotle, Plotinus, and Simplicius on the Relation of the Changer to the Changed
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	55 (New Series)
Issue	2
Pages	447–454
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wilberding, James
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

There is, of course, no great proof stone for such negative claims. Nevertheless, this claim can be partially verified by checking to see what Simplicius has to say about Plotinus' favourite examples of double activity—light, heat, and the images in mirrors—as well as by searching the Simplician corpus to see if he uses the designations for internal and external activity that Plotinus uses. Investigation shows that Simplicius does not make use of Plotinus' designations. The closest we get is a passage in his commentary on the Physics where he provides a long quotation of Damascius in which the theory seems to appear. Otherwise, we find only some discussion of the Aristotelian distinction between first and second actuality. But Simplicius does not distinguish the activity τῆς οὐσίας from that ἐκ (or ἀπὸ) τῆς οὐσίας, nor that πρὸς τὸ ἄνω from that πρὸς τὸ κάτω, nor that ἐν αὐτῇ (or αὐτῇ) from that ἐξ (or παρ’) αὐτῆς.

Moreover, we can see that none of Plotinus' three examples is employed by Simplicius to explain double activity. Regarding the nature of light, Simplicius is even rather non-committal at times. As for heat, even when Simplicius discusses the distinction between the heat that is proper to fire (that is, the internal activity) and the heat that fire produces in another thing (that is, the external activity), he does so without using the language of the double activity theory. And Simplicius simply does not make much use of mirrors. All of this, I believe, points to the conclusion that Simplicius does not employ Plotinus' distinction between internal and external activity.

If this is right, it perhaps does not imply that Simplicius' views on the metaphysics of procession are all that different from Plotinus', but at the very least, it would show that there is sometimes a considerable difference in the way he goes about describing those views. [conclusion p. 453-454]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2vgk7grGxbqIV3p

Aristotle’s Topics in the Greek Neoplatonic Commentaries on the Categories, 2014
By: Militello, Chiara

Title	Aristotle’s Topics in the Greek Neoplatonic Commentaries on the Categories
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	PEITHO / EXAMINA ANTIQUA
Volume	1
Issue	5
Pages	91-117
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Militello, Chiara
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper lists and examines the explicit references to Aristotle’s Topics in the Greek Neoplatonic commentaries on the Categories. The references to the Topics by Porphyry, Dexippus, Ammonius, Simplicius, Olympiodorus, Philoponus and David (Elias) are listed according the usual prolegomena to Aristotle’s works. In particular, the paper reconstructs David (Elias)’s original thesis about the proponents of the title Pre-Topics for the Categories and compares Ammonius’, Simplicius’ and Olympiodorus’ doxographies about the postpraedicamenta. Moreover, the study identifies two general trends. The first one is that all the commentators after Proclus share the same general view about: the authenticity of the Topics, Aristotle’s writing style in them, the part of philosophy to which they belong, their purpose, their usefulness and their place in the reading order. The second one is that whereas Porphyry, Dexippus and Simplicius use the Topics as an aid to understanding the Categories, Ammonius, Olympiodorus and David (Elias) do not. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/62qOZqwQ9rtCf7S

Aristotle’s Treatment of the Doctrine of Parmenides, 1991
By: Kerferd, George B., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Robinson, Howard (Ed.)

Title	Aristotle’s Treatment of the Doctrine of Parmenides
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1991
Published in	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition
Pages	1-7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kerferd, George B.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Robinson, Howard
Translator(s)

"Perhaps the first question for consideration is whether generation is a fact or not. Earlier searchers after wisdom concerning reality differed both from the accounts which we are now offering and from one another. Some of them abolished generation and destruction completely. Nothing that is, they declare, is either generated or destroyed; it merely seems to us that it is so. Such were Melissus and Parmenides and their followers, and these men, although in other respects their doctrines are excellent, are not to be regarded as speaking from the point of view of natural science. For the existence of certain entities that are neither generated nor subject to any kind of change is a matter not for natural science but for a different and higher study. These men, however, since they supposed there was nothing else at all apart from the existence of things perceived and on the other hand were the first to contemplate some such (unchanging) entities as a prerequisite for any knowledge or understanding (gnôseôs ê phronêseôs) as a result transferred to sensible objects those accounts which come from the other (higher) source (tôn ekei then logous). Others again, as if from set purpose, came to hold the opposite opinion to that held by these men. For there are some who say that nothing in the world is ungenerated, but all things are subject to generation, and that when generated some things remain indestructible and others are again destroyed. This view was held above all by Hesiod and his followers, and thereafter by the first natural philosophers. These say that all other things are in process of being generated and flow, and nothing is stable. But there is one thing only which persists, from which all these other things are produced by natural transformations. This seems to be the meaning intended by Heraclitus of Ephesus and many others. But there are some who suppose that all body also is generated, combining it out of plane surfaces and separating it again into such planes."

Aristotle’s classification here would seem at first sight to be threefold:

Those who deny all generation and destruction as mere illusions.
Those who say nothing is ungenerated but everything comes to be, although once generated, some things are exempt from destruction while others are again destroyed.
Those who would generate all solids from geometrical shapes or planes.

But there is an obscurity about the second group, said to be led by Hesiod and his followers, with whom are to be associated "the earliest natural philosophers." The reference to Hesiod must surely be to his doctrine of Chaos, which was the first to come into existence (Theogony 116) and from which, in due course, all other things arose. Grouped with him are the earliest natural philosophers (hoi prôtoi physiologêsantes), which suggests to us at first reading the Ionians. But in this case, Aristotle would be saying, for example, that the water of Thales itself came into existence before other things were generated from it. This seems in conflict both with the usual view of the Ionians in antiquity and also with what seems to be their characterization in the following two sentences, which describe a doctrine according to which there is a single substance persisting through the various transmutations that produce phenomena.

A resolution of this problem is propounded by Simplicius in his commentary on the passage. He takes the words hoi prôtoi physiologêsantes to refer to those whom Aristotle elsewhere calls hoi prôtoi physiologêsantes (Metaphysics 983b28), namely Orpheus and Musaeus. This opens the way to the view that the Ionians are first referred to in the sentence following next after hoi prôtoi physiologêsantes, which begins with the words hoi de. The result is to divide Aristotle’s second class into two, producing a total of four, not three, classifications. This was indeed what Simplicius intended, as can be seen in his statement tetrachê dieile tas peri geneseôs doxas (In De caelo, 556.3). These will then be:

No generation at all.
All things are generated, and some of these things then persist permanently.
Most things are generated but not the primary substances.
All bodily things are generated from ungenerated geometrical entities.

Whatever may be the correct analysis of what Aristotle is saying here, there can be no doubt that he places the Eleatics in category (1)—no generation at all. But a major difficulty arises from his statement that for the Eleatics there is nothing else apart from things perceived and that they applied to things perceived the concepts appropriate to unchanging entities, which belong to a different field altogether.

On the whole, this statement seems to have provoked irritation rather than interest or respect, and it is commonly dismissed as mistaken. Harold Chemiss, writing in 1935, says that here:

"The Eleatic doctrine is rejected as unphysical. But the origin is differently explained. The Eleatics were the first to see that knowledge requires the existence of immutable substances; but, thinking that sensible objects alone existed, they applied to them the arguments concerning objects of thought. Aristotle derives this account by a literal interpretation of Plato, Parmenides 135b-c. But cf. Sophist 249b-d." [introduction p. 1-3]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8A6Irhi7CRu4EpE

Aristotle’s “Now” and the Definition of Time: Method and Exegesis in Simplicius’ Interpretation of Physics IV.10, 2024
By: Thomas Seissl

Title	Aristotle’s “Now” and the Definition of Time: Method and Exegesis in Simplicius’ Interpretation of Physics IV.10
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2024
Journal	History of Philosophy & Logical Analysis
Volume	26
Issue	2
Pages	366-386
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Thomas Seissl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Physics IV.10 (217b30–218a30) is pivotal in Aristotle’s discussion of time, preceding his own account from IV.11 onward. Aristotle presents three puzzles about the existence of time with reference to the “Now”. Modern interpretations often view this section as an aporetic prelude with Aristotle’s failure to provide explicit solutions. This paper examines Simplicius’ alternative interpretation, which draws upon the theory of proof and the syllogistic model from the Posterior Analytics. Simplicius contends that the arguments’ failure lies in their inability to fit within the suitable syllogistic framework to establish a demonstrable definition of time, not in their aporetic nature. Every science has to prove the relation between (i) establishing whether X exists and (ii) showing what X is by establishing what the cause of X is. In evaluating Simplicius’ interpretation, this paper addresses two key aspects of the exegesis of IV.10: firstly, Simplicius can show why the “Now” is not part of the definition of time, and secondly, the ancient commentator underscores the close connection between the arguments in Physics IV.10 and the broader context of Aristotle’s discussion of time. Modern interpreters fail to address both of these issues. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mOkF4fvV0VKbyeR

Aspasius: The Earliest Extant Commentary on Aristotle's Ethics, 1999
By: Alberti, Antonina (Ed.), Sharples, Robert W. (Ed.)

Title	Aspasius: The Earliest Extant Commentary on Aristotle's Ethics
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1999
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Peripatoi
Volume	17
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Alberti, Antonina , Sharples, Robert W.
Translator(s)

This book comprises essays on the nature of Aspasius’ commentary, his interpretation of Aristotle, and his own place in the history of thought. The contributions are in English or Italian.

Aspasius’ commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics is the earliest ancient commentary on Aristotle of which extensive parts survive in their original form. It is important both for the history of commentary as a genre and for the history of philosophical thought in the first two centuries A.D.; it is also still valuable as what its author intended it to be, an aid in interpreting the Ethics. All three aspects are explored by the essays.

The book is not formally a commentary on Aspasius’ commentary; but between them the essays consider the interpretation of numerous problematic or significant passages. Full indices will enable readers quickly to locate discussion of particular parts of Aspasius’ work. This volume of essays will form a natural complement to the first ever translation of Aspasius’ commentary into any modern language, currently in preparation by Paul Mercken.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sA4gaXkwHHMBbmx

Title	Aspects de la théorie de la perception chez les néoplatoniciens : sensation (αἴσθησις), sensation commune (κοινὴ αἴσθησις), sensibles communs (κοινὰ αἰσθητά) et conscience de soi (συναίσθησις)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1997
Journal	Documenti e Studi sulla Tradizione Filosofica Medievale
Volume	8
Pages	33–85
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Je résume : en ce qui concerne la possibilité pour les sensations d'avoir conscience de leur activité, Pseudo-Philopon se distingue aussi bien de Priscien que de Simplicius, puisqu’il n'attribue plus le moindre rôle à la sensation commune, mais accorde ce privilège à une faculté de l'âme raisonnable, à la faculté d'attention. [conclusion p. 85]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/N9wzp13Ul2KftSa

Aspects of Avicenna, 2001
By: Wisnovsky, Robert (Ed.)

Title	Aspects of Avicenna
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2001
Publication Place	Princeton
Publisher	Markus Wiener Publishers
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Wisnovsky, Robert
Translator(s)

The articles in this volume aim to further our understanding of the work and thought of the philosopher and physician Abū ʿAlī al-Ḥusain ibn ʿAbd Allāh ibn Sīnā (born before 370 AH/980 CE-died 428 AH/1037 CE), known in the West by his Latinized name Avicenna.
It seems to me that what much of the best new schlorahip has in common, and what the articles in this volume aspire to, is a mature and subtle appreciation of the history of Avicenna’s philosophy. By this I mean two things. First, the increasing availability of edited Avicennian texts has allowed scholars to examine a broader spectrum of passages about particular topic than they were able to in the past. This, in turn, has made possible the recent and ongoing attempts to periodize Avicenna’s philosophical career through the careful dating of individual work. Scholars now have to come to terms with the fact that there may not be a single Avicennian position on a given issue, but rather a history of positions, adopted at different periods of his life.
Second, many of the ancient commentaries on Aristotle, though available in the original Greek for a hundred years now, have only recently been translated into English. These translations, along with the new scholarly work on the commentators which has followed in their wake, have made a massive but heretofore forbidden resource for the history of late-antique and early-medieval philosophy easily accessible to speciallists in Arabic philosophy. The more precisely we understand how Greek philosophy developed durig the period between 200 CE and 600 CE, the better able we shall be to situate the theories of philosophers such as Avicenny in their intellectual-historical context. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/e2BTuHZnaMPhPvO

Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonism and the Harmonization of Aristotle and Plato, 2015
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut,

Title	Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonism and the Harmonization of Aristotle and Plato
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2015
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston
Publisher	Brill
Series	Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic tradition
Volume	18
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Chase, Michael(Chase, Michael )

Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonism and the Harmonization of Aristotle and Plato by I. Hadot deals with the Neoplatonist tendency to harmonize the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle. It shows that this harmonizing tendency, born in Middle Platonism, prevailed in Neoplatonism from Porphyry and Iamblichus, where it persisted until the end of this philosophy. Hadot aims to illustrate that it is not the different schools themselves, for instance those of Athens and Alexandria, that differ from one another by the intensity of the will to harmonization, but groups of philosophers within these schools.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xEQzdHCzqjAUU9w

Au terme d’une tradition: Simplicius, lecteur du Phédon, 2015
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine, Delcomminette, Sylvain (Ed.), Hoine, Pieter d’ (Ed.), Gavray, Marc-Antoine (Ed.)

Title	Au terme d’une tradition: Simplicius, lecteur du Phédon
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2015
Published in	Ancient Readings of Plato’s Phaedo
Pages	293-310
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)	Delcomminette, Sylvain , Hoine, Pieter d’ , Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Translator(s)

Or, pour autant que nous le sachions, Simplicius n’a pas écrit de commentaire sur le Phédon. En tant que membre de l’École d’Athènes, il a certes dû lire et interpréter ce dialogue, qui faisait partie du canon de lecture. Disciple de Damascius, il a peut-être même assisté à l’une (au moins) des deux séries de cours dispensées par son maître. À tout le moins, il devait en connaître l’existence et avoir pris position par rapport à une telle lecture. Aussi, pour retrouver son interprétation du Phédon, il faut emprunter un chemin détourné, en examinant les citations et allusions liées à ce dialogue à travers ses différents Commentaires. Comment surgissent ces renvois au Phédon et à quelle fin ?

Dans cette étude, je souhaite poursuivre trois objectifs, tous relativement modestes. Tout d’abord, j’aimerais examiner l’apport personnel de Simplicius à l’interprétation du Phédon, par rapport à la tradition dans laquelle il s’inscrit. Ensuite, plus particulièrement, je voudrais évaluer la distance de Simplicius à l’égard des Commentaires de Damascius, afin de mesurer leur impact au sein de l’École platonicienne en exil. Enfin, et plus largement, j’espère contribuer à la compréhension de la méthode et de l’originalité de Simplicius, en tant que philosophe et commentateur. [introduction p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QqG0Y1xgt1bzrvI

Title	Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Teil II: Principat, Philosophie, Wissenschaften, Technik. 2. Teilband: Philosophie
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1987
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	De Gruyter
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Haase, Wolfgang
Translator(s)

ANRW ist ein handbuchartiges Übersichtswerk zu den römischen Studien im weitesten Sinne, mit Einschluß der Rezeptions- und Wirkungsgeschichte bis in die Gegenwart. Bei den Beiträgen handelt es sich entweder um zusammenfassende Darstellungen mit Bibliographie oder um Problem- und Forschungsberichte bzw. thematisch breit angelegte exemplarische Untersuchungen. Die Artikel erscheinen in deutscher, englischer, französischer oder italienischer Sprache.

Zum Mitarbeiterstab gehören rund 1000 Gelehrte aus 35 Ländern. Der Vielfalt der Themen entsprechend gehören die Autoren hauptsächlich folgenden Fachrichtungen an: Alte, Mittelalterliche und Neue Geschichte; Byzantinistik, Slavistik; Klassische, Mittellateinische, Romanische und Orientalische Philologie; Klassische, Orientalische und Christliche Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte; Rechtswissenschaft; Religionswissenschaft und Theologie, besonders Kirchengeschichte und Patristik.

In Vorbereitung sind:
Teil II, Bd. 26,4: Religion - Vorkonstantinisches Christentum: Neues Testament - Sachthemen, Fortsetzung
Teil II, Bd. 37,4: Wissenschaften: Medizin und Biologie, Fortsetzung. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vkva8h1vt1Po53c

Augustin, «Confessions» 4, 16, 28-29, «Soliloques» 2, 20, 34-36 et les «Commentaires des catégories», 2001
By: Doucet, Dominique

Title	Augustin, «Confessions» 4, 16, 28-29, «Soliloques» 2, 20, 34-36 et les «Commentaires des catégories»
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2001
Journal	Rivista di Filosofia Neo-Scolastica
Volume	93
Issue	3
Pages	372-392
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Doucet, Dominique
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Au terme de cette étude montrant les points de consonance entre les thèmes développés dans les derniers paragraphes des Soliloques et les problématiques mises en œuvre dans les commentaires des Catégories, deux conclusions principales se présentent. Premièrement, l'antériorité des écrits d'Augustin sur la rédaction de la plus grande partie des commentaires des Catégories oblige à considérer un seul et même auteur ou une seule et même source, tant pour Augustin que pour les auteurs des commentaires ultérieurs. La place que reçoit le commentaire de Porphyre dans les autres commentaires et l'importance de cet auteur dans l'élaboration des schémas de pensée augustiniens conduisent naturellement à la conclusion que c'est dans une œuvre porphyrienne qu'Augustin a pu rencontrer l'essentiel de cette argumentation.

Il reste alors à tenter de déterminer laquelle. Le peu d'intérêt qu'Augustin accorde aux lectures des magistri eruditissimi qu'il évoque dans les Confessions semble écarter l'hypothèse qu'il garderait un vif souvenir des conversations de son adolescence. Autrement, il n'aurait pas oublié à ce point d'en mentionner l'importance, comme il le fait pour sa lecture de l'Hortensius et pour celle des libri platonicorum, qui eurent une influence déterminante sur l'évolution de sa pensée.

Il semble alors plus probable de considérer qu'Augustin a rencontré une argumentation identique à celle qui se trouve dans les commentaires ultérieurs des Catégories, celle de Porphyre en son propre commentaire, qu'Augustin a pu rencontrer soit dans un texte du dossier des libri platonicorum, soit inséré dans un autre écrit comme le De regressu animae ou encore le Zêtêma sur l'immortalité de l'âme, dont nous savons qu'il prit connaissance.

Il serait même tentant de considérer que la progression même des Soliloques suit en parallèle l'essentiel de la progression qui pourrait être celle du De regressu.

Cette hypothèse nous amène directement au second volet de cette conclusion. Si Augustin emprunte un certain nombre de thèmes à l'univers néoplatonicien et porphyrien, il ne manque pas de les transformer profondément. Nous avons déjà signalé, dans une lecture de Sol. 2, 18, 32, la manière dont Augustin reprend les degrés de la hiérarchie des êtres du néoplatonisme et la transforme en une hiérarchie des degrés du vrai. En effet, la hiérarchie de Marius Victorinus (uere sunt, quae sunt, non uere non sunt, uere non sunt) se retrouve en partie chez Augustin sous la forme : uere uerum (ueritas), uerum, tendit esse et non est.

Cette transformation de la hiérarchie des êtres en une hiérarchie des degrés du vrai s'explique assez bien par le projet même des Soliloques : connaître Dieu et l'âme, et par la démonstration de l'immortalité de l'âme qui s'y trouve. C'est par la présence en l'âme de l'immortelle Vérité que l'âme est assurée de son immortalité, et cette preuve, dans l'esprit d'Augustin, est supérieure à celle, classique, de l'auto-motricité de l'âme.

Dans les paragraphes 34 à 36 de la fin des Soliloques, c'est une semblable hiérarchie des degrés du vrai que nous rencontrons. Il est donc nécessaire sur ce point de conclure que tout en s'inspirant des thèmes néoplatoniciens et en particulier porphyriens, Augustin leur fait subir un déplacement notable et développe, plutôt qu'une ontologie, une métaphysique du vrai qui lui permet de connaître son âme, d'accéder à la certitude de son immortalité, et de progresser dans sa recherche de Dieu, recherche dont il résumera l'essentiel de la progression dans les Confessions et dont il dressera les harmoniques dans le De Trinitate. [conclusion p 390-392]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ilXNYhEQOhMEPLW

Aurore, Éros et Ananké autour des dieux Parménidiens (f. 12-f. 13), 1985
By: Frère, Jean

Title	Aurore, Éros et Ananké autour des dieux Parménidiens (f. 12-f. 13)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1985
Journal	Les Études philosophiques
Volume	4
Pages	459-470
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Frère, Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Pour ce qui est d'Aristote, au livre A, chapitre 4, de La Métaphysique, examinant la thèse des penseurs qui, tel Anaxagore, firent du « la fois la cause de la beauté et la cause du mouvement des êtres », Aristote rapproche à son tour Hésiode et Parménide comme penseurs qui ont posé l'Amour ou le Désir pour principes des êtres ; Aristote cite alors le vers que citait Le Banquet en 178a, vers qui constitue le fragment 13 du poème de Parménide. Ainsi, les deux témoignages de Platon et d'Aristote s'accordent-ils : dans le panthéon parménidien, Anankè est l'origine ; en provient l'Amour, Éros, lequel domine les autres dieux.

Dans le commentaire de La Physique d'Aristote, Simplicius apporte à son tour des textes et des indications concernant Anankè et Éros. C'est grâce à ces passages de Simplicius que les éditeurs de Parménide ont ordonné plusieurs fragments de la seconde partie du poème (f. 9 et suiv.). Cependant, l'ordonnance des fragments ici retenue par la plupart des éditeurs, si l'on y apporte quelque attention, semble loin de s'imposer. Relisant de près le texte de Simplicius, nous voudrions ici dégager conjointement plusieurs thèmes.

D'abord, en ce qui concerne Simplicius, nous voudrions apporter des précisions sur sa technique de citation des fragments. À partir de là, nous pourrions envisager une nouvelle structuration des fragments portant sur Anankè et Éros. Enfin, nous pourrions ainsi essayer de mieux dégager certains aspects de la place du divin dans l'œuvre parménidienne. [introduction p. 460]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RFpfl1LBytLVPZJ

Authority and authoritative texts in the Platonist tradition, 2021
By: Erler, Michael (Ed.), Heßler, Jan Erik (Ed.), Petrucci, Federico Maria (Ed.)

Title	Authority and authoritative texts in the Platonist tradition
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2021
Publication Place	Cambridge – New York
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Erler, Michael , Heßler, Jan Erik , Petrucci, Federico Maria
Translator(s)

All disciplines can count on a noble founder, and the representation of this founder as an authority is key in order to construe a discipline's identity. This book sheds light on how Plato and other authorities were represented in one of the most long-lasting traditions of all time. It leads the reader through exegesis and polemics, recovery of the past and construction of a philosophical identity. From Xenocrates to Proclus, from the sceptical shift to the re-establishment of dogmatism, from the Mosaic of the Philosophers to the Neoplatonist Commentaries, the construction of authority emerges as a way of access to the core of the Platonist tradition. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

Autour d'Eudore. Les débuts de l'exégèse des Catégories dans les Moyen Platonisme, 2009
By: Chiaradonna, Riccardo , Bonazzi, Mauro (Ed.), Opsomer, Jan (Ed.)

Title	Autour d'Eudore. Les débuts de l'exégèse des Catégories dans les Moyen Platonisme
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2009
Published in	The Origins of the Platonic System: Platonisms of the early empire and their philosophical contexts
Pages	89-111
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chiaradonna, Riccardo
Editor(s)	Bonazzi, Mauro , Opsomer, Jan
Translator(s)

Si l’on se borne à souligner qu’Eudore a critiqué tel ou tel passage des Catégories, on oublie une donnée fondamentale : ses critiques portent sur des détails, mais ne remettent jamais en question la doctrine des catégories comme telle. Son ouvrage (quoi qu’il en soit de ses caractères formels) visait probablement à rattacher les catégories au platonisme pythagorisant, en en corrigeant des éléments ponctuels.

C’est pourquoi, me semble-t-il, il n’est pas absurde de supposer qu’Eudore a été à l’origine des différentes tentatives médio-platoniciennes pour incorporer les catégories dans le platonisme : on trouve plusieurs exemples d’une telle attitude, ce qui n’exclut pas la présence de variations importantes, notamment chez le commentateur anonyme du Théétète, chez Alcinous (Did. 159, 43-44) et chez Plutarque.

Cette position est manifestement différente de celle d’Atticus, qui ne visait nullement à annexer les catégories au platonisme. L’interprétation d’Eudore n’est pas non plus identique à celle du mystérieux Lucius et de Nicostrate qui, au dire de Simplicius, adressaient toute sorte d’objections extrêmement polémiques aux catégories d’Aristote.

Et l’exégèse d’Eudore n’a rien à voir avec la discussion critique des catégories développée par Plotin, qui utilise les apories internes à la doctrine d’Aristote comme une sorte de démonstration dialectique des principes ontologiques « platoniciens ».

Il y a une analogie superficielle entre le projet philosophique et idéologique d’Eudore et celui qui, après Plotin, sera développé par Porphyre : Eudore et Porphyre visent à construire, de manière très différente, une tradition philosophique unitaire en subordonnant les doctrines revues et corrigées d’Aristote à leur platonisme.

Mais les quelques fragments d’Eudore que nous avons ne suffisent pas à développer ce parallèle ; qui plus est, l’intégration très complexe de l’aristotélisme et du platonisme chez Porphyre se fonde sur l’œuvre des grands auteurs du IIe et du IIIe siècle, notamment Alexandre d’Aphrodise et Plotin ; elle a très peu en commun avec Eudore et son arrière-plan conceptuel.

Bref, si nous ne nous sommes pas égarés, il faut conclure que la première réception des catégories d’Aristote dans le platonisme autour d’Eudore est entièrement redevable au contexte précis de la période qui s’étend entre le Ier siècle avant et le Ier siècle après J.-C.

S’il y a des éléments de continuité qui rattachent le platonisme de cette époque au platonisme des siècles postérieurs (notamment au platonisme de Plotin et de Porphyre), ce n’est décidément pas dans l’usage des catégories d’Aristote qu’il faut les rechercher.
[conclusion p. 107-108]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RwMqNOyFpPRLD09

Bibliotheca Graeca. Sive notitia scriptorum ueterum Graecorum, Vol. 9. Editio nova, curante Gottlieb Christophero Harles., 1804
By: Fabricius, Johann Albert, Harless, Adolf Gottlieb Christoph (Ed.)

Title	Bibliotheca Graeca. Sive notitia scriptorum ueterum Graecorum, Vol. 9. Editio nova, curante Gottlieb Christophero Harles.
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1804
Publication Place	Hamburg
Publisher	Carolum Ernestum Bohn
Series	Bibliotheca Graeca
Volume	9
Edition No.	nova
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fabricius, Johann Albert
Editor(s)	Harless, Adolf Gottlieb Christoph
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vUaUAT2tvCEEVgP

Bibliothèques et formes du livre a la fin de l’antiquité. Le témoignage de la littérature néoplatonicienne des Ve et VIe siècles, 2000
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Prato, Giancarlo (Ed.)

Title	Bibliothèques et formes du livre a la fin de l’antiquité. Le témoignage de la littérature néoplatonicienne des Ve et VIe siècles
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2000
Published in	I manoscritti greci tra riflessione e dibattito. Atti del V Colloquio Internazionale di Paleografia Greca (Cremona, 4-10 ottobre 1998), Tomo 2
Pages	601-632
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Prato, Giancarlo
Translator(s)

On a pu mettre en relation le chapitre 27 de la Vie de Proclus avec le célèbre codex de papyrus de Callimaque (P.Oxy. XX 2258), écrit en majuscule alexandrine. Ce codex, décrit en 1959 par Jean Irigoin et en 1971 par sir Eric Turner, est de dimensions stupéfiantes. Il est daté en général du VIe ou du VIIe siècle, et Turner, après Edgar Lobel, le situe plutôt vers 500 ou 600 que vers 700. C’est le meilleur exemple connu, pour cette époque, d’un type de mise en pages comportant un texte et son commentaire. (On lui ajoutera – me suggère Jean Irigoin – l’exemple des citations marginales de Galien et de Cratévas lisibles dans le Dioscoride de Vienne, et qui nous instruisent sur le processus de formation d’une chaîne, un autre exemple postérieur étant le Venetus A de l’Iliade, Marc. gr. 454).

La mise en pages attestée dans le Callimaque se retrouvera, peu après 900, dans le Vat. Urb. gr. 35 (Organon d’Aristote), dont les marges comportent, pour l’Isagogè de Porphyre et le début des Catégories, une compilation de la littérature exégétique alexandrine et athénienne (on y trouve du Simplicius), enrichie çà et là de nouveautés postérieures au VIe siècle. Le module de l’écriture adopté par Aréthas pour transcrire les commentaires dans les marges de l’Urb. gr. 35 permet de saisir une pratique de la micrographie, également illustrée (et de manière extrême) dans un autre contexte et à une tout autre époque, par le codex Mani de Cologne. Plus que le module des commentaires marginaux du Callimaque, les modules infimes du manuscrit d’Aristote comme du codex Mani nous mettent peut-être sur la voie du type d’écriture utilisé pour la copie des œuvres immenses d’un Proclus, d’un Damascius ou d’un Simplicius.

On peut imaginer que les livres de l’école néoplatonicienne prenaient volontiers la forme des codices de grand format déjà évoqués, et dont l’usage est attesté pour des textes profanes ou classiques. S’ils contenaient un texte des auctoritates, de vastes marges pouvaient accueillir des commentaires de l’école (c’est le cas des commentaires de Proclus sur Hésiode et sur Orphée). S’ils contenaient une œuvre exégétique « moderne » (de Proclus ou de Simplicius), la pratique d’écritures de petit module ne pouvait-elle permettre de maintenir dans des limites spatiales maniables des textes correspondant à des centaines de pages dans les éditions modernes ? Mais ce n’est là, bien sûr, qu’une suggestion, ou plutôt une ultime question. [conclusion p. 630-632]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/csXi7Zihz5LcEep

Boethius and Andronicus of Rhodes, 1957
By: Shiel, James

Title	Boethius and Andronicus of Rhodes
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1957
Journal	Vigiliae Christianae
Volume	11
Issue	3
Pages	179-185
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Shiel, James
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

G. Pfligersdorffer has recently described the attitude of the ancient editor, Andronicus of Rhodes, towards the final notes in Aristotle's Categories on opposites, simultaneity, priority, motion, and possession—what the medievals called the postpraedicamenta. The scholar has based his intricate arguments on a passage of Boethius' commentary on the Categories, and as this passage in the printed editions is syntactically unintelligible, he has suggested an emended text of it. Here is the passage as printed, with his emendations alongside and a list of variants beneath. [introduction p. 179]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Z3seGeZGEaA8j5E

Boethius as a Transmitter of Greek Logic to the Latin West: The Categories, 1993
By: Asztalos, Monika

Title	Boethius as a Transmitter of Greek Logic to the Latin West: The Categories
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
Volume	95
Pages	367-407
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Asztalos, Monika
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Finally, the interpretations of two passages in De Interpretatione 2 given by Shiel and Chadwick respectively led John Dillon to conclude that Boethius tried to cover up his lack of familiarity with the primary sources. This made Boethius not only unoriginal and ill-read but, on top of it, dishonest.

I am not trying to do the impossible—namely, present Boethius as an expert on Aristotle's Categories and De Interpretatione. And I am not in a position to judge whether or not Boethius displays real originality in his later, more mature works. But I think it would be unfair to expect novel interpretations in commentaries like the Isagoge 1 and CC, which, if my assumptions in the first sections of this paper are correct, are not only the earliest of Boethius' works on Greek philosophy but also the context in which he first encountered Aristotle.

He seems to have come quite unprepared to both the Isagoge and the Categories, unarmed with proper translations and unfamiliar with the work he was commenting on. Boethius is indeed an epitome of the expression docendo discimus ("we learn by teaching"). [conclusion p. 405-407]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qf1EQ49UxPsJC4F

Boethus' Psychology and the Neoplatonists, 1986
By: Gottschalk, Hans B.

Title	Boethus' Psychology and the Neoplatonists
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1986
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	31
Issue	3
Pages	243-257
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gottschalk, Hans B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Three  writers  of  late  antiquity,  all  of  them  Neoplatonists, refer  to  the psychological  doctrine  of  a certain  Boethus. Several  philosophers  of  that name  are  known,  and the  fragments have  been  variously assigned  to  the Stoic,  Boethus  of Sidon, who lived in the middle of the second century BC, and his Peripatetic namesake,  active about a century later. ' The purpose of this article is to  see  what exactly we  can learn about  this thinker from the extant fragments and then  to determine  which of  the  various Boethi  he  is most  likely  to  have  been. [introduction, p. 243]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5lu8RgGIGt7Wnhe

Boethus’ Aristotelian Ontology, 2016
By: Rashed, Marwan, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Boethus’ Aristotelian Ontology
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	103-124
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

His doctrine, of course, is not un-Aristotelian; it does not even stand somewhere halfway between Aristotle and other thinkers of Antiquity, the Stoics in particular (even if it is obviously inspired by a general Stoic atmosphere). Boethus has consciously built, out of some rare Aristotelian indications, a certain kind of Aristotelianism among other possible ones. This doctrinal approach is probably both the cause and the effect of a cultural fact: the Peripatos’ nearly exclusive focus, in the first century BCE, on the Categories.

For sure, the treatise of the Categories, by itself, does not necessarily produce a definite account of the world. But by contrast with what is the case with other parts of the Aristotelian corpus, its basic ontological features seem naturally at home in the framework of a doctrine holding the primacy of the individual material substance.
[introduction p. 103-104]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xYH889DSksf6EXe

Title	Book Review: Ivan A. Licciardi (2017). Critica dell’apparente e critica apparente. Simplicio interprete di Parmenide nel Commentario al de Caelo di Aristotele, Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi, traduzione e commentario (Symbolon 44). Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag.
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2020
Journal	Elenchos
Volume	41
Issue	1
Pages	201-207
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Manfred Kraus
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

È fuori d ’ogni dubbio che i commentari di Simplicio alla Fisica e al De Caelo di
Aristotele siano d’importanza primaria per la nostra conoscenza della filosofia
di Parmenide, come anche –ed anzitutto –per la trasmissione di una gran
parte dei frammenti. Nell’anno 2016 Ivan Licciardi ha pubblicato il suo libro
intitolato Parmenide tràdito, Parmenide tradìto, in cui ha dedicato la sua
analisi al commentario alla Fisica. Solo un anno dopo, Licciardi ha completato
questo primo studio con un altro libro, anch’esso con un titolo provocante: 
Critica dell’apparente e critica apparente, dedicato al commentario al De Caelo.
Ambedue i libri sono strettamente legati l’uno all’altro. Nella premessa,
l’Autore dice che quando ha pubblicato il primo libro aveva già raccolto quasi 
tutti i materiali per il secondo. Ha deciso, tuttavia, di pubblicarli in due volumi
separati, da un lato per ragioni di quantità (perché un solo libro avrebbe
superato le mille pagine), ma anche per una ragione scientifica sostanziale, e
cioè perché nei due commentari, secondo Licciardi, Simplicio contempla il
pensiero parmenideo da prospettive diverse. Mentre nel commentario alla
Fisica l’interpretazione è incentrata sul rapporto fra l’essere e l’uno, nell’altro
commentario, invece, il Commentatore si occupa del rapporto fra essere sen-
sibile ed essere intelligibile e quindi del problema della generazione e del
divenire. [Introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xCZ6vrIKvYZF5PU

Book review: Simplicius on Aristotle Physics 8.1-5, written by Istvan Bodnár, Michael Chase and Michael Share, 2015
By: Hatzistavrou, Antony

Title	Book review: Simplicius on Aristotle Physics 8.1-5, written by Istvan Bodnár, Michael Chase and Michael Share
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2015
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	9
Issue	1
Pages	124 –125
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hatzistavrou, Antony
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A preface by Richard Sorabji, which explains the importance of the commentary for scholarship on the ancient commentators on Aristotle.
An introduction by Michael Chase, which focuses on Simplicius’ polemic against Philoponus.
A list of departures of the translation from Diels’ edition of Simplicius’ commentary.
An English-Greek glossary.
A Greek-English index.
A subject index.
A bibliography.

The volume is clearly designed with the needs of the specialist scholar in mind and aims to become the primary reference text in English for the study of Simplicius’ commentary.

Where does the importance of Simplicius’ commentary lie? It is instructive that both Sorabji, in his preface, and Chase, in his introduction, focus on its importance for the history of philosophy in late antiquity. First, it sheds light on an aspect of the philosophical and ideological debate between pagan and Christian thinkers at the end of antiquity concerning the intelligibility of the creation of the world. In Physics 8.1, Aristotle argues that time and motion are eternal. For any arbitrarily chosen moment in time or motion in space, one will always be able to identify a preceding and a subsequent moment or motion. This means that the world as a whole is eternal. Philoponus understood Aristotle’s arguments for the eternity of the universe to pose problems for a creationist account of the world, as advocated by the Judeo-Christian religion. In his polemic Against Aristotle On the Eternity of the World, Philoponus undertakes the task of defending a creationist account of the world by attacking Aristotle’s arguments for the eternity of motion and time.

In his commentary, Simplicius attacks Philoponus, accusing him, among other things, of failing to understand and thus misrepresenting Aristotle’s position. A primary aim of his commentary on Physics 8.1 is, on the one hand, to identify and correct what he takes to be Philoponus’ distortions of Aristotle’s arguments and, on the other hand, to vindicate the cogency of Aristotle’s theory against Philoponus’ polemic. Simplicius makes no attempt to conceal his disdain for Philoponus’ scholarly abilities and intellectual integrity, describing his arguments as "garbage" and accusing him of being motivated by his "zeal for contradicting." In his introduction, Michael Chase clarifies that Simplicius’ attack is not restricted to issues concerning the proper interpretation of Aristotle’s theory but has a wider scope. It is meant as an attack on Philoponus’ Christian faith. In this attack, Simplicius occasionally reveals himself to be conversant with intricate Christian theological debates, such as the debate concerning the nature of Christ (i.e., whether Christ was begotten or made).

Second, as Richard Sorabji mentions in his preface, Simplicius’ commentary reports and makes extensive use of Alexander of Aphrodisias’ lost commentary on Aristotle’s Physics. On Sorabji’s view, Simplicius, on the whole, reports Alexander’s views accurately. Furthermore, despite occasional disagreements about the interpretation of Aristotle’s philosophy, Simplicius shows respect for Alexander’s abilities as a commentator and values his intellectual integrity. Simplicius’ attitude towards Alexander is thus sharply contrasted with his attitude towards Philoponus.

Scholars interested in the debate between pagan and Christian philosophers at the end of antiquity and in the history of the ancient commentators on Aristotle will welcome the translation into English of Simplicius’ commentary. They may also find much material in the notes to the translation to grapple with. The volume will also appeal to anyone interested in Aristotle’s natural philosophy and, more specifically, in Aristotle’s views about the eternity of the world and the prime mover. The detailed English-Greek glossary and the indices make the volume a significant research tool likely to become a reference point in relevant scholarship. In addition, the volume is nicely produced. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/um5b6staCmgDtbZ

Boéthos de Sidon sur les relatifs, 2013
By: Luna, Concetta

Title	Boéthos de Sidon sur les relatifs
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2013
Journal	Studia greaco-arabica
Volume	3
Pages	1-35
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Luna, Concetta
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The Peripatetic philosopher Boethus of Sidon (mid-first century BC), a pupil of Andronicus of Rhodes, is well-known for his commentary on Aristotle’s Categories, whose fragments are transmitted by later commentators together with testimonia about it. In his exegesis of the Categories, Boethus especially focused on the category of relation (Cat. 7), on which he wrote a speci!c treatise, arguing against the Stoics for the unity of the category of relation. The present paper o"ers a translation and analysis of Boethus’ fragments on relation, all of which are preserved in Simplicius’ commentary on the Categories. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9oljjSmWv94OJA7

Boéthos de Sidon: Exégète d’Aristote et philosophe, 2020
By: Chiaradonna, Riccardo (Ed.), Rashed, Marwan (Ed.)

Title	Boéthos de Sidon: Exégète d’Aristote et philosophe
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2020
Publication Place	Berlin – Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina (CAGB)
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Chiaradonna, Riccardo , Rashed, Marwan
Translator(s)

Cet ouvrage contient la première collection des fragments conservés, en grec et en arabe, du philosophe péripatéticien Boéthos de Sidon (Ier siècle av. J-C.), ainsi que leur traduction française et un commentaire exhaustif. Ce livre est un ouvrage indispensable pour les lecteurs intéressés par l'histoire de l'aristotélisme et, plus généralement, de la philosophie grecque dans son ensemble. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xgEgyCs5u1m2GF6

Brill's Companion to the Reception of Plato in Antiquity, 2018
By: Tarrant, Harold (Ed.), Renaud, François (Ed.), Baltzly, Dirk (Ed.), Layne, Danielle A. (Ed.)

Title	Brill's Companion to the Reception of Plato in Antiquity
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2018
Publication Place	Boston
Publisher	Brill
Series	Brill's companions to classical reception
Volume	13
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Tarrant, Harold , Renaud, François , Baltzly, Dirk , Layne, Danielle A.
Translator(s)

Brill’s Companion to the Reception of Plato in Antiquity offers a comprehensive account of the ways in which ancient readers responded to Plato, as philosopher, as author, and more generally as a central figure in the intellectual heritage of Classical Greece, from his death in the fourth century BCE until the Platonist and Aristotelian commentators in the sixth century CE. The volume is divided into three sections: ‘Early Developments in Reception’ (four chapters); ‘Early Imperial Reception’ (nine chapters); and ‘Early Christianity and Late Antique Platonism’ (eighteen chapters). Sectional introductions cover matters of importance that could not easily be covered in dedicated chapters. The book demonstrates the great variety of approaches to and interpretations of Plato among even his most dedicated ancient readers, offering some salutary lessons for his modern readers too.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QcrfTiTc1S1E4gY

Brill's Companion to the Reception of Presocratic Natural Philosophy in Later Classical Thought, 2020
By: Harry, Chelsea C. (Ed.), Habash, Justin  (Ed.)

Title	Brill's Companion to the Reception of Presocratic Natural Philosophy in Later Classical Thought
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2020
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston
Publisher	Brill
Series	Ancient Philosophy
Volume	6
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Harry, Chelsea C. , Habash, Justin
Translator(s)

In Brill's Companion to the Reception of Presocratic Natural  Philosophy in Later Classical Thought, contributions by GottfriedHeinemann, Andrew Gregory, Justin Habash, Daniel W. Graham,Oliver Primavesi, Owen Goldin, Omar D. Álvarez Salas, ChristopherKurfess, Dirk L. Couprie, Tiberiu Popa, Timothy J. Crowley, LilianaCarolina Sánchez Castro, Iakovos Vasiliou, Barbara Sattler, Rosemary Wright, and a foreword by Patricia Curd explore the influences of early Greek science (6-4th c. BCE) on thephilosophical works of Plato, Aristotle, and the Hippocratics. Rather than presenting an unified narrative, the volume supports various ways to understand the development of the concept of nature, the emergence of science, and the historical context of topics such as elements, principles, soul, organization, causation,purpose, and cosmos in ancient Greek philosophy. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/z20ST1xtbE5fFTL

Brill’ Companion to the Reception of Aristotle in Antiquity, 2016
By: Falcon, Andrea (Ed.)

Title	Brill’ Companion to the Reception of Aristotle in Antiquity
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2016
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston
Publisher	Brill
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Falcon, Andrea
Translator(s)

Brill’s Companion to the Reception of Aristotle provides a systematic yet accessible account of the reception of Aristotle’s philosophy in Antiquity. To date, there has been no comprehensive attempt to explain this complex phenomenon. This volume fills this lacuna by offering broad coverage of the subject from Hellenistic times to the sixth century AD. It is laid out chronologically and the 23 articles are divided into three sections: I. The Hellenistic Reception of Aristotle; II. The Post-Hellenistic Engagement with Aristotle; III. Aristotle in Late Antiquity. Topics include Aristotle and the Stoa, Andronicus of Rhodes and the construction of the Aristotelian corpus, the return to Aristotle in the first century BC, and the role of Alexander of Aphrodisias and Porphyry in the transmission of Aristotle's philosophy to Late Antiquity. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TjdS065EwQq3iWS

Byzantina Mediolanensia, Atti del V Congresso Nazionale di Studi Bizantini (Milano, 19- 22 ottobre 1994), 1996
By: Conca, Fabrizio (Ed.)

Title	Byzantina Mediolanensia, Atti del V Congresso Nazionale di Studi Bizantini (Milano, 19- 22 ottobre 1994)
Type	Edited Book
Language	Italian
Date	1996
Publication Place	Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro)
Series	Medioevo romanzo e orientale. Colloqui
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Conca, Fabrizio
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4FIpP1ncE8R5FJL

C. Der Laur. 87.7 (F) 2. Die problematischen Stellen; 3. Die Scholien des Abrinc. 232 (Ay)., 2001
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	C. Der Laur. 87.7 (F) 2. Die problematischen Stellen; 3. Die Scholien des Abrinc. 232 (Ay).
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2001
Published in	Die Überlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione
Pages	141-159
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IMgXHC5ttxKH54j

Caput XXIV. (olim XXIX.) De Simplicio, interprete Aristotelis et Epicteti, 1804
By: Fabricius, Johann Albert , Fabricius, Johann Albert (Ed.), Harless, Adolf Gottlieb Christoph (Ed.)

Title	Caput XXIV. (olim XXIX.) De Simplicio, interprete Aristotelis et Epicteti
Type	Book Section
Language	Latin
Date	1804
Published in	Bibliotheca Graeca. Sive notitia scriptorum ueterum Graecorum, Vol. 9. Editio nova, curante Gottlieb Christophero Harles.
Pages	529-568
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fabricius, Johann Albert
Editor(s)	Fabricius, Johann Albert , Harless, Adolf Gottlieb Christoph
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/svsBTP48ixwjLF5

Categories and Subcategories, 2014
By: Tegtmeier, Erwin

Title	Categories and Subcategories
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Anuario Filosófico
Volume	47
Issue	2
Pages	395-411
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tegtmeier, Erwin
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Starting from the traditional distinction between the minimal and the maximal division, the role of subcategories in Aristotle, as well as that of the highest categories, is discussed. The need for categorial properties which determine categories is pointed out. It is argued that an existent cannot have two such essential properties and that only the lowest subcategories have simple categorial properties. Furthermore, it is emphasised that categories and subcategories must form a tree because they belong to a theory of categories which requires unity. By contrast, it is held that the hierarchy of all concepts need not form a tree. The difficulties Porphyrius and Simplicius find in Aristotle’s minimal and maximal division are analysed. Finally, Aristotle’s way of avoiding categorial properties by referring to an abstraction is criticised. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IN81x5WTB9e5jh5

Categories. Histories and Perspectives, 2017
By: D'Anna, Giuseppe (Ed.), Fossati, Lorenzo (Ed.)

Title	Categories. Histories and Perspectives
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2017
Publication Place	Hildesheim, Zurich, New York
Publisher	Georg Olms Verlag
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	D'Anna, Giuseppe , Fossati, Lorenzo
Translator(s)

The reflection upon the categories leaves a fundamental mark in the history of philosophy. By theorizing such issue, philosophy gains a meta-reflexive feature, which is probably one of the most distinguishing traits of this kind of knowledge, including its method. In the history of philosophy, the question of the categories has been gradually investigated and clarified but it still remains to be solved. Therefore, from a philosophical perspective, the history of the categories is far from coming to an end: since ancient times, it has been debated and discussed, thus revealing all its theoretical potential. Such a broad history should be taken into account by any present study that wants to represent a real progress in the research, in order to avoid repeating errors that have been already made in the past. Among other things, this is one of the objectives of the present volume, which comes from the will to describe some paths and perspectives of this history, without claiming to deliver an exhaustive overview and rather representing the first partial contribution to a wider project. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5WHKZ8gLcfcivZ4

Catégories et langage selon Simplicius - La question du “skopos” du traité aristotélicien des “Catégories”, 1987
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Catégories et langage selon Simplicius - La question du “skopos” du traité aristotélicien des “Catégories”
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	61-90
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Categories is the first among three commentaries left by the renowned Neoplatonic philosopher. This commentary holds a significant place in the study of Aristotle's works, as it marks the beginning of the reading of Aristotle's oeuvre from a spiritual perspective. The prayer at the end of Simplicius' commentary highlights the transformative power of studying Aristotle's Categories, allowing the soul to ascend to higher knowledge and seek ultimate happiness. Simplicius' other commentaries, such as his work on Epictetus and De Caelo, similarly express the journey of spiritual conversion and progressive ascension to higher realities within the Neoplatonic spiritual framework. The Neoplatonic curriculum involved an ethical initiation, leading to the study of Aristotle's works and culminating in the study of Plato's Timaeus and Parmenides. Overall, Simplicius' exegesis of Aristotle's Categories reveals the profound spiritual significance and transformative potential of philosophical studies within the Neoplatonic tradition. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/z4JuOtqVWGpQ7Ef

Catégories et métaphysique chez Alexandre d'Aphrodise: l'exégèse de Catégories 5, 2017
By: Chiaradonna, Riccardo , Balansard, Anne (Ed.), Jaulin, Annick (Ed.)

Title	Catégories et métaphysique chez Alexandre d'Aphrodise: l'exégèse de Catégories 5
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2017
Published in	Alexandre d'Aphrodise et la métaphysique aristotéliecienne
Pages	157-179
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chiaradonna, Riccardo
Editor(s)	Balansard, Anne , Jaulin, Annick
Translator(s)

Nous résumerons ainsi les conclusions de cette étude.

Alexandre souscrit à la thèse selon laquelle les particuliers sensibles sont des substances premières par rapport aux genres et aux espèces, mais cela n’implique à ses yeux aucune conséquence particulariste ou nominaliste.

La définition des substances premières qu’Aristote présente dans les Catégories est, pour Alexandre, susceptible de s’appliquer à la forme séparée, c’est-à-dire aux Premiers Moteurs.

L’existence de formes dans la matière ne contredit pas le critère de substantialité établi dans les Catégories, car la forme est dans un substrat sans pourtant être « dans un sujet » au sens des Catégories.

À ces conclusions, il faut ajouter que l’interprétation du enkorōs du traité permet à Alexandre de lire les Catégories de manière intentionnelle et de rattacher ainsi la sémantique de ce traité à son ontologie des natures immanentes.

De notre point de vue, Alexandre faisait tout pour intégrer les Catégories à sa métaphysique essentialiste. On ne trouve aucune trace chez lui de l’argument typique des Néoplatoniciens, selon lequel il faut comprendre l’ontologie des Catégories comme une ontologie quoad nos, qui correspond aux apparences phénoménales que reflète notre langage ordinaire (voir, par exemple, Porphyre, In Cat. 91, 5-26).

Bien au contraire, Simplicius oppose justement cet argument à la position d’Alexandre : d’abord, Simplicius, suivant Jamblique, suggère qu’Aristote, dans les Catégories, considère les particuliers sensibles comme des substances premières en tant qu’elles sont premières quoad nos.

Une fois énoncée cette solution canonique et bien attestée depuis Porphyre, Simplicius s’attaque à Alexandre, qui regardait les individus comme des substances premières par nature et non seulement pour nous (Simplicius, In Cat. 82, 1-32).

Comme nous l’avons montré plus haut, Simplicius et sa source ne saisissaient probablement pas l’ontologie de la nature commune qu’Alexandre développait pour défendre sa position. Cependant, d’après ce que nous pouvons reconstruire, Simplicius avait parfaitement compris que, pour Alexandre, les individus sont des substances premières dans le sens le plus plein du terme, et que Dieu est substance dans le sens de la substance individuelle qu’Aristote établit dans les Catégories.

Pour Alexandre, la lecture sémantique des Catégories n’avait donc pas pour but de détacher la doctrine des catégories de l’ontologie : bien au contraire, par sa doctrine du enkorōs, Alexandre rattache de manière très étroite la doctrine des catégories à son ontologie essentialiste.

Par ailleurs, la lecture sémantique du traité est parmi les éléments invariants qui rattachent Alexandre et son grand adversaire, Boéthos. Tous deux pensent que les Catégories portent sur les mots signifiants. La différence entre ces deux commentateurs se trouve dans la manière de concevoir la signification et dans les présupposés ontologiques qu’ils mettent en œuvre en rapport avec leurs doctrines sémantiques.
[conclusion p. 176-177]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xnj3iH0gfOu4Qme

Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 2015
By: Marmodoro, Anna (Ed.), Prince, Brian (Ed.)

Title	Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2015
Publication Place	Cambridge
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Marmodoro, Anna , Prince, Brian
Translator(s)

Written by a group of leading scholars, this unique collection of essays investigates the views of both pagan and Christian philosophers on causation and the creation of the cosmos. Structured in two parts, the volume first looks at divine agency and how late antique thinkers, including the Stoics, Plotinus, Porphyry, Simplicius, Philoponus and Gregory of Nyssa, tackled questions such as: is the cosmos eternal? Did it come from nothing or from something pre-existing? How was it caused to come into existence? Is it material or immaterial? The second part looks at questions concerning human agency and responsibility, including the problem of evil and the nature of will, considering thinkers such as Plotinus, Porphyry, Proclus and Augustine. Highlighting some of the most important and interesting aspects of these philosophical debates, the volume will be of great interest to upper-level students and scholars of philosophy, classics, theology and ancient history. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lpl3CeEXUUAj1hP

Chapter 7. Simplicius’ reply to Aristotle, 2016
By: Panayiotis Tzamalikos

Title	Chapter 7. Simplicius’ reply to Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonism: The Legacy of Anaxagoras to Classical and Late Antiquity
Pages	421-487
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Panayiotis Tzamalikos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The figment that Aristotle represented as the philosophy of Anaxagoras, without quoting any passage from it, was not an account of it; it was only a caricature contrived to serve the exposition of Aristotle’s own views while either obscuring or berating critical points on which Anaxagoras had preceded Aristotle himself. This misrepresentation was based on two fundamental presumptions: one, that incorporeal principles were treated as corporeal elements; and two, that the number of these principles was infinite. Once this became the basis of consideration, Anaxagoras’ propositions were bound to appear absurd and sometimes preposterous.

In this chapter, I will discuss Simplicius’ reply to this. It is important to note from the outset that Simplicius was always gentle with Aristotle, which is one of the reasons that determined his methodology: he considered the arguments themselves, as well as their premises and context, but he took them to their ultimate consequences. This resulted in illogical theses that, of necessity, were attributed to Anaxagoras; yet those inferences were so self-defeating that not only this philosopher, but even the most unlearned writer, could never have presumed to posit them. This methodology is extended also to Aristotle’s commentators, showing that the reproduction of their master’s arguments (sometimes qualified but sometimes taken to their extreme consequences) only added to the absurdity of considering Anaxagoras on the basis of Aristotle’s allegations.

We have seen so far that Simplicius explained that Anaxagoras’ principles and his relevant considerations could make sense only if these principles are incorporeal. Scholars have always been all too quick to dismiss Simplicius’ explanation, branding it as “Neoplatonic.” It never occurred to them that the case might have been that Neoplatonists (starting with Plotinus) found insightful notions in Anaxagoras, which they employed and built upon.¹

In this section, we shall see that the incorporeality and non-infinity of the principles are the only way for this philosophy to make sense and to be interpreted consistently. Since Simplicius is virtually the sole source supplying us with Anaxagoras’ own words, it should be observed that nowhere does Anaxagoras use the term “incorporeal,” even though his considerations can make sense only on that major postulate. So what? Is this a good reason to brush the idea aside? Were the term “incorporeal” a sine qua non condition for allowing the notion of incorporeality, I see no reason why God in Judaism, Christianity, or even Islam should not be described as corporeal (which indeed certain Christians, such as Melito of Sardis and Tertullian, did). Neither the Old nor the New Testament ever describes God with any term meaning “incorporeal.” God is depicted (and indeed described directly only in the Old Testament) as being unlike any of His created beings, from which Philo and later Origen derived their doctrine of the incorporeality of God.² In the scriptures, God is only described as elevated above any likeness to creatures. Little wonder, then, that Tertullian (c. 180–125 AD) boldly asserted that “God is a body even though He is a spirit, since spirit is also a sui generis body”;³ for “nothing is, unless it is a body; whatever is, it is a body of sorts; nothing is incorporeal, unless that which is not.”⁴ So did the apologist Melito of Sardis (died c. 180 AD, a Millenarist following Irenaeus), who was rebuked by Origen, even though the wise inquisitors of Christian doctrine canonized him as a saint while anathematizing Origen as a heretic.

What is important, therefore, is not seeking whether the term “incorporeal” (or indeed the term “principle”) is explicitly stated or not. What is really needed is a perusal of what all aspects of a certain philosophy conspire to express, and this is what a brilliant intellect such as Simplicius offered. He explained Anaxagoras’ principles as being incorporeal not because he aimed anachronistically to make him a Neoplatonist, but because all the aspects of that philosophy conduce to incorporeality, which was the sole way for any reader of Simplicius, and indeed of Anaxagoras himself, to be “logical to the bitter end.”⁵

It is now time for us to see Simplicius’ reply to Aristotle and his commentators. Following his statements confirming the notion of incorporeal principles, he will also rebut the idea of these principles being infinite in number, arguing that not only did Anaxagoras not hold this notion, but also that he did not need it at all. [introduction p. 421-422]

Online Resources

Cicero's Knowledge of the Peripatos, 1989
By: Fortenbaugh, William. W. (Ed.), Steinmetz, Peter (Ed.)

Title	Cicero's Knowledge of the Peripatos
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1989
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Routledge
Series	Rutgers Studies in Classical Humanities
Volume	4
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William. W. , Steinmetz, Peter
Translator(s)

The essays collected in this volume deal with these treatises and in particular with Cicero's knowledge of Peripatetic philosophy. They ask such questions as: Did Cicero-know Aristotle first hand, or was the corpus Aristotelicum unavailable to him and his contemporaries? Did Cicero have access to the writings of Theophrastus, and in general did he know the post-Aristotelians whose works are all but lost to us? When Cicero reports the views of early philosophers, is he a reliable witness, and is he conveying important information? These and other fundamental questions are asked with special reference to traditional areas of Greek thought: logic and rhetoric, politics and ethics, physics, psychology, and theology. The answers are various, but the overall impression is clear: Cicero himself was a highly intelligent, well educated Roman, whose treatises contain significant material. Scholars working on Peripatetic thought and on the Hellenistic period as a whole cannot afford to ignore them.

This fourth volume in the Rutgers University Studies in Classic Humanities series deals with Cicero, orator and writer of the late Roman Republic. Interest in Cicero arose out of Project Theophrastus, an international undertaking based at Rutgers dedicated to collecting, editing, and translating the fragments of Theophrastus. This collection will be of value to philologists, classicists, philosophers, as well as those interested in the history of science. [official abstract]

Online Resources

City and school in late antique Athens and Alexandria, 2006
By: Watts, E. J.

Title	City and school in late antique Athens and Alexandria
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2006
Publication Place	Berkeley – London – Los Angeles
Publisher	University of California Press
Series	The Joan Palevsky imprint in classical literature 41
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Watts, E. J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This lively and wide-ranging study of the men and ideas of late antique education explores the intellectual and doctrinal milieux in the two great cities of Athens and Alexandria from the second to the sixth centuries to shed new light on the interaction between the pagan cultural legacy and Christianity. While previous scholarship has seen Christian reactions to pagan educational culture as the product of an empire-wide process of development, Edward J. Watts crafts two narratives that reveal how differently education was shaped by the local power structures and urban contexts of each city. Touching on the careers of Herodes Atticus, Proclus, Damascius, Ammonius Saccas, Origen, Hypatia, and Olympiodorus; and events including the Herulian sack of Athens, the closing of the Athenian Neoplatonic school under Justinian, the rise of Arian Christianity, and the sack of the Serapeum, he shows that by the sixth century, Athens and Alexandria had two distinct, locally determined, approaches to pagan teaching that had their roots in the unique historical relationships between city and school.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OpuRY87kdA6jtIi

Classical Commentaries: Explorations in a Scholarly Genre, 2016
By: Kraus, Christina S. (Ed.), Stray, Christopher (Ed.)

Title	Classical Commentaries: Explorations in a Scholarly Genre
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2016
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Kraus, Christina S. , Stray, Christopher
Translator(s)

This book consists of twenty-six chapters on classical commentaries which deal with commentaries from the ancient world to the twentieth century. The book contributes to the interface between two emerging fields of study: the history of scholarship and the history of the book. It builds on earlier work on this area by paying particular attention to: (1) specific editions, whether those regarded as classics in their own right, or those that seem representative of important trends or orientations in scholarship; (2) traditions of commentary on specific classical authors; and (3) the processes of publishing and printing as they have related to the production of editions. The book takes account of the material form of commentaries and of their role in education: the chapters deal both with academic books and also with books written for schools, and pay particular attention to the role of commentaries in the reception of classical texts.

Online Resources

Collation but not contamination: On some textual problems of Aristotle’s Metaphysics Kappa 1065a 25sqq, 2015
By: Golitsis, Pantelis

Title	Collation but not contamination: On some textual problems of Aristotle’s Metaphysics Kappa 1065a 25sqq
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2015
Journal	Revue d’histoire des textes, nouvelle série
Volume	10
Pages	1-23
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

One of the less felicitous terms in textual criticism, despite its being amply used in modern scholarship, is the term « contamination » (Kontamination), which Paul Maas first coined in his famous Textkritik.  By modern-day standards the term is supposed to account, roughly, for two phenomena : (1) the phenomenon of having variant readings in margine or inter lineas of a text, which is an obvious sign that, next to the principal model, at least one other manuscript has been at some point involved in the copying of the text ; (2) the more complicated phenomenon of detecting in the body of the text readings that are not expected to be found there. What we detect in (2) is in principle the result of what has happened in (1). Any scholar acquainted with Byzantine manuscripts produced from the ninth century down to the Fall of Constantinople should know that cases like those described above were frequent in Byzantium’s Buchwesen, provided that an adequately circulating text was concerned. As Byzantine scribes and scholars mostly worked and studied in significant libraries that owned several copies of the same text, the idea of comparing them in order to verify dubious readings and to produce a more satisfying text would naturally occur to their mind. Scribes and scholars in Byzantium were well aware that material damages and copyist errors could happen. And as we nowadays do, they tried to counter such textual problems by collating different manuscripts – not by contaminating them. If we leave aside copies made purely for commercial purposes, we can reasonably say that collation of at least two manuscripts before producing a new copy of a text was something of a rule in Byzantium. I shall henceforth call this rule « the principle of collation » ; it can be formulated like this : « Unless otherwise proved, each Byzantine copy of an adequately circulating text is the product of 
collation of at least two different manuscripts. » [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HitzMXpWqjAaGGB

Colloque international sur la vie, l'œuvre et la survie de Simplicius, 1986
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Colloque international sur la vie, l'œuvre et la survie de Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1986
Journal	Gnomon
Volume	58
Issue	2
Pages	191-192
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Vom 28. September bis zum 1. Oktober 1985 fand in Paris in der Fondation Hugot du Collège de France ein internationales Colloquium statt, das zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte der Klassischen Philologie und der Geschichte der Philosophie den neuplatonischen Philosophen Simplikios zum Gegenstand hatte. Das Ziel des Colloquiums war es, einen ersten Gedankenaustausch derjenigen, nicht sehr zahlreichen, Wissenschaftler zu ermöglichen, die etwa seit einem Jahrzehnt begonnen haben, das philosophische Denken des Simplikios systematisch zu erfassen, gesicherte Text grundlagen durch die Erstellung neuer kritischer Editionen zu liefern und die Texte selbst durch Übersetzungen einem weiteren, philosophisch interessierten Publikum zugänglich zu machen.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AUBZDJhIvjp1dxV

Commentaire à la ›Physique‹ d’Aristote: Digressions sur le lieu et sur le temps, 2023
By: Golitsis, Pantelis (Ed.), Hoffmann, Philippe (Ed.)

Title	Commentaire à la ›Physique‹ d’Aristote: Digressions sur le lieu et sur le temps
Type	Monograph
Language	undefined
Date	2023
Publisher	De Gruyter
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis , Hoffmann, Philippe
Translator(s)

Neuedition der sogenannten Corollaria de loco et de tempore aus dem Kommentar des Simplikios zum Buch IV der aristotelischen Physik. Die vorliegende Edition (mitsamt philosophischer und philologischer Einleitung und Annotationen) basiert auf der vollständigen Kollation aller unabhängigen Handschriften des Kommentars (u. a. des Kodex Mosquensis Muz. 3649, der dem Editor der modernen Referenzausgabe des Kommentars Hermann Diels unbekannt war). [author's abstract]

Commentar zu Epicteti Enchiridion, 1776
By: Schulthess, Johann Georg

Title	Commentar zu Epicteti Enchiridion
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1776
Publication Place	Zürich
Publisher	Orell, Geßner, Fueßlin
Series	Bibliothek der griechischen Philosophen
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schulthess, Johann Georg
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oJCZ4zliGq52PuG

Commentaria Simplicii in tres libros de anima Aristotelis, de Græca lingua in Latinam nuperrimè translata. Evangelista Lungo Asulano Interprete, 1564
By: Simplicius, Asulano, Lungo (Ed.)

Title	Commentaria Simplicii in tres libros de anima Aristotelis, de Græca lingua in Latinam nuperrimè translata. Evangelista Lungo Asulano Interprete
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1564
Publication Place	Venedig
Publisher	Scotus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Asulano, Lungo
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mLZ0Xb5FBTAfO3g

Commentarium in decem categorias Aristotelis. Neudruck der Ausgabe Venedig 1540, 1999
By: Simplicius

Title	Commentarium in decem categorias Aristotelis. Neudruck der Ausgabe Venedig 1540
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1999
Publication Place	Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt
Publisher	Frommann- Holzboog
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Dorotheus, Guillelmus(Dorotheus, Guillelmus) ,

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/7lK2Nt2p13BcPH9

Commentary on Gabor: The Authorship of the Pseudo-Simplician Neoplatonic Commentary on the De Anima, 2020
By: Miller, Dana R.

Title	Commentary on Gabor: The Authorship of the Pseudo-Simplician Neoplatonic Commentary on the De Anima
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2020
Journal	Proceedings of the Boston Area Colloquium in Ancient Philosophy
Volume	35
Issue	2
Pages	23-27
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Miller, Dana R.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper gives a brief discussion of the problem of ascribing authorship to ancient philosophical texts when there is evidence both for and against traditional ascription. The case in point is tradition’s claim that Simplicius is the author of the De Anima commentary. It is argued here that, while Gabor provides new and important methodological evidence for Simplicius’s authorship, we should not expect certainty. It is suggested that, in cases where historical fact may never be ascertained, we will be better served by the notion of credences. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3xAEvu1rDgjfUMU

Commentators and commentaries on Aristotle's Sophistici Elenchi. A study of Post-Aristotelian ancient and medieval writings on fallacies. Vol. 1 The Greek Tradition, 1981
By: Ebbesen, S

Title	Commentators and commentaries on Aristotle's Sophistici Elenchi. A study of Post-Aristotelian ancient and medieval writings on fallacies. Vol. 1 The Greek Tradition
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1981
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ebbesen, S
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

About thirteen years ago when I was preparing an edition of some Latin 13th century quaestiones on the Sophistici Elenchi, I discovered some puzzling references to a commentary
by "Alexander", obviously a Greek. He appeared to have been a very important man to the
Westerners, for often he was simply called 'Commentator', a title reserved in other contexts for Averroes.
This discovery gave rise to the questions,(!) Who was Alexander? (2) Are there more references to him in other Latin texts? (3) Is his work extant in Latin? (4) Is it extant in Greek?
Re 1 At first I thought he must be Alexander of Aphrodisias. Now I do not know how to answer the question.
Re 2 I soon found that Minio-Paluello and De Rijk had already signalled some other references to Alexander.
Re 3 My first investigations indicated the answer would be no, and I still have not found the text in any manuscript.
Re 4 My early research indicated the answer would be no, but that extant Greek scholia were often comparable to the Latin quotations of Alexander.
The preliminary probings suggested that a search for more Latin references to Alexander and an inquiry into the Greek scholia on the Elenchi might throw light on the origins of Western scholasticism and at the same time prove the existence of a Byzantine scholasticism comparable to that of Western Europe in the High Middle Ages. A systematic search for more fragments of the Latin translation of Alexanders's commentary resulted in the collection that figures as Vol. II, Part 2, of this study.
Studying the Greek scholia I soon realized that they could not be used for any serious purpose as long as elementary questions of dating and attribution had not been solved. Trying to find the answer to such questions, I found that investigating the whole manuscript tradition
was inescapable. The results of that investigation are presented in Vol. 1 chapter V and the appendices (in Vol. III).
Reading the Greek scholia I became convinced that Byzantine scholasticism never produced results comparable to those of its Western counterpart; but, on the other hand, a study of the late ancient and medieval Greek scholastic tradition could, indeed, throw light on the
origins of Western logic.
The results of my investigations are presented partly in the notes on "Alexander's" fragments (in Vol. Ill), partly in a series of essays on central problems (Vol. I ch.IV).
Vol. I chapters I-II contain sketches of pre-scholastic theories of fallacies, some of which were to influence the scholastics, whereas chapter III introduces scholasticism.
As both Vol. I and Vol. III discuss Greek texts that have never been printed, I have collected a number of such texts in Vol. II, editing also Galen's De captionibus because the earlier editions are no longer satisfactory.
Chapters I through W of Vol. I all have a speculative character. I have tried to rein in my imagination, but I may not always have achieved my aim. I feel sure I have misunderstood the old philosophers on several points. Perhaps it can serve as an excuse that most of the problems I deal with have not been investigated before. If there are fundamental errors in chapter V, the consequences for the rest of 'Commentators and Commentaries' will be serious, if not disastrous. I trust, however, that my results concerning the Byzantine tradition are
essentially correct. [preface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gtXiqKQ2uGtS14q

Title	Commentators and commentaries on Aristotle's Sophistici elenchi : a study of post-Aristotelian ancient and medieval writings on fallacies. Vol. 2 Greek texts and fragments of the latin translation of "Alexander's"
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ebbesen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/B0OHHVKOY7ymK5g

Commentators on Aristotle, 2005
By: Falcon, Andrea, Zalta, Edward N. (Ed.)

Title	Commentators on Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Falcon, Andrea
Editor(s)	Zalta, Edward N.
Translator(s)

Due to the almost complete loss of the relevant literature, we know very little about the first generation of interpreters of Aristotle. No picture of unity emerges from the little that has reached us. The notion that all these interpreters wrote commentaries is not supported by the information in our possession. The commentary eventually became the standard form of exegesis. But even within the commentary tradition, there was room for a plurality of exegetical positions. Different commentators developed different lines of interpretation in the light of the different concerns that motivated their exegesis.

The exegetical tradition that finds its culmination in Alexander of Aphrodisias was primarily (but not exclusively) motivated by an attempt to defend the philosophy of Aristotle in the context of the ancient debate between philosophical schools. Alexander of Aphrodisias viewed Aristotle as his master and devoted his exegetical works to explicating and extracting Aristotle’s distinctive philosophical position. While the Platonists of Late Antiquity put themselves in continuity with this tradition, their exegesis was largely an attempt to develop a philosophy that insisted on the continuity between Plato and Aristotle. They wrote their commentaries on the assumption that Aristotle and Plato were in substantial agreement.
[conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GtNhh0ejpXZdIhQ

Commenting on Aristotle. From Late Antiquity to the Arab Aristotelianism, 2002
By: D'Ancona Costa, Cristina, Geerlings, Wilhelm (Ed.), Schulze, Christian (Ed.)

Title	Commenting on Aristotle. From Late Antiquity to the Arab Aristotelianism
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	Der Kommentar in Antike und Mittelalter. Beiträge zu seiner Erforschung
Pages	201-251
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Editor(s)	Geerlings, Wilhelm , Schulze, Christian
Translator(s)

The paper explores the structural aspects of the Arabic-Latin reception of Aristotle's works, particularly the approach or approaches taken by Arab philosophers in transmitting Aristotelian texts to the Latin Middle Ages. The author argues that the analysis of the doctrinal contents of the Arabic Aristotle is complex and instead focuses on the movement of rise and development of the medieval genre of philosophical commentary, particularly the line by line commentary typical of Alexander of Aphrodisias. The paper discusses the history and institutional context of the medieval philosophical commentary, including the influence of scriptural exegesis, literary and rhetorical traditions, and juridical and medical literature. The paper concludes that Neoplatonism was of paramount importance in the transmission of the Aristotelian corpus both to the Arabic and Latin Middle Ages. The paper also includes a synopsis of the Greek commentaries to Aristotle's works and their mentions in the Arab bio-bibliographical sources. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/h8mLq4r5ceUYN0j

Compatible Alternatives: Middle Platonist Theology and the Xenophanes Reception, 1988
By: Mansfeld, Jaap, Broek, Roelof van den (Ed.), Baarda, Tjitze (Ed.), Mansfeld, Jaap (Ed.)

Title	Compatible Alternatives: Middle Platonist Theology and the Xenophanes Reception
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1988
Published in	Knowledge of God in the Greco-Roman World
Pages	92-117
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)	Broek, Roelof van den , Baarda, Tjitze , Mansfeld, Jaap
Translator(s)

Here, God is said to be, on the one hand, eternal, one, homogeneous, spherical, limited, and unmoved, and, on the other, neither limited nor unlimited, and neither at rest nor in motion. Both pseudo-Aristotle and Simplicius are aware that there is a problem here. The former dialectically exploits the contradiction between the negated pairs of polar opposites and some of the positive attributes to prove Xenophanes’ position unacceptable. The latter resolves this contradiction by arguing that “spherical” means “homogeneous” and “unmoved” means “beyond motion and rest,” i.e., he explains those positive attributes which clash with the negated polar pairs in terms of precisely these pairs.

The accounts in pseudo-Aristotle and Simplicius have, as a rule, puzzled students of Presocratic philosophy. What I would like to call the “doxographical vulgate”—i.e., the plurality of sources Diels (still followed by the majority of experts in the field) wanted, at least to the extent that they agree among themselves or with purported fragments of Theophrastus, to derive from Theophrastus’ lost Physikai doxai—knows nothing of the negated pairs of polar attributes. Yet Simplicius explicitly attributes these pairs to Theophrastus.

This attribution, as I argue elsewhere, should be accepted. What Theophrastus, following Aristotle (Metaphysics A 5.986b 19 ff.), meant was that Xenophanes was not clear about his one principle, neither committing himself to the view that it is limited nor to the view that it is unlimited, and neither stating clearly that it moves nor that it is at rest. It follows that the doxographical vulgate, which holds that Xenophanes’ God not only is one and eternal but also homogeneous, limited, spherical, unmoved, and rational, does not derive from Theophrastus.

It also follows that the source from which the description of Xenophanes’ doctrine in pseudo-Aristotle and Simplicius derives paradoxically combined the entirely positive account found in the doxographical vulgate with Theophrastus’ negative non liquet. The motives that brought about this combination are one of the subjects of the present investigation. [introduction p. 92-93]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wBb3nfQCrMnJw05

Conceptions of Topos in Aristotle, 1995
By: Algra, Keimpe A., Algra, Keimpe A. (Ed.)

Title	Conceptions of Topos in Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1995
Published in	Concepts of space in Greek thought
Pages	121-191
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Algra, Keimpe A.
Editor(s)	Algra, Keimpe A.
Translator(s)

If we take the now more or less universally accepted relative chronology of the surviving school works as established—and I have not been able to find reasons for not doing so—and if we may thus assume that the Cat. was written some five or ten years earlier than Phys. A, we may conclude that insofar as we might speak of a development of Aristotle’s philosophy of place between the Cat. and Phys. A, this development should not be described as the substitution of one articulate view by another, but rather as a growing awareness of the problems inherent in the common-sense notions of place and space. This seemed to be confirmed by the findings of section 4.4.

There I investigated Aristotle’s dialectical method in general and in Phys. A in particular. Against Owen on the one hand, and Morsink on the other, I argued that the data from which Aristotle’s dialectical procedure in Phys. A took its start were for the most part what might be called the ‘theoretical terms’ of the ‘physical system’ of everyday thought. Concerning such a theoretical physical term as topos, which is not directly linked to experience, Aristotle took apparent facts, i.e., views endorsed by the world at large or by some individual philosophers, as his starting point.

We might call this, with Morsink¹⁵², a process of ‘conjectures and refutations,’ as long as it is kept in mind that in Aristotelian dialectic such ‘conjectures’ usually do not spring forth from the genius of the individual physicist, but are largely determined by the conventions of everyday thought and common parlance¹⁵³. We saw that the whole further process boiled down to the scrutinizing and refining of these ‘apparent features.’ A number of them were rejected for involving insoluble aporiai. Those features that survived the dialectical investigation were incorporated in Aristotle’s eventual ‘physical’ concept of place.

All this involved the recognition that ordinary thought and common parlance did not use the term topos in a very coherent manner and that the actual task of the physicist was to eliminate those connotations of the term which, for all their prima facie plausibility, turned out to be of no use in the context of physical theory as a whole. Thus, the relation between the account of topos in the Cat. and that of Phys. A could be explained. In the Cat., Aristotle was using topos in one of the at-first-sight plausible senses of common parlance, which were reviewed and rejected in Phys. A.

On the other hand, as section 4.5 showed, this unorthodox concept of topos as a three-dimensional self-subsistent extension crops up in a number of passages in the more sophisticated physical writings as well, probably because, as an inveterate façon de parler, it was still hard to banish altogether, and probably also because Aristotle’s own orthodox concept did not prove to be useful in all circumstances.

As a whole, the present chapter seems to corroborate our thesis of chapter 1, viz., that Greek philosophical theories of space and place were closely linked to—and indeed started off from—the ways in which spatial terms might be used in ordinary language. As I concluded in chapter 3, it was a more or less unreflective use of some of the ambiguities of common parlance which was partly responsible for the obscurities in Plato’s receptacle account. In the present chapter, we noticed that in the course of his philosophical career, Aristotle did develop an awareness of the ambiguities and equivocations of everyday thinking and speaking and that for him, the conventions of ordinary language and the difficulties they involved constituted the raw material for his dialectical inquiries into the nature of such theoretical entities as place and space. [conclusion p. 189-191]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Vx1GYydMNj4awhc

Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique, 1980
By: Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1980
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Bibliotheque d’histoire de la philosophie
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

Depuis Aristote, on entend par catégories des concepts très généraux, dont la généralité ne dérive pas de l’expérience, mais en quelque sorte la précède, puisque c’est eux et eux seuls qui nous permettent de l’organiser et de la penser. Ces concepts – substance, quantité, relation, qualité, lieu, temps, action, passion, situation, avoir – sont-ils des structures universelles de toute pensée ou bien sont-ils liés aux particularités sémantiques ou syntaxiques d’un système linguistique particulier, en l’occurrence de la langue grecque, à l’intérieur de laquelle ils ont été pour la première fois énoncés et rassemblés?
Les études ici réunies, issues d’un séminaire qui s’est poursuivi durant plusieurs années au Centre de recherche sur la Pensée antique de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, associé au C.N.R.S. (Centre Léon-Robin), s’efforcent d’apporter des éléments de réponse à cette grande question, qui demeure au centre des discussions contemporaines sur les rapports de la philosophie et du langage. Leur apport spécifique consiste dans une exégèse rigoureuse des analyses du traité aristotélicien des Catégories, éclairé par les développements ultérieurs de la doctrine, tels que nous les connaissons notamment à travers le Commentaire du Néoplatonicien Simplicius. Certaines de ces études examinent l’influence ou les transformations des catégories aristotéliciennes chez les Stoïciens, les grammairiens grecs de la fin de l’Antiquité, les Néoplatoniciens tardifs, les Pères de l’Église et dans la tradition latine antique et médiévale. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FGpf7U5Cy1dboYI

Concepts of space in Greek thought, 1995
By: Algra, Keimpe A.

Title	Concepts of space in Greek thought
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1995
Publication Place	Leiden – New York – Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia Antiqua
Volume	65
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Algra, Keimpe A.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Concepts of Space in Greek Thought studies ancient Greek theories of physical space and place, in particular those of the classical and Hellenistic period. These theories are explained primarily with reference to the general philosophical or methodological framework within which they took shape. Special attention is paid to the nature and status of the sources. Two introductory chapters deal with the interrelations between various concepts of space and with Greek spatial terminology (including case studies of the Eleatics, Democritus and Epicurus). The remaining chapters contain detailed studies on the theories of space of Plato, Aristotle, the early Peripatetics and the Stoics.
The book is especially useful for historians of ancient physics, but may also be of interest to students of Aristotelian dialectic, ancient metaphysics, doxography, and medieval and early modern physics.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Goiwos39VOpY6H9

Confirmation of Two "Conjectures" in the Presocratics: Parmenides B 12 and Anaxagoras B 15, 1979
By: Sider, David

Title	Confirmation of Two "Conjectures" in the Presocratics: Parmenides B 12 and Anaxagoras B 15
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1979
Journal	Phoenix
Volume	33
Issue	1
Pages	67-69
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sider, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In each of the two passages discussed below, the indisputably correct reading is given by Diels as an editorial conjecture, when in fact, for each, there is manuscript authority. [introduction p. 67]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RDFVugAzW2NIhCB

Conflicting Authorities? Hermias and Simplicius on the Self-Moving Soul, 2021
By: Aerts, Saskia, Erler, Michael (Ed.), Heßler, Jan Erik (Ed.), Petrucci, Federico Maria (Ed.)

Title	Conflicting Authorities? Hermias and Simplicius on the Self-Moving Soul
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2021
Published in	Authority and authoritative texts in the Platonist tradition
Pages	178-200
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Aerts, Saskia
Editor(s)	Erler, Michael , Heßler, Jan Erik , Petrucci, Federico Maria
Translator(s)

Aristotle plays a highly authoritative role in Neoplatonic philosophy, second only to the almost undisputed authority of Plato. However, as any reader of Plato’s and Aristotle’s works knows, the views of the two philosophers often diverge and generate conflicts. These conflicts provide the Neoplatonic commentators with a serious interpretative challenge: although, as Platonists, their main goal is to defend Plato and the Platonist position, they are also hesitant to openly criticize Aristotle, who is regarded as a true adherent of Plato’s philosophy. The commentators most prominently face such a challenge in the case of the self-moving soul, a core Platonic doctrine severely criticized by Aristotle, implicitly in Physics 8.5 and explicitly in De anima 1.3.

The key to dealing with these conflicting authorities lies in the exegetical act of explicating the ‘harmony’ that exists between the views of both philosophers. This approach relies on the idea that the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle are fundamentally in agreement, which comes to the surface when their texts are interpreted in the right way. ‘Harmony’ translates the Greek symphōnia, a term most notably used in this technical meaning by Simplicius.¹ However, the term ‘harmony’ is problematic because it does not identify any absolute concept— instead, it can refer to any kind of agreement, ranging from mere compatibility to theoretical identity. What is more, the operative concept of harmony employed by modern scholars often bears the same ambiguity as its ancient counterpart.² Most studies do not reflect on the polysemy of the term, and the notion of harmony used is not always well defined, which may lead to pointless debates on terminological matters.³ Moreover, the danger of overemphasizing the unity of this ‘harmonizing tendency,’ as I. Hadot calls it, lies in failing to take proper account of the diversity of the commentators’ approaches.⁴

In this paper, I will present two parallel Neoplatonic discussions of the apparent disagreement between Plato and Aristotle about the self-moving soul, namely those of Hermias of Alexandria in his commentary on Plato’s Phaedrus and Simplicius of Cilicia in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics.⁵ Since both philosophers ultimately argue that there is agreement between Aristotle and Plato, I will elucidate (i) what specific kind of ‘harmony’ each of the commentators assumes, (ii) what reasons each provides for supposing such a harmony, and (iii) which exegetical methods they use to explicate this harmony.

The harmonizing interpretations of Hermias and Simplicius on this issue have been discussed previously by S. Gertz, who claims that both commentators similarly argue that the disagreement between Plato and Aristotle is ‘merely verbal, motivated by respect for the common usage of names.’⁶ Although I agree that this is the kind of harmony that Simplicius assumes, my interpretation of Hermias’ discussion differs from the one proposed by Gertz. Despite some evident similarities in their approaches, I will suggest that Hermias defends a much less radical form of harmony than Simplicius: whereas Simplicius claims that the views of Plato and Aristotle are verbally different but philosophically identical, Hermias only intends to show that Aristotle would have to approve of the self-moving soul to remain faithful to and consistent with his own doctrines.

In addition to showing the individuality of these commentators’ approaches in dealing with conflicting authorities, my analysis also aims at elucidating why it is so important for the commentators to defend the self-motion of the soul. As will become clear, the concept of self-motion is not only crucial in Neoplatonic psychology but also indispensable in their explanation of physical motion. [introduction p. 178-180]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/SGsawecaEHSN9gD

Confronter les Idées. Un exemple de conciliation litigieuse chez Simplicius, 2011
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine

Title	Confronter les Idées. Un exemple de conciliation litigieuse chez Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2011
Journal	Études platoniciennes
Volume	8
Pages	145-160
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

La conciliation des doctrines au cœur de l’exégèse d’Aristote suit un parcours précis. Dans un premier temps, Simplicius propose une lecture littérale de la Physique, expliquant chacun des arguments contenus dans le lemme. Toutefois, de façon surprenante pour nous, il souligne une tournure qui va lui permettre de retourner la position d’Aristote contre elle-même : en faire non plus un adversaire de la théorie des Idées séparées, mais l’auteur d’un critère de validité de la séparation. Dans un deuxième temps, notre exégète s’emploie à montrer la teneur authentiquement aristotélicienne de cette doctrine des Idées séparées. Il isole d’abord les caractères reconnus aux Idées, avant de démontrer qu’ils sont admis au sein même de la pensée d’Aristote. De plus, étant donné que l’enjeu de la tentative de conciliation consiste à trouver chez Aristote la double caractérisation des Idées que leur attribuent leurs partisans – être à la fois des causes et des modèles semblables pour les réalités naturelles –, il répertorie les passages du corpus aristotelicum qui abondent dans ce sens, les combine et insère des éléments provenant de la tradition néoplatonicienne. Enfin, il utilise la critique pour poser une limite claire au sein de la nature entre les réalités qui admettent des Formes séparées et celles qui n’en admettent pas.

Comme souvent chez Simplicius, l’examen aboutit à l’énoncé d’un critère net et précis. Il doit permettre ici de démarquer l’homonymie vulgaire des Idées de l’éponymie légitime. La première résulte d’un dépouillement de la forme en dehors de la matière, mais qui continue à raisonner à partir d’ici-bas : elle cherche des Idées séparées pour des formes naturelles qui ne peuvent jamais être complètement abstraites de la matière à laquelle elles sont liées. La seconde reconnaît que certains noms sont propres aux composés ici-bas et, par conséquent, ne correspondent à aucune réalité là-bas. En revanche, elle pose des Idées, à la fois causes et modèles des composés ici-bas, qui possèdent une subsistance séparée.

Si le travail exégétique de Simplicius ne brille pas toujours par son génie philosophique, il s’emploie à chercher des solutions à certains des problèmes les plus complexes de la tradition platonicienne. Comme souvent, la solution qu’il propose, en dépit du bricolage doctrinal sur lequel elle se fonde, lève la difficulté d’une façon nette et précise. Il offre une nouvelle fois aux commentateurs que nous sommes une leçon à méditer. [conclusion p. 159-160]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ihW4uaycr2RFg3O

Conférence de M. Philippe Hoffmann: Sens et dénomination. Homonymie, analogie, métaphore selon le commentaire de Simplicius sur les Catégories d'Aristote, 1984
By: Hoffmann, Philippe

Title	Conférence de M. Philippe Hoffmann: Sens et dénomination. Homonymie, analogie, métaphore selon le commentaire de Simplicius sur les Catégories d'Aristote
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1984
Journal	École pratique des hautes études, Section des sciences religieuses. Annuaire
Volume	93
Pages	343-356
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Notre lecture du Commentaire de Simplicius s'est organisée selon plusieurs fils directeurs. Nous avons examiné, tout d'abord, les méthodes mêmes de l'exégèse : Simplicius lit le texte d'Aristote mot à mot (kata tên lexin), en scrutant au besoin tous les sens possibles d'un même mot ; l'explication proprement doctrinale procède en partie par des citations (ou paraphrases) d'auteurs antérieurs : Porphyre (Commentaire par questions et réponses, et surtout Commentaire à Gédalios), Jamblique et Syrianus.

Nous avons aussi tenté de dégager les traits proprement néoplatoniciens du commentaire : ainsi, à propos du couple « nom-définition », dont l'interprétation ne peut se comprendre que dans la perspective plus générale du système néoplatonicien. Il apparaît en outre que la condition de possibilité de l'homonymie, et de son contraire la polyonymie, est le caractère « conventionnel » (thesei et non phusei) du langage : il fallait donc situer la réflexion néoplatonicienne dans le cadre des discussions traditionnelles sur l'origine du langage.

D'autres questions se posaient encore : quelle est, au fond, la justification et l'utilité d'un tel exposé préliminaire dans un ouvrage consacré aux catégories ? La doctrine des homonymes, synonymes et paronymes exprime-t-elle des propriétés des réalités, ou des noms (onomata) ? Quelle est la spécificité de la recherche philosophique d'Aristote par rapport à la grammaire, ou à l'étude littéraire du langage, qui relève de la Rhétorique ?

Le commentaire de Simplicius cite le témoignage de Boèthos de Sidon sur la doctrine de Speusippe, qui, à la différence d'Aristote, divise les onomata : ce fut l'occasion d'une mise au point portant à la fois sur les théories antiques de l'homonymie et de la synonymie, et sur l'importance de ces commentaires comme sources de nos connaissances en matière de philosophie antique. [introduction p. 344-345]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oqTrFiRR6jzhlNL

Contre Platon. Tome I: Le Platonisme Dévoilé, 1993
By: Dixsaut, Monique (Ed.)

Title	Contre Platon. Tome I: Le Platonisme Dévoilé
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1993
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Tradition de la pensée classique
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Dixsaut, Monique
Translator(s)

Pourquoi, comment, devient-on antiplatonicien ? A l'évidence, en s'opposant au platonisme, d'emblée le problème se complique, car il n'est pas certain après tout que Platon, si obstinément absent de ses propres dialogues, si délibérément anonyme, ait été platonicien. Comment s'opposer à qui ne parle jamais en son nom, pourquoi réfuter une doctrine que son auteur n'a jamais présentée comme telle ni revendiquée comme sienne et dont le sens semble pouvoir être librement élaboré par les adversaires du moment et pour les besoins de leur cause ? En quoi le platonisme autorise-t-il ces attaques globales et parfois étrangement violentes ? Peut-être est-ce parce que chaque époque croit y déceler ce qu'elle tient pour la forme extrême de la démesure et de l'orgueil philosophiques, indiquant du même coup les problèmes et les attitudes jugés par elle tolérables en philosophie. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9zfyHBZbSdr0Iyv

Copernicus's Doctrine of Gravity and the Natural Circular Motion of the Elements, 2005
By: Knox, Dilwyn

Title	Copernicus's Doctrine of Gravity and the Natural Circular Motion of the Elements
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
Volume	68
Pages	157-211
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Knox, Dilwyn
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Nor, for the same reason, should we think that Neoplatonic sun symbolism was important to him. His brief references to sun symbolism and Hermes Trismegistus take up no more than five or so lines and derive mostly from standard classical sources, including Pliny in a passage immediately following the latter's discussion of gravity. The main problem facing Copernicus was to make the earth move, not to explain why the sun stood at the center.

He also consulted doxographical works explaining the many and divergent views of ancient thinkers, for instance, pseudo-Plutarch's Placita philosophorum, Bessarion's In calumniatorem Platonis, and Giorgio Valla's De expetendis. He consulted classical Latin authors like Pliny and Cicero, who, through the endeavors of Renaissance humanists and the agency of the printing press, had become better known during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. His extensive use of Pliny's Natural History, Book II, exemplifies the way in which the latter became a popular source for alternatives to Aristotelian or scholastic natural philosophy during the sixteenth century.

The greatest debt, in other words, that Copernicus the cosmologist owed was not to Renaissance Platonism or a revamped Aristotelianism. It was rather to the variety of ancient learning promoted by Renaissance humanists during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. To them he owed not just the wherewithal and encouragement to consult a much wider library of classical authors than his scholastic predecessors were wont to do but also the intellectual flexibility to regard his sources as no more than that—sources for ideas rather than authorities.

In this, Copernicus was typical of many sixteenth- and seventeenth-century "scientific" thinkers, Galileo included. But Renaissance humanism left its mark in another important respect. Copernicus set himself the task of learning Greek, and this provided him, if the evidence above is to be trusted, with one of his most important cosmological doctrines. [conclusion p. 210-211]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/x8JGitPSYOT3L0a

Cosmic Justice in Anaximander , 1991
By: Engmann, Joyce

Title	Cosmic Justice in Anaximander
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1991
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	36
Issue	1
Pages	1-25
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Engmann, Joyce
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The preceding clause in Simplicius indicates that the process of redress is one of perishing or passing away, phthora: not absolute phthora, but phthora "into" something. Two main views have been taken of this process. It has often been thought that that into which perishing took place was the infinite, and that that which perished was what Simplicius referred to as ta onta, existing things—in effect, the world, or a world (the difference is immaterial for present purposes). Thus, the, or a, world perished as a totality into the infinite.

The view which prevails today is that both that into which perishing takes place and that which perishes are the opposites or elements, which Simplicius refers to as ta stoicheia. I believe there are difficulties in this view which have not been fully recognised.

In the reports of Anaximander in our sources, there are several pointers to a third possibility, which is, in a sense, an amalgam of the two just mentioned: that into which perishing takes place is the infinite, as on the first view, while, as on the second view, the process of perishing is not a sudden but an ongoing process, and, again, that which perishes is the opposites or elements. The hypothesis of ongoing material interaction between the world and the infinite at least seems to merit more consideration than it has received.

It has been mooted in one line and rejected in two by Kirk; dismissed in a short footnote by Vlastos; and only taken seriously by Heidel, who, however, does not apply it to the interpretation of the fragment. I believe that it supplies the key to the understanding of the fragment, and shall argue that it provides a way of reconciling Simplicius' report on Anaximander with two supplementary categories of evidence, the value of which is often discounted: Simplicius' isolated statements about Anaximander elsewhere, and the parallel reports of Aetius and pseudo-Plutarch.

I shall conclude by suggesting that equality did not play the role in Anaximander's conception of justice that is commonly thought, and that for him the natural world mirrored an aristocratic rather than a democratic society. [introduction p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4jIf0maBjgUseow

Cosmología, cosmogonía y teogonía en el poema de Parménides, 2010
By: Bredlow, Luis-Andrés

Title	Cosmología, cosmogonía y teogonía en el poema de Parménides
Type	Article
Language	Spanish
Date	2010
Journal	Emerita: Revista de Lingüística y Filología Clasíca
Volume	78
Issue	2
Pages	275-297
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bredlow, Luis-Andrés
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The aim of this paper is to offer a fresh reconstruction of Parmenides’ system of the physical world, duly distinguishing the cosmological, cosmogonic and theogonic moments of the theory, whose confusion has been a main source of misunderstanding in earlier interpretations. In particular, the system of wreaths or bands of B 12 and A 37 does not represent the present order of the universe, but the general structure of matter, as well as the initial stage of the cosmogony (section 1), as can be substantiated also from Simplicius’ reading of the fragments (section 2). This distinction will allow a tentative reconstruction of Parmenides’ cosmogony (section 3) and cosmology, whose most striking feature is the position of the fixed stars below the sun and the moon, paralleled in Anaximander and – as I will try to show – in the cosmology of the orphic Derveni Papyrus (section 4). [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IstgO7KI8zaKM84

Counting Plato's Principles, 1995
By: Sharples, Robert W., Ayres, Lewis (Ed.)

Title	Counting Plato's Principles
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1995
Published in	The Passionate Intellect. Essays on the Transformation of Classical Tradition
Pages	67-82
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sharples, Robert W.
Editor(s)	Ayres, Lewis
Translator(s)

The classification of physical theories by the number of principles involved goes back to Aristotle (Physics 1.2), in a less formal way to Plato (Sophist 242c-d), and perhaps even further to the period of the Sophists. It is still echoed in modern textbooks on the Presocratics. What is perhaps less familiar is that, naturally enough, this approach was not, in antiquity, confined to the Presocratics. The present paper is concerned with ancient attempts to apply such an analysis to one notable successor of the Presocratics, namely Plato. It is greatly indebted to the work of scholars expert in the field, notably John Dillon and Harold Tarrant. However, I hope that it may present familiar material in a new perspective and, even if its main conclusion is highly speculative, stimulate further thought and debate on a period of the history of philosophy which, with some notable exceptions, has been too little studied in English-speaking countries.

In his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics 1.2, Simplicius, dealing with those who postulated a limited plurality of principles, mentions those who asserted two (Parmenides in the Way of Seeming and the Stoics), three (Aristotle himself, later in Physics 1), and four (Empedocles). He then deals with Plato and concludes with the Pythagoreans, who, he says, recognized ten principles—the numbers of the decad, or the ten pairs in the Table of Opposites.

Where Plato is concerned, Simplicius first states his own view: that Plato postulated three causes (kurias) in the strict sense and three auxiliary causes (sunaitia). The causes in the strict sense are “the maker, the paradigm, and the end,” while the three auxiliary causes are “the matter, the form, and the instrument.” (Here, “form” must refer to the Aristotelian immanent form as opposed to the transcendent Platonic paradigm.) But Simplicius then goes on to cite two other views.

Theophrastus, he says, assigned only two principles to Plato: matter, called “receptive of all things” (clearly the Receptacle of Timaeus 51A, generally equated with matter by later interpreters), and the cause and source of movement, which Theophrastus says Plato “attaches to the power of god and of the good.” Alexander of Aphrodisias, however, attributed to Plato three principles: “the matter, the maker, and the paradigm.” This seems a reasonable interpretation of the Timaeus, the “maker” being the Demiurge. For if a principle is that which is primary, not preceded by anything else, then, on a literal interpretation of the Timaeus, the Demiurge, the Forms (which he uses as his model), and the Receptacle each seem to be ultimates, not derived from any further principle.

Nothing is said in the Timaeus about the derivation of the Forms from the One or the Good; and the Receptacle does not derive from another principle in the way Neoplatonist Matter derives from the One. Indeed, Dorrie contrasts the “paratactic” nature of this three-principles interpretation—treating the principles as equal and co-ordinate—with the “hierarchic” views of Xenocrates, and sees the former as holding back the development of transcendence in Platonism. Certain passages of the Timaeus suggest rather a two-principles interpretation, but here the principles would be the Receptacle and the Forms, rather than the Demiurge. [introduction p. 67-70]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/puTtXSWDrrAPkL9

Creation and Continuity In Neoplatonism: Origins and Legacy (forthcoming)
By: Chase, Michael

Title	Creation and Continuity In Neoplatonism: Origins and Legacy (forthcoming)
Type	Article
Language	English
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Among the factors that distinguish Philoponus’ creationism from Simplicius’ emanationism is that for the former, it makes sense—in fact, it is unavoidable—to speak of a first instant in the history of the universe, prior to which the universe did not exist. Such a notion makes no sense for Simplicius, and it makes no sense because Simplicius, like Aristotle, believes time and motion are continuous, at least in the physical world. In the Arabo-Islamic world, Kindī sides with Philoponus, as has been noted by scholars for quite some time. It has been less well noted, I think, that Fārābī sides just as resolutely with Simplicius.

In the article on which I have relied so heavily in this paper, Marwan Rashed argues that, given the lacunary state of the evidence that remains to us, we can reconstruct only Fārābī’s physical proof of the eternity of the world: the fact, based on an analytical proof (hoti), that it is eternal. In another, lost part of Fārābī’s work, Rashed speculates, Fārābī will have given a demonstrative proof of this affirmation from a synthetic viewpoint, of why (dioti) the universe is eternal. It may, he thinks, have looked like this:

God is an eternal cause.
Every eternal cause has an eternal effect.
Therefore, God has an eternal effect.

But this is nothing other than a simplified version of the proof of continuous creation as we studied it above in Proclus and Porphyry. If Rashed is right on this point, and I suspect he is, we would have one more reason to agree with Philippe Vallat (2004) that Fārābī is basically a Neoplatonist rather than the doctrinaire Aristotelian he is usually made out to be.

To return to our starting point, on the basis of this notion of continuity, we may have made some progress toward identifying the difference between creationism and emanationism in general. Assuming that we have some kind of First Principle that provides the world with existence, if the world can be said to have a first moment of its existence—i.e., if time is discontinuous—we have to do with creation; if not—i.e., if time is continuous—we have to do with emanation. This seems to me to be a criterion at least as important as others that are usually brought up in this context, such as the role of the will of the First Principle, or whether or not the process takes place ex nihilo. The role of will is often hard to determine, as we can see in the case of Plotinus, while ex nihilo is perhaps even more tricky, implying as it does the question of the origin of matter, which is even more obscure in Plotinus. But either the world has a first instant in its existence, or it does not. Tertium non datur.
[conclusion p. 29-31]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HdCRKhOALHddyFH

Title	Critica dell’apparente e critica apparente. Simplicio interprete di Parmenide nel Commentario al De Caelo di Aristotele. Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi, traduzione e commentario
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2017
Publication Place	Sankt Augustin
Publisher	Academia Verlag
Series	Symbolon
Volume	44
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Nell'opera di Simplicio l'esegesi non può essere separata dalla filosofia neoplatonica presa nel suo senso più ampio: ciò che egli ci propone non è soltanto una interpretazione complessiva del reale a partire da premesse platonico-aristoteliche, ma anche una Weltanschauung che è, o ritiene di essere, quella degli Elleni, e che trova la sua espressione più completa nell'accordo, µ , tra le filosofie di Aristotele, di Platone e dei Preplatonici e le antiche tradizioni teologiche. Questo libro di Ivan Adriano Licciardi, che completa felicemente la sua opera precedente, persegue del tutto opportunamente questa linea di ricerca e arricchisce la nostra visione su Simplicio filosofo, che cita e interpreta Parmenide. Questo libro mostra, attraverso una lettura minuziosa dei passi interessati del Commentario al De Caelo, che, secondo l'esegesi del filosofo neoplatonico, il vecchio filosofo di Elea - come altri filosofi che rappresentano la - anticipa Platone e, nella prospettiva della µ , anche Aristotele, nella misura in cui Parmenide concepì una ontologia dualista, che ingloba tanto il mondo dell'essere - uno quanto il mondo del divenire - molteplice, e nella quale la verità del mondo intelligibile conferisce uno statuto apparente al mondo sensibile'.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Emh7KiLhMWFS6CV

Damascius' Philosophy of Time

Title	Damascius' Philosophy of Time
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Publication Place	Berlin - Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Chronoi
Volume	7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	no authors
Editor(s)	no authors
Translator(s)	no authors

Dans quel lieu le néoplatonicien Simplicius a-t-il fondé son école de mathématiques, et où a pu avoir lieu son entretien avec un manichéen?, 1997
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Dans quel lieu le néoplatonicien Simplicius a-t-il fondé son école de mathématiques, et où a pu avoir lieu son entretien avec un manichéen?
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1997
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	1
Pages	42–107
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WI7RiFFpXjaRVSX

Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles zur Zeit, 1969
By: Meyer, Hubert

Title	Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles zur Zeit
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1969
Publication Place	Meisenheim am Glan
Publisher	Anton Hain
Series	Monographien zur Naturphilosophie
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Meyer, Hubert
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Review: In recent years, there has been a renewed interest in the period of Greek philosophy after Aristotle. Since ancient Greek thought exhibits unbroken continuity, the commentaries on Aristotle from late antiquity retain an authenticity and value for the study of Aristotle himself, which have not always been sufficiently recognized. This extensive and learned work is a study of time as presented by Simplicius in his commentary on Aristotle's Physics and in the Doubts and Solutions of Simplicius' teacher, Damascius. It sheds new light not only on the Neoplatonic philosophy of time but also on the notorious "difficulties" of Aristotle regarding time.
The work presents a significant amount of philosophical argument, often complex and subtle. Therefore, some oversimplification is necessary. Damascius and Simplicius utilize materials from two different philosophies of time: Aristotle's and Plotinus'. Aristotle's view is that time is the number of motion according to before and after, based on the phenomenon of regular and endless physical motion. Although number, in Aristotle, is a mathematical abstraction, time, being a number, is not merely ideal or mathematical but is actually verified in the physical world. Soul or mind is needed to make the before-and-after of physical motion actually numbered. The "matter" of time, the endless motion of nature (especially the heavens), is real, not merely ideal or mathematical. The form of time is determined by the real relation of before and after, making time a real category, one of the modes of being. Time is the way of being whose being consists in becoming.
The other philosophy of time influencing Damascius and Simplicius is the more "idealist" Neoplatonic one, which bases time on the soul. According to Plotinus, the number of motion is an applied number. Eternity is the life of mind (nous), and time is the life of the world-soul. Numbers exist in the realm of mind or being or ideal forms, the second hypostasis of Plotinus. When mind descends into body, constituting soul or the third hypostasis, the life of mind or eternity becomes an activity of soul or time. Time is a psychic measuring, corresponding to Augustine's definition of time as a disrensio animae.
Simplicius, like other ancient and medieval commentators, aims not only at a scholarly reconstruction of Aristotle's "difficulties" but at a real solution to the philosophical problem of time. The commentator's new and original philosophy emerges during the exposition of Aristotle's text. Simplicius' thesis is that the reality of time is the present moment, or now, or point of time, which is endlessly repeated. However, this cannot be a correct commentary on Aristotle, for whom time is solidly based on real physical motion. Simplicius' view of time is more abstract since he overlooks the reality of motion.
The central part of Meyer's book examines in detail the philosophy of time in the Greek text of the Corollarium. Simplicius' view is that time is in becoming, not in being or eternity. Time's being is in becoming, and the only being in becoming is the "now," which makes time the "now." Simplicius contrasts this with his more Platonic teacher, Damascius, for whom eternity, to aei, or the realm of being, contains a form of time, a supra-temporal whole-time, or time-number, or mathematical "time," the unenfolded structure of number, which, in turn, contains time or continual becoming.
Simplicius replies in a more Aristotelian fashion, arguing that Damascius' region of the "always" or "ever" of time, or time as a whole, is entirely unnecessary. Time flows infinitely, an always-becoming, but this infinity of time is not an actual whole. Time flows into infinity, but there is no actual infinite or eternal whole, as personified by Damascius' Demiourgos.
Simplicius' interpretation is part of the wider movement of thought in later antiquity when time as the number of motion is forgotten and replaced by a more abstract definition.
The interest in these thinkers, Damascius and Simplicius, lies in their providing us with variants or subspecies of the two great masters, Plato and Aristotle. Meyer's learned work makes these obscure texts widely accessible, and his interpretations of the rich material are cautious and sound. The presentation is not [iir die Menge; and, it is sometimes not very clear just what Greek distinctions are being noted by certain G e r m a n distinctions. There are misprints in French, G e r m a n, and Greek. The work is a fine contribution to scholarship.
PAUL J. W. MILLER

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/j5J79Ih6776sfuN

Das Prinzip der Harmonisierung verschiedener Traditionen in den neuplatonischen Kommentaren zu Platon und Aristoteles, 2006
By: Perkams, Matthias, Ackeren, Marcel van (Ed.), Müller, Jörn (Ed.)

Title	Das Prinzip der Harmonisierung verschiedener Traditionen in den neuplatonischen Kommentaren zu Platon und Aristoteles
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2006
Published in	Antike Philosophie verstehen – Understanding Ancient Philosophy
Pages	332-347
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)	Ackeren, Marcel van , Müller, Jörn
Translator(s)

Zudem stellt sich die Frage, ob man die These der Harmonie tatsächlich als „verrückt“ bezeichnen soll. So mag sie manchem scheinen, der aus der Perspektive moderner historisch-kritischer Forschung einen deutlichen Unterschied von Platon und Aristoteles erkennt. Für die Kommentatoren selbst war die Harmonisierung aber definitiv nicht verrückt, sondern sie war, wie oben bereits angedeutet, unter den Bedingungen ihrer Zeit ein wichtiges Mittel dazu, die eigene Identität zu wahren und die Deutungshoheit über die gesamte ältere Tradition gegenüber den Ansprüchen des Christentums zu erhalten.

Zudem macht die Harmonie auf ein anderes Charakteristikum der neuplatonischen Philosophie aufmerksam, das Simplikios herausstreicht: Das Ziel des Philosophierens besteht darin, durch die Suche nach der Wahrheit als Mensch zu wachsen. Der Königsweg der Neuplatoniker zu diesem Ziel ist es, die Werke ihrer Vorgänger zu studieren und das zu übernehmen, was zu diesem Ziel beiträgt. Das ist eine Maxime für das philosophische Studium, die bis heute nichts von ihrer Aktualität verloren hat. [conclusion p. 347]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iwVpoc1bGR9ng0D

Title	Das Xenophanesreferat von MXG - Eine Wiedergabe Theophrasts? Zur These von Peter Steinmetz: 1. Theophrast als Autor der antinomischen Prädikate (MXG 977 b 3-18, Simpl.Phys. 23, 4-14)?
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1974
Published in	PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus
Pages	208-229
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Ziel dieses Kapitels war es zunächst, die Rückführbarkeit des Xenophanes-Referates von Simplikios und MXG auf Theophrast anhand eines Beispiels zu überprüfen. Wenn dabei die These von Steinmetz an einem entscheidenden Punkt erschüttert worden ist, da MXG mit den antinomischen Prädikaten ebensowenig eine zuverlässige Wiedergabe des Eresiers sein kann wie Simplikios, stellt sich die Frage: Was wird aus seiner Herleitung der beiden Parallelberichte teils aus den φυσικαὶ δόξαι, teils aus der Physik? [conclusion p. 229]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3Dxf4dLb8SNzbok

Dating of Philoponus’ Commentaries on Aristotle and of his Divergence from his Teacher Ammonius, 2016
By: Sorabji, Richard, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Dating of Philoponus’ Commentaries on Aristotle and of his Divergence from his Teacher Ammonius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	367-392
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

The second major hypothesis was offered in 2008 by Pantelis Golitsis, who exploited an underused source of evidence that bears on several questions. He has also been kind enough to discuss at two workshops his further work in preparation. I shall, however, refer to his 2008 publication, except where explicitly stated. Philoponus’ seven commentaries on Aristotle are divided into books, and four commentaries are, or at least some books in four commentaries are, described in their titles as being Philoponus’ commentarial (skholastikai) notes (aposêmeiôseis) from the meetings (sunousiai), i.e., seminar sessions, of Ammonius (his teacher), with Philoponus’ name or other designation coming first. The four are in An. Pr., in An. Post., in DA, and in GC. The last three of these four are described as containing further (critical) reflections (more below on the meaning of epistaseis) of his own (idiôn) by Philoponus. The remaining three of Philoponus’ commentaries on Aristotle are not ascribed to the seminars of Ammonius. Philoponus also refers twice to a commentary, now lost, on Porphyry’s Introduction (Isagôgê), his introduction that is, on one interpretation, to Aristotle’s logic. All this could have several important implications.

First, although the titles of his commentaries were written in by successive scribes, Golitsis has sought out the best manuscripts and has taken them to represent Philoponus’ own description, and from this he has inferred quite a precise timetable for Philoponus’ commentaries on Aristotle. The commentaries whose book titles refer to Ammonius’ seminars were written first and commissioned as editions of Ammonius’ lectures as they were delivered in the order of the standard curriculum between 510 and 515. Philoponus’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, which contains a lecture dated to 517, is not connected in its book titles with Ammonius’ lectures in the modern edition of Vitelli under the general editorship of Diels, and moreover, it contains open disagreement with Ammonius. If that is right, the commentary will reflect courses that Philoponus himself was giving.

However, Golitsis allows me to mention that in further work, he will now be taking seriously Trincavelli’s earlier alternative reading of the manuscript title, which does, at the beginning of the commentary on Physics Book One, mention both Ammonius’ seminars and Philoponus’ (critical) reflections, and he will be explaining the transformative consequences. Philoponus’ editions of Ammonius’ lectures will have included, again, Golitsis suggests, in the order of the standard curriculum: on Porphyry’s Isagôgê, and on Aristotle’s Categories, then on the eighth book of his Physics, which precedes the lecture of 517 on the Physics, whether or not the series includes more on the Physics.

So far, Golitsis’ conclusion rightly observes the standard view that most commentaries on Aristotle reflect teaching classes. But, by way of exception, the commentary on Aristotle’s Meteorology is not connected by any titles to Ammonius, and Golitsis argues it does not appear to reflect teaching either, so was written after Philoponus had stopped teaching courses on Aristotle. The task now, as I see it, is to consider how far the new considerations about titles, combined with many others, including some highlighted by Verrycken, can enable us to confirm or disconfirm the details of dating and divergence and provide a modified picture. [introduction p. 367-369]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6Gmj6C363y2Apg8

De Anima: Die Rezeption der aristotelischen Psychologie im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, 2006
By: Salatowsky, Sascha

Title	De Anima: Die Rezeption der aristotelischen Psychologie im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2006
Publication Place	Amsterdam
Publisher	B.R. Grüner
Series	Bochumer Studien zur Philosophie
Volume	4
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Salatowsky, Sascha
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle’s On the soul is one of the most important books in the history of philosophy. Its fundamental achievement is based on the ontological-ontical definition of the soul and its virtues, which embrace all living beings, including the doctrine of the mind (nous), and whose further explication has been interpreted controversially since antiquity. With respect to the traditional schools of Alexandrism, Neoplatonism, Averroism and Thomism the present study studies the various philosophical and theological constellations of the 16th and 17th century, which were determined by the intracatholical as well as by the interdenominational controversies between the Catholics, Lutherans and Calvinists. From this point of view the works of Luther and Melanchthon, of the Renaissance-Aristotelians Portio, Toletus, Zabarella, and the Conimbricenses as well as the works of the Lutheran and Calvinistic Philosophers of the 17th century are interpreted, these last ones being taken into consideration here for the first time. [authors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vPm1T0yGbb0btt1

De Simplicius À Ḥunayn: La Transmission d'Une Doxographie Dans Les Résumés au Traité Sur Les Éléments de Galien, 2023
By: Mathilde Brémond

Title	De Simplicius À Ḥunayn: La Transmission d'Une Doxographie Dans Les Résumés au Traité Sur Les Éléments de Galien
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2023
Journal	Arabic Sciences and Philosophy
Volume	33
Issue	1
Pages	1-23
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mathilde Brémond
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper examines two doxographies present in Ḥunayn’s summaries to Galen’s treatise On the Elements. We track the origin of these doxographies back, from Greek scolia to Galen’s treatise to Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, which we show to be the ultimate source. We also point out that Simplicius’ Commentary inspired an interpretation of Parmenides and Melissus that we find in Ḥunayn’s texts. This allows us to see remnants of Simplicius’ Commentary in the Arabic world and to shed some light on the production of these summaries to Galen’s work called Summaria Alexandrinorum. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zlN6Bivl0O6bw9q

Title	De l'Antiquité tardive au Moyen Âge. Études de logique aristotélicienne et de philosophie grecque, syriaque, arabe et latine offertes à Henri Hugonnard-Roche
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2014
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Études musulmanes
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Coda, Elisa , Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia
Translator(s)

La circulation du savoir philosophique à travers les traductions du grec au syriaque, du grec à l’arabe, du syriaque à l’arabe, de l’arabe au latin forme, depuis un siècle et plus de recherches savantes, un domaine scientifique à part entière. Ce volume réunit des spécialistes des disciplines du domaine voulant rendre hommage à un collègue dont l’activité a ouvert une voie, Henri Hugonnard-Roche.
Spécialiste de la transmission du grec au syriaque de la logique aristotélicienne, Henri Hugonnard-Roche a montré par ses recherches la continuité entre la philosophie de l’Antiquité tardive et la pensée des chrétiens de langue syriaque d’un côté, des savants musulmans écrivant en arabe, de l’autre. Réunis souvent par ce que Werner Jaeger avait autrefois désigné comme « la portée œcuménique de l’Antiquité classique », des musulmans et des chrétiens faisant partie d’un cercle philosophique se penchaient, dans la ville de Bagdad au Xe siècle, sur le texte d’Aristote. Leur « Aristote » était souvent celui de l’Antiquité tardive : l’Aristote de l’école néoplatonicienne d’Alexandrie que les intellectuels de la Syrie chrétienne avaient déjà rencontré quelque quatre siècles auparavant et qu’ils avaient traduit, en même temps que Galien, et parfois commenté. Des noms presque inconnus comme celui de Sergius de Resh’ayna (mort en 536) commencent dans nos manuels à en côtoyer d’autres bien plus connus, comme celui de Boèce, grâce aux recherches de Henri Hugonnard-Roche. Ce volume, par la variété des langues qui s’y entremêlent, des traditions de pensée qu’il fait fusionner, par l’acribie des contributions et le caractère novateur des éditions de textes et des études ponctuelles qu’il contient, témoigne du rayonnement international du savant auquel il est offert, et de l’effervescence du domaine de recherche auquel il a si grandement contribué. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/j7haSVMVm5wa9du

Dealing with Disagreement The Construction of Traditions in Later Ancient Philosophy, 2023
By: Ulacco, Angela, Ulacco, Angela (Ed.), Joosse, Albert (Ed.)

Title	Dealing with Disagreement The Construction of Traditions in Later Ancient Philosophy
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2023
Publication Place	Turnhout
Publisher	Brepols
Series	Monothéismes et Philosophie, vol. 33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ulacco, Angela
Editor(s)	Ulacco, Angela , Joosse, Albert
Translator(s)

Ancient philosophy is known for its organisation into distinct schools. But those schools were not locked into static dogmatism. As recent scholarship has shown, lively debate persisted between and within traditions. Yet the interplay between tradition and disagreement remains underexplored. This volume asks, first, how philosophers talked about differences of opinion within and between traditions and, second, how such debates affected the traditions involved. It covers the period from the first century BCE, which witnessed a turn to authoritative texts in different philosophical movements, through the rise of Christianity, to the golden age of Neoplatonic commentaries in the fifth and sixth centuries CE.

By studying various philosophical and Christian traditions alongside and in interaction with each other, this volume reveals common philosophical strategies of identification and differentiation. Ancient authors construct their own traditions in their (polemical) engagements with dissenters and opponents. Yet this very process of dissociation helped establish a common conceptual ground between traditions. This volume will be an important resource for specialists in late ancient philosophy, early Christianity, and the history of ideas. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AMFfDilUSW4mZpD

Dealing with disagreement. The construction of traditions in later ancient philosophy , 2023
By: Ulacco, Angela (Ed.), Joosse, Albert (Ed.)

Title	Dealing with disagreement. The construction of traditions in later ancient philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2023
Publication Place	Turnhout
Publisher	Brepols
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Ulacco, Angela , Joosse, Albert
Translator(s)

Ancient philosophy is known for its organisation into distinct schools. But those schools were not locked into static dogmatism. As recent scholarship has shown, lively debate persisted between and within traditions. Yet the interplay between tradition and disagreement remains underexplored. This volume asks, first, how philosophers talked about differences of opinion within and between traditions and, second, how such debates affected the traditions involved. It covers the period from the first century BCE, which witnessed a turn to authoritative texts in different philosophical movements, through the rise of Christianity, to the golden age of Neoplatonic commentaries in the fifth and sixth centuries CE.

By studying various philosophical and Christian traditions alongside and in interaction with each other, this volume reveals common philosophical strategies of identification and differentiation. Ancient authors construct their own traditions in their (polemical) engagements with dissenters and opponents. Yet this very process of dissociation helped establish a common conceptual ground between traditions. This volume will be an important resource for specialists in late ancient philosophy, early Christianity, and the history of ideas. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mQL8DFZ9PPylGiK

Defending Alexander of Aphrodisias in the Age of the Counter-Reformation: Iacopo Zabarella on the Mortality of the Soul according to Aristotle, 2009
By: Branko Mitrovic

Title	Defending Alexander of Aphrodisias in the Age of the Counter-Reformation: Iacopo Zabarella on the Mortality of the Soul according to Aristotle
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2009
Journal	Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume	91
Issue	3
Pages	330-354
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Branko Mitrovic
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The work of the Paduan Aristotelian philosopher Iacopo Zabarella (1533–
1589) has attracted the attention of historians of philosophy mainly for his contributions to logic, scientific methodology and because of his possible influence on Galileo.
At the same time, Zabarella’s views on Aristotelian psychology have been little studied so far; even those historians of Renaissance philosophy who have discussed them, have based their analysis mainly on the psychological essays included in Zabarella’s De rebus naturalibus, but have avoided Zabarella’s commentary on Aristotle’s De anima. This has led to an inaccurate, but widespread, understanding of Zabarella’s views. The intention of this article is to provide a systematic analysis of Zabarella’s arguments about the (im)mortality of the soul in the context of Aristotelian psychology. Zabarella’s view that the soul is mortal according to Aristotle is remarkable for his time, while his elaboration of this position is far more comprehensive than that of Pietro Pomponazzi, the other significant Renaissance thinker who shared the same view. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yApKXKo5NhAKVkF

Democrito e l'Accademia. Studi sulla trasmissione dell’atomismo antico da Aristotele a Simplicio, 2007
By: Gemelli Marciano, Millj Laura

Title	Democrito e l'Accademia. Studi sulla trasmissione dell’atomismo antico da Aristotele a Simplicio
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2007
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Studia Praesocratica
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gemelli Marciano, Millj Laura
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Wie sind die antiken Atomisten zur Annahme der Atome gekommen, und wie haben sie deren Unteilbarkeit aufgefasst? Dies sind die schwierigsten Fragen in der Forschung zum antiken Atomismus, und ihnen widmet sich Laura Gemelli in der vorliegenden Studie. Sie überprüft die antike Überlieferung unter einem neuen Gesichtspunkt: nämlich ausgehend von dem Einfluss, den der akademische Atomismus und die damit verbundenen Problemstellungen und Begriffe auf die Interpretation des antiken Atomismus bei Aristoteles hatten.

Diese bisher vernachlässigte Perspektive führt zur kritischen Revision allgemein akzeptierter Thesen wie der Entstehung des Atomismus aus dem Eleatismus und der Annahme des Atoms als Lösung der Aporien über die unendliche Teilbarkeit. Die von Aristoteles und von Theophrast ausgehenden Auffassungen des Atomismus werden dann in ihrer weiteren Entwicklung bis zum Neuplatonismus verfolgt. Das Buch schafft die Grundlagen für eine Neubewertung der Quellen und für eine Verschiebung der Perspektive in der Forschung zum antiken Atomismus. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/U3EjUn93CcQdEug

Den Autoren über die Schulter geschaut. Arbeitsweise und Autographie bei den antiken Schriftstellern, 1991
By: Dorandi, Tiziano

Title	Den Autoren über die Schulter geschaut. Arbeitsweise und Autographie bei den antiken Schriftstellern
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1991
Journal	Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik
Volume	87
Pages	11–33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dorandi, Tiziano
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Fassen wir die Ergebnisse unserer Überlegungen noch einmal zusammen: Man darf annehmen, dass die Abfassung eines antiken literarischen Werkes zumindest zwei Phasen durchlief (von denen die erste komplexer und nicht immer bei allen Autoren gleichartig war).

1a. Die erste Phase konnte in der Ausarbeitung von Konzepten bestehen, denen eine Sammlung von Exzerpten vorausgegangen sein mochte, welche aus kurzen Notizen bestanden, die wahrscheinlich auf Wachs- bzw. Holztäfelchen (pugillares) geschrieben waren.

1b. Sie konnte auch in der Anfertigung von ὑπομνηματικά (hypomnêmatika) bestehen, der provisorischen Fassung eines Buches, wobei das Rohmaterial größtenteils überarbeitet und geordnet war, aber noch nicht die letzte stilistische Verfeinerung erhalten hatte.

    Es folgte die endgültige Redaktion, die Reinschrift des Werkes (ὑπόμνημα (hypomnêma), σύνταγμα (syntagma) usw.), welche meist die tatsächliche ἔκδοσις (ekdosis) einleitete. Unter ἔκδοσις (ekdosis) verstehe ich, im Anschluss an van Groningen, die Ausarbeitung eines Werkes, die ein Schriftsteller als abgeschlossen ansah und mit allen Risiken herausgab (ἐκδιδόναι (ekdidonai)), die eine Veröffentlichung mit sich brachte, da die antike Gesellschaft ja kein Urheberrecht im modernen Sinne kannte.

Die von mir untersuchten und angeführten Zeugnisse bezogen sich vor allem auf Prosaschriften enzyklopädischen (Plinius) oder philosophisch-wissenschaftlichen Charakters (Philodem, die Aristoteleskommentatoren, Galen); freilich scheinen im Bereich der Dichtung das Beispiel des Vergil und des Horaz sowie die Papyri eine ähnliche Arbeitsweise zu bestätigen. Meine Beobachtungen können und dürfen nicht verallgemeinert werden: Es läge meinen Absichten fern, ein und dieselbe, allen Autoren und literarischen Gattungen gemeinsame, in der gesamten Geschichte der griechischen und lateinischen Literatur gleichartige Arbeitsweise zu postulieren.[conclusion p. 32-33]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gaYJZl79ZT9HzlR

Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 1: Die Renaissance des Aristotelismus im I. Jh. v. Chr., 1973
By: Moraux, Paul

Title	Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 1: Die Renaissance des Aristotelismus im I. Jh. v. Chr.
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1973
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Peripatoi
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VBBIsjdgwwe3ta8

Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 2: Der Aristotelismus im I. und II. Jh. n.Chr., 1984
By: Moraux, Paul

Title	Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 2: Der Aristotelismus im I. und II. Jh. n.Chr.
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1984
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Peripatoi
Volume	6
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Durch seine Tendenzen und seine Leistungen unterscheidet sich der Aristotelismus der beiden ersten nachchristlichen Jahrhunderte kaum von dem der zweiten Hälfte des ersten Jahrhunderts v. Chr. In der hier behandelten frühen Kaiserzeit lassen sich keine neuen Merkmale beobachten, die eine scharfe Trennung zwischen diesen beiden Jahrhunderten und dem vorhergehenden rechtfertigten. Vielmehr erscheint die Periode von Andronikos bis einschließlich Alexander von Aphrodisias als relativ einheitlich in ihrer Interpretation des Aristoteles. Sie unterscheidet sich vom neuplatonischen Aristotelesverständnis hauptsächlich dadurch, dass sie sich noch nicht zur grundsätzlichen Identität zwischen Aristoteles und Platon bekennt. Nur die Menge des Materials, das es zu untersuchen galt, hat mich gezwungen, die Darstellung dieser ganzen Periode auf drei Bände zu verteilen. [...]
In der zweiten Hälfte dieser Arbeit wollen wir uns mit dem Aristotelismus in der Sicht anderer Schulen befassen. Die Entlehnungen aus dem Aristotelismus bei einigen Mittelplatonikern, ferner die gegen Aristoteles gerichtete Kritik und schließlich die Auseinandersetzungen von Nicht-Aristotelikern mit Schriften des Stagiriten dürfen in einer Untersuchung über den Aristotelismus in den ersten beiden nachchristlichen Jahrhunderten nicht außer Acht gelassen werden. Auch dort wird sich zeigen, wie in der Einleitung zum zweiten Buch ausführlicher dargelegt wird, dass etwa bei Platonikern das grundsätzliche Bekenntnis zum Platonismus oft Hand in Hand geht mit einem tatsächlichen Eklektizismus. Die Deutung Platons unter Benutzung typisch aristotelischer Errungenschaften erschien also als durchaus legitim. [preface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nSxL9S7Z1RoD9mZ

Title	Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen. Von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias. Band 3: Alexander von Aphrodisias
Type	Book Series
Language	German
Date	2001
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen , Wolfgang Kullmann , Robert W. Sharples
Translator(s)

In der spätantiken Philosophie, weiß Rezensent Thomas Sören Hoffmann zu berichten, war es nicht verpönt, auf die eigene Originalität zu verzichten und sich als Sprachrohr und Exeget der großen Denker zu verstehen - im Gegenteil. Auch Alexander von Aphrodisias (um 200 n.Chr.), dem Paul Moraux sein Buch gewidmet hat, gehört zu dieser Exegeten-Tradition. Ihm verdankt die "Nachwelt" Referate von verschollenen Aristoteles-Texten. Bemerkenswert findet Hoffmann, dass Moraux sich vor allem den noch nicht eingehend erforschten Gebieten des aristotelischen Denkens in der Alexander-Rezeption widmet. Dass bedingt, dass Moraux kein lückenloses Kompendium bietet, aber auf jeden Fall, lobt Hoffmann, eine "umfassende" Dokumentation über Moraux' Beschäftigung mit den Begriffen der Zeit, der Seele und der Metaphysik bei Alexander. Der Rezensent bedauert allerdings, dass das Ethik-Kapitel, mit dem der verstorbene Moraux sich nicht mehr auseinandersetzen konnte, unter fremder Feder in den Band aufgenommen wurde. Hier komme es zu einem Stilbruch, der nach Ansicht des Rezensenten hätte vermieden werden können, wenn das Ethik-Kapitel im geplanten Supplement-Band erschienen wäre, anstelle des Registers, das der Leser, so Hoffmann, "schmerzlich vermisst". Versöhnlich jedoch das Fazit: Lange hat die Forschung auf diesen Band gewartet - zu Recht. [Rezensionsnotiz Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/n4lUtE7tjgwtpRZ

Der Begriff der Physis im späten Neuplatonismus, 2019
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Koch, Dietmar (Ed.), Männlein-Robert, Irmgard (Ed.), Weidtmann (Ed.)

Title	Der Begriff der Physis im späten Neuplatonismus
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2019
Published in	Platon und die Physis
Pages	241-253
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Koch, Dietmar , Männlein-Robert, Irmgard , Weidtmann
Translator(s)

In dem Text wird die Bedeutung des Konzepts der Physis in der neuplatonischen Philosophie untersucht. Die neuplatonische Theorie der drei Hypostasen - das Eine oder Gute, der Nous oder die Vernunft und die Seele - wird erklärt, von denen alle anderen Realitäten abgeleitet werden. Die Natur wird als eine Art von Seele identifiziert, aber im Gegensatz zur vegetativen Seele ist sie eine lebensähnliche Kraft, die für die Schöpfung der Form und nicht des Lebens verantwortlich ist. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2ke8ehUye0u5kBm

Der Bericht des Simplicius Über die Quadraturen des Antiphon und des Hippokrates, 1907
By: Simplicius, Cilicius, Rudio, Ferdinand (Ed.),

Title	Der Bericht des Simplicius Über die Quadraturen des Antiphon und des Hippokrates
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1907
Publication Place	Charleston
Publisher	Nabu Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)	Rudio, Ferdinand
Translator(s)	Rudio, Ferdinand()

Der Bericht des Simplicius über die Quadraturen des Antiphon und des Hippokrates ist eine der wichtigsten Quellen für die Geschichte der griechischen Geometrie vor Euklid. Enthält doch dieser Bericht, neben vielen anderen historisch höchst wertvollen Mitteilungen, einen umfangreichen wörtlichen Auszug aus der leider verloren gegangenen Geschichte der Geometrie des Eudemus!

Das uns auf diese Weise erhaltene Referat des Eudemus bezieht sich auf die scharfsinnigen Untersuchungen, die Hippokrates von Chios etwa um das Jahr 440 v. Chr. in einer ebenfalls verloren gegangenen Abhandlung über die Quadraturen der sogenannten Möndchen angestellt hat – Untersuchungen, die vielleicht als Vorbereitungen zu der von alters her umworbenen Quadratur des Kreises gedient haben.

Die Abhandlung des Hippokrates ist umso wertvoller, als sie die älteste auf griechischem Boden entstandene mathematische Arbeit darstellt, die uns in gesicherter, zugleich ausführlicher und zusammenhängender Überlieferung vorliegt.
[introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UVddREbMVSZaoqA

Der Bericht des Theophrast über Heraklit, 1955
By: Kerschensteiner, Jula

Title	Der Bericht des Theophrast über Heraklit
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1955
Journal	Hermes
Volume	83
Issue	4
Pages	385-411
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kerschensteiner, Jula
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die Hauptquelle für die Darstellung der Lehren Heraklits, die Theophrast in seinen Phusikôn doxai gab, ist der Bericht bei Diogenes Laertius 9, 7-II. Er zerfällt in zwei Teile, eine knappe Übersicht (im folgenden DL1) und ein ausführliches Referat (im folgenden DL2). Nach DIELS stammt DL1 aus einer Mittelquelle biographischer Tradition, auf die auch der Einschub mit den Zitaten und die Bemerkung über Heraklits Stil zurückgehe, der zweite Teil dagegen direkt aus Theophrast (Doxographi Graeci I63 f., vgl. auch I80). Dagegen hat K. DEICHGRABER, Bemerkungen zu Diogenes' Bericht fiber Heraklit (Philol. 93, I938, I2ff.) 23ff., zu zeigen versucht, daB es sich nicht um zwei verschiedene Fassungen derselben Vorlage handelt, sondern daß die beiden Teile schon urspruinglich zusammengehören und aufeinander abgestimmt seien, nur durch den spateren Einschub unterbrochen: der Aufbau entspreche der Gewohnheit Theophrasts, den Einzeldarlegungen eine allgemeine Übersicht vorauszuschicken. Eine Klärung des Problems wird sich im folgenden ergeben. [introduction, p. 25]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iEKNcdvLqiTOzaT

Der Kommentar in Antike und Mittelalter. Beiträge zu seiner Erforschung, 2002
By: Geerlings, Wilhelm (Ed.), Schulze, Christian (Ed.)

Title	Der Kommentar in Antike und Mittelalter. Beiträge zu seiner Erforschung
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2002
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston – Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Clavis commentariorum antiquitatis et medii aevi
Volume	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Geerlings, Wilhelm , Schulze, Christian
Translator(s)

This collection of essays deals with the often neglected literary genre 'commentary' in ancient and medieval times. It is based on the work of the Bochum Graduiertenkolleg 237, where aspects such as definition, form and history of commentary texts, implicit commentation, pictures and paintings as commentaries were discussed. This volume presents a choice of 16 lectures which accompanied the colloquia from 1996.
Introductions, but also special topics from the perspectives of theology, philosophy, classical philology, medical history, Arabic and Jewish Studies are given by the contributors. Great emphasis is laid on the interdisciplinary connection between these different points of view, for example by discussing the question on the impact pagan rhetoric had on Christian commentary texts. Further interest is focused on relevant literature - medicine, grammar, philosophy - and its commentaries.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1UBcu6mm8yedNBR

Der Metaphysikbegriff in den Aristoteleskommentaren der Ammoniusschule, 1961
By: Kremer, Klaus

Title	Der Metaphysikbegriff in den Aristoteleskommentaren der Ammoniusschule
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1961
Publication Place	Münster
Publisher	Aschendorff
Series	Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters
Volume	39.1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kremer, Klaus
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AWQtFEHstD6bR1g

Der Neue Pauly, Enzyklopädie der Antike, 2001
By: Huber Cancik (Ed.), Helmuth Schneider (Ed.)

Title	Der Neue Pauly, Enzyklopädie der Antike
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	2001
Publication Place	Stuttgart; Weimar
Publisher	J. B. Metzler
Volume	Band 11 Sam-Tal
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Huber Cancik , Helmuth Schneider
Translator(s)

Bände 1-12/II, Altertum - Nachweis der prägenden Einflüsse des Orients auf die griechisch-römische Kultur. Wirkung dieser Kultur auf Kelten, Germanen, Slawen, Araber, auf Judentum und Christentum; Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Sozialgeschichte, Privatleben in der Antike; die byzantinische Kultur; Entwicklungsgeschichte der philosophischen Begriffe; gleichrangige Behandlung der schriftlichen, bildlichen und dinglichen Zeugnisse. Mit einer Fülle von Abbildungen.

Online Resources

Der Platoniker Ptolemaios, 1957
By: Dihle, Albrecht

Title	Der Platoniker Ptolemaios
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1957
Journal	Hermes
Volume	85
Issue	3
Pages	314-325
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dihle, Albrecht
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In den philosophischen Texten der späten Kaiserzeit stößt man zuweilen auf den Namen Ptolemaios, ohne daß dabei an einen Lagiden oder an den berühmten Astronomen zu denken wäre. Wie jene Zitate auf einen oder mehrere Träger dieses Namens zu verteilen seien, war eine einst viel diskutierte Frage, die dann allerdings im Anschluß an eine Vermutung W. v. Christs durch das Buch von A. Chatzis (Der Philosoph und Grammatiker Ptolemaios Chennos I = Stud. z Gesch. u. Kult. d. Altert. VII 2, Paderborn 1914) endgültig dahin beantwortet schien, es handele sich bei all diesen Ptolemaioi immer wieder um Ptolemaios Chennos aus der Zeit um 100 n. Chr., der uns durch den Auszug des Photios aus seiner καινὴ ἱστορία (cod. 190) recht gut bekannt ist. Diese Frage soll hier einer erneuten Prüfung unterzogen werden. [introduction, p. 314]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/51yflky3RQtCRmc

Der Satz des Anaximandros von Milet (VS⁵ 12 B 1), 1938
By: Dirlmeier, Franz

Title	Der Satz des Anaximandros von Milet (VS⁵ 12 B 1)
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1938
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	87
Issue	4
Pages	376-382
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dirlmeier, Franz
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die Weltsicht der Ionier wird zu einer Zeit, als sie schon 
der Geschichte angehörte, neu geformt durch die Wissenschaft- 
ler der aristotelischen Schule, die somit die uranfängliche Scheu 
vor dem Unbestimmten, Unbegrenzten treu bewahren. Aber 
sie dehnen sie auch noch aus auf fast alle Bereiche des Seins. 
Frühionische Bändigung des  Chaos der -feveffeic in irepioboi 
vollzieht sich aufs neue, wenn etwa Aristoteles den ungeord- 
neten, den nur „gereihten46 Ablauf der Menschenrede „unter- 
wirft", mit der Begründung: die XéHiç elpojiévTi sei ein àr'bkç olà 
tò ÔTreipov tò fàp TéXoç iravreç ßouXovrai K0t6opâv (Rhet. y 9, 
1409 a31). Wenn wir zu den Erkenntnissen der schöpferischen 
Jahrhunderte VI bis III  die sorgsame Auseinandersetzung des 
Simplikios nehmen, der am Ausgang der Antike mit fester Hand 
das  gültig Gedachte noch einmal zusammenfaßt, so  haben 
wir  damit ein  Jahrtausend hellenischen Geistes überblickt. [p. 382]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oxNOVgaT4IjUsH6

Der fortlaufende philosophische Kommentar in der Antike, 2002
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Geerlings, Wilhelm (Ed.), Schulze, Christian (Ed.)

Title	Der fortlaufende philosophische Kommentar in der Antike
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2002
Published in	Der Kommentar in Antike und Mittelalter. Beiträge zu seiner Erforschung
Pages	183-199
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Geerlings, Wilhelm , Schulze, Christian
Translator(s)

Der fortlaufende philosophische Kommentar wird für uns vom ersten vorchristlichen Jahrhundert an faßbar und verdankt seine Entstehung der wohlbekannten Tatsache, daß von diesem Zeitpunkt an in allen Philosophenschulen der Antike der Unterricht mehr und mehr die Form einer Erklärung der Texte ihrer Schulgründer Platon, Aristoteles, Epikur und Chrysipp annimmt. Vorher wird es wohl nur Erklärungen zu schwierigen Stellen gegeben haben. Von den Kommentaren zu den Werken des Chrysipp ist nichts erhalten, aber wir wissen z. B. von dem Stoiker Epiktet, daß er in seinem Unterricht Chrysipp kommentierte, wie die Platoniker und Peripatetiker Platon und Aristoteles. Es ist uns nur ein einziger fortlaufender Kommentar zu einem stoischen Text überliefert worden, der des Neuplatonikers Simplikios zum „Handbüchlein“ des Epiktet, der aber natürlich nicht eine stoische, sondern eine neuplatonische Exegese des stoischen Textes liefert. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sbjj47InbPVG3Mz

Der kleine Pauly, Band 5, 1975
By: Sontheimer, Walther (Ed.), Ziegler, Konrat (Ed.)

Title	Der kleine Pauly, Band 5
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	1975
Publication Place	München
Publisher	Druckenmüller
Series	Der Kleine Pauly. Lexikon der Antike
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sontheimer, Walther , Ziegler, Konrat
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nT4V3xwm4Jp1gS4

Der philosophische Unterrichtsbetrieb in der römischen Kaiserzeit, 2003
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Der philosophische Unterrichtsbetrieb in der römischen Kaiserzeit
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2003
Journal	Rhein. Museum
Volume	146
Issue	1
Pages	49–71
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Der Text beschreibt den Zustand des philosophischen Unterrichts während der römischen Kaiserzeit. Obwohl die bekannten Philosophenschulen in Athen nicht mehr existierten, hatten die vier philosophischen Richtungen des Hellenismus dennoch Verbreitung gefunden und wurden in privaten Schulen unterrichtet. Diese Schulen waren jedoch meist kurzlebig und hingen vom Erfolg des Lehrers ab. Philosophie wurde an den griechischen Gymnasien nicht gelehrt, stattdessen konzentrierte man sich auf Grammatik und Rhetorik. Im lateinischen Bereich führten enge Beziehungen führender Römer zu stoischen Philosophen zur Verbreitung der Lehren. Der Philosophieunterricht begann meist erst nach der Pubertät, und das Alter spielte eine wichtige Rolle bei der Seelenleitung. Das Greisenalter wurde als optimal angesehen, da der körperliche Verfall der freien Betätigung des Geistes entgegenkomme. Das Bild des philosophischen Unterrichtsbetriebes in der Kaiserzeit war somit sehr komplex. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bCAQ9Hlrduneobp

Der spätantike Philosoph. Die Lebenswelten der paganen Gelehrten und ihre hagiographische Ausgestaltung in den Philosophenviten von Porphyrios bis Damaskios, 2018
By: Hartmann, Udo

Title	Der spätantike Philosoph. Die Lebenswelten der paganen Gelehrten und ihre hagiographische Ausgestaltung in den Philosophenviten von Porphyrios bis Damaskios
Type	Monograph
Language	undefined
Date	2018
Publication Place	Bonn
Publisher	Rudolf Habelt Verlag
Series	Antiquitas Reihe I
Volume	72.1-3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hartmann, Udo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Dictionary of Scientific Biography. Volume XII: IBN RUSHD - JEAN-SERVAIS STAS, 1975
By: Gillispie, Charles Coulston (Ed.)

Title	Dictionary of Scientific Biography. Volume XII: IBN RUSHD - JEAN-SERVAIS STAS
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1975
Publication Place	New York
Publisher	Charles Scriber’s Sons
Volume	XII
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Gillispie, Charles Coulston
Translator(s)

The Dictionary of Scientific Biography is a scholarly reference work that was published from 1970 through 1980 by publisher Charles Scribner's Sons, with main editor the science historian Charles Gillispie, from Princeton University. It consisted of sixteen volumes. It is supplemented by the New Dictionary of Scientific Biography (2007). Both these publications are included in a later electronic book, called the Complete Dictionary of Scientific Biography.  [wikipedia]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zr2wPOTesQdHoAn

Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol V: de Paccius à Rutilius Rufus - Vb: de Plotina à Rutilius Rufus, 2012
By: Goulet, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol V: de Paccius à Rutilius Rufus - Vb: de Plotina à Rutilius Rufus
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2012
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	CNRS Éditions
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Goulet, Richard
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kVyktnhntO4rsCH

Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol. VI: de Sabinillus à Tyrsénos, 2016
By: Goulet, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol. VI: de Sabinillus à Tyrsénos
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2016
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	CNRS Éditions
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Goulet, Richard
Translator(s)

Umso erfreulicher ist es, dass nun alle Artikel vorliegen. Auch der letzte Band des Dictionnaire erfüllt die in ihn gesteckten Erwartungen: In gewohnter Qualität werden hier die Philosophen von U bis Z vorgestellt. Doch bietet der von Goulet sorgfältig redigierte Band weitaus mehr:1 Nach der Liste der Autoren des Bandes und der Abkürzungen (S. 9–82)2 und einem ersten Lexikonsteil, in dem die Philosophen mit den Anfangsbuchstaben U, V, X und Z aufgeführt werden (S. 85–451), folgen im zweiten Teil „Compléments“ (S. 453–1018), also Supplementeinträge zu Philosophen von A bis T, die in den früheren Bänden nicht aufgenommen wurden, und Ergänzung zu bereits publizierten Artikeln, etwa zu Aristoteles oder Heraklit. Die beiden Anhänge im dritten Teil des Bandes (S. 1019–1174) stellen die bislang im Dictionnaire noch nicht besprochenen philosophischen Schulen vor: In der sehr knapp gehaltenen und mit nur wenigen Literaturhinweisen versehenen „Annexe I“ bespricht Marco Di Branco Lykeion, Stoa und Epikurs Garten sowie die neuplatonische Schule von Apameia (S. 1019–1024), wobei er sich auf die baulichen Strukturen konzentriert und kaum etwas zu den Institutionen sagt; in der umfangreichen „Annexe II“ („Compléments“ zu P 333. Pythagore de Samos, S. 1025–1174) stellt Constantinos Macris die Pythagoreer, ihre Lehren und die pythagoreischen Traditionen bis in die Spätantike sowie das Nachleben bis in die Frühe Neuzeit vor, wobei Macris in erster Linie die umfängliche Literatur zu den verschiedenen Aspekten zusammenstellt.3

Den Abschluss des Bandes bildet ein Epimetrum (S. 1175–1217), in dem Goulet in Tabellen, Diagrammen und Übersichten eine statistische Auswertung zu den antiken Philosophen vorlegt. Goulet betrachtet dabei die Zugehörigkeit zu den antiken Philosophenschulen, Herkunft, Ausbildungsort und Geschlecht und analysiert die Angaben auch in der Abfolge der Jahrhunderte. Die Aussagekraft der statistischen Ergebnisse erschließt sich dem Leser allerdings nicht immer, da Goulet zumeist keine Interpretation bietet. Was bedeutet es etwa, wenn 19 Prozent aller bekannten Philosophen Platoniker und 8 Prozent Epikureer waren? Was heißt es, dass mit 105 Inschriften die meisten epigraphischen Zeugnisse für Philosophen aus dem 2. Jahrhundert stammen (gefolgt von 43 im 1. Jahrhundert)? Was bedeutet es, dass unter den Philosophinnen im 5. Jahrhundert v.Chr. die meisten Frauen Pythagoreerinnen (12) waren (gefolgt von 8 Epikureerinnen im 4. Jahrhundert v.Chr.)? Die Register (S. 1219–1465) erschließen die Eigennamen (und geben – wenn vorhanden – den prosopographischen Eintrag fett an), Namen und Begriffe aus den Werktiteln der antiken Philosophen sowie die Kommentare, Paraphrasen und antiken Übersetzungen zu philosophischen Werken aus allen Bänden des Dictionnaire. Die drei Register ermöglichen nun also eine hervorragende Orientierung in diesem umfangreichen Nachschlagewerk.

Im ersten Teil des siebenten Bandes werden alle bekannten Philosophen von Ulpianos von Gaza (Goulet, U 1, S. 85), einem Kommilitonen des Proklos in Alexandreia, bis zum Plotin-Schüler Zotikos (Luc Brisson, Z 44, S. 451) betrachtet. Die umfangreichsten Beiträge sind dabei den bekannten Philosophen gewidmet, so dem spätantiken Platoniker und Theologen Marius Victorinus (Lenka Karfíková, V 14, S. 153–166), zu dem ausführlich die Thesen über mögliche Einflüsse des Plotin, des Porphyrios, der Mittelplatoniker und der Neuplatoniker nach Porphyrios auf sein Denken vorgestellt werden, dem Vorsokratiker Xenophanes (Dominique Arnould / Goulet, X 15, S. 211–219), dem Schulhaupt der Akademie Xenokrates (Margherita Isnardi Parente, X 10, S. 194–208), dem Sokratiker Xenophon (Louis-André Dorion / Jörn Lang, X 19, S. 227–290), in dessen Eintrag auch der ‚Alte Oligarch‘ kurz besprochen wird, dem Eleaten Zenon (Daniel de Smet, Z 19, S. 346–363) sowie dem Begründer der Stoa, Zenon von Kition (Jean-Baptiste Gourinat / Lang, Z 20, S. 364–396). Dan Dana stellt das legendäre Material zum Geten Zalmoxis, dem Sklaven und Schüler des Pythagoras, vor (Z 3, S. 317–322). Aber auch in diesem Band finden sich neben den Philosophen wieder viele Gelehrte mit philosophischen Interessen: Lange Artikel erörtern so Leben und Werk sowie philosophische Beeinflussungen des Universalgelehrten M. Terentius Varro, der in Athen studiert hat (Yves Lehmann, V 5, S. 94–133), des Dichters Vergil (Régine Chambert, V 10, S. 136–147), dessen Bildungsweg ausführlich nachgezeichnet wird, des Theologen Zacharias Rhetor (Frédéric Alpi, Z 1, S. 301–308), dessen polemische Schriften gegen pagane Neuplatoniker genauer vorgestellt werden4, sowie des Alchemisten Zosimos von Panopolis (Matteo Martelli, Z 42, 447–450), der auch eine Platon-Vita verfaßt haben soll.5 Neben diesen prominenten Namen vereint der siebente Band aber auch wieder zahlreiche kaum bekannte Philosophen und viele nur an wenigen Stellen in philosophischen Werken erwähnte, schattenhafte Gelehrte wie den Skeptiker Xeniades von Korinth (Marie-Odile Goulet-Cazé, X 4, S. 189f.), den Diadochen Zenodotos an der Athener Schule aus dem späten 5. Jahrhundert, dessen Scholarchat Goulet jedoch bezweifelt (Z 10, S. 341f.)6, den Juden und Proklos-Schüler Zenon von Alexandreia (Goulet, Z 18, S. 345)7 oder den Stoiker Zenothemis, eine erfundene Gestalt aus einem Dialog Lukians (Patrick Robiano, Z 26, S. 417f.). Aufgenommen wurden schließlich einige nur epigraphisch bezeugte Philosophen und philosophierende Beamte wie der von Goulet als Epikureer gedeutete Ritter und praefectus Mesopotamiae et Osrhoenae L. Valerius Valerianus signo Dardanius (V 2, S. 89f.)8, der Stoiker P. Avianius Valerius (V 3, S. 90), der laut Bernadette Puech im 2. Jahrhundert im mysischen Hadrianoi wirkte9, der Platoniker Zosimos oder der Athener Stoiker Zosimianos (Puech, Z 41, S. 447; Z 43, S. 450).10

Im Supplementteil werden ebenfalls einige bekannte Philosophen besprochen, der ausführlichste Beitrag ist indes Pythagoras gewidmet (P 333, S. 681–884): Detailliert erörtert Macris hier die biographischen Traditionen über Pythagoras vom Zeitgenossen Xenophanes über die hellenistischen Viten bis zu Iamblichs Pythagoras-Schrift, die ikonographischen Zeugnisse sowie die Berichte über Pythagoras’ Leben, Schule und Lehren. Macris erschließt zudem in geradezu enzyklopädischer Weise die Literatur zu allen Aspekten (S. 681–850).11 Ergänzt wird diese Beitrag von einer Analyse der gnomologischen Tradition durch Katarzyna Prochenko (S. 851–860) sowie der syrischen und arabischen Überlieferung durch Anna Izdebska (S. 860–884). Etwas künstlich wirkt indes die Auslagerung der Besprechung der Pythagoreer durch Macris in die bereits erwähnte „Annexe II“, läßt sich die Tradition doch kaum scharf in Berichte über Pythagoras und über die Pythagoreer und deren Lehren trennen. Ausführliche Beiträge stellen zudem den Theologen und Exegeten Didymos den Blinden (Marco Zambon, D 106a, S. 485–513), den Theologen Gregor von Nyssa und sein Verhältnis zur Philosophie (Matthieu Cassin, G 34a, S. 534–571), den Pythagoreer Philolaos (Macris, P 143, S. 637–667) und den Sokratiker Simmias von Theben (Macris, S 86, S. 904–933) vor. Aber auch im Supplementteil finden sich viele in den früheren Bänden übersehene, wenig bekannte Philosophen, die oft bloße Namen bleiben, halblegendäre Personen wie Themistokleia, eine Priesterin aus Delphi und ‚Lehrerin‘ des Pythagoras (Macris, T 39a, S. 963–965), sowie erfundene, literarische Gestalten wie die sicherlich fiktiven Dialogpartner Aigyptos und Euxitheos im Theophrastos des Aineas von Gaza (Goulet, A 59a, S. 456; E 182a, 525).12 Ergänzt werden im Supplementteil zudem einige lediglich epigraphisch bezeugte Philosophen wie T. Coponius Maximus (Puech, M 72a, S. 607–608), einige philosophieinteressierte Gelehrte wie der Mediziner Magnos von Nisibis (Richard Goulet / Véronique Boudon-Millot, M 13a, S. 584–588) sowie bildungsbeflissene Beamte wie der comes Orientis Iulianus, den Libanios als Philosoph beschreibt (epist. 1261, 4–5; Goulet, I 43a, S. 579), oder der praefectus Augustalis Pentadios (Goulet, P 78a, S. 633).13 Der Sophist und Hermogenes-Kommentator Euagoras wurde von Goulet ergänzt, da Syrianus ihn als Philosophen qualifiziert (E 182b, S. 525).14 Bislang unbeachtet blieb in allen Prosopographien der bei Pappos von Alexandreia erwähnte ‚Philosoph‘ Hierios, der im frühen 4. Jahrhundert in Alexandreia Mathematik unterrichtete (Goulet, H 119a, S. 578).15 Ob allerdings der auch als Schriftsteller tätige Augustus seinen knappen Eintrag im Supplementteil des Philosophenlexikons wirklich verdient hat (Yasmina Benferhat, O 7a, S. 626), kann man sicher bezweifeln.

Auch der siebente und letzte Band des Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques erfasst somit in hervorragender Weise das Quellenmaterial und die Forschungen zu den Philosophen von U bis Z und bietet im Supplementteil wichtige Ergänzungen zu den bislang erschienenen Bänden, deren Inhalt nun auch durch das umfängliche Gesamtregister erfasst werden kann. Der gut gebundene und relativ preiswerte Band sollte daher in keiner altertumswissenschaftlichen Bibliothek fehlen. Man kann den Autoren der Beiträge und allen voran dem Herausgeber Goulet nur für ihre sorgfältige und hervorragende Arbeit danken, dank der nun nach knapp drei Jahrzehnten ein ausgezeichnetes Nachschlagewerk vorliegt, das die Welt der antiken Philosophen vollständig erschließt.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tuaXpGlzy0XByyW

Did Iamblichus Write a Commentary on the De Anima?, 1974
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Did Iamblichus Write a Commentary on the De Anima?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1974
Journal	Hermes
Volume	102
Issue	4
Pages	540–556
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Bearing  in  mind  the  reservations  already  made,  what  conclusions  can  we draw?  In the first place, it is fair to say that the evidence from Simplicius does, taken  overall,  suggest  that  Iamblichus did not  write a commentary on  the de Anima. Consideration of  Stephanus'  commentary on de Anima G points in the same  direction,  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  that  commentary  contains 
a reference to  Iamblichus'  that  looks  more like  a  quotation from  a de  Anima commentary  than  any  other  that  we  have.  Philoponus  is  less  helpful,  as  are other  members  of  the  Alexandrian  school.  He  certainly  gives  no  positive indication  that  Iamblichus  wrote  a  commentary,  but  for  the  reasons  that  we have given,  the lack  of  such positive  evidence  in  his case does not  amount  to 
anything  like  conclusive  negative  evidence.  We  cannot  entirely  rule  out  the possibility  that  Iamblichus  did  write  a  commentary,  either  on  the  de  Anima as  a whole,  or on some extended part  of  it,  but it seems probably that he  did 
not.  If  he  did  it  would  certainly  be  fair  to  say  that  his  commentary  was probably  of  no  great  importance.  Discussions  of  isolated  texts  of  Aristotle are  another  matter:  they  are  only  to  be  expected  in  the  work  of  any  Neoplatonist. [conclusion, p. 556]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sl42R04H6zbpEIJ

Did Melissus Believe in Incorporeal Being?, 1958
By: Booth, N. B.

Title	Did Melissus Believe in Incorporeal Being?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1958
Journal	The American Journal of Philology
Volume	79
Issue	1
Pages	61-65
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Booth, N. B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

These questions are difficult to answer; but I think that the difficulty of answering them shows that we should not be too dogmatic about the general interpretation of the fragment. It looks to me—and apparently it looked to Burnet and Zeller also—as if the argument is in the form of a dialectical refutation of pluralist assumptions. Vlastos and Raven see it in a different light; they are entitled to their opinion, but it should be clearly realized that it is an opinion, and not a certainty. [conclusion p. 65]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vYpN7DrahtfkniN

Did Plotinus and Porphyry Disagree on Aristotle's "Categories"?, 2001
By: Haas, Frans A. J. de

Title	Did Plotinus and Porphyry Disagree on Aristotle's "Categories"?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	46
Issue	4
Pages	492-526
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper I propose a reading of Plotinus Enneads VI.1-3 [41-43] On the genera of being which regards this treatise as a coherent whole in which Aristotle's Categories is explored in a way that turns it into a decisive contribution to Plotinus' Platonic ontology. In addition, I claim that Porphyry's Isagoge and commentaries on the Categories start by adopting Plotinus' point of view, including his notion of genus, and proceed by explaining its consequences for a more detailed reading of the Categories. After Plotinus' integration of the Categories into the Platonic frame of thought Porphyry saw the possibilities of exploiting the Peripatetic tradition both as a means to support the Platonic interpretation of the Categories and as a source for solutions to traditional questions. His allegiance to a division of being into ten, and his emphasis on semantics rather than ontology can be explained from this orientation. In the light of our investigation the alleged disagreement between Plotinus and Porphyry on the Categories changes its appearance completely. There are differences, but these can be best explained as confirmation and extension of Plotinus' perspective on the Categories and its role in Platonism. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yjxJiXgPDTM8LDJ

Did Theophrastus Reject Aristotle's Account of Place?, 2010
By: Morison, Benjamin

Title	Did Theophrastus Reject Aristotle's Account of Place?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	55
Issue	1
Pages	68-103
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Morison, Benjamin
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It is commonly held that Theophrastus criticized or rejected Aristotle's account of place. The evidence that scholars put forward for this view, from Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Physics, comes in two parts: (1) Simplicius reports some aporiai that Theophras tus found for Aristotle's account; (2) Simplicius cites a passage of Theophrastus which is said to 'bear witness' to the theory of place which Simplicius himself adopts (that of his teacher Damascius) - a theory which is utterly different from Aristotle's. But the aporiai have relatively straightforward solutions, and we have no  reason to suppose that Theophras tus didn't avail himself of  them (and some reason to think that he did). Moreover, the text which Simplicius cites as bearing witness to Damascius' view on closer inspection does not seem to be inconsistent with Aristotle's account of place or natural motion. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GbvOxzvRrwDkAHd

Die Beweise für die Unbewegtheit und Unveränderlichkeit des Seienden (MXG 974 a 14 - b 8), 1974
By: Wiesner, Jürgen, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Die Beweise für die Unbewegtheit und Unveränderlichkeit des Seienden (MXG 974 a 14 - b 8)
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1974
Published in	PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus
Pages	99-164
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Wenn (a) kai touto sôma, wie es den Anschein hat, noch zu dem Zitat hôs autos legei gehört, kann diese Angabe nur aus einer Sekundärquelle geschöpft sein; aber auch falls (b) hôs autos legei, wie Apelt annimmt, allein auf ev zu beziehen ist und kai touto sôma bereits ein eigenständiger Zusatz des MXG-Autors ist, kann diesem die Aussage des Originals kaum bekannt gewesen sein. Denn in seiner Stellungnahme geht der Anonymus, selbst wenn er z.T. inadäquate Ausdeutungen daran anknüpft (z.B. homoion als homoimeres), prinzipiell von den ihm bekannten Thesen des Melissos aus. Die Annahme von sôma und mere für den Eleaten kann daher eigentlich nur bedeuten, dass dessen wirkliche Ansichten dem Autor nicht vorlagen, ihm also offenbar keine über das Referat hinausgehenden Positionen des Melissos verfügbar waren.

Gegen das Zeugnis des Simplikios lassen sich somit die Angaben von MXG, wie es Zeller wollte, nicht ausspielen. Der Neuplatoniker sagt mit Recht Unkörperlichkeit für das melisseische Seiende aus; wenn er von diesem als ideellem, vollkommenem im Gegensatz zum körperlichen, kontingenten Seienden spricht (Simpl. Phys. 650,5) und in der Paraphrase den Terminus to haplôs on anwendet (Phys. 103,18-19), darf der Abstand zu dem ideellen Seienden des mit Platon einsetzenden Dualismus natürlich nicht übersehen werden. Die Eleaten verbleiben auf der Ebene dieses Seins, wie es Aristoteles (Cael. I 1, 298b21 ff.) sehr deutlich formuliert: Sie hätten nichts außer den tôn aisthetôn ousia angenommen, auf die sie die für die Existenz von Wissen notwendigen, von ihnen zuerst erkannten Charakteristika des eigentlichen Seins übertragen hätten.

Melissos ist dabei radikaler als Parmenides verfahren: Dieser hatte – stets unter Bezug auf dieses Sein – nach einem Aufriss gemäß den Forderungen des Denkens dann in der Doxa-Lehre den geläufigen Anschauungen in gewisser Weise Rechnung getragen; demgegenüber betrachtet Melissos dieses Sein allein unter dem Gesichtspunkt der deduzierten Prädikate. Einen mit Parmenides vergleichbaren Doxateil, wie es Reinhardt annehmen wollte, gibt es bei ihm nicht; wohl aber gibt es, wie die voraufgehenden Untersuchungen gezeigt haben, einen zweiten Teil der Schrift des Melissos, in dem pluralistische Konzeptionen wie Vielheit und Mischung am eleatischen Einen und seinen Eigenschaften gemessen und abgelehnt wurden.

In diesen Zusammenhang ließ sich auch das umstrittene fr. B9 einordnen, dessen sprachliche Formulierung enge Berührungen mit B8 aufweist: ei ... eiê bezieht sich auf die gegnerische Konzeption (B9 wie B8,6), die im Falle einer wirklichen Existenz dem Kriterium des eleatischen Einen genügen müsste (dei-Satz in B9, kei-Sätze in B8,6; B8,2). Wenn nun, wie es in B9 weiter heißt, sôma und pachos Teile implizieren, musste Melissos für das Seiende eine solche Körperlichkeit ausschließen. [conclusion p. 163-164]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rdmGYdcJSPKrtIL

Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik, 1969
By: Tsouyopoulos, Nelly

Title	Die Entstehung physikalischer Terminologie aus der neuplatonischen Metaphysik
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1969
Journal	Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume	13
Pages	7-33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tsouyopoulos, Nelly
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die Methoden,  welche in  den neoplatonischen Schulen  zum Aufbau  eines 
metaphysischen  Systems  entwickelt  wurden,  erwiesen  sich  sehr  geeignet  für 
die  Überwindung  mancher  Vorurteile  der  traditionellen  griechischen  Wis
senschaft  und  zugleich  für  eine  Neuorientierung  des  naturwissenschaft
lichen  Denkens.  Unter  den  vielen  Faktoren,  welche  die  Entwicklung  in 
dieser  Richtung  positiv  beeinflußt  haben,  sei  zunächst  die  große  Bedeut- 
tung  erwähnt,  welche  alle  Neoplatoniker  der  Mathematik  beigemessen 
haben.  Vorab  ihre  Überzeugung,  daß  die  μαθηματικοί  λόγοι  auf  eindeutige 
Weise  die  gesamte  Wirklichkeit  bestimmen  und  das  Definierbare  in  den 
theoretischen  und  empirischen  Wissenschaften  darstellen.  Die  Neigung 
dann  zur  Mystik,  die  Beschäftigung  mit  den  Orakeln,  das  Praktizieren 
der  Theurgie  und  die  ganze  Auseinandersetzung  mit  dem  orientalischen 
Kult,  welche  neben  dem  Hineinbringen  irrationaler  Elemente  in  die  her
kömmlichen  Denkweisen  auch  ein  anderes  Resultat  hatten:  Die  Umwand
lung  des  Erfahrungsbegriffs  und  des  ganzen  Modus  des  Begreifens  der 
Phänomene,  was die traditionelle Wissenschaft  dringend benötigte.  Die Be
grenzung  der  Erfahrung  auf  das  sinnliche  Bewußtsein  und  die  Wahrneh
mung,  die  vor  allem  die  peripatetische  Schule  charakterisierte,  brachte  all
mählich  das  naturwissenschaftliche  Denken  zur  Stagnation,  indem  sie  eine 
quantitative  Erfassung  nicht  direkt  gegebener  Größen  wie  Masse,  Träg
heit,  Energie  unmöglich machte.  Es  ist  also  keine  Paradoxie,  wenn  Gedan
ken  und  Methoden  aus  der  neoplatonischen  Tradition  den  Weg  der  wis
senschaftlichen Abstraktion bahnten, indem sie das Bemühen um Erklärung 
der  Phänomene  gleichermaßen  von  der  bloßen  Spekulation  wie  vom 
primitiven  Realismus  abzubringen  vermochten.  Im  folgenden  wird  der 
Versuch  unternommen,  an  gewissen  Beispielen  diese  Entwicklung  zu 
demonstrieren. [introduction p. 7]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tStPtUxNAaSBrFw

Title	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	2018
Publication Place	Berlin – Boston
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Philosophie der Antike
Volume	36
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Strobel, Benedikt
Translator(s)

This volume uses prominent case examples to examine the amalgam of exegetical and philosophical interests that characterize the literature of Neoplatonist commentary in late antiquity. The essays consistently reveal the linguistic difficulties encountered by the commentators due to the complex relationship between Platonic and Aristotelian theory.

Online Resources

Die Neuplatonischen Aristoteleskommentatoren über die Ursachen der Pseudepigraphie, 1969
By: Müller, Carl Werner

Title	Die Neuplatonischen Aristoteleskommentatoren über die Ursachen der Pseudepigraphie
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1969
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	112
Issue	2
Pages	120-126
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Müller, Carl Werner
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die ausführliche Darbietung des Materials und der eingehende Vergleich der einzelnen Zeugnisse waren notwendig, um zu zeigen, dass der Fortschritt, der sich bei den Neuplatonikern gegenüber Galen in der Bewältigung des Problems der literarischen Fälschung feststellen lässt, nicht auf einer älteren oder vollständigeren Tradition basiert. Vielmehr liegt eine Entwicklung vor, die – von der Aristoteleskommentierung des Ammonios ausgehend – sich innerhalb der Schule von Alexandrien vollzieht und deren verschiedene Stadien noch deutlich erkennbar sind.

Es ist ferner kein Zufall, dass gerade die pythagoreischen Schriften auf diese Weise vor dem Verdikt der Fälschung aus „niederen Motiven“ gerettet werden. Zugleich aber blieb der alexandrinische Neuplatonismus kritisch genug, die Pythagoras-Schwärmerei der Platoniker auf ein philologisch-historisch vertretbares Maß herabzustimmen, indem er die pythagoreischen Schriften nicht als von Pythagoras verfasst, sondern als Manifestationen der Wirkungsgeschichte des großen Mannes verstand. [conclusion p. 125-126]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yDXuCvfx6f6Eun7

Title	Die Philosophie der Antike (Band 5: Philosophie der Kaiserzeit und der Spätantike) (= Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie: Die Philosophie der Antike. Band 5/3)
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	2018
Publication Place	Basel
Publisher	Schwabe
Volume	5/3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Riedweg, Christoph , Horn, Christoph , Wyrwa, Dietmar
Translator(s)

Mehr als fünfzig international auf ihrem Gebiet führende Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler präsentieren in diesem fünften und letzten Band der Reihe «Die Philosophie der Antike» das überaus facettenreiche pagane, jüdische und frühchristliche philosophische Erbe der ersten sieben Jahrhunderte nach Christus – einer Periode, in der die Grundlagen nicht nur der abendländischen und byzantinischen, sondern auch der islamischen Denktradition gelegt worden sind. Mit den detaillierten und umfassenden Darstellungen, die den neuesten Stand der philosophiegeschichtlichen Forschung reflektieren, zielt das Werk darauf ab, für die Philosophie der Kaiserzeit und der Spätantike zur ersten Anlaufstelle für Forschende der Altertumswissenschaften, aber auch der Theologie, der Philosophie, der Judaistik und der Islamwissenschaft sowie allgemein der Geisteswissenschaften zu werden.

Der Disposition liegt die Überzeugung zugrunde, dass mit der paganen und der jüdisch-christlichen Philosophie nicht etwa zwei große weltanschauliche Blöcke gegeneinander abzugrenzen und somit isoliert zu betrachten sind, sondern dass es angemessener ist, diese in ihrem lebendigen Austausch miteinander darzustellen. Entsprechend wurde für den Bandaufbau ein Mischprinzip gewählt, bei dem die chronologische Folge die zentrale Rolle spielt, zudem aber auch das Lehrer-Schüler-Verhältnis, die Schulzugehörigkeit eines Autors und schließlich ebenfalls seine religiöse Orientierung und seine geografische Situierung berücksichtigt werden. So gelingt es, die zum Teil überraschenden Interdependenzen zwischen Autoren und Schulen, die durchaus religionsübergreifend festzustellen sind, deutlicher herauszuarbeiten. Die faszinierende, bis heute in unserer Kultur stark nachwirkende Epoche wird auf diese Art äußerst plastisch beschrieben und für die Gegenwart erschlossen.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kuKt9IQVMLlHfbR

Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung, 1903
By: Zeller, Edward

Title	Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1903
Publication Place	Leipzig
Publisher	Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zeller, Edward
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Das erstmals zwischen 1844 und 1852 erschienene Werk ›Die Philosophie der Griechen. Eine Untersuchung über Charakter, Gang und Hauptmomente ihrer Entwicklung‹ gilt als eine der monumentalsten philosophischen Studien der Geschichte. In nie wieder erreichter Vollständigkeit und Geschlossenheit beschreibt Eduard Zeller hier den Entwicklungsgang der Philosophie Griechenlands. Als Übersichts- und Grundlagenwerk ist ›Der Zeller‹ auch heute noch von großer Bedeutung. Hervorhebenswert an der Arbeit Eduard Zellers ist vor allem, dass er eine akribische Quellenarbeit mit systematisch-philosophischem Interesse verbindet. Obwohl ein klassischer Gelehrter des 19. Jahrhunderts, philosophiert er in modernem wissenschaftlichen Sinne. Zeller, der den Begriff ›Erkenntnistheorie‹ überhaupt erst in die philosophische Diskussion eingeführt hat, hat mit der ›Philosophie der Griechen‹ ein Werk geschaffen, dessen Bedeutung auch im 21. Jahrhundert unbestritten ist. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wqWO03gtyLISydF

Die Polemik des Simplicius gegen Alexander und Andere in dem Commentar des ersteren zu der aristotelischen Schrif de coelo, 1897
By: Zahlfleisch, Johann

Title	Die Polemik des Simplicius gegen Alexander und Andere in dem Commentar des ersteren zu der aristotelischen Schrif de coelo
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1897
Journal	Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume	10
Issue	3
Pages	191-227
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zahlfleisch, Johann
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In dem Artikel geht es um die Polemik des Simplicius gegen Alexander im Zusammenhang mit der aristotelischen Schrift De Caelo. Während Alexander behauptet, dass es in der Schrift um die physikalischen Verhältnisse der Himmelssphäre geht, argumentiert Simplicius, dass es Aristoteles vielmehr darum geht, die letzte Ursache in der Leitung der Welt anzugeben. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4kk7bZgKnVIHNFv

Die Prinzipienlehre des Moderatos von Gades. Zu Simplikios in Ph. 230,34-231,24 Diels, 2000
By: Tornau, Christian

Title	Die Prinzipienlehre des Moderatos von Gades. Zu Simplikios in Ph. 230,34-231,24 Diels
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2000
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	143
Issue	2
Pages	197-220
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tornau, Christian
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rTQ3u49mTZLsZxs

Die Schrift De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia in der neueren Forschung, 1974
By: Wiesner, Jürgen, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Die Schrift De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia in der neueren Forschung
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1974
Published in	PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus
Pages	17-41
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Gigon nennt den Abschnitt zwar "bedeutend schlechter" als das Gorgias-Referat, doch blicke der Text des Melissos unverkennbar durch. Calogero stellt das Nebeneinander von wörtlicher Nähe zum Original und von Unexaktheiten fest, die sich in der falschen Abfolge einzelner Prädikate und der Hinzufügung von Theorien (Mischungslehre) äußerten, und denkt daher an eine Wiedergabe der Melissos-Schrift aus dem Gedächtnis. Untersteiner schreibt einige dialektische Ausarbeitungen und die Hinzufügung der Mischungslehre dem Megariker zu.

Während bei diesen Forschern der Melissos-Abschnitt als im Ganzen wertvoll bezeichnet wird, hat Loenen ein völlig negatives Urteil abgegeben: Der Bericht enthalte einerseits Hinzufügungen aller Art, vor allem Unterscheidungen von im Original nicht vorhandenen Möglichkeiten (Entstehung von allem oder nicht allem 974a3-9, Bewegung ins Volle oder ins Leere 974a16-18, Mischungslehre 974a21-b2), andererseits Auslassungen, z.B. fehle die Erklärung wichtiger Termini wie etwa des homoeomeries-Begriffs. Dem Bericht könne deshalb historischer Wert nicht zuerkannt werden.

Es soll nun der Melissos-Abschnitt mit dem Original verglichen werden, um den Grad der Authentizität und die Art eventueller Zusätze genau zu ermitteln. Dies bedeutet zugleich den Versuch, bei einem Abschnitt mit günstiger Vergleichslage Kriterien für die Beurteilung des umstrittenen, quellenmäßig weit weniger gesicherten Xenophanes-Referats zu gewinnen. [conclusion p. 40-41]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dnhawLwLUUqppPb

Die Stellung des Neuplatonikers Simplikios zum Verhältnis der Philosophie zu Religion und Theurgie, 2002
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Kobusch, Theo (Ed.), Erler, Michael (Ed.)

Title	Die Stellung des Neuplatonikers Simplikios zum Verhältnis der Philosophie zu Religion und Theurgie
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2002
Published in	Metaphysik und Religion: Zur Signatur des spätantiken Denkens / Akten des Internationalen Kongresses vom 13.-17. März 2001 in Würzburg
Pages	323-342
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Kobusch, Theo , Erler, Michael
Translator(s)

Der Epiktetkommentar ist dazu bestimmt, dem Leser die sittlichen Grundhaltungen zu vermitteln, ohne die es für ihn nicht förderlich ist, ein Studium der Philosophie zu beginnen. Da es sich somit um eine allgemein gehaltene Einführung handelt, die den Erwerb der bürgerlichen Tugenden mit Hilfe der neuplatonischen Kommentierung des Handbüchleins des Epiktet zum Ziel hat, wird im Verfolg des zu kommentierenden Textes eine breite Palette von philosophischen Fragen kurz angesprochen, ohne in die Tiefen des philosophischen Systems vorzudringen. Es ist daher unerlässlich, bei der Interpretierung des Epiktetkommentars über die traditionellen neuplatonischen Lehren informiert zu sein, wenn man den dogmatischen Hintergrund der Darlegungen des Simplikios erfassen will: Die Aneignung der ersten Stufe des neuplatonischen Tugendkanons, der politischen Tugenden, die erklärterweise das Ziel des Kommentars zum Handbüchlein des Epiktet ist, geht mit der Ausübung der Kultriten einher, wenn sie wohl auch im Allgemeinen zur Zeit des Simplikios nur noch im privaten Rahmen stattfinden konnten. Es gibt keine Anhaltspunkte dafür, daß Simplikios eine im Vergleich zu Jamblich, Hierokles und Proklos abweichende Haltung gegenüber dem Verhältnis der Philosophie zu Religion und Theurgie eingenommen hätte, d. h. daß, bei aller Wichtigkeit und Unerlässlichkeit der Theurgie, auch für ihn die Philosophie mit ihrer rationalen Erfassung der metaphysischen Themen eine unabdingbare Voraussetzung bleibt. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0gw38rZ6TRENJZm

Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unvergänglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12, 1969
By: Mau, Jürgen

Title	Die Welt, Ungeworden und Unvergänglch: Interpretation und Textkritik zu Aristoteles, De caelo A 11-12
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1969
Journal	Hermes
Volume	97
Issue	2
Pages	198-204
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mau, Jürgen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Wir dürfen also eine Argumentation erwarten, der Form: „Wenn für jedes Subjekt gilt: Es kann nicht geworden und unvergänglich sein, dann gilt es auch für den Himmel. Nun gilt es für jedes, also auch für den Himmel.“ Dieser Beweis – besser: diese Beweise, denn es handelt sich nicht um eine Elementatio, wie Aristoteles sie für die Geometrie kannte und wie, aus Aristoteles schöpfend, 700 Jahre später Proklos sie für Physik und Theologie schrieb – finden sich in Kap. 12. Kap. 11 liefert die zum Beweisen notwendigen Definitionen für ἀγένητον (280b 6), γενητόν (280b 14), φθαρτόν (280b 20), ἄφθαρτον (280b 25), ἀδύνατον (280b 12) und ἀδύνατον-δυνατόν in eingeschränkter Bedeutung noch einmal in 281a 7–19.

Der erste Beweis für die Unhaltbarkeit der Position Platons läuft von Kap. 12 Anfang (281a 28) bis 282a 25. Seine Konklusion lautet 282a 21: „Somit ist das Immerseiende weder dem Werden unterliegend (γενητόν) noch dem Vergehen, dasselbe gilt für das Immernichtseiende.“ Das folgende zweite Argument beweist, dass, wenn etwas ist und dem Werden bzw. Vergehen nicht unterliegt, es immerwährend ist. Da nach der Definition für ἀγένητον und ἄφθαρτον (282a 27) deren Konjunktion das Immerwährende einschließt, wird untersucht, ob γενητόν und φθαρτόν bzw. ἀγένητον und ἄφθαρτον sich gegenseitig implizieren (ἀκολουθεῖ ἀλλήλοις), ob also, wenn z. B. ἀγένητον gegeben ist, das αἰώνιον bereits mitgegeben ist. Der Beweis für Letzteres schließt mit der Konklusion 282b 23: „Es folgen also auseinander das dem Werden und dem Vergehen Unterliegende.“ Der auf Grund von Topik B 8. 113b 17ff. eigentlich einfache Beweis für die Äquivalenz der beiden Negate, also ἀγένητον = ἄφθαρτον, macht Aristoteles merkwürdigerweise Schwierigkeiten (282b 23–283a 3).

Von 283a 4 bis zum Schluss des Buches werden weitere Möglichkeiten gezeigt, wie man in der Diskussion demjenigen antworten kann, der sagt: „Warum soll denn nicht etwas Gewordenes unvergänglich sein?“ Hier soll das Argument 1 analysiert werden. [introduction p. 198]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4HHd88Jx3Rv3qEZ

Die Widerlegung des Manichäismus im Epiktetkommentar des Simplikios, 1969
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Die Widerlegung des Manichäismus im Epiktetkommentar des Simplikios
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1969
Journal	Archiv fur Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume	51
Issue	1
Pages	31-57
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Wir haben gesehen, dass Simplikios seiner kurzen Abhandlung über den Manichäismus einen durchaus kunstvollen Aufbau zu geben wusste. Obwohl sie in den großen Zusammenhang seines Epiktetkommentars eingebaut ist, bildet sie doch in sich ein abgerundetes Ganzes. Was die Art seiner Argumentation betrifft, so findet sich in ihr wohl kaum ein Gedanke, der sich nicht schon so oder ähnlich bei Alexander von Lykopolis, Titus von Bostra, Epiphanios oder Augustinus ausgedrückt fände. Das soll natürlich nicht unbedingt heißen, dass Simplikios einen von diesen Schriftstellern direkt benutzt hätte; vielmehr ist damit zu rechnen, dass sich sehr bald ein festes Schema antimanichäischer Polemik herausgebildet hatte – etwa so, wie es in hellenistischer Zeit bestimmte Argumentationsschemata gab, die zum Gemeingut der philosophischen Widerlegung von Epikureern und Stoikern geworden waren.

Besondere Aufmerksamkeit verdient die kleine Abhandlung des Simplikios eher dadurch, dass sie Anspielungen auf Lehren der Manichäer enthält, deren Hintergrund, soweit ich sehe, bis heute nicht genügend erhellt ist. In welcher Umgebung hat man den manichäischen Weisen zu suchen, dem Simplikios seine Information über die manichäische Kosmogonie verdankt? Stammte diese Bekanntschaft aus der Zeit seiner Studien in Alexandrien, oder hatte Simplikios mit dem Manichäer anlässlich seines Aufenthaltes in Persien bei dem philosophisch interessierten König Chosrau sprechen können, der ja für seine Diskussionsveranstaltungen – unter anderem über die Frage, ob man ein oder zwei Prinzipien aller Dinge anzunehmen habe – bekannt war?

Wie Prächter aus philosophisch-dogmatischen Gründen auf eine frühe, d. h. vor der Übersiedlung des Simplikios nach Athen gelegene Entstehungszeit des Epiktetkommentars schließt, besteht meines Erachtens kein Grund, da keineswegs wichtige Differenzen zwischen dem Neuplatonismus des Epiktetkommentars und dem der athenischen Schule bestehen. Im Gegenteil, stellenweise ist ein starker Einfluss des Proklos nachzuweisen. Aus der Bemerkung des Simplikios, dass ihm die Gelegenheit, Epiktet zu kommentieren, unter den gegenwärtigen Zeitumständen sehr willkommen gewesen sei, glaube ich eher auf eine nach dem Edikt Justinians gelegene Entstehungszeit schließen zu dürfen. Eine Begegnung mit manichäischen Lehren im asiatischen Bereich und deren Aufnahme in den Kommentar lagen somit immerhin im Bereich des Möglichen.

Das Anliegen des vorliegenden Aufsatzes ist es daher, diese teilweise aus den textlichen Veränderungen noch deutlicher hervortretenden Probleme, auf die ich im Zusammenhang mit den Arbeiten zu einer Neuausgabe des Epiktetkommentars gestoßen bin, wieder einmal aufzuwerfen und, wenn möglich, dem Interesse der Fachleute dieses so schwierigen Gebietes zu empfehlen. [conclusion p. 56-57]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YbXwCc1R01MthxV

Die philosophischen Kommentare aus der Antike. Ein Überblick mit ausgewählten Literaturangaben, 2007
By: Perkams, Matthias

Title	Die philosophischen Kommentare aus der Antike. Ein Überblick mit ausgewählten Literaturangaben
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2007
Journal	Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Philosophie
Volume	32
Issue	1
Pages	51-79
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ein typisches Beispiel für einen systematisch anspruchsvoll argumentierenden Kommentar, auf den viele der hier genannten Merkmale zutreffen, ist der De anima-Kommentar des Neuplatonikers Priskian von Lydien, eines Zeitgenossen und Bekannten des Damaskios und Simplikios um 530. Der Autor setzt es sich zu Beginn seines Kommentars ausdrücklich zum Ziel, sich bei der Auslegung des aristotelischen Textes und der Klärung der hierbei bestehenden Zweifel nach Möglichkeit an die sachliche Wahrheit (alētheia tōn pragmatōn) zu halten. Dabei will er diese nicht einfach aus dem Text ableiten, sondern orientiert sich bewusst an der Seelenlehre Jamblichs (3. Jh.), des eigentlichen Begründers des spätneuplatonischen Systems (1, 18–20).

Diese Zugangsweise stellt den Kommentator freilich vor schwierige inhaltliche Probleme: Zum einen gilt es, Aristoteles’ Seelenlehre richtig zu verstehen, die davon ausgeht, dass die Seele schlichtweg das Lebensprinzip des menschlichen Körpers und eben dadurch definiert ist. Andererseits muss Priskian den Intentionen Jamblichs gerecht werden, dessen Neuplatonismus der Transzendenz auch des menschlichen Geistes und damit einer Art Leib-Seele-Dualismus verpflichtet bleibt.

Um beiden Ansprüchen genügen zu können, entwickelt der Kommentator eine komplexe Theorie der menschlichen Seele, die das neuplatonische Menschenbild nicht unwesentlich variiert und verfeinert: Erstens führt Priskian in den für Aristoteles’ Seelenlehre zentralen Begriff der Entelechie bzw. Formursache eine Unterscheidung zwischen einer Formursächlichkeit als Gestaltprinzip des leib-seelischen Wesens und einer Formursächlichkeit als dessen Bewegungsprinzip ein (4,12–5,5). Das letztere Prinzip findet Priskian in Aristoteles’ Aussage, der Geist könne möglicherweise auch so im Körper sein wie ein Schiffer auf einem Schiff (De anima II 1, 413a 6–9).

Für Priskian gibt es die Unterschiedenheit zwischen formender und bewegender Entelechie jedoch nicht nur (und nicht in erster Linie, wie noch deutlich werden wird) auf der Ebene der rationalen Seele bzw. des menschlichen Nous, sondern auch auf den Seelenstufen des Vegetativen und des Sensitiven, wobei beim Vegetativen der formende Charakter stark überwiegt.

Für die Ebene des Nous reicht diese Differenzierung jedoch nicht aus; denn auch ein Bewegungsprinzip ist nach neuplatonischer Vorstellung als solches notwendig mit dem Körper verbunden, während es für den aristotelischen Nous ganz unangemessen ist, dass er überhaupt in irgendeiner notwendigen Verbindung zum Körper steht (227,6–32). Priskian antwortet mit einer feingliedrigen Differenzierung des Nous-Begriffs, wobei die Einheit und Vielheit der verschiedenen unterschiedenen Stufen mit Hilfe der neuplatonischen Idee einer triadischen Dynamik des Geistigen verstanden werden muss.

Grundlegend ist der Gedanke, dass der Nous im Menschen, verstanden als sein alltägliches, gleichsam empirisches Selbst, sich entweder ganz von der Verbindung mit Körperlichem lösen und sich dem bloßen Denken zuwenden oder aber durch die eingegangene Verbindung mit dem Körper nur potentiell zu einem derartigen Denken befähigt sein kann. Priskian schildert diesen Gegensatz jedoch nicht nur, wie andere Neuplatoniker, als eine bloße Wahlmöglichkeit der rationalen Seele zwischen einer Wendung nach oben – zum Geistigen – oder nach unten – zum Körperlichen –, sondern er stellt ihn als eine Zuwendung der Seele zu ihrem eigentlichen, idealen Selbst dar, das als transzendentales Subjekt ihres Denkens zu gelten hat und damit das Denken eigentlich erst „bewirkt“ (das ist seine Interpretation des aristotelischen aktiven Geistes).

Dieses ideale Selbst ist aber nicht, wie Plotin annimmt, völlig konstant, sondern es entwickelt und verändert sich zusammen mit der Ebene unseres alltäglichen Denkens, das erst durch eine Rückwendung zum Geistigen auch eine volle Wiederherstellung seines transzendentalen Selbst bewirken kann (220,2–25; 240,2–241,26). Unser Geist ist daher „von sich selbst entfremdet“ (allotriōthen heautou; 223,26), und unser Leben eine dauerhafte Suche nach der Wiedergewinnung der Einheit von empirischem und idealem Selbst.

Diese kann erreicht werden durch eine Selbsterkenntnis, bei der sich das empirische Selbst als sein ideales Selbst erkennt und zu diesem wird; um diesen Prozess zu erklären, wendet Priskian die neuplatonische Idee einer geistigen Bewegung aus Bleiben, Hervorgehen und Zurückkehren (monē, prohodos, epistrophē) auf den menschlichen Geist an, was hier nicht im Detail nachvollzogen werden kann.

Dieser sehr grobe Überblick über einen ebenso scharfsinnigen wie schwierigen und voraussetzungsreichen Text zeigt in besonders extremer Form, mit welchen systematischen Interessen nicht wenige Kommentatoren an ihre Texte herantraten; häufig lässt sich im kommentierten Text allenfalls der Anlass erkennen, der den Kommentator dazu führt, seine eigenen systematischen Fragen am autoritativ verstandenen Vorlagetext abzuhandeln, was entweder zu einem besseren Verständnis des Textes oder – wie im gerade diskutierten Fall – zu einer Bereicherung der zeitgenössischen Diskussion führt, von der auch der heutige Leser profitieren kann, wenn er bereit ist, den häufig mühsamen Weg zum Verständnis eines Kommentators zu gehen. [introduction p. 52-53]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pSf0FMkBh5xKMAw

Die Überlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione, 2001
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	Die Überlieferungsgeschichte der aristotelischen Schrift De generatione et corruptione
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2001
Publication Place	Wiesbaden
Publisher	Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag
Series	Serta Graeca. Beiträge zur Erforschung griechischer Texte
Volume	12
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In seiner Schrift „De generatione et corruptione“ entwickelt Aristoteles seine Antworten auf die Aporien, die sich aus dem Begriff des Werdens ergeben. Dabei geht es ihm ebenso darum, analytisch – und dies im angelsächsischen Sinne des Wortes – das gesamte Bedeutungsspektrum des griechischen Verbes „genesthai“ zu klären und zu ordnen, wie darum, auf rein physikalischer Ebene allgemeine Betrachtungen zur Einführung in die physiologischen Studien des biologischen Corpus anzustellen.
Die philosophische Überlieferung hat, mehr oder minder bewusst, immer erkannt, dass es in Aristoteles Schrift um die Machbarkeit und den Platz einer physikalischen Untersuchung des Lebendigen ging und – unter monotheistischen Vorzeichen – um das Verhältnis Gottes zu seinen Geschöpfen. Man denke nur an den Ps.-Okellos in hellenistischer Zeit, ferner an die galenische Tradition und an die bahnbrechenden physikalischen Intuitionen des Alexander von Aphrodisias. Man denke auch an die große Anziehungskraft, die dieser Text auf die arabischen Philosophen und später auf die Physiker-Ärzte Süditaliens ausgeübt hat. Und man denke schließlich an die fast siebzig byzantinischen Manuskripte, die uns den Text des Traktats in der Originalsprache überliefert haben. All das zeugt von der Faszination, die dieser Text auf Denker ausgeübt hat, die zu verstehen versucht haben, warum und wie die Welt der reinen Potenz und Materie unter bestimmten, sehr spezifischen Bedingungen in die Individualisierung der aktualisierten Form münden kann.
Auch die Gegner waren sich der Bedeutung des Textes bewusst. So hat Philoponus den Traktat nicht ausdrücklich verworfen, wenn er auch in seinem De Aeternitate mundi contra Aristotelem und seinem De Aeternitate munde contra Proclum die These von der Ewigkeit der Welt und dem Fortbestand der Arten ablehnt, der ja, wie wir gerade gesehen haben, in dem Traktat eine grundlegende Bedeutung zukommt. Eine systematische Widerlegung von De generatione et corruptione wird erstmals von einem der größten islamischen Theologen zu Anfang des 10. Jahrhunderts geführt.
Der Autor zeigt unter anderem, dass die wichtigste unter den drei arabischen Übersetzungen sehr wahrscheinlich auf das byzantinische Exemplar der physikalischen Traktate zurückgeht, dass die süditalienischen Ärzte es nicht versäumt haben, sich unverzüglich die vielfältigen, von Burgundio von Pisa zusammen mit seiner Version übersetzten Randnotizen zunutze zu machen, – dass übrigens die beiden Manuskripte, die mit Süditalien in Verbindung gebracht werden können, jeweils medizinische Texte enthalten –, dass zahlreiche byzantinische Gelehrte es sich haben angelegen sein lassen, den Text durch oft interessante, zuweilen brillante Konjekturen zu verbessern.
Der Autor liefert mit seiner Überlieferungsgeschichte also nicht nur das für eine wirklich textkritische Ausgabe unerläßliche Stemma. Er führt uns ebenso die Vielgestaltigkeit der Geschichte der Philosophie vor Augen, die sich ebenso mit der Theologie wie mit den Naturwissenschaften befaßt. Nur die Überlieferungsgeschichte kann uns vor historischen Trugbildern bewahren, d. h. vor der pseudo-philosophischen Rekonstruierung riesiger Phantasiefresken. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qUIbx9u9zA9cTrE

Diego Lanza, lecteur des oeuvres de l’Antiquité. Poésie, philosophie, histoire de la philologie, 2013
By: Rousseau, Philippe

Title	Diego Lanza, lecteur des oeuvres de l’Antiquité. Poésie, philosophie, histoire de la philologie
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2013
Publication Place	Lille
Publisher	Presses universitaires du Septentrion
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rousseau, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Figure critique majeure des études de philologie classique en Italie, Diego Lanza a renouvelé en profondeur l'approche des œuvres de la littérature grecque ancienne. Ses travaux conjuguent un intérêt, partiellement hérité de la philologie historique, pour l'histoire de la tradition, avec une analyse, inspirée notamment de Marx et de Gramsci, de la fonction des textes anciens comme instruments de médiation idéologique, interrogeant ainsi conjointement le passé et le présent des appropriations culturelles. Les problématiques de l'anthropologie occupent une place privilégiée dans sa lecture de l’Antiquité, mais leur espace de référence n’est pas celui de l’anthropologie structurale, de la psychologie historique ou de la critique symbolique de l’école française. C’est plutôt l’étude du folklore, où l’analyse de la culture populaire est orientée par un intérêt spécifique pour les antagonismes qui la structurent. Les essais réunis dans ce volume reviennent sur les objets auxquels Diego Lanza s’est intéressé – poésie archaïque (Homère), théâtre classique (Euripide, Aristophane), philosophie « présocratique » et classique (Anaxagore, Aristote), histoire de la philologie – et dans la diversité de leurs points de vue, esquissent un bilan des aspects les plus significatifs d’une œuvre scientifique originale et stimulante.
[author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LY1f6edLjdTkqq3

Diels' Vorsokratiker, Rückschau und Ausblick, 1999
By: Mansfeld, Jaap (Ed.), Calder, William M. (Ed.), Burkert, Walter

Title	Diels' Vorsokratiker, Rückschau und Ausblick
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1999
Published in	Hermann Diels (1848 - 1922) et la science de l'antiquité : huit exposés suivis de discussions, Vandoeuvres, Genève 17 - 21 août 1998
Pages	169-197
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Burkert, Walter
Editor(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap , Calder, William M.
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Qmaq8lxyMueMGPD

Digging up a Paradox: A Philological Note on Zeno's Stadium, 1982
By: Mansfeld, Jaap

Title	Digging up a Paradox: A Philological Note on Zeno's Stadium
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1982
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	125
Issue	1
Pages	1-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I wish to start from a consideration concerned with a non-philosophical feature the four arguments against motion have in common: the fact that they are fun. They undoubtedly are very serious arguments, but they were also written in order to épater le bourgeois. The first argument proves that a runner will never get to the end of the stadium: once he has got halfway, he still has to get halfway the remaining half, halfway the remaining quarter, and so on, in infinitum. The second proves that swift-footed Achilles will never catch up with the slowest thing on earth, because the distance in between, although constantly diminishing, forever remains proportionally the same. The third proves that a flying arrow, which occupies a place equal to its own size, is at rest, because it does not move at the place where it is, and not at the place where it is not either.

The first three arguments, then, are genuine and rather hilarious paradoxes. They reveal Zeno as a wit. To ask what is so funny about the fourth argument against motion, therefore, is a legitimate question. Yet I have hardly ever read an account of the fourth paradox which brought out the inevitable smile fetched by the others. Instead, one finds complicated discussions about infinite divisibility versus discrete or granular structure, and endless shufflings and reshufflings of the runners on the course. There are several reasons for this unfortunate situation, the most important of which, I believe, is that both ancient commentators (to judge from Simplicius' account) and modern scholars have failed to distinguish (or to distinguish sufficiently) between Zeno's paradox on the one hand and Aristotle's refutation on the other. Another reason is that Aristotle's text is plagued in parts with variae lectiones that seriously affect the meaning of the argument as a whole. Some of these readings enjoy the support of Simplicius, but this does not prove them right, for Simplicius points out one passage where Alexander of Aphrodisias followed a reading different from that accepted by himself and which, as he believes, Alexander "found in some manuscripts" (ἐν ταῖς ἀντιγράφοις εὗρον, In Phys. 1017, 19). Furthermore, as Simplicius likewise tells us (In Phys. 1019, 27–31), Alexander proposed to interpolate Phys. Z 9, 240a15-16 λαὸν-φρήσιν immediately after 240a11 διελῆλυθεν. Alexander, then, found it difficult to understand the argument of the text as transmitted (which, at at least one other point, differed from Simplicius’). Simplicius' lengthy reconstruction of the fourth argument against motion and of Aristotle's critique thereof (In Phys. 1016, 7–1020, 6, printed—as far as 1019, 9—by Lee as T 36) appears to have no other authority than his own, for he differs from Alexander, and the only other person cited (Eudemus, Fr. 106 Wehrli) is only adduced for points which do not affect the interpretation of the more difficult parts of Phys. Z 9, 239b33–240a17.

Although scholars have dealt rather freely with Simplicius' commentary, using only those sections which fit their own views, it should be acknowledged that his reconstruction of the paradox, and especially his diagram of the stadium featuring three rows of runners, have been of crucial importance to the modern history of interpretation of Zeno's argument. I believe, however, that Simplicius (and perhaps Alexander as well) already made the fundamental mistake of failing to distinguish in the proper way between Zeno's paradox and Aristotle's refutation, although in Simplicius' case this is somewhat mitigated by the fact that he apparently noticed the joke of Zeno's argument (one doesn’t know if Alexander did). We are not bound, then, to follow Simplicius all, or even half the way, and need not even accept his guidance as to the choice to be made among the variae lectiones. These different readings themselves, so it seems, reflect different ancient interpretations of Aristotle's exposition. In some manuscripts, interpretamenta may have got into the text (as at 240a6), or even have ousted other, more difficult readings (as at 240a11). [introduction p. 1-3]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/y2jILmoDyxD389y

Diogenes revisited, 2008
By: Laks, André

Title	Diogenes revisited
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2008
Published in
Pages	281-290
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Has this attempt been successful? The fact that some collections and translations of Presocratic philosophers leave him out may or may not be significant—some publishing companies obviously think that the corpus is too bulky. But Diogenes is certainly still lacking general recognition. Histories of archaic philosophy tend to overlook him and often offer little more than an implicit justification for his exclusion, the core of which is encapsulated in the term “eclecticism.” What makes him visible is his absence rather than any discussion about him. One complaint made by a reviewer of the Cambridge Companion to Early Greek Philosophy was that it nowhere happens even to mention the one achievement Diogenes is credited with, namely his alleged role in the history of teleology, for which he is occasionally praised.

It is all the more noteworthy that Graham (2006) has made Diogenes a landmark in the history of Presocratic philosophy by making him, rather than the older Anaximenes, the real initiator of the doctrine of “Material Monism” (chap. 10). I personally tend to think that Diogenes’ contribution on this point is rather to have explicitly stated the implications of Anaximenes’ monism, rather than substituting a material monism for an Anaximenean pluralism, which is Graham’s paradoxical point (see above, p. 70).

In what follows, I just want to restate briefly what seem to me to be the two basic points about Diogenes. The first one concerns what I take to be the center of Diogenes’ own thought, namely the relation between his noetics (so I shall call his doctrine of Intelligence) and his teleology. The second is about the reception of Diogenes’ thought and the origin of his reputation as an eclectic. [introduction p. 281-282]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/q5b1PHFAeBZnhpa

Diogène d'Apollonie: La dernière cosmologie présocratique, 1983
By: Laks, André

Title	Diogène d'Apollonie: La dernière cosmologie présocratique
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1983
Publication Place	Sankt Augustin
Publisher	Academia-Verlag
Series	International pre-Platonic studies
Volume	6
Edition No.	2 (1st 1998)
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Cet ouvrage s'inscrit dans la série des travaux que le Centre de Recherche Philosophique de l'Université de Lille III consacre à l'étude des cosmologies grecques. Après le système classique d'Empédocle et la réflexion critique d'Epicure à l'époque hellénistique, on s'intéresse ici à un penseur charnière, le dernier représentant de l' "ancienne physique".La notoriété de Diogène d'Apollonie est faible, au-delà du cercle restreint des spécialistes du Ve siècle grec. Ce tard venu n'a pas le renom d'Anaximandre ou d'Empédocle, ni celui de Démocrite, dont il est contemporain. Et pourtant, sa pensée n'est pas seulement l'ultime avatar d'une lignée dont il serait au fond indigne. Elle représente au contraire une forme d'achèvement, offrant une solution possible, dans le cadre du paradigme cosmologique hérité, au problème, laissé ouvert par le système d'Anaxagore, du mode d'action de "l'intellect" (νούς) dans le monde. La pertinence et la spécificité de la démarche, qui induit une doctrine de l'immanence, ressortent clairement quand on la confronte avec la célèbre critique d'Anaxagore menée par Socrate au nom de la téléologie dans le Phédon de Platon, et qui signe l'arrêt de mort de la spéculation présocratique. [a.a]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KVFpTS2HQXnKwpF

Diogène d’Apollonie: Edition, traduction et commentaire des fragments et témoignages, 2008
By: Laks, André

Title	Diogène d’Apollonie: Edition, traduction et commentaire des fragments et témoignages
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2008
Publication Place	Sankt Augustin
Publisher	Academia Verlag
Series	International Pre-Platonic Studies
Volume	6
Edition No.	2 (1st 1983)
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Depuis la première édition de ce livre, Diogène d'Apollonie, un des derniers "physiciens" présocratiques, longtemps dévalorisé par la réputation d' "éclectique" que H. Diels avait attachée à son nom dans un article de 1881, a suscité un regain d'intérêt.

Cette seconde édition d'un ouvrage qui reste à ce jour le seul commentaire exhaustif des fragments et des témoignages de Diogène, a été revue et corrigée, mais elle prend aussi en compte, dans une série d'ajouts marqués comme tels, les travaux parus au cours des vint-cinq années écoulées. Le livre retrace l'histoire de la transmission des fragments de Diogène, analyse les positions de la critique moderne depuis l'article séminal de F. Schleiermacher (1811), et offre, pour chacun des douze fragments et des quelques trente-six témoignages, dont un nouveau classement est proposé, une analyse visant à reconstruire la logique de l'original perdu.

Quatre des Notes additionnelles abordent des problèmes spécifiques, qui requéraient un traitement séparé. Une cinquième, en anglais, offre une présentation synthétique de l'interprétation ici défendue, qui situe l'importance de Diogène dans son rapport à Anaxagore et à sa doctrine de l' "intellect". [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/l5eQc4K0fWglpHt

Discussions on the Eternity of the world in Late Antiquity, 2011
By: Chase, Michael

Title	Discussions on the Eternity of the world in Late Antiquity
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2011
Journal	ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition
Volume	5
Issue	2
Pages	111-173
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This article studies the debate between the Neoplatonist philosophers Simplicius and John Philoponus on the question of the eternity of the world. The first part consists in a historical introduction situating their debate within the context of the conflict between Christians and Pa- gan in the Byzantine Empire of the first half of the sixth century. Particular attention is paid to the attitudes of these two thinkers to Aristotle's attempted proofs of the eternity of motion and time in Physics 8.1. The second part traces the origins, structure and function of a particular argument used by Philoponus to argue for the world's creation within time. Philoponus takes advantage of a tension inherent in Aristotle's theory of motion, between his standard view that all motion and change is continuous and takes place in time, and his occasional admission that at least some kinds of motion and change are instantaneous. For Philoponus, God's creation of the world is precisely such an instantaneous change: it is not a motion on the part of the Creator, but is analo- gous to the activation of a state (hexis), which is timeless and implies no change on the part of the agent. The various transformations of this doctrine at the hands of Peripatetic, Neoplatonic, and Islamic commentators are studied (Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius, al-Kindi, al-Farabi), as is Philoponus' use of it in his debate against Proclus. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ufpZP6w4wwJDnXs

Doctrine, Anecdote, and Action: Reconsidering the Social History of the Last Platonists (c. 430–c. 550 C.E.), 2011
By: Watts, Edward Jay

Title	Doctrine, Anecdote, and Action: Reconsidering the Social History of the Last Platonists (c. 430–c. 550 C.E.)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2011
Journal	Classical Philology
Volume	106
Issue	3
Pages	226-244
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Watts, Edward Jay
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Academy of Xenocrates, Platonists shaped themselves into an intellectual
community held together by doctrinal commonalities, a shared history, and
defined personal relationships. 3 As the Hellenistic world developed and
Platonism spread beyond its Athenian center, doctrine, history, and social
ties stopped being conterminous. Platonists remained connected by a shared
intellectual genealogy, but Platonism’s social and doctrinal aspects became decentralized as individual schools with their own interests grew up in vari-
ous cities. 4 Although no direct institutional connection joined them to the
Academy, late antique Platonists saw themselves as part of an old philosophi-
cal lineage that reached back to Plato. 5 In their schools, the history of an
individual circle’s past mingled with that of the larger intellectual tradition it
claimed to have inherited. This amalgamated tradition was handed down from
teachers to students in personal conversations that had a number of important,
community-building effects. They attracted students to Platonic philosophy,
encouraged them to identify with the movement’s past leaders, and influ-
enced their ideas and actions once they joined a specific group. As this paper
will show, the Platonic circles that these men and women formed were then
defined as much by the relationships they formed and by the behaviors they
exhibited as by the doctrines they espoused. [introduction p. 226-227]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rilfF7I9t8ywGlp

Doppelte Entelecheia: Das Menschenbild in “Simplikios”’ Kommentar zu Aristoteles’ De anima, 2003
By: Perkams, Matthias

Title	Doppelte Entelecheia: Das Menschenbild in “Simplikios”’ Kommentar zu Aristoteles’ De anima
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2003
Journal	Elenchos
Volume	24
Issue	1
Pages	57-91
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Auf der einen Seite steht nicht ein Stück Materie, sondern ein Lebewesen in der Art eines belebten Körpers, bei dessen Formung Körperliches und Seelisches bereits eine Einheit eingegangen sind, auf der anderen Seite eine Seele, die als die, die sie ist, wesentlich auf die Benutzung dieses Leibes ausgerichtet ist. Dabei ist der Leib von der bloßen Materie ebenso verschieden wie die bewegende Seele vom transzendenten nous, in dem sie ursprünglich wurzelt. Erst im Tod gewinnen nous und Materie wieder ihre Selbständigkeit zurück.

Diese Darstellung zeigt, wie „Simplikios“ systematisch mit Aristoteles umgeht: Die Terminologie des Stagiriten integriert er nicht nur in seine eigene philosophische Konzeption, sondern er kann mithilfe dieser Terminologie eine logisch und sachlich konsistente und gut nachvollziehbare Fassung der neuplatonischen Seelenlehre entwickeln. Damit erweist sich die Auseinandersetzung mit Aristoteles für den neuplatonischen Autor als fruchtbar, ohne dass er sachlich die Grenzen des Neuplatonismus überschreitet.

Im neuplatonischen Kontext ist es besonders interessant, dass „Simplikios“ in den beiden Formen von entelecheia durchgehende Charakteristika des Seelischen in der Art sieht, dass jede einzelne Seelenart den Leib in der genannten doppelten Weise verwirklicht. Denn mit der Annahme zweier Arten der Einwirkung der Seele auf den Körper entspricht er einer Struktur, die sich bereits bei Plotin entfaltet findet:

Der Leib, mit dem sich die Seele vereinigt, ist bereits durch eine Spur oder ein Bild der Seele auf deren Aufnahme vorbereitet. Bei der Interpretation dieser Stellen wird meistens angenommen, dass dieses „Bild“ der vegetativen Seele entspricht, die von der höheren Seele verschieden ist. Diese Identifizierung wurde jüngst von Ch. Tornau unter Verweis auf Enn. IV 4, 20, 22–5; VI 4, 15, 15 in Zweifel gezogen.

Bei „Simplikios“ zeigt sich nun klar, dass dieses Seelenbild ebenso wie die bewegende Formursache, die eigentliche Seele, in jeder einzelnen Seelenart vorhanden ist. Damit wird Tornaus Vermutung zumindest für einen neuplatonischen Autor bestätigt. An diesem Punkt, der für die Systematik des neuplatonischen Menschenbildes überhaupt von Bedeutung ist, ist weitere Forschung nötig, um zu mehr Klarheit über die im Neuplatonismus übliche Lehre und die Abweichungen davon zu gelangen.

Das von „Simplikios“ entworfene Bild zeigt, dass die menschliche Seele im späten Neuplatonismus nicht als unsystematische Nebeneinanderstellung verschiedener, mehr oder weniger zwanghaft triadisch geordneter Schichten zu verstehen ist, sondern dass die Philosophen dieser Zeit im Rahmen der Voraussetzungen, die sie für selbstverständlich hielten, ein klares Bild der gegenseitigen Bezogenheit von Seele und Leib entwickeln konnten.

Die Einheit zwischen Körper und Seele, wie „Simplikios“ sie schildert, ist keineswegs so locker, wie es manche Überblickswerke zum Neuplatonismus nahelegen: Die Seele, die in der materiellen Welt wirkt und erkennt, ist wesentlich mit dem Körper verbunden und kann ohne diese Verbindung nicht existieren. [conclusion p. 90-91]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/egqTFHmjZlWVg7v

Doxographica Anaxagorea, 1975
By: Schofield, Malcom

Title	Doxographica Anaxagorea
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1975
Journal	Hermes
Volume	103
Issue	1
Pages	1-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schofield, Malcom
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

How much, then, are the texts to which Jaeger appealed for his account of Anaxagoras's "methodical point of departure" worth? Just and only as much as are Aristotle and Theophrastus. But whether they are right is, as I have said, another story. [conclusion p. 24]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dX7s9j2RuDMGCdU

Dunamis in "Simplicius", 1996
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Cardullo, R. Loredana (Ed.), Romano, Francesco (Ed.)

Title	Dunamis in "Simplicius"
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1996
Published in	Dunamis nel Neoplatonismo: atti del II Colloquio internazionale del Centro di Ricerca sul Neoplatonismo, Università degli studi di Catania, 6-8 ottobre 1994
Pages	149-172
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Cardullo, R. Loredana , Romano, Francesco
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/abLTBIirPsa77f4

Title	Dunamis nel Neoplatonismo: atti del II Colloquio internazionale del Centro di Ricerca sul Neoplatonismo, Università degli studi di Catania, 6-8 ottobre 1994
Type	Edited Book
Language	Italian
Date	1996
Publication Place	Firenze
Publisher	La nuova Italia
Series	Symbolon. Studi e testi di filosofia antica e medievale
Volume	16
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Romano, Francesco , Cardullo, R. Loredana
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PQyCtyKJxkHvx2E

Définition et description: Le problème de la saisie des genres premiers et des individus chez Aristote dans l'exégèse de Simplicius, 1987
By: Narbonne, Jean-Marc

Title	Définition et description: Le problème de la saisie des genres premiers et des individus chez Aristote dans l'exégèse de Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1987
Journal	Archives de Philosophie
Volume	50
Pages	529-554
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Narbonne, Jean-Marc
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius uses (and distorts) the concept of hypographe (of  Stoic origin) in order to describe the first genera and the particulars which, in Aristotle, are not susceptible to definition. However, a closer examination of the status of science in Aristotle (with reference to the doctrine of incommunicability of genera and the problem of individuation) shows that Simplicius’ attempt is incompatible, or at least difficult to reconcile, with the aristotelianism (of Aristotle). [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/o2VUk12kzrbnaz0

Early Reactions to Plato’s Timaeus: polemic and exegesis in Theophrastus and Epicurus, 2003
By: Baltussen, Han, Sharples, Robert W. (Ed.), Sheppard, Anne D. (Ed.)

Title	Early Reactions to Plato’s Timaeus: polemic and exegesis in Theophrastus and Epicurus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2003
Published in	Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus
Pages	49-71
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Sharples, Robert W. , Sheppard, Anne D.
Translator(s)

My perspective is slightly different. Commentary, as we usually see it, must have had its precursors in some form or other. As it happens, we have some evidence related to the Timaeus which makes this a reasonable assumption. I therefore want to look at two thinkers whose interpretative efforts occur at the beginnings of the "commentary tradition." Here things are less clear and well-defined, in that at this end of the scale we are dealing with the emergence of exegesis. This means that certain fundamental assumptions—e.g., what a commentary or a commentator is—would no longer have an obvious value as starting points and that important questions about the interaction between authors and texts (such as "what is a commentary?", "what form did the interpretation of texts take?", or "when do commentaries emerge?") require a fresh look.

The "prehistory" of exegesis has received renewed impetus from the study of the so-called Derveni Papyrus (DP), a remarkable document from the 4th century BCE, representing a running commentary with allegorical interpretation on an Orphic poem. In his review of the collection of essays on this 4th-century "commentary," Edward Hussey already points out that "DP’s interpretative procedures and terminology are already fairly formalized, in a way that shows parallels with the Protagoras, and suggests a self-conscious academic discipline in the making."

The two protagonists in this analysis are Theophrastus and Epicurus, both close in time to Plato. Epicurus is in many ways linked to Theophrastus—as has been emerging only recently, especially through the work of David Sedley. My choice of overarching theme provides the analysis of these critical voices with context and perspective.

The ancient and modern perception of Theophrastus is a variable one, but in general, it is slanted toward a rather negative assessment. Theophrastus’ work has suffered a bad press across the ages. The perception seems to be that Theophrastus is a second-rate thinker (as one scholar once commented, "reading Theophrastus is like reading Aristotle on a bad day"). This perhaps somewhat offhand remark may refer only to the stylistic (de)merits or to the quality of thought found in the sparsely preserved remains of what once was a considerable output. But it seems unfair in many ways. In ancient times, Theophrastus’ works were so closely associated with Aristotle’s that his works became mixed up with his master’s.

In late antiquity, the general consensus of the commentators after Themistius seems to have been that Theophrastus was a major figure in the history of philosophy whose opinions could nevertheless be ignored on most matters.

Some twelve fragments have been preserved which throw light on the unexpected place the second head of the Peripatos acquired in the later Platonist tradition. I think it will be instructive to have a look at these, because they say something not only about the role of Theophrastus but also about the perception of his comments in antiquity.

I should confess that my ulterior motive is to look at these early reactions as a stage in the emergence of exegesis and (formal) commentary. My interest, then, is in the "pre-history" of the commentary tradition. The crucial question which will be constantly driving my analysis is: can the early polemical responses be viewed as the start of commentary or not? [introduction p. 49-50]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rECjmb8p0bsRQza

Ein Simplikios-Zitat bei Pseudo-Alexandros und ein Plotinos-Zitat bei Simplikios, 1935
By: Merlan, Philipp

Title	Ein Simplikios-Zitat bei Pseudo-Alexandros und ein Plotinos-Zitat bei Simplikios
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1935
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie. Neue Folge
Volume	84
Issue	2
Pages	154-160
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Merlan, Philipp
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In diesem Text geht es um Simplikios' Kommentar zu Aristoteles' De caelo II, 1, 284 a 14 ff. und Pseudo-Alexandros' Kommentar zu Aristoteles' Metaphysik A, 8, 1074aff. Beide diskutieren Fragen zur Bewegung des Himmels und stellen ähnliche Gedanken zum Verhältnis von Seele und Bewegung dar. Der Text betrachtet die Möglichkeit, dass Simplikios und Pseudo-Alexandros einander zitiert haben oder dass sie beide den echten Alexandros zitieren. Es wird auch auf die Interpretation von Aristoteles' De caelo H, 1,284a 27 ff. durch Simplikios eingegangen. [derived from the whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cyUoxPziHeqUgjb

Einige Aspekte der handschriftlichen Überlieferung des Physikkommentars des Simplikios, 1987
By: Harlfinger, Dieter, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Einige Aspekte der handschriftlichen Überlieferung des Physikkommentars des Simplikios
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	267-286
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Harlfinger, Dieter
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

In der Geschichte der Simplikios-Philologie spielen Frauen eine besondere Rolle. Aus der Feder der byzantinischen Prinzessin Theodora Palaiologina Rhaulaina (ca. 1240—1300)1 stammt eine der —wie sich zeigen wird — textkritisch relevantesten Handschriften des für die Erforschung der Vorsokratik, der Peripatetik wie auch des Neuplatonismus bekanntermaßen unschätzbaren Kommentars zur aristotelischen Physik des Simplikios. Der zwischen 1261 und 1282 datierende2 Codex Mosquensis Muz. 3649 mit den Büchern I—IV und dem Beginn von Buch V (desinit mutile3 803, 8 Diels4) ist die of- fensichtlich sehr gewissenhafte5 Abschrift jener Frau, die keinesfalls nur als Schreiberin hervorgetreten ist, sondern insbesondere auch als selbständige hagiographische Schriftstellerin, als tätige Patronin eines Scriptoriums und Buchilluminationsateliers, als Besitzerin einer wohl umfangreichen Bibliothek und nicht zuletzt als bedeutendes Mitglied eines Gelehrtenkreises, dem unter anderen auch Maximos Planudes, Gregorios von Zypern und Manuel Holobolos angehörten. Als sich auf Initiative und unter Leitung von Ilsetraut H a d o t die führenden Simplikios-Forscher unserer T a g e im Herbst 1985 in Paris zu ihrem ersten Fachkolloquium versammelten, durfte der Verfasser dieser Zeilen — obwohl kein Simplikianer — unter ihnen referieren, über ebenjenen Mosquensis von der H a n d der Rhaulaina. Ilsetraut H a d o t wußte, daß ich auf einer Bibliotheksreise des Jahres 1966 die Handschrift eingesehen hatte und sie aufgrund der Bewertung des „locus fenestratus" am Ende von Buch III p. 518 als neuen unabhängigen Textträger erkannt zu haben glaubte6. D a s Referat konnte zwar von der Klassifizierung des in der T a t unabhängigen Mosquensis ausgehen, mußte sich aber zur Klärung der stemmatischen Aporien, die beim Studium der Dielsschen Praefatio und des apparatus criticus zutage traten, auf die Situation der Handschrift Ε (Vorlagenwechsel sowie Eb und Eä als dislozierte Partien in Ε bzw. der Vorlage von E) und der Handschrift D (Duktusänderung und Vorlagenwechsel) konzentrieren und konnte darüber hinaus auf die interessante Rolle einer weiteren Moskauer Handschrift (Len) aufmerksam machen und Fingerzeige zu dem einen oder anderen jüngeren Manuskript geben. — Inzwischen habe ich noch einmal über den Codex F nachgedacht und nunmehr fast alle Simplikios-Handschriften im Film — soweit im Berliner Aristoteles-Archiv vorhanden7 — rasch eingese hen8. Im folgenden wage ich — der Veranstalterin des Kolloquiums und Editorin der Akten habe ich dabei für Ermunterung und Geduld zu danken —, meine ersten Eindrücke zu publizieren. Es sind lediglich vorläufige Ergebnisse, die durch systematische Untersuchungen verifiziert werden müßten; hierin ein Plädoyer für eine kodikologische Stemmatik. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lJYydaL12PDErlM

Einige Corollarien des Simplicius in seinem Commentar zu Aristoteles’ Physik (ed. Diels). I. p. 1129–1152 (contra Philoponum), 1902
By: Zahlfleisch, Johann

Title	Einige Corollarien des Simplicius in seinem Commentar zu Aristoteles’ Physik (ed. Diels). I. p. 1129–1152 (contra Philoponum)
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1902
Journal	Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume	15
Issue	2
Pages	186–213
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zahlfleisch, Johann
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Der vorliegende Text behandelt einige Corollarien von Simplicius in seinem Kommentar zu Aristoteles' Physik, wobei er sich insbesondere mit Philoponus' Einwänden auseinandersetzt. Die Diskussion dreht sich um die Definition der Bewegung bei Aristoteles und die Frage nach ewigen und begrenzten Bewegungen. Philoponus hinterfragt, wie begrenzte Bewegung als Folge einer ewigen Bewegung angesehen werden kann, da die Potenz immer bestehe und eine Bedingung für die Bewegung sei. Simplicius argumentiert, dass die Potenz und Bewegung untrennbar verbunden sind und dass es keine ewige Bewegung geben könne. Er erläutert Aristoteles' Position und verteidigt sie gegen Philoponus' Einwände. Die Diskussion umfasst Themen wie die Rolle der Potenz in der Bewegung, die Anwendung der Begriffsdefinition auf verschiedene Sachverhalte und die Frage nach einem obersten Beweger. Am Ende wird betont, dass selbst bei einer Ablehnung des Aristotelischen Axioms von der Bewegung die Annahme eines ewigen obersten Bewegers bestehen bleibt. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vfhmk7U2Ze3RMEr

El extraño criterio utilizado para crear "la Doxa" de Parménides, 2021
By: Néstor-Luis Cordero

Title	El extraño criterio utilizado para crear "la Doxa" de Parménides
Type	Article
Language	Spanish
Date	2021
Journal	Dianoia
Volume	66
Issue	87
Pages	141-151
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Néstor-Luis Cordero
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In 1795 G.G. Fülleborn, a philologist of Kantian origin, grouped in two "parts" the recovered fragments of the Poem of Parmenides -"the Truth" and "the Doxa". With small modifications, this structure became classic and is accepted unanimously today. However, a reading of each fragment in an isolated way does not justify such division, which is based on an interpretation of Simplicius influenced by Aristotle, who finds already in Parmenides a sketch of the Platonic dualism between the "sensible" and the "intelligible", not actually present in the latter. This work analyzes critically the criterion used by Fülleborn, which is anachronistic in the case of a preplatonic thinker. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MC7go0ESvT7PDWp

El testimonio de Aristóteles sobre Zenòn de Elea como un detractor de "lo uno", 2014
By: Gardella, Mariana

Title	El testimonio de Aristóteles sobre Zenòn de Elea como un detractor de "lo uno"
Type	Article
Language	Spanish
Date	2014
Journal	Eidos: Revista de Filosofía de la Universidad del Norte
Volume	23
Pages	157-181
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gardella, Mariana
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The aim of this paper is to discuss the traditional interpretation according to which the arguments of Zeno of Elea against multiplicity constitute a defense of monism. I will try to prove that Zeno’s objections on plurality suppose a previous critique to the existence of the one. Therefore Zeno is neither a monist nor a pluralist but a philosopher who criticizes metaphysical theories that consider being in numerical terms, i. e. as many or as one. I will focus on the analysis of the interpretation of Zeno’s philosophy developed by Aristotle. I will consider some passages from Physics, Sophistical Refutations and mainly Metaphysics Hi. 4. 1001b7-I3 (DK 29 A 21). I will also include some testimonies from Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, where he discusses the interpretations of Eudemus of Rhodes and Alexander of Aphrodisias that support the Aristotelian point of view on Zeno’s philosophy (In Ph. 99.7-18, DK 29 A 21; 138. 3-6, DK 29 A 22). [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YSCgmZjhBUMltzI

Eleatic Ontology from the Hellenistic Period to Late Antiquity, 2024
By: Anna Motta (Ed.), Christopher Kurfess (Ed.)

Title	Eleatic Ontology from the Hellenistic Period to Late Antiquity
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2024
Publication Place	Napoli
Publisher	Federico II University Press
Series	Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II Scuola delle Scienze Umane e Sociali Quaderni
Edition No.	29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Anna Motta , Christopher Kurfess
Translator(s)

Thus, both the profundity of Parmenides’ thought and the rich verbal density of his poetry pose challenges to modern scholars—just as they did to his ancient readers. These challenges were felt particularly keenly in later antiquity—a period of focus in the present collection of essays—when doing justice to the authority of the ancients obligated commentators to reconcile a long and complex tradition of sometimes incompatible interpretative commitments. Certain Neoplatonists (in)famously “harmonized” points of possible tension by allowing that the Presocratics, though not far from the truth, employed enigmatic and ambiguous language, whereas Plato conveyed the truth in a clearer and more appropriate way. In this manner, the Presocratics, Parmenides among them, could be saved from apparent errors, and their unique conceptions and terminology could be incorporated within a Neoplatonic philosophical framework.

The “Eleatic school” is commonly understood to include Parmenides, his fellow citizen Zeno, and Melissus of Samos. (Traditionally, Xenophanes of Colophon had also been included, his views about divinity seen as anticipating Parmenides’ account of Being.) Parmenides and his two pupils are distinguished by their concern with methods of proof and for conceiving Being as a unitary substance, which is also immobile, unchangeable, and indivisible. The Eleatics began a series of reflections on the relation between demonstration and reality that eventually developed into Socratic and Platonic dialectic, and Plato’s portrait has played a decisive role in the subsequent reception of Eleatic ideas. Since Plato’s Sophist, Parmenides has been almost as famous for apparent inconsistencies as for the rigid dicta that seemed to land him in them. Moreover, in the Parmenides, which dramatically presents Parmenides and Zeno conversing in Athens with a very young Socrates (Prm. 127a–b), Plato subjects his own characteristic doctrine to critique by his Eleatic predecessors, thereby initiating a tradition of critical examination of Eleatic ontology that would last until Late Antiquity and beyond. Plato’s dialogues exhibit such a profound engagement with Eleatic thought that Eleatic ontology can be regarded as the hidden foundation of Platonic metaphysics.

Of course, Plato and the Platonic tradition are only part of the story, and the present collection seeks, with no pretense of being exhaustive, to provide a representative survey of the reception of Eleatic ontology during the Hellenistic and late ancient periods. The essays included offer fresh perspectives on crucial points in that reception, reveal points of contact and instances of mutual interaction between competing traditions, and allow readers to reflect on the revolutionary new conceptions that thinkers of these eras developed in the course of the continuing confrontation with the venerable figure of Parmenides and the challenges posed by his thought. This volume is a collaborative effort by an international array of scholars, reflecting a range of outlooks and approaches, and exploring some of the various forms taken by the reception of Parmenides’ ontology. Some of the essays were invited by the editors; others were selected by blind review from submissions made in response to a call for papers.

The arrangement of essays is roughly chronological. In chapter 1, “Being at Play: Naming and Non-Naming in the Anonymous De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia,” Christopher Kurfess considers the way that names are handled in a curious document transmitted as part of the Aristotelian corpus, noting its continuities with earlier instances of the reception of Eleatic thought. In chapter 2, “Healthy, Immutable, and Beautiful: Eleatic Pantheism and Epicurean Theology,” Enrico Piergiacomi reconstructs an Epicurean view of, and response to, a pantheistic Parmenidean theology. In chapter 3, “Dualism and Platonism: Plutarch’s Parmenides,” Carlo Delle Donne introduces us to Plutarch’s Platonism, reading Parmenides as a forerunner of Plato in both ontology and the account of the sensible world. In chapter 4, “Clement of Alexandria and the Eleatization of Xenophanes,” William H.F. Altman focuses on Clement of Alexandria’s role in preserving several key theological fragments of Xenophanes and invites us to reconsider modern scholars’ dismissal of both Xenophanes’ status as an Eleatic and Clement’s claim of Greek philosophy’s debt to Hebrew Scripture. In chapter 5, “Parmenides’ Philosophy through Plato’s Parmenides in Origen of Alexandria,” Ilaria L.E. Ramelli explores the reception of Parmenides’ thought in Origen, one of the main exponents of patristic philosophy. In chapter 6, “Platonism and Eleaticism,” Lloyd P. Gerson provides an analysis of the appropriation of Eleatic philosophy by Plato and the Platonists, with a particular focus on Plotinus. In chapter 7, “Augustine and Eleatic Ontology,” Giovanni Catapano illustrates the general aspects and the essential contents of Augustinian ontology as they relate to distinctive theses of the Eleatics. In chapter 8, “Proclus and the Overcoming of Eleaticism without Parricide,” Anna Motta investigates the debt that Plato incurred with the Eleatics according to Proclus. In chapter 9, “Why Rescue Parmenides? On Zeno’s Ontology in Simplicius,” Marc-Antoine Gavray examines the role Simplicius attributes to Zeno in Eleatic ontology and tries to determine his place within the Neoplatonic system. [introduction p. 7-9]

Online Resources

Embryological Models in Ancient Philosophy, 2005
By: Henry, Devin

Title	Embryological Models in Ancient Philosophy
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	50
Issue	1
Pages	1-42
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Henry, Devin
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Historically embryogenesis has been among the most philosophically intriguing phenomena. In this paper I focus on one aspect of biological development that was particularly perplexing to the ancients: self-organisation. For many ancients, the fact that an organism determines the important features of its own development required a special model for understanding how this was possible. This was especially true for Aristotle, Alexander, and Simplicius, who all looked to contemporary technology to supply that model. However, they did not all agree on what kind of device should be used. In this paper I explore the way these ancients made use of technology as a model for the developing embryo. I argue that their different choices of device reveal fundamental differences in the way each thinker understood the nature of biological development itself. In the final section of the paper I challenge the traditional view (dating back to Alexander’s interpretation of Aristotle) that the use of automata in GA can simply be read off from their use in the de motu. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1E80hY0xXEIYf7e

Empedocles B 96 (462 Bollack) and the Poetry of Adhesion, 1984
By: Sider, David

Title	Empedocles B 96 (462 Bollack) and the Poetry of Adhesion
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1984
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	37
Issue	1-2
Pages	14-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sider, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Notes on Empedocles B 96

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gIM2YVFw7r7XnSS

Empedocles Recycled, 1987
By: Osborne, Catherine

Title	Empedocles Recycled
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1987
Journal	Classical Quarterly
Volume	37
Issue	1
Pages	24-50
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Osborne, Catherine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It is no longer generally believed that Empedocles was the divided character portrayed by  nineteenth-century  scholars,  a  man  whose  scientific  and  religious  views  were incompatible but untouched  by each  other.  Yet  it  is  still widely held that,  however unitary his  thought,  nevertheless he  still  wrote  more  than  one  poem,  and  that  his poems can be clearly divided between those which do, and those which do not, concern 
'religious matters'.1 Once this assumption can be shown to be shaky or actually false, the  grounds  for  dividing the  quotations  of  Empedocles  into  two  poems  by  subject matter disappear; and without that division our interpretation of  Empedocles stands in  need of  radical revision. This paper starts with  the modest  task  of  showing  that Empedocles may have  written only  one  philosophical  poem  and  not  two,  and  goes on to suggest some of the ways in which we have to rethink the whole story if he did. If all our material belongs to one poem we are bound to link the cycle of the daimones with that of the elements, and this has far-reaching  consequences for our 
interpretation. [Introduction, p. 24]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IeJ48ZtTcIZFqmP

Empedocles fr. 35. 14-15, 1965
By: O'Brien, Denis

Title	Empedocles fr. 35. 14-15
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1965
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	15
Issue	1
Pages	1-4
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses the interpretation of the word "zôros" in a couplet attributed to Empedocles, as quoted by various ancient authors such as Plutarch, Simplicius, Theophrastus, Aristotle, Athenaeus, and Eustathius. The author considers the different meanings attributed to the word, including mixed and unmixed, and argues that the context and source of the quotations must be considered in interpreting the couplet.  [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cxFblbRQPGH3efy

Empedocles' Cosmic Cycle, 1967
By: O'Brien, Denis

Title	Empedocles' Cosmic Cycle
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1967
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	17
Issue	1
Pages	29-40
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Hitherto reconstructions of Empedocles’ cosmic cycle have usually been offered as part of a larger work, a complete history of Presocratic thought, or 
a complete study of Empedocles. Consequently there has perhaps been a lack of thoroughness in collecting and sifting evidence that relates exclusively to the main features of the cosmic cycle. There is in fact probably more evidence 
for Empedocles’ main views than for those of any other Presocratic except Parmenides in his Way of Truth. From a close examination of the fragments 
and of the secondary sources, principally Aristotle, Plutarch, and Simplicius, there can be formed a reasonably complete picture of the main temporal and spatial features of Empedocles’ cosmic cycle. [Introduction, p. 29]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fiLkRFQK4eMiUJl

Empedocles' Fragment 20 DK: Some Suggestions, 1996
By: van der Ben, Nicolaas

Title	Empedocles' Fragment 20 DK: Some Suggestions
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1996
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	49
Issue	3
Pages	298-320
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	van der Ben, Nicolaas
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It may be assumed that the way in which Empedocles' fragment 20.1 DK was edited by Diels has left many a reader dissatisfied (cf. notes 8, 9, 10, and 11). However, thanks to the discovery of 53 papyrus fragments of an Empedocles text by Professor A. Martin in the University Library of Strasbourg, some light may be dawning. The collection was acquired by the library as long ago as 1905 but had gone unnoticed. Alain Martin made his find public in a lecture given at Strasbourg on April 14th, 1994. I understand that the publication of all 53 fragments will not take place before the spring of 1996. But photographs of two tiny fragments were circulated by Martin, printed on the invitation to his lecture, one of which contains remnants of 20 DK. Another line was made available in the handout distributed to his audience on that memorable occasion. Hopefully, these two texts will help solve one or two textual problems in Empedocles and shed a ray of light on the Empedocles text used by Simplicius. [introduction p. 298]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bkukUWj7zxxEZPo

Empedocles' Life Cycles, 2005
By: Sedley, David N., Pierrēs, Apostolos L. (Ed.)

Title	Empedocles' Life Cycles
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The Empedoclean Kosmos. Structure, Process and the Question of Cyclicity. structure, process and the question of cyclicity ; proceedings of the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense, July 6th - July 13th, 2003. Papers
Pages	331-371
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sedley, David N.
Editor(s)	Pierrēs, Apostolos L.
Translator(s)

It was once the policy of scholars to keep these two cycles firmly segregated, certainly in different poems and, if possible, in separate and irreconcilable areas of Empedocles' thought: one scientific, the other religious. That old separatist policy was already all but extinct when, in 1998, a newly discovered papyrus containing portions of Empedocles’ On Nature was published by Alain Martin and Oliver Primavesi, putting the final nail in its coffin. For there, the daimonic cycle was to be found in the immediate context of Empedocles’ physics.

If we are to make adequate sense of Empedocles’ zoogony—his theory of the origins of life—it must include the creation of these daimons. Contrary to a common scholarly assumption, the daimons are themselves flesh-and-blood organisms, not mere transmigrating souls or spirits. Indeed, their sin of meat-eating would have been quite hard to perform if they had not been.

The following view, and variants of it, are widely held about Empedocles’ aetiology of life forms. He posits two zoogonies: one governed by Love, the other by Strife. The zoogony of Love occurs in a phase of increasing Love, which eventually leads to the world’s conversion into the perfectly homogeneous sphairos. The zoogony of Strife occurs in a phase of increasing Strife, which eventually leads to the total separation of the four elementary bodies or ‘roots.’ And it is this latter world that Empedocles considered himself to inhabit.

A major obstacle to this widespread (though by no means unanimous) picture lies in Empedocles’ concentration on Love’s zoogony, to the almost total exclusion of Strife’s. When it comes to the emergence of species, it is again and again what our evidence informs us to be the zoogony of increasing Love that is described, as we shall see amply confirmed in due course. As to Strife’s zoogony, we have nothing but an isolated description in B62 of the first stage of the process by which, under growing Strife, men and women were created. The fragment is further summarized and expanded by Aetius (below, pp. 337-38) and now helpfully supported by a cross-reference in the Strasbourg fragments (d10-14). But despite this additional material, and the probability that trees too were included, there is not so much as a word about the generation, under Strife, of any other animal species known to us.

Thus, if the pattern of survival is to any extent representative of what was in the original poem, the widely favored interpretation that I have sketched faces the anomaly that Empedocles apparently spent far more time accounting for the origin of life forms which he could do no more than conjecture to have existed in a remote part of cosmic history (and which can have left no descendants in the world we ourselves inhabit, since the sphairos has intervened to render them extinct), than he did on accounting for life as we know it.

Although it is by no means obvious why Empedocles should have assumed the reverse cosmic process, in the supposed counterworld, to have thrown up the very same life forms that we find in our own world, it is widely held that he did, for whatever reasons, commit himself to this view. But the evidence is, on inspection, vanishingly weak.

It consists mainly in Aristotle's assertion (GC II6, 334a5-7; A42) that Empedocles "also says that the world is in the same state now, under Strife, as previously under Love." I am not the first to point out that "under Love" and "under Strife" need not necessarily mean under increasing Love or increasing Strife, which would in fact be irrelevant to Aristotle's point in the context.

Aristotle is trying to uncover contradictions between Empedocles’ various assertions about the respective motive powers of Love and Strife, and his question here is how, if Love and Strife differ from each other in their motive powers, Empedocles can hold that the world has the same basic arrangement and motions of the four simple bodies in an age dominated by Strife as it previously had in one dominated by Love—i.e., in ages in which, regardless of the actual direction of change, it is Love and Strife, respectively, that govern cosmic processes.

(It may be that his wording does also carry implications about the current direction of change, but his main point in no way depends on any such implication.) [introduction p. 331-333]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/q7rH00eYu70k9Td

Empedocles' Physica Book I: A New Reconstruction, 2005
By: Janko, Richard, Pierrēs, Apostolos L. (Ed.)

Title	Empedocles' Physica Book I: A New Reconstruction
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The Empedoclean Kosmos. Structure, Process and the Question of Cyclicity. structure, process and the question of cyclicity ; proceedings of the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense, July 6th - July 13th, 2003. Papers
Pages	93-137
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Janko, Richard
Editor(s)	Pierrēs, Apostolos L.
Translator(s)

The first editors of the fragments, Alain Martin and Oliver Primavesi, have presented us with an edition of extraordinarily high quality. However, the papyrus has raised more puzzles than it has solved and thus far has been considered something of a disappointment, because much of it overlaps with the longest extant fragment of Physics Book I, while the rest has seemed very peculiar indeed.

In the last part of this paper, I shall offer a new solution to these problems, one which reveals the full significance of the papyrus, renders the philosophical system of Empedocles slightly (but only slightly) less bizarre than it has seemed, and makes the argument of his poetry much more coherent than the papyrus made it appear. In the process, we shall, I believe, be able to reconstruct a passage from his Physics 131 verses long and form a clear impression of how his great philosophical poetry would have sounded. But before I do so, I must remind you of the situation before the discovery of the papyrus and explore the question of whether Empedocles composed one poem or two, and on what topics. [introduction p. 93-94]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mT5sBgIVt1JZCw2

Empedocles, fr. 35. 12-15, 1962
By: Arundel, Maureen Rosemary

Title	Empedocles, fr. 35. 12-15
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1962
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	12
Issue	2
Pages	109-111
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Arundel, Maureen Rosemary
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses the interpretation and translation of a fragment of Theophrastus and Plutarch. The word "zôros" is of particular concern, as there is difficulty in determining its meaning, with some suggesting it means "mixed" while others argue it means "undiluted." The author suggests that the reading of the Empedocles line should be restored to "zôra" meaning "undiluted" and that the modern interpretation of "mixed" is unjustifiable. The text also examines the use of "zôra" in Philumenus' work and argues that there is no occurrence in which it means "mixed." [derived from the whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KKhE3Xs36JAl2Ut

Empedokleův sfairos v pohledech antických interpretů, 2008
By: Hladký, Vojtech

Title	Empedokleův sfairos v pohledech antických interpretů
Type	Article
Language	Czech
Date	2008
Journal	Listy filologické / Folia philologica
Volume	131
Issue	3/4
Pages	379-439
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hladký, Vojtech
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Tento text si klade za cíl prozkoumat způsob, jakým recipují a reinterpretují Empedokleovu koncepci či spíše představu Sfairu pozdější antičtí autoři. Navazuje přitom na naši předchozí práci, ve které jsme se pokusili – především na základě textů Empedoklea samého – tento moment Empedokleova rozvrhu světa rekonstruovat.² V něm, jak známo, čtyři základní a věčné prvky-živly (oheň, vzduch, vodu, zemi) přetvářejí, navzájem slučují a rozlučují dvě formující síly – Láska a Svár. Působením Lásky tak z původně jednoduchých prvků vznikají vyšší a složitější organismy a vůbec všechny věci, naproti tomu působením Sváru dochází k jejich rozkladu a návratu prvků do jejich původní čisté podoby.

Podle závěru našeho předchozího článku je Sfairos, vzniklý v okamžiku největšího vzepětí Lásky, ve skutečnosti jakýsi obrovský organismus, zahrnující do sebe všechny předtím vzniklé věci. Ty se dohromady spojí buď tak, že doslova fyzicky srostou, či přinejmenším dohromady vytvoří harmonický svět, v němž Láska zaručuje mírumilovné soužití a soubytí všeho, co předtím ze základních prvků vytvořila. Navíc je snad možné ztotožnit Sfairos se „svatou a nadlidskou myslí (φρην ιερή και άθέσφατος)“, o níž tento autor mluví ve svém zlomku B 134.

Jsme si přitom vědomi, že tato interpretace Empedokleova Sfairu je dosti neobvyklá. Vzhledem k tomu, že se nám báseň velkého Akragantťana nezachovala v úplnosti a její přesné filozofické sdělení bylo na mnoha místech ne zcela jasné patrně již pro antického čtenáře, musíme se bohužel o mnoha aspektech nauky, kterou hlásá, pouze dohadovat. V předchozí práci jsme se pokusili rekonstruovat Sfairos na základě rozboru zachovaného Empedokleova textu doplněného o starověká svědectví.

Snažíme-li se nyní provést rozbor výkladů Sfairu, které podávají Empedokleovi filozofičtí následovníci, činíme tak rovněž proto, abychom naši poněkud nezvyklou interpretaci dále nepřímo podpořili a zároveň poukázali na vliv, jaký Empedoklés – zejména pak v případě Platónových dialogů Tímaia, Politika a Symposia – mohl mít. Projdeme-li v detailu ohlasy Empedoklea u pozdějších autorů, které jsou možná někdy poněkud překvapivé, můžeme si pak na konci našeho zkoumání znovu položit otázku, zda by nemohly vrhnout nové světlo na jeho bohužel jen velmi torzovitě zachované dílo. [introduction p. 379-381] Übersetzung: Dieser Text zielt darauf ab, die Art und Weise zu untersuchen, wie spätere antike Autoren Empedokles’ Konzept oder eher die Vorstellung des Sphairos aufnehmen und reinterpretieren. Dabei knüpft er an unsere vorherige Arbeit an, in der wir versucht haben – vor allem auf der Grundlage von Empedokles’ eigenen Texten – diesen Aspekt von Empedokles’ Weltentwurf zu rekonstruieren.² Darin, wie bekannt, formen, verbinden und trennen sich die vier grundlegenden und ewigen Elemente (Feuer, Luft, Wasser, Erde) durch das Wirken von zwei gestaltenden Kräften – Liebe und Streit. Durch die Wirkung der Liebe entstehen aus den ursprünglich einfachen Elementen höhere und komplexere Organismen und überhaupt alle Dinge, während durch die Wirkung des Streits deren Zerfall und die Rückkehr der Elemente in ihre ursprüngliche reine Form erfolgt.

Laut dem Schluss unserer vorherigen Arbeit ist der Sphairos, der im Moment des höchsten Wirkens der Liebe entsteht, tatsächlich eine Art riesiger Organismus, der alle zuvor entstandenen Dinge in sich vereint. Diese verbinden sich entweder dadurch, dass sie buchstäblich physisch miteinander verschmelzen, oder zumindest gemeinsam eine harmonische Welt schaffen, in der die Liebe ein friedliches Zusammenleben und Mitsein all dessen garantiert, was zuvor aus den grundlegenden Elementen erschaffen wurde. Darüber hinaus ist es vielleicht möglich, den Sphairos mit dem „heiligen und übermenschlichen Geist (φρην ιερή και άθέσφατος)“ zu identifizieren, von dem dieser Autor in seinem Fragment B 134 spricht.

Wir sind uns dabei bewusst, dass diese Interpretation des Sphairos von Empedokles recht ungewöhnlich ist. Da das Gedicht des großen Akragantinischen Dichters nicht vollständig erhalten ist und seine genaue philosophische Aussage wohl schon für die antiken Leser an vielen Stellen nicht völlig klar war, müssen wir uns leider in vielen Aspekten der Lehre, die er verkündet, nur auf Vermutungen stützen. In der vorherigen Arbeit haben wir versucht, den Sphairos auf der Grundlage der Analyse des erhaltenen Textes von Empedokles, ergänzt durch antike Zeugnisse, zu rekonstruieren.

Wenn wir nun versuchen, die Auslegungen des Sphairos zu analysieren, die von den philosophischen Nachfolgern des Empedokles gegeben wurden, tun wir dies auch, um unsere etwas ungewöhnliche Interpretation indirekt weiter zu stützen und zugleich auf den Einfluss hinzuweisen, den Empedokles – insbesondere im Fall der platonischen Dialoge Timaios, Politikos und Symposion – möglicherweise hatte. Wenn wir die Rezeptionen von Empedokles bei späteren Autoren im Detail durchgehen, die manchmal vielleicht etwas überraschend sind, können wir uns am Ende unserer Untersuchung erneut die Frage stellen, ob diese nicht ein neues Licht auf sein leider nur sehr fragmentarisch erhaltenes Werk werfen könnten.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DoW1OJgnzqLFDXs

Encyclopédie philosophique universelle: Les oeuvres philosophiques, 1992
By: Mattéi, Jean-François (Ed.)

Title	Encyclopédie philosophique universelle: Les oeuvres philosophiques
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1992
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Presses Universitaires de France
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Mattéi, Jean-François
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OwmYyz8HeXbVYFD

Entelechie und Monade: Bemerkungen zum Gebrauch eines aristotelischen Begriffs bei Leibniz, 1987
By: Ebert, Theodor, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Entelechie und Monade: Bemerkungen zum Gebrauch eines aristotelischen Begriffs bei Leibniz
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1987
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben
Pages	560-583
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ebert, Theodor
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Abhandlung über die Verwendung des Begriffs 'Entelechie' bei Leibnitz: "Daß Leibniz sich, um auf unsere eingangs gestellte Frage zurück
zukommen,  für  seinen  Begriff  der  Entelechie  nicht  auf Aristoteles 
berufen  kann, dürfte  damit  klar geworden  sein. Aus  einem  Begriff, 
der bei Aristoteles eine Seinsweise von Gegenständen charakterisie
ren  soll,  ist  bei  Leibniz  ein  Begriff  geworden,  der  Seiendes  selber, 
Monaden nämlich, charakterisiert. Aber dieses Mißverständnis eines 
aristotelischen Begriffs durch Leibniz, das wir damit diagnostizieren 
müssen,  ist  nicht  eine  simple  Fehlinterpretation  des  aristotelischen 
Textes.  Dieses  Mißverständnis ist begünstigt worden durch eine Ar
gumentation  des  Aristoteles,  die  den  Charakter  einer  dialektischen 
tour  de  force  hat  und  die  von  dem Ausdruck  ,Entelecheia‘ einen  in 
gewissem  Sinn  problematischen  Gebrauch  macht." (p. 582)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3k7VYtKVSM42I1L

Entrer en matière. Les prologues, 1998
By: Dubois, Jean-Daniel (Ed.), Roussel, Bernard (Ed.)

Title	Entrer en matière. Les prologues
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1998
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Centre d’Études des Religions du Livre, Cerf
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Dubois, Jean-Daniel , Roussel, Bernard
Translator(s)

Vingt-huit auteurs ont étudié les pages introductives d'oeuvres philosophiques et théologiques de l'Antiquité et du Moyen Age, de Bibles et de commentaires, manuscrits et imprimés, rédigés par des juifs et des chrétiens jusqu'au XVIIe siècle. Ils montrent comment ces pages définissent des "orientations herméneutiques", des "protocoles de lecture" ou encore tissent des liens avec les lecteurs.  [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GzDhLGjpBoVziqc

Epea and grammata : oral and written communication in ancient Greece, 2002
By: Foley, John Miles (Ed.), Worthington, Ian (Ed.)

Title	Epea and grammata : oral and written communication in ancient Greece
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston – Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Mnemosyne
Volume	Supplementum 230
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Foley, John Miles , Worthington, Ian
Translator(s)

This volume deals with aspects of orality and oral traditions in ancient Greece, specifically literature, rhetoric and society, and philosophy, and is a selection of refereed papers from the fourth biennial Orality and Literacy in Ancient Greece conference, held at the University of Missouri Columbia in 2000.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/o7ZdGX3ZzCBIKXK

Title	Epicteti Enchiridion, hoc est pugio, siue ars humanae vitae correctrix; Simplicii in eundem Epicteti libellum doctissima scholia; Arriani Commentariorum de Epicteti Disputationibus libri 4
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1563
Publication Place	Basileae
Publisher	Oporinus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Wolf, Hieronymus
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

Title	Epictetus his Morals, with Simplicius his Comment. Made English from the Greek by George Stanhope, with the life of Epictetus, from Monfieur Boileau.
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1694
Publication Place	London
Edition No.	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius , Epictetus
Editor(s)	Stanhope, George
Translator(s)	Stanhope, George(Stanhope, George)

I do not intend to give a tedious account of the work itself, but shall only say that it has been my endeavor to express the author’s sense with all the ease and freedom I could, so as to avoid both the slavery of a literal and the licentiousness of a loose and luxuriant interpretation.

My design at present is only to make some necessary reflections upon those parts of the Stoic philosophy which are apt to prejudice men against it, and tempt some, from these extravagant systems of moral perfection, to think (at least to plead in defense of their own excesses) that the general rules prescribed for reforming our manners are things too finely thought, sublime, airy, and impracticable speculations. [Preface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gOrohcWUD3cBJs5

Epictetus, "Encheiridion" 27, 1992
By: Boter, Gerard

Title	Epictetus, "Encheiridion" 27
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1992
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	45
Issue	4
Pages	473-481
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Boter, Gerard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The problem lies in the comparison: in which way can the statement σκοπὸς πρὸς τὸ ἀποτυχεῖν οὐ τίθεται be applied to the notion that ἡ φύσις κακοῦ does not exist in the cosmos? Moreover, the situation is further complicated by the fact that the part of the Diatribes from which Arrianus took Ench. 27 is not extant, so that we cannot tell whether Epictetus gave a fuller exposition of the comparison.

Before discussing a number of interpretations proposed by commentators, ancient and modern, I would like to stress that in principle, preference should be given to an interpretation that stays as close to the text as possible (i.e., one that does not have to adduce notions which are not expressed explicitly), and in which the parallelism between image and application is seen most directly. [introduction p. 473-474]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/eKcNERBrRo5RK9q

Epitêdeiolês in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis, 1972
By: Todd, R. B.

Title	Epitêdeiolês in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis
Type	Article
Language	undefined
Date	1972
Journal	Acta Classica
Volume	15
Pages	25-35
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Todd, R. B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/i1HyYnNymEt19CA

Esegesi, parafrasi e compilazione in età tardoantica: atti del terzo Convegno dell'Associazione di studi tardoantichi, 1995
By: Moreschini, Claudio (Ed.)

Title	Esegesi, parafrasi e compilazione in età tardoantica: atti del terzo Convegno dell'Associazione di studi tardoantichi
Type	Edited Book
Language	Italian
Date	1995
Publication Place	Napoli
Publisher	M. D'Auria
Series	Collectanea (D'Auria)
Volume	9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Moreschini, Claudio
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9TdVasyOFO7lHMY

Essentialisme. Alexandre d'Aphrodise entre logique, physique et cosmologie, 2007
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	Essentialisme. Alexandre d'Aphrodise entre logique, physique et cosmologie
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2007
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina
Volume	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This book is the first study of the ontological system of Alexander of Aphrodisias (floruit c. 200 AD), famous for his commentaries on the works of Aristotle. By drawing not only on the entire known corpus of the commentator's works, but also on numerous new Greek and Arabic sources, Marwan Rashed aimsat defining Alexander’s place in the history of metaphysics. Alexander’s attempt to substantiate the objectivity of the Aristotelian form draws down the curtain on the phase of the Hellenistic peripatos, at the same time marking the beginning of medieval Aristotelianism.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UWvfc21ygCYe7ts

Eudemus of Rhodes, 2002
By: Fortenbaugh, William. W. (Ed.), Bodnár, István M. (Ed.)

Title	Eudemus of Rhodes
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	New Jersey
Publisher	Transaction Publisher
Series	Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities
Volume	11
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William. W. , Bodnár, István M.
Translator(s)

Eudemus of Rhodes was a pupil of Aristotle in the second half of the fourth century BCE. When Aristotle died, having chosen Theophrastus as his successor, Eudemus returned to Rhodes where it appears he founded his own school. His contributions to logic were significant: he took issue with Aristotle concerning the status of the existential "is," and together with Theophrastus he made important contributions to hypothetical syllogistic and modal logic. He wrote at length on physics, largely following Aristotle, and took an interest in animal behavior. His histories of geometry, arithmetic, and astronomy were of great importance and are responsible for much of what we know of these subjects in earlier times.
Volume 11 in the series Rutgers Studies in Classical Humanities is different in that it is composed entirely of articles that discuss Eudemus from a variety of viewpoints. Sixteen scholars representing seven nations have contributed essays to the volume. A special essay by Dimitri Gutas brings together for the first time the Arabic material relating to Eudemus.
Other contributors and essays are:
Hans B. Gottschalk, "Eudemus and the Peripatos";
Tiziano Dorandi, "Quale aspetto controverso della biografia di Eudemo di Rodi";
William W. Fortenbaugh, "Eudemus' Work On Expression";
Pamela M. Huby, "Did Aristotle Reply to Eudemus and Theophrastus on Some Logical Issues?";
Robert Sharples, "Eudemus' Physics: Change, Place and Time";
Han Baltussen, "Wehrli's Edition of Eudemus of Rhodes: The Physical Fragments from Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics";
Sylvia Berryman, "Sumphues and Suneches: Continuity and Coherence in Early Peripatetic Texts";
István Bodnár, "Eudemus' Unmoved Movers: Fragments 121–123b Wehrli";
Deborah K. W. Modrak, "Phantasia, Thought and Science in Eudemus";
Stephen White, "Eudemus the Naturalist";
Jørgen Mejer, "Eudemus and the History of Science";
Leonid Zhmud, "Eudemus' History of Mathematics";
Alan C. Bowen, "Eudemus' History of Early Greek Astronomy: Two Hypotheses";
Dmitri Panchenko, "Eudemus Fr. 145 Wehrli and the Ancient Theories of Lunar Light";
and Gábor Betegh, "On Eudemus Fr. 150 Wehrli."
"[Eudemus of Rhodes] marks a substantial progress in our knowledge of Eudemus. For it enlarges the scope of the information available on this author, highlights the need of, and paves the way to, a new critical edition of the Greek fragments of his works, and provides a clearer view of his life, thought, sources and influence. In all these respects, it represents a necessary complement to Wehrli's edition of Eudemus' fragments."
—Amos Bertolacci, The Classical Bulletin
István Bodnár is a member of the philosophy department at the Eötvös University in Budapest, where he teaches and does research on ancient philosophy. He has been a junior fellow at the Center for Hellenic Studies and most recently has been an Alexander von Humboldt Stipendiat in Berlin at the Max Planck Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte and at the Freie Universität.
William W. Fortenbaugh is professor of classics at Rutgers University. In addition to editing several books in this series, he has written Aristotle on Emotion and Quellen zur Ethik Theophrastus. New is his edition of Theophrastus's treatise On Sweat. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Chi4rYr2xTDiSmY

Eudemus' Physics: Change, Place and Time, 2002
By: Sharples, Robert W., Bodnár, István M. (Ed.), Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.)

Title	Eudemus' Physics: Change, Place and Time
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	Eudemus of Rhodes
Pages	107-126
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sharples, Robert W.
Editor(s)	Bodnár, István M. , Fortenbaugh, William W.
Translator(s)

The picture of Eudemus’ Physics that has emerged from consideration of this selection of passages is not radically different from the general scholarly consensus sketched at the outset. Eudemus follows Aristotle quite closely. Sometimes his exposition is more compressed than Aristotle’s discussion, sometimes he expands it; often he draws upon his knowledge of other parts of Aristotle’s Physics or other Aristotelian doctrines, and often he seems to strive for a more systematic exposition.

What I hope this paper may have achieved is, through the consideration of particular passages and arguments, and by setting passages from Eudemus against their Aristotelian originals, to fill out that general picture and enable us to assess Eudemus’ methods and contributions—while remaining mindful always that the extent to which we can do this is necessarily limited by the extent of the available evidence, generous though it may be in comparison with that for many of the lost works of antiquity. [conclusion p. 124]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2B6FJ97qw2g6oAO

Eudemus’ Unmoved Movers: Fragments 121-123b Wehrli, 2002
By: Bodnár, István M., Fortenbaugh, William. W. (Ed.), Bodnár, István M. (Ed.)

Title	Eudemus’ Unmoved Movers: Fragments 121-123b Wehrli
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	Eudemus of Rhodes
Pages	171-189
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bodnár, István M.
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William. W. , Bodnár, István M.
Translator(s)

After evaluating the testimony about Eudemus’ doctrine concerning the unmoved prime movers, it should be stated that all the testimonies affirm that Eudemus upheld Aristotle’s doctrine of prime movers. This gains significance given that recent interpreters of Theophrastus argue that Theophrastus rejected this Aristotelian doctrine, attributing the motion of the heavens to the result of the souls of the spheres, and possibly also to the element composing these spheres. If this were the case, one might be tempted to draw a contrast between the provincial conservatism of Eudemus, who returned to his native Rhodes after Aristotle’s death, and the cosmopolitan innovative spirit of Theophrastus, who remained in the intellectually vibrant climate of Athens until the end of his life.

Here, I cannot elaborate in detail why I think such a contrast is untenable, but I can indicate one fundamental reason for Theophrastus’ retention of the Aristotelian unmoved movers. The most important consideration comes from Theophrastus’ Metaphysics. That short treatise examines, from beginning to end, the way in which the different domains of the universe are integrated and claims, in an Aristotelian vein, that there must be contact or connection (synaphe) between these domains; otherwise, the universe would resemble a series of unconnected, episodic realms. This claim, combined with the testimony that Theophrastus admitted supra-physical entities, requires that these entities be integrated with the operation of the cosmos. Unless some other task is explicitly assigned to them, the orthodox Aristotelian role of unmoved movers remains the most likely candidate for their function.

The only alternative might be to claim that these supra-sensible entities are identical with the souls of the celestial spheres. However, this will not suffice, as the mode of operation of the unmoved mover is described in orthodox Aristotelian terms as the effect of the nature of the object of desire, while the role of the celestial souls is consistently described as the subject of desire and aspiration. Unless something can be the object of its own aspiration—which is inadmissible on Peripatetic grounds, since that would require the same entity to possess and be bereft of the same characteristic at the same time—the motion of the celestial spheres necessitates an external unmoved mover.

Accordingly, if Theophrastus raised difficulties in the context of an Aristotelian account of celestial motion to elucidate and elaborate the original Aristotelian position, his project was not fundamentally different from the one pursued by Eudemus in his Physics. The fact that Simplicius, in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, refers to Eudemus’ Physics far more often than to Theophrastus’ writings likely reflects the nature of these writings rather than any significant difference in the philosophical outlook of these authors. [conclusion p. 187-189]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oHvrWIwr97HgFIY

Eudorus and the Early Platonist Interpretation of the "Categories", 2008
By: Tarrant, Harold

Title	Eudorus and the Early Platonist Interpretation of the "Categories"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2008
Journal	Laval théologique et philosophique
Volume	64
Issue	3
Pages	583-595
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarrant, Harold
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The hermeneutic tradition concerning Aristotle’s Categories goes back to Eudorus and his contemporaries in the first century BC. Initially a perplexing text, it forces the Platonist to consider a variety of new dialectical questions. The criticisms of Eudorus demonstrate the desire for orderly arrangements, and pose questions that the hermeneutic tradition, culminating in the magnificent commentary of Simplicius, would try to answer. His pursuit of a critical agenda does not warrant the label “anti-Aristotelian” or “polemical”, but it does show why he preferred to be known as an Academic than as a Peripatetic. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wSO0JNPufdqhWkk

Eudoxus, Callipus and the Astronomy of the Timaeus, 2003
By: Gregory, Andrew, Sharples, Robert W. (Ed.), Sheppard, Anne D. (Ed.)

Title	Eudoxus, Callipus and the Astronomy of the Timaeus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2003
Published in	Ancient Approaches to Plato's Timaeus
Pages	5-28
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gregory, Andrew
Editor(s)	Sharples, Robert W. , Sheppard, Anne D.
Translator(s)

Whether the astronomy of the Timaeus had any significant influence on Eudoxus’ theory of homocentric spheres is a matter of contention. Some commentators deny any such influence. Here I argue for a view of the Timaeus’ astronomy, and of Eudoxus’ astronomy, whereby Eudoxus’ work was as much a natural development of the Timaeus as Callippus’ work was of Eudoxus. I also argue for an important interpretative principle. This is that Plato, Eudoxus and Callippus could not account for all the phenomena they were aware of, and were aware of that fact. If the Timaeus presents a prototype, Eudoxus can then be seen to develop this astronomy,  making the model  more sophisticated and complex while staying within the cosmological principles, and attempting to solve the key problems which were left unsolved by the Timaeus model. He does this in much the same way as Callippus made Eudoxus’ model more complex and sophisticated, and attempted to solve the leading problems in that model. I also consider some further objections to a significant interaction between Plato and Eudoxus, based on supposed philosophical differences, dating, and the evidence of later commentators. I conclude that these provide no significant obstacle to considering there to be a fruitful liaison between Plato and Eudoxus. [introduction, p. 5]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zuozQiu69DMzr3V

Exegesis as Philosophy: Notes on Aristotelian Methods in Neoplatonic Commentary, 2023
By: Griffin, Michael J., Muzala, Melina (Ed.)

Title	Exegesis as Philosophy: Notes on Aristotelian Methods in Neoplatonic Commentary
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2023
Published in	Ancient Greek Dialectic and Its Reception
Pages	371-396
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Griffin, Michael J.
Editor(s)	Muzala, Melina
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nhzKYr8q8E565qL

Exegesis in the Derveni Papyrus, 2004
By: Betegh, Gábor, Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Stone, Martin W. F. (Ed.)

Title	Exegesis in the Derveni Papyrus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2004
Published in	Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1
Pages	37-50
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Betegh, Gábor
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Baltussen, Han , Stone, Martin W. F.
Translator(s)

The text of the Derveni papyrus has often been labeled ‘a commentary’, or a hypomnema
and its unidentified author has habitually been called ‘the Derveni commentator.’ The roll,
which was found among the remains of the funeral pyre of a Macedonian tomb, has been
dated to the last third of the fourth century BC on the basis of the archeological evidence.
Moreover, there is an overriding consensus among scholars that the text was composed
sometime around the end of the Presocratic period.1 Given this early dating of the text, it
appears to be most significant for our knowledge of the early, pre-Hellenistic phase of the
commentary tradition. Indeed, if both the dating and the above characterization is correct,
the Derveni text is probably the earliest surviving specimen of this genre, and certainly the
earliest document providing first-hand evidence of sufficient length for direct textual
analysis.Alas, things with the Derveni papyrus are never so clear-cut. Most importantly, it is not
entirely evident whether it is legitimate to call the whole text a ‘commentary’ at all, and, if
so, with what qualifications. This is the basic question that I shall try to examine in this
paper. I shall tackle the issue by breaking it down into two, more or less independent, sets
of problems. The first of the two is largely formal and relatively simple. It amounts to
asking whether or not the Derveni text, or more precisely what has survived of it,
conforms with certain formal and structural features that we normally expect from a
commentary. The second set of problems is considerably more complex. To put it bluntly,
I shall ask why the Derveni author set out in the first place to interpret the object of his
exegesis. This question thus pertains to both the author’s cognitive and pragmatic attitude
towards the object of his interpretative enterprise, and, closely related to these, to the
specific cultural and sociological context in which the author pursues his exegesis. It is
also in this second part that I shall try to present a sympathetic rendering of the so-called
‘allegorical’ method of the Derveni author. [Introduction, p. 37]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pNaYfVx1t4ULvdc

Fallgesetz und Massebegriff. Zwei wissenschaftshistorische Untersuchungen zur Kosmologie des Johannes Philoponus, 1971
By: Wolff, Michael

Title	Fallgesetz und Massebegriff. Zwei wissenschaftshistorische Untersuchungen zur Kosmologie des Johannes Philoponus
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1971
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Quellen und Studien zur Philosophie
Volume	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wolff, Michael
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In der 1970 gegründeten Reihe erscheinen Arbeiten, die philosophiehistorische Studien mit einem systematischen Ansatz oder systematische Studien mit philosophiehistorischen Rekonstruktionen verbinden. Neben deutschsprachigen werden auch englischsprachige Monographien veröffentlicht. Gründungsherausgeber sind: Erhard Scheibe (Herausgeber bis 1991), Günther Patzig (bis 1999) und Wolfgang Wieland (bis 2003). Von 1990 bis 2007 wurde die Reihe von Jürgen Mittelstraß mitherausgegeben. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AtlPN4QA7mZzias

Falsifications and Authority in Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Renaissanc, 2020
By: Papy, J. (Ed.), Gielen, E. (Ed.)

Title	Falsifications and Authority in Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Renaissanc
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2020
Publication Place	Turnhout
Publisher	Brepols
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Papy, J. , Gielen, E.
Translator(s)

Confronted with the shifting idea of the authority of a text and its transmission and reception in a variety of genres, settings and contexts, this collective volume envisages to enlarge and deepen our understanding of these notions by tangling literary forgery and emulation. Authority and authoritative literary productions provoke all kinds of interest and emulation. Hermeneutical techniques, detailed exegesis and historical critique are invoked to put authority, and indeed also possible falsifications, to the test. Scholars from various disciplines working on texts, either authoritative or forged, and stemming from different periods of time, reflect on these topics on a methodological basis and from a hermeneutical entrance. In doing so, a threefold axis for questioning the phenomenon is proposed, namely the motif of falsification, the mechanism or technique applied, and the direct or indirect effect of this fraud. [author's abstract]

Fate, providence and moral responsibility in ancient, medieval and early modern thought. Studies in honour of Carlos Steel, 2014
By: Hoine, Pieter d' (Ed.), Van Riel, Gerd (Ed.)

Title	Fate, providence and moral responsibility in ancient, medieval and early modern thought. Studies in honour of Carlos Steel
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2014
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Leuven University Press
Series	Ancient and Medieval Philosophy, Series 1
Volume	49
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Hoine, Pieter d' , Van Riel, Gerd
Translator(s)

This book forms a major contribution to the discussion on fate, providence and moral responsibility in Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Early Modern times. Through 37 original papers, renowned scholars from many different countries, as well as a number of young and promising researchers, write the history of the philosophical problems of freedom and determinism since its origins in pre-socratic philosophy up to the seventeenth century.
The main focus points are classic Antiquity (Plato and Aristotle), the Neoplatonic synthesis of late Antiquity (Plotinus, Proclus, Simplicius), and thirteenth-century scholasticism (Thomas Aquinas, Henry of Ghent). They do not only represent key moments in the intellectual history of the West, but are also the central figures and periods to which Carlos Steel, the dedicatary of this volume, has devoted his philosophical career.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ga4rzoji8r8swzw

Ficino's Lecture on the Good?, 1977
By: Allen, Michael J. B.

Title	Ficino's Lecture on the Good?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1977
Journal	Renaissance Quarterly
Volume	30
Issue	2
Pages	160-171
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Allen, Michael J. B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This article discusses Plato's Lecture on the Good, the only lecture attributed to Plato by ancient sources. The lecture was attended by Aristotle and other students of Plato and was described as a blend of formal exposition, digressions, and asides. Although it was not a public success, the Lecture became famous in the ancient world for what the Neoplatonists presumed was its Pythagorean content. The Lecture played a role in the history of fifteenth-century Florentine Platonism under its chief architect, Marsilio Ficino, who was interested in reviving Neoplatonism and wedding it to Christianity while also dreaming of revitalizing the day-to-day life of the ancient Athenian Academy. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/P2WTHK3pKgeUa4u

Title	Filologisch-Historische Navorsingen over de Middleeuwse En Humanistische Latijnse Vertalingen van Den Commentaren van Simplicius, Deel I: De Commentaren In Ench., In Phys., In Cat., In De Anima; Deel II: De Commentaar In De Caelo; Deel III: Teksten En Documenten (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Leuven)
Type	Monograph
Language	Dutch
Date	1975
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bossier, Fernand
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OlxW2LFE8sTQ8aZ

Formal Argument and Olympiodorus’ Development as a Plato-Commentator, 2021
By: Tarrant, Harold

Title	Formal Argument and Olympiodorus’ Development as a Plato-Commentator
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2021
Journal	History of Philosophy & Logical Analysis
Volume	24
Issue	1
Pages	210-241
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarrant, Harold
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Olympiodorus led the Platonist school of philosophy at Alexandria for several decades in the sixth century,
and both Platonic and Aristotelian commentaries ascribed to him survive. During this time the school’s
attitude to the teaching of Aristotelian syllogistic, originally owing something to Ammonius,
changed markedly, with an early tendency to reinforce the teaching of syllogistic even in Platonist
lectures giving way to a greater awareness of its limitations. The vocabulary for arguments and their
construction becomes far commoner than the language of syllogistic and syllogistic figures, and also of
demonstration. I discuss the value of these changes for the dating of certain works, especially where the
text lectured on does not demand different emphases. The commitment to argument rather than to authority
continues, but a greater emphasis eventually falls on the establishment of the premises than on formal
validity. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/F0bFT161R2MXdut

Forms and Concepts. Concept Formation in the Platonic Tradition, 2012
By: Helmig, Christoph

Title	Forms and Concepts. Concept Formation in the Platonic Tradition
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2012
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Helmig, Christoph
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Forms and Concepts is the first comprehensive study of the central role of concepts and concept acquisition in the Platonic tradition. It sets up a stimulating dialogue between Plato’s innatist approach and Aristotle’s much more empirical response. The primary aim is to analyze and assess the strategies with which Platonists responded to Aristotle’s (and Alexander of Aphrodisias’) rival theory. The monograph culminates in a careful reconstruction of the elaborate attempt undertaken by the Neoplatonist Proclus (6th century AD) to devise a systematic Platonic theory of concept acquisition. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/7AJjtmjoFAqvB7D

Forms, Souls, and Embryos: Neoplatonists on Human Reproduction, 2016
By: Wilberding, James

Title	Forms, Souls, and Embryos: Neoplatonists on Human Reproduction
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2016
Publication Place	London – New York
Publisher	Routledge
Series	Issues in ancient philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wilberding, James
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Forms, Souls, and Embryos allows readers coming from different backgrounds to appreciate the depth and originality with which the Neoplatonists engaged with and responded to a number of philosophical questions central to human reproduction, including: What is the causal explanation of the embryo’s formation? How and to what extent are Platonic Forms involved? In what sense is a fetus ‘alive,’ and when does it become a human being? Where does the embryo’s soul come from, and how is it connected to its body? This is the first full-length study in English of this fascinating subject, and is a must-read for anyone interested in Neoplatonism or the history of medicine and embryology.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pFINi0kWts6jqtF

Francesco Patrizi da Cherso's Criticism of Aristotle's Logic, 2007
By: Deitz, Luc

Title	Francesco Patrizi da Cherso's Criticism of Aristotle's Logic
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2007
Journal	Vivarum
Volume	45
Issue	1
Pages	113-124
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Deitz, Luc
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Francesco Patrizi da Chersos Discussiones peripateticae (1581) are one of the most com- prehensive analyses of the whole of Aristotelian philosophy to be published before Werner Jaeger s Aristoteles . The main thrust of the argument in the Discussiones is that whatever Aristotle had said that was true was not new, and that whatever he had said that was new was not true. The article shows how Patrizi proves this with respect to the Organon , and deals with the implications for the history of ancient philosophy in general implied by his stance. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/jBaQdPWRsyt3XGo

From Polemic to Exegesis: The Ancient Philosophical Commentary, 2007
By: Baltussen, Han

Title	From Polemic to Exegesis: The Ancient Philosophical Commentary
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2007
Journal	Poetics Today
Volume	28
Issue	2
Pages	247–281
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Commentary  was  an  important  vehicle  for  philosophical  debate  in late  antiquity.  Its  antecedents  lie in  the rise  of rational  argumentation,  polemical rivalry, literacy,  and the canonization of texts. This essay aims to give a historical and typological outline of philosophical exegesis in antiquity, from the earliest allegorizing readings  of Homer to  the  full-blown “running commentary” in the  Platonic tradition (fourth to sixth centuries CE). Running commentaries are mostly on authoritative thinkers such as Plato and Aristotle. Yet they are never mere scholarly enterprises but, rather,  springboards for syncretistic clarification, elaboration,  and creative interpretation. Two case studies (Galen 129-219 CE, Simplicius ca. 530 CE) will illustrate the range of exegetical tools available at the end of a long tradition in medical science and in reading Aristotle through Neoplatonic eyes, respectively. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9evl1bXvfOTYX0r

Geist im Exil. Römische Philosophen am Hof der Sasaniden, 2002
By: Hartmann, Udo, Schuol, Monika (Ed.), Hartmann, Udo (Ed.), Luther, Andreas (Ed.)

Title	Geist im Exil. Römische Philosophen am Hof der Sasaniden
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2002
Published in	Grenzüberschreitungen. Formen des Kontakts zwischen Orient und Okzident im Altertum
Pages	123-160
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hartmann, Udo
Editor(s)	Schuol, Monika , Hartmann, Udo , Luther, Andreas
Translator(s)

Der  Exkurs  über  Chosroes,  Uranius  und  die  Philosophengesandtschaft  der 
athenischen  Neuplatoniker  im  Jahr  532  gestattet  einen  Einblick  in  die 
kulturellen  Kontakte  zwischen  Rom  und  Persien  im  6.  Jahrhundert.  Er  zeigt, 
daß es  im Römischen  Reich eine  weitverbreitete Kenntnis über die Renaissance 
der  Sasaniden  unter  Chosroes  gab,  auch  wenn  das  Bild  Persiens  zum  Teil 
idealisiert  wurde.  Die  philosophische  Bildung  des  Chosroes  rühmten  sowohl 
Perser  als  auch  Römer.  Der  Exkurs  demonstriert  das  breite  Interesse  an  der 
anderen  Kultur,  das  sich  besonders  bei  den  Heiden  fand.  Schließlich  ver
deutlicht  er,  daß  sich  Persien  im  6.  Jahrhundert  zunehmend  zum  Fluchtpunkt 
für Heiden und andere Verfolgte aus dem Römischen Reich entwickelte. [conclusion, p. 156]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rW1ulVYMSlxdpM5

Genethliakon, 1910
By: C. Robert (Ed.)

Title	Genethliakon
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	1910
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Weidmann
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	C. Robert
Translator(s)

Bechtel subjects the names of persons as published by Frankel in the fourth volume of I.O. to a searching criticism. A fair number of errors, certain or probable, are pointed out, but they are perhaps scarcely serious enough (consideration being had to the magnitude of the work) to justify the rather severe tone of criticism employed. Bechtel's proposed corrections are, however, likely to win approval for the most part. Otto Kern discusses the origin of the collection of hymns comprehended under the title Ὀρφέως πρὸς Μουσαῖον εὐτυχοῦς χάριτι. These were apparently designed for the use of a body of mystae devoted to the service of Dionysos. The occurrence of the names of the goddess Hipta and of Dionysos Erikepaios both in these hymns and in inscriptions recently discovered in Asia Minor leads Kern to look to Asia Minor rather than to Egypt for their origin. The connection between the later Orphism and magical inscriptions is rightly pointed out by Kern. There is no doubt that the Gnostic and magical inscriptions on metal foil are a continuation of the Orphic inscriptions on similar material.

Eduard Meyer chooses for his study Hesiod's Works and Days, and in particular the part dealing with the Five Races of Mankind. In general, it may be remarked that his interpretations do not differ greatly from those of the late Dr. Adam in his Religious Teachers of Greece. The central idea of the poem is, according to Meyer, 'the dignity of labour'; according to Adam, 'Justice between man and man.' These views, it may be pointed out, are united in the Platonic conception of Justice as consisting in the doing by each man of the work nature intended him to do. These broodings over the relation of man to man (says Wissowa) lead the poet to take a wider view of the development of mankind in his description of the Five Ages. The golden and silver ages are a picture of decline in a race of ideal beings; the bronze and iron ages are a picture of a decline in morals accompanying an improvement in culture, a phenomenon noted by the poet from his own observation. The heroic age is interpolated between these two in order to suit the general belief in its existence; it is also a ray of hope piercing the gloom of Hesiod's pessimism. Professor Meyer, as Professor Mair in his recent translation of Hesiod, emphasizes the almost Hebraic spirit of religion pervading the poem.

Ulrich Wilcken devotes an extremely interesting article to a fresh study of a Greek papyrus found by Prof. Petrie at Hawara in 1889. This was at first regarded by Prof. Sayce as a fragment of a lost history of Sicily, perhaps that of Timaeus. Dr. Wilcken, however, in that same year expressed the opinion that the fragment really formed part of a descriptive guide to Athens and the Peiraeus. This conclusion is amply confirmed by the present very ingenious study. Dr. Wilcken successfully distinguishes portions describing the Peiraeus (including the mention of an otherwise unknown sundial), Munichia (with a mention of 'the famous shrine of Artemis'), and the circuit of the Peiraeus wall, which is here said to measure ninety-odd stades, whereas the Themistoclean wall described by Thucydides measured but sixty. Hence, the wall described must be the wall of Konon. The manuscript goes on to describe the Long Walls and the Phaleric wall (mentioning the hill Sikelia) and breaks off just at the beginning of an account of 'the town of Theseus.' It is probable that this guide was written at the beginning of the third century B.C., though the papyrus is to be dated at about 100 A.D. The name of the author must remain uncertain, though it is conceivably the work of Diodorus the Periegetes.

The concluding study by Benno Erdmann on the philosophy of Spinoza falls outside the scope of this Journal. [notices of book]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wxEGw3MZ3aRDjPW

Gibt es Spuren von Theophrasts Phys. op. bei Cicero?, 1989
By: Mansfeld, Jaap, Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Steinmetz, Peter (Ed.)

Title	Gibt es Spuren von Theophrasts Phys. op. bei Cicero?
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1989
Published in	Cicero's Knowledge of the Peripatos
Pages	133-158
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Steinmetz, Peter
Translator(s)

Zum einen hat er, teilweise zu Recht, auf Übereinstimmungen zwischen Luc. 118 und den entsprechenden Theophrast-Fragmenten bzw. Paraphrasen in Simplikios’ Kommentar zur aristotelischen Physik hingewiesen, die Usener und er den Physica opinionum zugewiesen haben. Als nächstes aber hat er Luc. 119–121 über die stoische Theorie der Vorsehung (SVF I 92 u. 1161) und über Aristoteles (De philos. fr. 20 Ross) und Stratons (fr. 32 Wehrli) entgegengesetzte Auffassungen ausgeklammert, weil dieses Stück nicht auf Theophrast zurückgeführt werden könne.

Aus den nachfolgenden Paragraphen, die über verschiedene Ansichten von den Himmelskörpern und der Erde referieren, hat er schließlich 123 „Hiketas von Syrakus, wie Theophrast sagt“ (Hicetas Syracosius, ut ait Theophrastus …) usw. wieder als Beweis dafür angezogen, dass die doxographische Übersicht zur Astronomie aus den Physica opinionum stamme.

In der Nachfolge Krisches hatte schließlich schon Diels zu Recht bemerkt, dass Ciceros unmittelbare Quelle ein Akademiker, wohl ein Karneadesschüler, sein müsse. Das Textstück über Hiketas (auch abgedruckt in Vorsokr. 51.1) hat er als Physica opinionum fr. 18 aufgenommen (DG 492–3). Es ist dies der einzige Cicerotext in der betreffenden Dielsschen Sammlung. [introduction p. 133]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MGhjgtg4bJWxFhu

Gnose et Philosophie. Études en hommage à Pierre Hadot, 2009
By: Narbonne, Jean-Marc (Ed.), Poirier, Paul-Hubert (Ed.)

Title	Gnose et Philosophie. Études en hommage à Pierre Hadot
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2009
Publication Place	Paris - Québec
Publisher	Vrin - Les Presses de l'Université Laval
Series	Collection Zêtêsis: Série «Textes et essais»
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Narbonne, Jean-Marc , Poirier, Paul-Hubert
Translator(s)

Un livre d’historiens et de philosophes spécilalistes de l’antiquité en hommage à Pierre Hadot, lui-même philosophe français et historien de l'antiquité très réputé et l'auteur d'une œuvre actuelle et majeure, dont l'influence n'est pas encore assez mesurée, développée notamment autour de la notion d'exercice spirituel et de philosophie comme manière de vivre. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/U9H8sJ1wzJuelAx

God Time Being: Two Studies in the Transcendental Tradition in Greek Philosophy, 1971
By: Whittaker, John H.

Title	God Time Being: Two Studies in the Transcendental Tradition in Greek Philosophy
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1971
Publication Place	Oslo
Publisher	Universitetsforlaget
Series	Symbolae Osloenses
Volume	23
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Whittaker, John H.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Es geht um die im Platonismus entwickelte Vorstellung einer Gottheit eigenen
zeitlosen, zeit3berlegenen Ewigkeit, die von Plotin aus (Enneaden III 7) die abend-
lindische Theologie und Mystik stark beeinfluf3t hat. Zugrunde liegt Platons
Spekulation 3ber Aion und Chronos, Timaios 73 c-38 c; ausformuliert ist die
These vom ewigen Jetzt fur unsere Kenntnis erstmals im mittleren Platonismus
(Plutarch, De E ap. Delph. 393 A-C). Doch hat sie der Neuplatonismus - sicher-
lich zu Unrecht - bereits in ein beruhmtes Parmenides-Fragment (8, 5 D.-Kr., wo
es vom Sein heift, dag ,alles jetzt zusammen ist", nach U. Hoelscher) hinein-
gelesen. Der Verf., der diese Oberlieferungsverhiltnisse klarend darlegt, unterzieht
das Fragment im ersten Teil seiner Arbeit einer scharfsinnigen, reich dokumen-
tierten Analyse. Dabei wird die Ansicht begrundet, dai3 die Texte unserer spht-
antiken Zeugen (Simplikios einerseits, die vier alexandrinischen Ausleger andrer-
seits) nicht iber jeden Zweifel erhaben sind. Es k6nnte sein, daf3 bei Simplikios
- dem die modernen Ausgaben zu folgen pflegen - eine neuplatonische Adaption
des parmenideischen Wortlauts vorliegt, so daf die uberlieferte Form von Parm.
8, 5 fur die Ermittlung der Lehre des grof3enEleaten ausscheiden muf3te - ein fur
die Vorsokratikerforschung recht erhebliches Ergebnis. - In einer zweiten Unter-
suchung geht der Verf. dem gleichen Motiv (,Gottes ewiges Heute': der Leser der
augustinischen Confessionen hat es aus dem grofartigen Lobpreis XI 13 in Erinne-
rung) bei Philon von Alexandria nach, wobei sich ein belehrender Einblick in die
platonistisdhe Tradition ergibt (verwunderlich, daf3 Clemens von Alexandria nach
Migne's Patrologie, Maximos von Tyros nach der alten Dibner'sdlen Ausgabe
zitiert werden). Auch aristotelische und stoische Einflusse werden gepruft. W. stellt
fest, daf3 die meisten Philonstellen, die man bisher im Sinn der neuplatonischen
Lehre von einer zeitüberlegenen Ewigkeit gedeutet hatte, anders zu erklaren
sind; eine Ausnahme scheint in einer allegorischen Auslegung des Alten Testaments
(zu Levit. 2, 14) vorzuliegen (de sacrif. 76). Es bleibt dabei, daf3 das weitreidiende
Thema in voller Klarheit erstmals in Plutarchs ob. gen. Dialog angesprochen wird;
er hangt sicher mit dem seit Ende des 1. Jh. v. Chr. wieder rege gewordenen
Studium des platonischen Timaios zusammen, welches in dem Kommentar des
Alexandriners Eudoros, eines pythagoreisierenden Platonikers, moglicherweiseeine
Quelle Plutarchs hervorgebracht hat (hier ware auf eine den Problemen des mitt-
leren Platonismus gewidmete Arbeit H. Dbrrie's hinzuweisen gewesen, in: Les
Sourdes de Plotin, Entresiens sur L'Antiquite Classique, t. V, 1957 193 it)." (Review, H. Strohm)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gmCTvOKY6YxDRe4

Gonimos: Neoplatonic and Byzantine Studies presented to Leendert G. Westerink at 75, 1988
By: Duffy, John (Ed.), Peradotto, John J. (Ed.)

Title	Gonimos: Neoplatonic and Byzantine Studies presented to Leendert G. Westerink at 75
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1988
Publication Place	Buffalo – New York
Publisher	Arethusa
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Duffy, John , Peradotto, John J.
Translator(s)

This volume, dedicated to the scholar Leendert G. Westerink, comprises 16 articles across two main areas of his research interests: Neo-Platonic and Byzantine studies. The six Neo-Platonic articles explore subjects such as manuscript histories, philosophical debates, and influences of figures like Porphyry, Iamblichus, and Proclus. Notably, Father Saffrey investigates an anonymous commentary on Parmenides, while other authors delve into Neo-Platonic mathematics, hymns, and commentaries on Aristotle’s discussions of reason.

The ten Byzantine studies articles cover a diverse range of historical and cultural insights. Topics include Byzantine letter-writing practices, with George Dennis highlighting humor in personal correspondence, and Cyril Mango examining the collapse of St. Sophia. Further articles focus on figures such as Psellus, Patriarch Cosmas, and fourteenth-century scholar Georgios Karbones, alongside explorations of political and religious tensions in the Ionian Islands under various European rulers. This collection offers an in-depth look at both Neo-Platonic philosophy and Byzantine cultural dynamics, illustrating the intellectual legacy of Westerink’s scholarship. [summary of Lucas Siorvanes' Review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QCXOrqqEdxnvWCD

Greek into Arabic: Neoplatonism in Translation, 2005
By: D'Ancona Costa, Cristina, Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Taylor, Richard C. (Ed.)

Title	Greek into Arabic: Neoplatonism in Translation
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy
Pages	10-32
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Taylor, Richard C.
Translator(s)

In this article, the author discusses the impact of Plotinus, a philosopher of the late ancient period, on the development of philosophical thought, including the creation of falsafa and its influence on philosophy in the Middle Ages. D'Ancona Costa explores Plotinus' Platonism and his incorporation of the doctrines of other philosophers, especially Aristotle, into his teachings. She examines Plotinus' key doctrines, including his understanding of soul, intelligible reality, and the Forms, and how they influenced the development of falsafa. The article also discusses the Neoplatonic model of philosophy as a systematic discipline, covering topics from logic to theology, and how it impacted the study of philosophy in the Middle Ages. Ultimately, the article argues that an understanding of the roots of falsafa in the philosophical thought of Late Antiquity is essential for a proper understanding of the development of philosophy. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0rcOOPNBmsQmGsu

Grenzüberschreitungen. Formen des Kontakts zwischen Orient und Okzident im Altertum, 2002
By: Schuol, Monika (Ed.), Hartmann, Udo (Ed.), Luther, Andreas (Ed.)

Title	Grenzüberschreitungen. Formen des Kontakts zwischen Orient und Okzident im Altertum
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	2002
Publication Place	Stuttgart
Publisher	Franz Steiner Verlag
Series	Oriens et Occidens. Studien zu antiken Kulturkontakten und ihrem Nachleben
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Schuol, Monika , Hartmann, Udo , Luther, Andreas
Translator(s)

Aus dem Inhalt: J. Wiesehöfer: Plön, Innsbruck, Berlin … Der „Orientkreis“ oder das Wandern zwischen zwei Welten ― A. Demandt: Alexander im Islam ― E. Baltrusch: Zwischen Autonomie und Repression: Perspektiven und Grenzen einer Zusammenarbeit zwischen jüdischen Gemeinden und hellenistischem Staat ― A. Gebhardt: Numismatische Beiträge zur spätdomitianischen Ostpolitik – Vorbereitungen eines Partherkrieges? ― B. Gufler: Orientalische Wurzeln griechischer Gorgo-Darstellungen ― P. Haider: Glaubensvorstellungen in Heliopolis / Baalbek in neuer Sicht ― U. Hartmann: Geist im Exil. Römische Philosophen am Hof der Sasaniden ― U. Hartmann / A. Luther: Münzen des hatrenischen Herrn wrwd (Worod) ― I. Huber: Der Perser-Nomos des Timotheos – Zwischen Unterhaltungsliteratur und politischer Propaganda ― P. Huyse: Sprachkontakte und Entlehnungen zwischen dem Griechisch/Lateinischen und dem Mitteliranischen ― H. Klinkott: Die Funktion des Apadana am Beispiel der Gründungsurkunde von Susa ― A. Luther: Zwietracht am Fluß Tanais: Nachrichten über das Bosporanische Reich bei Horaz? ― U. Scharrer: Nomaden und Seßhafte in Tadmor im 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. ― M. Schuol: Zur Überlieferung homerischer Epen vor dem Hintergrund altanatolischer Traditionen ― S. Stark: Nomaden und Seßhafte in Mittel- und Zentralasien: Nomadische Adaptionsstrategien am Fallbeispiel der Alttürken. [official abstract]

Online Resources

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Grundbegriffe der stoischen Ethik. Eine traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung , 1933
By: Rieth, Otto

Title	Grundbegriffe der stoischen Ethik. Eine traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1933
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Weidmann
Series	Problemata. Forschungen zur klassischen Philologie
Volume	9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rieth, Otto
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This book is an important study of one aspect of Stoicism. The conception of Stoicism as a kind of religion which disguised itself as a complete philosophy by irrelevantly assuming the more useless parts of Aristotle's logic and certain peculiar metaphysical doctrines is here attacked from a new point. The credit of showing the novelty of the Stoic logic is due to M. Bréhier. Dr. Rieth takes the Stoic treatment of the conceptions poion, idion, poiotês, diathesis, hexis, schesis, aition, and of the categories, and shows how it interlocks with their ethical theory. These are the Grundbegriffe of his title. It may be considered a somewhat paradoxical one, but the truth remains that we cannot understand the Chrysippean system unless these conceptions are given their proper prominence. Dr. Rieth expounds his interpretations with lucidity and a thorough grasp of his material. It is an indication of both merits that at the end of the book are twelve excursus in twenty-six pages of small type, including a valuable one on sêmeion. I do not think that he has always said the last word, but he is always worth reading.
Our chief source of information on the topics of this book is Simplicius. Dr. Rieth, who sees Stoicism to be post-Aristotelian philosophically as well as temporally, hopes that his work may prove of value to the study of Peripateticism. These Stoic doctrines, he argues, were a criticism of Aristotle: they were in turn criticised by Peripatetics: but the Peripatetics interpreted their master in a way different from that they would have taken had there not been the rival system. He also hopes, perhaps with more justification, that by establishing the orthodox Chrysippean system he will make easier the study of Posidonius, from which he began his investigations. It is to be hoped that he will himself be able to attack the undergrowth of the Poseidoniosforschung. His sober judgment, absence of parti pris, and ability to marshal complicated evidence fit him for the Herculean task.
[Review by S.H. Sandbach, Trinity College, Cambridge]

Guillaume de Moerbeke et Saint Thomas, 1989
By: Steel, Carlos, Brams, Jozef (Ed.), Vanhamel, Willy (Ed.)

Title	Guillaume de Moerbeke et Saint Thomas
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1989
Published in	Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d’études à l’occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286)
Pages	57-82
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)	Brams, Jozef , Vanhamel, Willy
Translator(s)

D’ailleurs, je n’ai pas l’impression que leurs intérêts intellectuels étaient convergents. Si on peut prendre le prologue de la Perspectiva de Witelo comme un témoignage indirect sur la pensée de Guillaume, il semble qu’il avait une préférence pour une philosophie platonisante, avec un intérêt particulier pour la philosophie de la nature et l’astronomie (-logie?). Il avait probablement plus de connaturalité intellectuelle avec son jeune ami et compatriote Henri Bate (qui lui a dédié son traité sur la composition de l’astrolabe) qu’avec le théologien-philosophe Thomas d’Aquin.

Quoi qu’il en soit, il est hors de doute que Thomas a pu profiter largement du travail de son confrère. Selon la tradition, Thomas aurait pris des initiatives pour obtenir de nouvelles traductions d’Aristote. Les faits que nous avons examinés ne sont pas en contradiction avec ce témoignage. Mais, comme il arrive fréquemment dans une tradition hagiographique, on accentue tellement les exploits du héros principal qu’on a tendance à réduire l’activité des contemporains à celle de « collaborateurs » et à minimiser leur apport original.

D’où la tradition que Guillaume de Moerbeke aurait entrepris tout son travail ad instantiam fratris Thomae. L’étude de l’histoire des traductions et les remarques critiques du F. Gauthier nous ont obligés à limiter nettement la portée de ce témoignage. Cette étude a restitué ainsi à Moerbeke son autonomie et son originalité intellectuelle. Mais elle a confirmé également qu’il y a eu communication scientifique entre les deux dominicains (ce qui est le noyau solide de la tradition).

Thomas a très vite compris l’importance du travail de son confrère. Il en a profité le premier, et c’est probablement grâce à son autorité que des traductions de Moerbeke ont commencé à circuler à Paris, et à partir de là dans la culture latine. [conclusion p. 81-82]

Online Resources

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Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d’études à l’occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286), 1989
By: Brams, Jozef (Ed.), Vanhamel, Willy (Ed.)

Title	Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d’études à l’occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286)
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1989
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Leuven University Press
Series	Ancient and Medieval Philosophy de Wulf-Mansion Centre, Series 1
Volume	7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Brams, Jozef , Vanhamel, Willy
Translator(s)

T h e following articles are included in this volume: "Moerbeke, traducteur et inter-
prete: Un texte et une pensee" by Gerard Verbeke (pp. 1-21); "Guillaume de Moer-
beke et la cour pontificale" by Agostino Paravicini Bagliani (pp. 23-52); "Note con-
cernant certaines missions qui auraient ete confiees a Guillaume de Moerbeke" by
Willy Vanhamel (pp. 53-56); "Guillaume de Moerbeke et saint Thomas" by Carlos
Steel (pp. 57-82); "Pietro d'Abano e l'utilizzazione della traduzione di Guglielmo di
Moerbeke del commento di Simplicio al // De caelo di Aristotele" by Graziella Federici
Vescovini (pp. 83-106); "Quelques utilisateurs des textes rares de Moerbeke
(Philopon, Tria opuscula) et particulierement Jacques de Viterbe" by Louis Jacques
Bataillon (pp. 107-12); "Quelques remarques codicologiques et paleographiques
au sujet du ms. Vaticano Ottob. lat. 1850" by Robert Wielockx (pp. 113-33);
"La liste des ceuvres d'Hippocrate dans le Vindobonensis phil. gr. 100: Un
autographe de Guillaume de Moerbeke" by Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem (pp. 135-83);
"Note concernant la collation d'un deuxieme manuscrit grec de la Physique
par Guillaume de Moerbeke" by Jozef Brams and Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem (pp.
185-92); "La 'Recensio Matritensis' de la Physique" by Jozef Brams (pp. 193-220);
"La Translatio anonyma e la Translatio Guillelmi del De partibus animalium (Analisi del
libro I)" by Pietro Rossi (pp. 221-45); "L'attribution de la Translatio nova du De
generations et corruptione a Guillaume de Moerbeke" by Joanna Judycka (pp. 247-51);
"Iudicialia ad Syrum: Une traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke du Quadripartitum
de Cl. Ptol£mee" by Luc Anthonis (pp. 253-55); "Methode de traduction et
problemes de chronologie" by Fernand Bossier (pp. 257-94); "L'usage des mots
hybrides greco-latins par Guillaume de Moerbeke" by Louis Jacques Bataillon (pp.
295-99); and "Biobibliographie de Guillaume de Moerbeke" by Willy Vanhamel
(pp. 301-83).

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kM52uB2YgiCytgt

Habent sua fata libelli: Aristotle’s Categories in the First Century BC, 2008
By: Sharples, Robert W.

Title	Habent sua fata libelli: Aristotle’s Categories in the First Century BC
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2008
Journal	Acta Antiqua
Volume	48
Issue	1-2
Pages	273-287
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sharples, Robert W.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A re-examination of the question of why, during the revival of interest in Aristotle’s esoteric works in the first century BC, the Categories played such a prominent role. The answers suggested are that the work aroused interest precisely because it did not easily fit into the standard Hellenistic divisions of philosophy and their usual agendas, and that, more than Aristotle’s other works—with the possible exception of the Metaphysics—it revealed aspects of Aristotle’s thought that had become unfamiliar during the Hellenistic period. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9elANNxfsrgxsis

Handschriftliches zum Commentar des Simplicius zu Aristoteles de caelo, 1892
By: Heiberg, Johan Ludvig

Title	Handschriftliches zum Commentar des Simplicius zu Aristoteles de caelo
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1892
Journal	Sitzungsberichte der Königlich-Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin
Pages	59-76
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Heiberg, Johan Ludvig
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Über dem Kommentar des Simplicius zu Aristoteles De caelo hat bisher ein besonderer Unglücksstern gewaltet. Das wichtige Werk liegt griechisch nur in zwei Ausgaben vor: der Aldina von 1526, deren Text von Peyron als Rückübersetzung der lateinischen Übersetzung Wilhelms von Moerbeke bezeichnet wurde, an welcher Entdeckung jedoch von neueren wieder gerüttelt worden ist, und der holländischen Akademie-Ausgabe vom Jahre 1865, zu deren Charakteristik diese Abhandlung genügendes liefern wird.

Beide Ausgaben sind ohne kritischen Apparat, und derselbe Mangel macht auch die Auszüge bei Brandis, die übrigens auf besserer handschriftlicher Grundlage fußen, wenig brauchbar, besonders für die zahlreichen Zitate aus verlorenen Schriften, welche diesem Werke des Simplicius einen besonderen Wert geben.

Es soll hier als erster Schritt zur Hebung des Bannes der Versuch gemacht werden, die handschriftliche Grundlage dieses Werkes festzustellen. [introduction p. 59]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/umbt971kuW4QUC0

Harran, the Sabians and the Late Platonist 'Movers', 2005
By: Lane Fox, Robin, Smith, Andrew (Ed.)

Title	Harran, the Sabians and the Late Platonist 'Movers'
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The philosopher and society in late antiquity. Essays in honour of Peter Brown
Pages	231-244
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lane Fox, Robin
Editor(s)	Smith, Andrew
Translator(s)

Since 1986, in a series of wide-ranging studies, M. Tardieu has argued that the ‘Seven philosophers who went East when the Athens Academy closed settled down at Harran (Carrhae) in northern Syria. The town was a famous bastion of pagan cult (we can usefully contrast its neighbour, perhaps its rival, the stridently Christian Edessa: Green 1992, 44-94; Segal 1970). Furthermore, he believes, a (neo)Platonic seat of philosophical teaching persisted in Harran into the ninth/tenth centuries ad, being sustained in the wake of the émigrés’ presence. Its participants presented themselves as
the ‘Sabians’, the enigmatic group who had been favourably mentioned in the Koran. They then led the renewed prominence of Platonist philosophy in the Abbasid era which is visible to us in the ninth-tenth centuries. This theory of a long Platonist ‘survival’ has not exactly endeared itself to experts in early Islamic philosophy (e.g. Gutas 1994, 4943; Endress 1991, 133-7; Lameer 1997), but it has been enthusiastically received by one or two writers on late antiquity: P. Chuvin (1990), I. Hadot (1996, who was first attracted by support for her studies of Simplicius, his text and Manichaeism) and P. Athanassiadi (1993, 29) who made it the final flourish of a long article on late pagan philosophy: ‘it was thanks to the stepping-stone of Harran and to Damascius’ inspired decisiveness [in settling in Harran] that Neoplatonic theology reached Baghdad by a clearly definable - if not direct — route from Athens’. I wish to restate why it did nothing of the sort. [introduction, p. 231]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EVFox3CG77HUjPw

Hellenistische Philosophie als 'praeparatio Platonica' in der Spätantike (am Beispiel von Boethius' 'consolatio philosophiae'), 1999
By: Erler, Michael, Fuhrer, Therese (Ed.), Erler, Michael (Ed.)

Title	Hellenistische Philosophie als 'praeparatio Platonica' in der Spätantike (am Beispiel von Boethius' 'consolatio philosophiae')
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1999
Published in	Zur Rezeption der hellenistischen Philosophie in der Spätantike. Akten der 1. Tagung der Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 22.-25. September 1997 in Trier
Pages	105-122
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Erler, Michael
Editor(s)	Fuhrer, Therese , Erler, Michael
Translator(s)

 Rainer Thiel (Stoische Ethik und neuplatonische Tugendlehre. Zur Verortung der stoischen Ethik im neuplatonischen System in Simplikios’ Kommentar zu Epiktets Enchiridion, 93-103) analysiert präzise, wie Simplikios in seinem Kommentar zu Epiktets Encheiridion den Wert der stoischen Ethik bestimmt: die Befolgung des dort Gesagten sei Voraussetzung für den eigentlichen philosophischen Aufstieg. Auch hier erscheint hellenistische Philosophie also als propädeutische Vorstufe, wobei Simplikios - wie Thiel zu Recht hervorhebt - freilich immer auch die Differenzen zwischen Epiktet und neuplatonischen Auffassungen benennt, was er zu seiner Zeit bereits in einer zurückhaltenden, unpolemischen Form tun kann. Von einer anderen Seite her kommt Michael Erler (Philosophie als Therapie — Hellenistische Philosophie als praeparatio philosophica im Platonismus der Spätantike, 105-22) - auch gestützt auf die Forschungen des Ehepaars Hadot - für Simplikios' Kommentar zu demselben Ergebnis (115: "eine gleichsam verschriftlichte Form schulmäßiger Vorbereitung auf das platonische Philosophiestudium") und gewinnt hieraus für Boethius' Consolatio Philosophiae eine überzeugende Erklärung für das Phänomen, daß stoisches Gedankengut in den ersten drei Büchern eine deutliche Rolle spielt, um danach in den Hintergrund zu treten. Indem Erler Boethius' Schrift in den Kontext platonischer Schulpraxis des allmählichen Aufsteigens zur Erkenntnis rückt, vermag er verständlich zu machen, was der rein literarische Vergleich mit anderer Konsolationsliteratur nicht zu erklären vermochte. In der ersten Werkhälfte geht es darum, den noch ganz im irdischen Leben gefangenen Boethius erst einmal innerweltlich auf die richtige Bahn zu bringen, vor allem, seine Vorstellungen zu reinigen, und hierbei kann auch auf die hellenistische Philosophie zurückgegriffen werden, insoweit sie als Vorbereitung auf die im platonischen Sinne eigentliche Philosophie dienen kann, weswegen Erler diese Funktion als "praeparatio platonica" bezeichnet. Neben dieser Aneignung hellenistischen philosophischen Gutes als propädeutischer Vorübung gibt es aber naturgemäß auch Felder, in denen eine Abgrenzung unvermeidlich ist.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NeFv0yyCaNc0UCn

Heraclides of Pontus: Discussion, 2009
By: Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Pender, Elizabeth E. (Ed.)

Title	Heraclides of Pontus: Discussion
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2009
Publication Place	London - New York
Publisher	Routledge
Series	Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities
Volume	15
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Pender, Elizabeth E.
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/M1J1UpbWT682j4V

Heraclides on the Rotation of the Earth: Texts, Contexts and Continuities, 2009
By: Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Pender, Elizabeth E. (Ed.), Todd, Robert B., Bowen, Alan C.

Title	Heraclides on the Rotation of the Earth: Texts, Contexts and Continuities
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2009
Published in	Heraclides of Pontus: Discussion
Pages	155-183
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Todd, Robert B. , Bowen, Alan C.
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Pender, Elizabeth E.
Translator(s)

The passages translated here (T1–6) go well beyond the brief reports found in the relevant “fragments” of modern editions (65C, 66–69, and 71 in volume XIV = 104–108 and 110 W). These fragments, drawn from secondary reports, consist only of the immediate context of passages in which Heraclides is named, in line with a practice probably best known from Edelstein’s and Kidd’s edition of Posidonius’ fragments. But such limited parcels of evidence (enclosed in our translations by //...// ) cannot indicate why Heraclides was mentioned within larger expositions.

To be sure, such collections of source material are useful, but they have to be selective for pragmatic reasons and therefore also need to be complemented by the sort of project undertaken here, particularly where the focus is on one of antiquity’s most famous anticipations of modern cosmology, and where the contexts for the earliest references to it reveal the historical and theoretical framework within which it was received. To the authors in question, Heraclides may have been just a footnote, but the texts to which his theory was attached amply repay careful study.

Information on this theory of the Earth’s rotation first appears in a lost treatise of the Stoic Posidonius (1st c. B.C.) (T2), which is roughly contemporary with a doxographical report (T1) attributed to Aetius. What is known of the content and purpose of this theory is only as much as Posidonius and subsequent authors (Geminus [1st c. B.C.], who cites Posidonius, Alexander of Aphrodisias [fl. ca. 200 A.D.], who cites Geminus, and later Proclus [412–485 A.D.] and Simplicius [ca. 490–560 A.D.]) have allowed us to derive from the contexts into which they introduced it.

Even the doxographical report is interpretive, since by implicitly marginalizing Heraclides as one of a group that deviated from the consensus that the Earth was immobile, it adopts the same general attitude found in all the other reports. Thus, the Posidonian report (T2), known from Simplicius’ citation from Alexander in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, dismisses Heraclides out of hand, while three reports in Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s De caelo (T4–6), and one in Proclus’ commentary on Plato’s Timaeus (T3), occur within exegetical passages in which Heraclides serves only to identify an alternative and unacceptable position.

In what follows, we shall first couple the Posidonian report with a vestigial version of it in Ptolemy’s Almagest (T2a), on which Simplicius (T5 and T6) later drew. There follow two closely related exegetical discussions of Plato’s description of the Earth at Timaeus 40B8–C3 by Proclus (T3) and Simplicius (T4), where Heraclides’ theory exemplifies the unorthodox view that this passage refers to a moving Earth.

Finally, there are two reports by Simplicius (T5–6) appended to discussions of Aristotle’s account of the mobility and stability of the Earth in the De caelo.

In an Afterword, we argue that since this body of evidence tells us virtually nothing about the original form and scope of Heraclides’ theory, it offers an insecure basis for reconstruction. Instead, what most significantly emerges—first in Posidonius and then in Ptolemy and Simplicius (especially T5 and T6)—is a methodological rationale for Heraclides’ theory as a hypothesis designed, to use a famous phrase found in several of these texts, “to save the phenomena.”

Yet such a rationale should not be projected back to Heraclides: far from offering access to the thought of a theorist of the fourth century B.C., the contexts for the evidence for Heraclides’ theory of the Earth’s motion primarily reveal philosophical preoccupations about science and its relation to philosophy that became pressing only in the first century B.C. and were still at issue in the sixth century A.D. The sheer oddity of Heraclides’ theory made it a welcome, though peripheral, device for articulating these preoccupations.

So, whatever its attraction to modern historians of science taking a longer view, Heraclides’ theory of a rotating Earth primarily helped later ancient science address issues involving the status of scientific theory and, in particular, the problems raised by an awareness that astronomical phenomena could be explained in a variety of ways.
[conclusion p. 155-158]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2YB813ju2mFR0oM

Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?, 1956
By: Valckenaere de, Erik

Title	Herakleides Pontikos de Ontdekker van het Heliocentrisme?
Type	Article
Language	Dutch
Date	1956
Journal	L'Antiquité Classique
Volume	25
Issue	2
Pages	351-385
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Valckenaere de, Erik
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ons onderzoek van de bronnen resumerend, komen we tot de volgende besluiten:

Volgens Herakleides bevindt de aarde zich in het midden van het heelal (Simplikios: fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: fragment 2; Chalcidius: fragment 7).
De aarde draait om haar eigen as. In de meeste fragmenten vinden we zelfs de specificatie van deze aswenteling: de aarde draait in 24 uur (Simplikios: fragment 5; Aetios: fragment 4) van west naar oost (Simplikios: fragment 5, 6; Aetios: fragment 4) ter verklaring van de dagelijkse beweging der hemellichamen.
De zon draait jaarlijks rond de aarde van oost naar west (Simplikios: fragment 5; Chalcidius: fragment 7).
De binnenplaneten Venus en naar alle waarschijnlijkheid ook Mercurius draaien rond de zon (Chalcidius: fragment 7).
De meest voor de hand liggende hypothese is dat de buitenplaneten Mars, Jupiter en Saturnus, zoals de zon, eenvoudig rond de aarde draaien ter verklaring van hun jaarlijkse beweging (Simplikios: fragment 5).
De vaste sterren staan stil.

Voor zover ons onderzoek het uitwees, zijn de getuigenissen niet alleen niet contradictorisch, maar vullen ze elkaar zelfs op een gelukkige wijze aan.

Op de vraag dus, die wij ons in het begin gesteld hebben, of er positieve redenen bestonden om aan te nemen, op grond van de ons overgeleverde teksten, dat Herakleides Pontikos vóór Aristarchos een soort van heliocentrisme zou hebben geleerd, menen we beslist negatief te mogen antwoorden. Twee grote onwaarschijnlijkheden, namelijk dat de Oudheid ons niets duidelijks zou hebben bericht over de werkelijke ontdekker van het heliocentrisme en dat één man zonder voorlopers en voorafgaande ontdekkingen het heliocentrisme zou hebben uitgedacht, worden aldus opgeheven als we ons houden aan wat de bronnen werkelijk melden. [conclusion p. 384-385] Übersetzung: Unserer Untersuchung der Quellen zusammenfassend, kommen wir zu den folgenden Schlussfolgerungen:

Laut Herakleides befindet sich die Erde im Zentrum des Universums (Simplikios: Fragment I, 5, 6; Proklos: Fragment 2; Chalcidius: Fragment 7).
Die Erde dreht sich um ihre eigene Achse. In den meisten Fragmenten finden wir sogar die genaue Spezifikation dieser Achsendrehung: Die Erde dreht sich in 24 Stunden (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Aetios: Fragment 4) von Westen nach Osten (Simplikios: Fragment 5, 6; Aetios: Fragment 4), um die tägliche Bewegung der Himmelskörper zu erklären.
Die Sonne dreht sich jährlich von Osten nach Westen um die Erde (Simplikios: Fragment 5; Chalcidius: Fragment 7).
Die inneren Planeten Venus und höchstwahrscheinlich auch Merkur drehen sich um die Sonne (Chalcidius: Fragment 7).
Die naheliegendste Hypothese ist, dass die äußeren Planeten Mars, Jupiter und Saturn, wie die Sonne, einfach um die Erde kreisen, um ihre jährliche Bewegung zu erklären (Simplikios: Fragment 5).
Die Fixsterne bleiben unbewegt.

Soweit unsere Untersuchung zeigt, sind die Zeugnisse nicht nur nicht widersprüchlich, sondern ergänzen sich sogar auf glückliche Weise.

Auf die Frage, die wir uns zu Beginn gestellt haben, ob es positive Gründe gibt, aufgrund der uns überlieferten Texte anzunehmen, dass Herakleides Pontikos vor Aristarchos eine Art von Heliozentrismus gelehrt hat, meinen wir, mit Sicherheit verneinen zu können. Zwei große Unwahrscheinlichkeiten – nämlich, dass die Antike uns nichts Klareres über den tatsächlichen Entdecker des Heliozentrismus berichtet hätte, und dass ein einzelner Mensch ohne Vorgänger und vorherige Entdeckungen den Heliozentrismus erdacht hätte – werden damit ausgeräumt, wenn wir uns an das halten, was die Quellen tatsächlich überliefern.

Online Resources

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Heraklit zitiert Anaximander, 1956
By: Bröcker, Walter

Title	Heraklit zitiert Anaximander
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1956
Journal	Hermes
Volume	84
Issue	3
Pages	382-384
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bröcker, Walter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Note on a quote of Heraclitus Diels B 126

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EahzzUNdRvttcBw

Hermann Diels (1848 - 1922) et la science de l'antiquité : huit exposés suivis de discussions, Vandoeuvres, Genève 17 - 21 août 1998, 1999
By: Calder, William M. (Ed.), Mansfeld, Jaap (Ed.)

Title	Hermann Diels (1848 - 1922) et la science de l'antiquité : huit exposés suivis de discussions, Vandoeuvres, Genève 17 - 21 août 1998
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1999
Publication Place	Genève
Publisher	Fondation Hardt
Series	Entretiens sur l’antiquité classique
Volume	45
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Calder, William M. , Mansfeld, Jaap
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UksPHusSKrnsi7e

How Can the Perceptible World be Perceptible? Proclus on the Causes of Perceptibility, 2017
By: Van Riel, Gerd, Roskam, Geert (Ed.), Verheyden, Joseph (Ed.)

Title	How Can the Perceptible World be Perceptible? Proclus on the Causes of Perceptibility
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2017
Published in	Light on Creation. Ancient Commentators in Dialogue and Debate on the Origin of the World
Pages	49-59
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Van Riel, Gerd
Editor(s)	Roskam, Geert , Verheyden, Joseph
Translator(s)

This article explores the problem of how perceptibility can arise in a Platonic universe where causes are always immaterial. Dualistic accounts that posit irreducible differences between the res extensa and the res cogitans fail to explain the existence of the material world, which the Neoplatonists endorse as a monistic system where every possible part of the universe is ultimately produced by the First Principle. Proclus provides a subtle answer to this problem by arguing that perceptibility is not something matter has out of itself, but is the effect of a gift of the Demiurge. The ten gifts of the Demiurge are given in the third book of Proclus' Commentary on the Timaeus, with perceptibility being the first gift that determines the lower part of the cosmos, i.e., the corporeal realm. This article argues that perceptibility is not the effect of quantity as such but of the presence of qualities in the bulk that moulds it into the four primordial elements, and it ultimately brings the sensible realm back to intelligible causes. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KrcI8dAakPuz3gf

I "Cadaveri" di Eraclito (Fr. 96 D.-K.) e la Polemica Neoplatonica di Simplicio, 2010
By: Saudelli, Lucia

Title	I "Cadaveri" di Eraclito (Fr. 96 D.-K.) e la Polemica Neoplatonica di Simplicio
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2010
Journal	Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica
Volume	96
Issue	3
Pages	127-137
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Saudelli, Lucia
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This article focuses on an unpublished allusion to Heraclitus' fragment 96 D.-K. After an analytic study of the ancient preserved testimonia, I have presented the evidence of the Neoplatonist Simplicius, who uses Heraclitus' dictum about corpses in his personal polemic against Christianity. Then I have tried to explain the probable original signification of Heraclitus' fragment in comparison with other Presocratic texts and according to the Ionian philosophical and religious background of the 5th century B.C. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H7VTl0R3s0lDL6j

I commentari all'Isagoge di Porfirio tra V e VI secolo, 2010
By: Militello, Chiara

Title	I commentari all'Isagoge di Porfirio tra V e VI secolo
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2010
Publication Place	Roma
Publisher	Bonanno Editore
Series	Analecta Humanitatis
Volume	18
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Militello, Chiara
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Oggetto di questo volume sono i commentari all.Isagoge di Porfirio che furono redatti tra il V e il VII secolo d.C. da Ammonio, Elia, Davide, pseudo-Elia (tutti rappresentanti della Scuola di Alessandria) e Boezio (che riprese nel mondo latino la tradizione delle Scuole neoplatoniche ateniese e alessandrina). All'analisi della struttura generale dei commentari si accompagna lo studio e la contestualizzazione all'interno del complesso sviluppo della tradizione esegetica (che comprende tanto fattori di continuità quanto momenti di rottura) dei passi che, vertendo sui concetti logico-metafisici di genere, specie e individuo, esemplificano le diverse soluzioni al problema dell'armonizzazione tra aristotelismo e platonismo. [author's abstract]
Translation: The subject of this volume is the commentaries on Porphyry's Isagoge, which were written between the 5th and 7th centuries AD by Ammonius, Elias, David, pseudo-Elias (all representatives of the Alexandrian School), and Boethius (who brought the tradition of the Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonic Schools into the Latin world). Alongside the analysis of the general structure of the commentaries, the study also examines and contextualizes passages within the complex development of the exegetical tradition (which includes both factors of continuity and moments of rupture). These passages, focusing on the logical-metaphysical concepts of genus, species, and individual, illustrate various solutions to the problem of harmonizing Aristotelianism and Platonism.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oU9mkubdz6V4nsQ

I manoscritti greci tra riflessione e dibattito. Atti del V Colloquio Internazionale di Paleografia Greca (Cremona, 4-10 ottobre 1998), Tomo 2, 2000
By: Prato, Giancarlo (Ed.)

Title	I manoscritti greci tra riflessione e dibattito. Atti del V Colloquio Internazionale di Paleografia Greca (Cremona, 4-10 ottobre 1998), Tomo 2
Type	Edited Book
Language	Italian
Date	2000
Publication Place	Florence
Publisher	Gonnelli
Series	Papyrologica Florentina
Volume	31
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Prato, Giancarlo
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kvRD4rywoYZSgSs

Iamblichus De anima: Text, Translation, and Commentary, 2002
By: Finamore, John F., Dillon, John, Iamblichus

Title	Iamblichus De anima: Text, Translation, and Commentary
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua
Volume	92
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Finamore, John F. , Dillon, John , Iamblichus
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Iamblichus (245-325), successor to Plotinus and Porphyry, brought a new religiosity to Neoplatonism. His theory of the soul is at the heart of his philosophical system. For Iamblichus, the human soul is so far inferior to the divine that its salvation depends not on philosophy alone (as it did for Plotinus) but on the aid of the gods and other divinities.
This edition of the fragments of Iamblichus' major work on the soul, De Anima, is accompanied by the first English translation of the work and a commentary which explains the philosophical background and Iamblichus' doctrine of the soul. Included as well are excerpts from the Pseudo-Simplicius and Priscianus (also translated with commentary) that shed further light on Iamblichus' treatise. [authors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/io7BO9pzLrSoTGE

Iamblichus as a Commentator, 1997
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Iamblichus as a Commentator
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1997
Journal	Syllecta Classica
Volume	8
Pages	1–13
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Twenty-two years ago, when that growth in interest in Neoplatonism, which is a culmination of this conference, was only just getting underway, two large books appeared that will be familiar to all who are interested in Iamblichus. I am referring, of course, to J.M. Dillon's collection of the fragmentary remains of Iamblichus' commentaries on Plato's dialogues, supplied with an ample commentary to boot, and B. Dalsgaard Larsen's Jamblique de Chalcis: Exégète et Philosophe, of which some 240 pages are devoted to his role as an exegete; a collection of exegetical fragments appeared as a 130-page appendix.

Larsen's book covered the interpretation of both Plato and Aristotle and pre-empted a second volume of Dillon's, which was to deal with Aristotle. I mention these books because we are, inter alia, taking stock, and it is remarkable that not much attention has been paid since then to Iamblichus' role as a commentator. Perhaps they have had the same effect on the study of this aspect of Iamblichus as Proclus' work had on the interpretation of Plato at Alexandria.

Be that as it may, I intend to look, not very originally, at Iamblichus' activities as a commentator on philosophical works—and so I shall say nothing about the twenty-eight books or more of his lost commentary on the Chaldaean Oracles—and also to say something, in the manner of core samples, about how his expositions compare with those of the later commentators.

Though the process can be traced back in part to Porphyry, I think it is safe to say that Iamblichus was the first Neoplatonist, at least of those about whom we are reasonably well informed, to set out systematically to write commentaries on the major works of both Plato and—in Iamblichus' case to a lesser extent—Aristotle too.

The fact that he did both is noteworthy, since most of his successors seem to have specialized, more or less, in one or the other in their published works, if not in their lecture courses. We are, as ever in this area, faced with difficulties about deciding who wrote what, which often amounts to making difficult decisions about the implications of the usual imprecise references that are commonplace in ancient commentary.

The best we have are those references which Simplicius, in his Physics commentary, gives to specific books or even chapters of Iamblichus' Timaeus and Categories commentaries (cf. In Aristotelis Physica Commentaria 639.23–24; in the second chapter of book 5 of the commentary on the Timaeus 786.11–12; in the first book of the commentary on the Categories). But that Iamblichus did write commentaries on both Plato and Aristotle can be regarded as firmly established.

It is tempting to think, though there is no text which allows us to demonstrate this, that his doing so was connected with the fact that it seems to have been he who set up the thereafter traditional course in which certain works of Aristotle were read as propaedeutic to a selection of twelve—or rather ten plus two—Platonic dialogues, which culminated in the study of the Timaeus and Parmenides.[introduction p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3m984P11hlUhV1x

Iamblichus on Soul, 2014
By: Finamore, John F., Remes, Pauliina (Ed.), Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla (Ed.)

Title	Iamblichus on Soul
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2014
Published in	The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism
Pages	280-292
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Finamore, John F.
Editor(s)	Remes, Pauliina , Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla
Translator(s)

Central to lamblichus’ philosophy is his doctrine o f the soul. The hum an soul strad
dles two worlds (the realms o f the Intelligible and o f Nature)  and can  operate in both. 
H um an  souls descend  to  live  a  life on  earth, but their real hom e is  in  the Intelligible 
W orld o f the Forms. Through the help o f the interm ediary divinities,  hum an souls re
ascend to the Intelligible and regain their proper abode. The hum an soul is the central 
character in this dram a, and its purification through philosophy and ritual is central to 
its eventual ascent.As  in  other  areas,  lamblichus’  philosophy  o f the  soul  had  a  large  im pact  on  later 
Neoplatonists. We are lucky enough to have large sections o f his de Anima, preserved by 
John Stobaeus. His de Mysteriis and fragments from his Platonic com m entaries also shed 
light on Iamblichean psychology, but the m ost im portant fragments are preserved by the 
author o f the com m entary to A ristotle’s de Anima, who may or may not be Simplicius,2 
and by Priscianus o f Lydia. We will consider all o f these sources as we examine lamblichus’ 
unique doctrine of the soul. [p. 280]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IYcaU85hLlbEvz5

Iamblichus' Transformation of the Aristotelian “katharsis”, its Middle-Platonic Antecedents and Proclus' and Simplicius' Response to it, 2000
By: Lautner, Peter

Title	Iamblichus' Transformation of the Aristotelian “katharsis”, its Middle-Platonic Antecedents and Proclus' and Simplicius' Response to it
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2000
Journal	Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Volume	40
Pages	263–282
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lautner, Peter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

But a closer look at the peculiar character of the Stoics’ overall conception of the soul reveals that any similarity is but mere appearance. It is only among some of the later Neoplatonists that Aristotle’s concept regains the significance it once had. By that time, it gains a strong ethical emphasis. As far as our evidence allows us to say, the development started in the early imperial age.

My aim is to follow the renascence of this notion in Iamblichus, its antecedents among the Platonists of the early empire, and the way Proclus and Simplicius reacted to Iamblichus’ attempt. I hope that Professor Ritook will consider this an appropriate subject with which to honor him. His latest contribution to explaining the problem of how desire and cognitive activities are interlocked in Aristotle’s concept of poetry will serve as an excellent point of reference for this investigation.

We can now see that the discussion of how desires are involved in, and formed by, the watching of tragedies is intimately tied to the account of how understanding and the desire to understand contribute to katharsis. [introduction p. 263]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DphH8s3zrklDFAe

Iamblichus’ Noera Theôria of Aristotle’s Categories, 2016
By: Dillon, John, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Iamblichus’ Noera Theôria of Aristotle’s Categories
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	313-326
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dillon, John
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

It will be seen that it is Iamblichus’ purpose to salvage Aristotle, reconciling him both with his perceived doctrine elsewhere (as, for example, in the Metaphysics and the Physics), and with that of Plato and the Pythagoreans. The aim is to establish a metaphysical framework for the interpretation of the Categories, revealing the hidden levels of truth inherent in it. This is achieved, of course, at the cost of ignoring what seems to us the essentially anti-metaphysical, as well as tentative and exploratory, nature of the Categories, but it would be somewhat anachronistic to condemn Iamblichus too severely for that. The text of the Categories had been a battleground for at least three hundred years before his time, from the period of Andronicus, Ariston, and Eudorus of Alexandria, and the Stoic Apollodorus of Tarsus in the first century BCE, through that of the Platonists Lucius and Nicostratus, and then Atticus, and the Stoic Cornutus, and lastly Alexander of Aphrodisias in the first and second centuries CE, down to Plotinus and Porphyry in his own day, with every phrase and word of the text liable to challenge and requiring defense. Iamblichus’ distinctive contribution is to take the Categories as a coherent description of reality in the Neoplatonic sense, and that, bizarre as it may seem to us, is not really all that more perverse than many of the various ways in which the work had been treated in the centuries before him. [conclusion p. 324-325]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/d9iiR3Sr5aRY9S7

Iamblichus’ Νοερὰ Θεωρία of Aristotle’s Categories, 1997
By: Dillon, John

Title	Iamblichus’ Νοερὰ Θεωρία of Aristotle’s Categories
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1997
Journal	Syllecta Classica
Volume	8
Pages	65-77
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dillon, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses Iamblichus' commentary on Porphyry's large commentary on Aristotle's Categories. Porphyry is credited with the setting out and responses to all the aporiai that were concocted by critics of the Categories in the Middle Platonic period, as well as with references to Stoic doctrines in the commentary. Iamblichus added certain criticisms, modifications of Porphyry, relevant passages of Archytas, and some "higher criticism" or intellectual interpretation of nearly all sections of the work. Iamblichus' contribution was to apply his techniques of allegorical exegesis to Aristotle's Categories, where he was able to apply much the same method as he did with Plato's dialogues. Iamblichus' method of commentary is discussed in detail, including his definition of the skopos, or essential subject matter, of the treatise, which concerned all three possible subject matters for the Categories: words, things, and concepts. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Oti0shwXiKiyZ4B

Il De caelo di Aristotele e alcuni suoi commentatori: Simplicio, Averroè e Pietro d'Alvernia, 2006
By: Musatti, Cesare Alberto

Title	Il De caelo di Aristotele e alcuni suoi commentatori: Simplicio, Averroè e Pietro d'Alvernia
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2006
Journal	Quaestio
Volume	6
Pages	524–549
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Musatti, Cesare Alberto
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In merito a questa attribuzione bisogna tuttavia tenere presenti le osservazioni di Gutman (pp. XIII-XVII dell’introduzione all’edizione), il quale ha editato il testo sotto il nome dello Pseudo-Avicenna.

Per quanto riguarda il commento di Simplicio sul De caelo, nel Medioevo si sono avute due traduzioni latine: una parziale (II libro e prologo del III) ad opera di Roberto Grossatesta, che Bossier data tra il 1235 e il 1253, e una completa di Guglielmo di Moerbeke, conclusa nel 1271.

La traduzione di Grossatesta ci è conservata in un solo manoscritto (Oxford, Balliol College 99), e non sembra avere avuto un’ampia diffusione, mentre della traduzione completa di Guglielmo di Moerbeke attualmente sono conosciuti con certezza sei manoscritti.

Se sembra da escludere qualsiasi ipotesi di una revisione da parte di Moerbeke della traduzione di Grossatesta del commento di Simplicio, ancora non definitivamente risolta è invece la questione se la traduzione moerbekana del De caelo di Aristotele sia o meno una revisione di quella incompleta del Grossatesta (II libro e prologo del III) che è presente in forma di lemmi nello stesso manoscritto che contiene il commento di Simplicio.

Bossier considera «plus probable» l’opinione di D. J. Allan, secondo cui la traduzione di Moerbeke è indipendente da quella del Grossatesta, mentre Lacombe e Franceschini hanno ritenuto trattarsi di una revisione.

L’esistenza di un manoscritto (Vat. lat. 2088) nel quale la traduzione del De caelo di Moerbeke risulta contaminata con quella di Grossatesta anche per alcune parti del primo libro lascia supporre che il Lincolniensis abbia tradotto anche quest’ultimo libro, e non solo il II e l’inizio del III. È stato infine ipotizzato che Grossatesta abbia tradotto anche il primo libro del commento di Simplicio.

La traduzione del vescovo di Lincoln del II libro del De caelo è ora consultabile nell’Aristoteles Latinus Database, così come il testo della seconda recensione della traduzione di Guglielmo di Moerbeke al De caelo di Aristotele. Di quest’ultima traduzione esistono infatti tre recensioni differenti, di cui la seconda è la cosiddetta recensio vulgata.

Il commento di Simplicio sul De caelo è stato scritto probabilmente intorno al 540. Prima di lui almeno due altri autori avevano dedicato un commento al testo aristotelico: Alessandro di Afrodisia e Temistio.

Il commento di Alessandro di Afrodisia è andato perduto sia nel testo greco che nella traduzione araba di Abū Bishr Mattā ibn Yūnus. Molte notizie le possiamo trarre però dal commento di Simplicio, di cui il testo di Alessandro costituisce la fonte principale.

Il commento di Alessandro viene citato anche nella parafrasi sul De caelo scritta da Temistio. Come per Alessandro di Afrodisia, il testo di Temistio è anch’esso andato perduto sia nell’originale greco che nella traduzione araba di Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī. Si è salvato soltanto nella traduzione ebraica di quest’ultima compiuta nel 1284 da Zerahyah ben Isaac ben Shealtiel Gracian, e nella successiva versione latina del testo ebraico ad opera di Mosé Alatino nel 1574.

È opportuno ricordare che, a differenza dei commenti di Alessandro di Afrodisia e di Temistio, il commento di Simplicio sul De caelo non è stato conosciuto dal mondo arabo. [introduction p. 525-526]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vE3O8oovZ2S3BG7

Il Parmenide e il Sofista di Platone riletti da Simplicio, 2016
By: Licciardi, Ivan Adriano, Boriello, Maria (Ed.), Vitale, Angelo Maria (Ed.)

Title	Il Parmenide e il Sofista di Platone riletti da Simplicio
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	2016
Published in	Princeps philosophorum. Platone nell’Occidente tardo-antico, medievale e umanistico
Pages	171-188
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)	Boriello, Maria , Vitale, Angelo Maria
Translator(s)

È bene trarre a questo punto qualche considerazione conclusiva da quanto detto in questo studio, nel quale spero di avere sufficientemente mostrato il peso e il valore che Platone riveste in Simplicio a correzione del modo in cui il rapporto essere-uno viene discusso criticamente da Aristotele in Phys. 1,2. Il contributo teorico di Simplicio pare sostanziarsi sia nel reperimento, nel Parmenide, di quella che secondo lui è la nozione eleatica di essere-uno, sia nella precisazione che in tale dialogo si trova anche una nozione di uno superiore all’essere, l’uno che non è. Tale nozione si ritroverebbe anche nel Sofista sotto forma di critica di Platone alla posizione dei filosofi monisti.

Il Parmenide e il Sofista sarebbero, quindi, i dialoghi in cui Platone avrebbe risolto l’aporia dell’uni-molteplicità sia nell’ambito del sensibile che in quello dell’intelligibile. Questa rielaborazione di Platone, la quale richiama in maniera implicita la storia delle esegesi neoplatoniche del Parmenide, costituirebbe verosimilmente un indizio della rielaborazione neoplatonica del platonismo a cui Simplicio fornisce il suo contributo, ovvero di un platonismo che (eccezione fatta, forse, per il solo Porfirio), da Plotino in poi, reca in sé le tracce precise della svolta meontologica operata da quest’ultimo.

Se Aristotele ha risolto l’aporia dell’uno e dei molti sul piano sensibile, pensa Simplicio, facendo coesistere l’unità della sostanza (la quale garantisce l’unità dell’intero in virtù del suo sussistere per sé) e la molteplicità degli accidenti (che invece non sussistono per sé), Platone ha invece affrontato e risolto l’aporia sotto un duplice profilo, sensibile (Parmenide) e intelligibile (Sofista) a un tempo. Anche a proposito della soluzione all’aporia dell’uno e dei molti, Simplicio tende, dunque, ad analizzare la posizione di Aristotele alla luce di quella di Platone e in subordine a questa, o perlomeno intendendo questa come completiva di quella, analogamente a quanto si è visto in riferimento alla querelle sugli Eleati.

Anche a proposito di quest’ultima Simplicio si mostra lettore attento, quando è possibile aderente ad Aristotele, che era considerato da tutti i neoplatonici filosofo di straordinario ingegno, ma senza mai dimenticare che la somma auctoritas spetta senza dubbio a Platone, in linea con un atteggiamento ermeneutico, risalente almeno a Porfirio, che è conciliarista ma in un rapporto decisamente asimmetrico, dal momento che è solo Platone, per Simplicio come per tutti i platonici d’ogni tempo, l’unico vero princeps philosophorum. [conclusion 187–188]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/o07B1GK3GIK7dVY

Il commento di Simplicio al De Anima nelle controversie della fine del secolo XV e del secolo XVI, 1958
By: Nardi, Bruno, Nardi, Bruno (Ed.)

Title	Il commento di Simplicio al De Anima nelle controversie della fine del secolo XV e del secolo XVI
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	1958
Published in	Saggi Sull'Aristotelismo Padovano Dal Secolo XIV Al XVI
Pages	365-442
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Nardi, Bruno
Editor(s)	Nardi, Bruno
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/y3vD9CTRgZXlbJP

Il male come "privazione". Simplicio e Filopono in difesa della materia, 2017
By: Cardullo, R. Loredana

Title	Il male come "privazione". Simplicio e Filopono in difesa della materia
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2017
Journal	PEITHO / EXAMINA ANTIQUA
Volume	1
Issue	8
Pages	391-408
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cardullo, R. Loredana
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The aim of this paper is to highlight the decisive contribution of Simplicius and Philoponus to the resolution of the problem of evil in Neoplatonism. A correct and faithful interpretation of the problem, which also had to agree with Plato’s texts, became particularly needed after Plotinus had identified evil with matter, threatening, thus, the dualistic position, which was absent in Plato. The first rectification was made by Proclus with the notion of parhypostasis, i.e., “parasitic” or “collateral” existence, which de-hypostasized evil, while at the same time challenging the Plotinian theory that turned evil into a principle that was ontologically opposed to good. In light of this, the last Neoplatonic exegetes, Simplicius and Philoponus, definitely clarified the “privative” role of kakon, finally relieving matter from the negative meaning given to it by Plotinus and restoring metaphysical monism. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ay8T0flgyMGienR

Impetus Theory and the Hermeneutics of Science in Simplicius and Philoponus, 1999
By: Wildberg, Christian

Title	Impetus Theory and the Hermeneutics of Science in Simplicius and Philoponus
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1999
Journal	Hyperboreus
Volume	5
Issue	1
Pages	107–124
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Let me come to a conclusion:  In  the  first part of this paper I claimed  that 
historians o f science do and  should  inquire  into the context o f origin of past 
philosophical  theories,  not  only  into  the  context  of the  validity  (1).  Three 
different  attempts  to  explain  the  innovative  character  o f John  Philoponus' 
philosophy  were  discussed;  all  were  flawed  by  the  fact that  they  sought  an 
explanation by means o f external  historiography:  in religion, biography and 
economic  circumstances  (II).  In  the  main  part  o f this  paper  attention  was drawn  to  the  striking  difference  between  the  presuppositions  at  work  in 
Simplicius’ and  Philoponus'  respective  hermeneutics o f science (111).  I  have 
argued that Philoponus was able to liberate his mind  in an  unprecedented way 
from  the constraints of the Neoplatonists'  commitment to harmony, authority 
and salvation through philosophy.  Philoponus’  alternative heuristic  method, 
termed  constructive  criticism,  was  then  identified  as  perhaps  the  most  im
portant driving force  behind  his scientific  innovations (IV).  I  should  like  to 
conclude with the general  recommendation  that  anyone  who  is  interested  in 
elucidating the origin o f philosophical-scientific  ideas and controversies,  be 
it o f the sixth century or at any other time, might find  it more fruitful  to study 
carefully the methodological  presuppositions involved, be they  hermeneutic, 
empirical,  or  speculative,  rather  than  to  gesture  all  too  readily  to  external 
parameters  like  religion,  anecdotes,  or  the  socio-economics  of the  market 
place. [conclusion p. 123-124]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H1d8bA0zFyyKAUN

In defence of geometric atomism: Explaining elemental properties, 2012
By: Opsomer, Jan, Wilberding, James (Ed.), Horn, Christoph (Ed.)

Title	In defence of geometric atomism: Explaining elemental properties
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2012
Published in	Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature
Pages	147-173
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Opsomer, Jan
Editor(s)	Wilberding, James , Horn, Christoph
Translator(s)

The introduction of geometric atomism is preceded by the infamously obscure description of the receptacle. This mysterious entity is presented as that in which qualities and shapes appear but also appears to provide the stuff out of which things are made. I will not here enter into the debates about what the receptacle is supposed to be; it suffices to note that the text in some passages may suggest to readers familiar with the later conception of matter that matter is exactly what Plato means. Since this is certainly what Aristotle and, in his wake, all ancient commentators took it to be, we need not for our present purposes consider other readings.

Prior to the intervention of the demiurge, the precosmic mass already contained traces of the elements (ichnê, 53b2): it was fiery here, watery there, and so on. Yet it did not have elements with a stable identity. The use of the definite demonstrative pronouns this or that would therefore be inaccurate. So what is fire in the precosmic state is not to be called a this, but rather a such, or that which is always such and such.

In order to bring about some stability, the craftsman set out to impart a distinct configuration to the precosmic mass by means of shapes and numbers (dieschêmatisato eidesi te kai arithmois, 53b4-5). Timaeus constructs the elements out of primary triangles. Of all the possible kinds, he selects two basic types: the 30-60-90 scalene triangle—that is, a half-equilateral triangle (Type A)—and the right isosceles triangle—a half-square (Type B). These triangles are combined to form larger shapes, called ‘surfaces’ (epiphaneia) by the commentators.

For the sake of convenience, I shall call ‘surfaces’ the composite shapes formed out of the basic triangles; the latter I shall just call ‘triangles’. (One of the surfaces happens to be a triangle too, and it is a matter of dispute among the commentators whether the surfaces are really just two-dimensional planes.)

Six triangles of Type A can be put together in such a way that they make up an equilateral triangle; four Type B triangles form a square. These surfaces are then combined into stereometric figures (congruent convex regular polyhedra): from the equilateral triangular surfaces can be formed the tetrahedron (that is, a pyramid), the octahedron, and the icosahedron, consisting of four, eight, and twenty faces, respectively; six squares are combined into a hexahedron (that is, a cube).

These polyhedra are then assigned to the traditional four elements (henceforth referred to as EWAFs):

The tetrahedron provides the shape of fire.
The octahedron that of air.
The icosahedron that of water.
The hexahedron that of earth.

This model of Plato’s geometric atoms can be completed by adding two more levels—one at the bottom and the other at the top. At one end, we might add the mixtures into which EWAFs enter, and at the foundational level, we must add a level even prior to the basic triangles, since Plato acknowledges that there are ‘even higher principles’ that are known only to god and privileged humans (53d6-7). [introduction p. 147-148]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/q3J2ENiGHB1LmYR

Indivisible Lines, 1936
By: Nicol, A. T.

Title	Indivisible Lines
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1936
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	30
Issue	2
Pages	120-126
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Nicol, A. T.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Anyone reading the Timaeus and knowing that Plato believed in indivisible lines might become confused trying to locate references to them in that dialogue. It was Xenocrates who made the theory widely known, but he further complicated the issue by introducing the concept of the ideal line, potentially adding other misunderstandings. Aristotle described this as "giving in" to a dichotomy argument, which directly suggests Zeno. All this made it easy for those who did not fully grasp the theory to conflate it with the ideas of the point-atomists.

The argument is as follows: if indivisible lines exist, then there must also be surfaces that are divided by those indivisible lines, and all surfaces could be reduced to indivisible surfaces. For example, if x is the length of an indivisible line, a surface measuring x by 2x could be divided into two square surfaces with sides of length x. These squares could then be divided diagonally, but no further division would be possible, as this would require either cutting the indivisible length x or creating a line shorter than x. The same logic applies to solids divided along indivisible surfaces.

In this reasoning, the indivisible surface is treated as a surface bounded by indivisible lines. This has been noted by the Oxford translator. The author of περὶ ἀτόμων γραμμῶν (Peri atomōn grammōn) either realized, or was informed, that indivisible lines were essentially points but did not recognize that indivisible surfaces were lines.

If there existed, alongside Plato's theory of indivisible lines, another theory positing that matter, space, and motion were composed of tiny indivisibles, it would have been easy to conflate the two ideas. The passage quoted from Peri atomōn grammōn serves as an example of such a confusion. [conclusion p. 125-126 ]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WmfjXuXivBEx38o

Infinity and the Creation, 1987
By: Sorabji, Richard, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Infinity and the Creation
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science
Pages	164-178
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Indeed, Jews and Christians themselves were embarrassed about this doctrine and were by no means unanimous in accepting it. It has been suggested that the oldest references to creation in the Old Testament come in Job, and that there God is envisaged as imposing order on pre-existing matter, not as creating matter itself. It has further been doubted whether there is any clear statement in the Bible of creation out of nothing. The opinion of Philo the Jew, in the first century A.D., is a matter of controversy, but I believe that he takes different sides in different works.

A little later, Hermogenes and others offered a surprising reason for denying matter a beginning. They pointed to the use of the word "was" in the opening of Genesis, where it is said that the earth was without form and void, and they took the use of the past tense to show that earth, or matter, was already in existence when the Creator began work. It is often held, although I am not inclined to agree myself, that Boethius endorsed the Neoplatonist view of a beginningless universe at the end of his Consolation of Philosophy.

What I would acknowledge is that other Christians in these centuries, such as Synesius and Elias, did deny the universe a beginning or end under the influence of Platonism. If we skip to the thirteenth century, we find Thomas Aquinas and his teacher Albert the Great saying that it cannot be established by philosophy one way or the other whether the universe had a beginning. It is only Scripture which reveals that it did.

Two slightly younger contemporaries in Paris went a step further—indeed, a step too far. Boethius of Dacia (the Dane, not the sixth-century Roman) and Siger of Brabant maintained that philosophical argument showed the universe to be beginningless, but that nonetheless, reason must bow to revelation. They had to flee Paris in the condemnation of 1277, and there is a tradition that Siger was murdered. [introduction p. 165-167]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RDC5FI7QaO4jMjf

Intelligibles = Sinnliches? Simplikios' differenzierter Umgang mit Aristoteles' Parmenides-Kritik, 2012
By: Drews, Friedemann

Title	Intelligibles = Sinnliches? Simplikios' differenzierter Umgang mit Aristoteles' Parmenides-Kritik
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2012
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	155
Issue	3/4
Pages	389-412
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Drews, Friedemann
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplikios nimmt Parmenides sowohl vor dem potentiellen Vorwurf, er würde nicht hinreichend zwischen Intelligiblem und Sinnlichem unterscheiden, in Schutz als auch integriert er Aristoteles' Kritik im Sinne einer potentiellen Missverständnissen vor beugenden Vorsichtsmaßnahme in seine neuplatonische Parmeni des-Interpretation und weist ihr so einen berechtigten Platz zu. Simplikios' Gründe dafür erscheinen vor dem Hintergrund seines neuplatonischen Denkens plausibel. Ob seine Parmenides-Interpretation als solche dem Eleaten gerecht wird, ist eine andere Frage; zumindest würde Simplikios gegenüber einer Deutung des parmenideischen Seins-Begriffs in dem Sinne, dass „jeder Gegenstand, den wir untersuchen, existieren muß", wohl einwenden wollen, dass dies einer Reduktion von Parmenides' το έόν auf ein abstraktes Erkenntniskriterium gleichkäme, dessen eigene, nur für das νοεΐν erkennbare Seinsfülle dann aus dem Blick geraten wäre. Auch erschiene es in dieser Perspektive fraglich, warum zum Erschließen eines allgemeinen Existenz-Postulats ein Weg „fernab der Menschen" eingeschlagen werden musste oder gar eine göttliche Offenbarung des „unerschütterlichen Herzens der wohlüberzeugenden Wahrheit", von der Parmenides schreibt, nötig war. [conclusion, p. 410-411]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ICo5GC7IUBJgLkS

Interpreting Parmenides of Elea in Antiquity: From Plato’s Parmenides to Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, 2022
By: Helmig, Christoph, Lammer, Andreas (Ed.), Jas, Mareike (Ed.)

Title	Interpreting Parmenides of Elea in Antiquity: From Plato’s Parmenides to Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2022
Published in	Received Opinions: Doxography in Antiquity and the Islamic World
Pages	175-206
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Helmig, Christoph
Editor(s)	Lammer, Andreas , Jas, Mareike
Translator(s)

Plato aimed at further developing Eleatic conceptions of being in a creative way and prefigured a Platonizing account of Parmenides’ poem. An explicit Platonizing reading of Parmenides can be traced back to the Middle Platonist Plutarch of Chaeronea and was taken up by several Neoplatonists such as Plotinus, Proclus, Damascius, and Simplicius. For both Plato and the Platonic tradition, Parmenides was an authoritative figure. Notwithstanding this continuity in attitude, a notable shift from Plato to the Platonic tradition can be observed. While Plato, as we have said, tried to elaborate on specific key terms of Parmenides’ philosophy such as being, non-being, knowledge, etc., Platonists rather tried to bring Parmenides’ philosophy in agreement with that of Plato, or rather, with what they considered the philosophy of Plato.

Aristotle, on the other hand, who is followed by Alexander of Aphrodisias, was eager to challenge Parmenides’ account of being and to prove him wrong. Although several attempts have been made to read Aristotle’s account in Physics I.2–3 in a more constructive way, it is doubtful whether they are successful. He just does not seem to be very coherent when it comes to presenting Parmenides’ doctrines. Rather, his strategy is essentially polemical.

In several respects, Simplicius obtains a special role in the history of the reading of Parmenides and hence in the doxographical tradition. He is a rather peculiar kind of doxographer, a doxographer that serves a much broader agenda than just making sense of Parmenides’ philosophy or simply preserving the views of an author. It seems to be a kind of context- or genre-dependent, polyphonic, multilevel doxography that has the capacity to integrate other authors or commentators in order to demonstrate the essential unity (symphônia) of ancient Hellenic wisdom. Commenting on Aristotle’s Physics, Simplicius definitely did more than he had to, for he brings in much more material, especially from Parmenides’ poem and Plato’s dialogues, than he found in Aristotle or what is needed to comment on Aristotle. As a doxographer, he is eager to interpret, harmonize, and preserve.

Simplicius’ art of doxography is, I would suggest, not primarily devised to understand an author better, but to promote a certain reading of a text or an author in a well-defined ideological manner. In our case, the guiding principles of Simplicius are the harmony of Plato and Aristotle and the unity of the Greek philosophical tradition. Ivan Adriano Licciardi, contrasting Aristotle and Simplicius, aptly attributes to Aristotle a storiografia dialettica, while Simplicius champions a storiografia sinfonica.

The context in which the doxa of a certain author are transmitted is also quite crucial. In the case of Parmenides, we do not know of any running commentary written in Antiquity. It is important to emphasize that Simplicius too, although he is quoting a good bit from the poem firsthand, does not comment on it line by line as he does in the case of Aristotle. Rather, he is clever enough to select certain words or phrases and interpret them according to his guidelines. As we have seen, it is significant that Simplicius discusses Parmenides’ philosophy in the context of Aristotle’s criticism and against the background of Plato’s exegesis, first and foremost in the Sophist. It is certainly this context or genre that clearly influences the way Parmenides is interpreted. As far as the whole Platonic tradition is concerned, it seems safer not to talk of the reception of Parmenides, but of the reception of Plato’s version of Parmenides.
[conclusion p. 200-202]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Qox4YDBhtebTWK3

Interpreting the Bible and Aristotle in Late Antiquity: The Alexandrian Commentary Tradition between Rome and Baghdad, 2011
By: Lössl, Josef (Ed.), Watt, John W. (Ed.)

Title	Interpreting the Bible and Aristotle in Late Antiquity: The Alexandrian Commentary Tradition between Rome and Baghdad
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2011
Publication Place	Surrey – Burlington
Publisher	Ashgate
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Lössl, Josef , Watt, John W.
Translator(s)

This book brings together sixteen studies by internationally renowned scholars on the origins and early development of the Latin and Syriac biblical and philosophical commentary traditions. It casts light on the work of the founder of philosophical biblical commentary, Origen of Alexandria, and traces the developments of fourth- and fifth-century Latin commentary techniques in writers such as Marius Victorinus, Jerome and Boethius. The focus then moves east, to the beginnings of Syriac philosophical commentary and its relationship to theology in the works of Sergius of Reshaina, Probus and Paul the Persian, and the influence of this continuing tradition in the East up to the Arabic writings of al-Farabi. There are also chapters on the practice of teaching Aristotelian and Platonic philosophy in fifth-century Alexandria, on contemporaneous developments among Byzantine thinkers, and on the connections in Latin and Syriac traditions between translation (from Greek) and commentary. With its enormous breadth and the groundbreaking originality of its contributions, this volume is an indispensable resource not only for specialists, but also for all students and scholars interested in late-antique intellectual history, especially the practice of teaching and studying philosophy, the philosophical exegesis of the Bible, and the role of commentary in the post-Hellenistic world as far as the classical renaissance in Islam.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kR9UCCsaG87xlqQ

Introduction to the Second Edition: New findings on Philoponus, 2010
By: Sorabji, Richard

Title	Introduction to the Second Edition: New findings on Philoponus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2010
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition
Pages	1-40
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Since 1987, when the first edition of this book appeared, there have been new findings both about Philoponus' thought and about his milieu. In this Introduction to the second edition, I will start with the milieu. There has been a major archaeological discovery, nothing less than the lecture rooms of the Alexandrian school. It was announced in 2004 that the Polish archaeological team under Grzegorz Majcherek had identified the lecture rooms of the 6th-century Alexandrian school, surprisingly well preserved. Although the first few rooms had been excavated 25 years earlier, the identification had become possible only now. By 2008, 20 rooms had been excavated. 20 is the number of rooms reported by a 12th-century source writing in Arabic, Abd el-Latif, but there may be more. [introduction p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UotikAt6Giet2tb

Ioannes Philoponus, 1917
By: Gudeman, Alfred, Kroll, Wilhelm (Ed.)

Title	Ioannes Philoponus
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1917
Published in	Paulys Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neunter Band Hyaia — Iugum
Pages	1768-1795
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gudeman, Alfred
Editor(s)	Kroll, Wilhelm
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/jn8LgJK5DW0lutG

Ionian Philosophy, 1989
By: Boudouris, Konstantin, J. (Ed.)

Title	Ionian Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1989
Publication Place	Athen
Publisher	International Association for Greek Philosophy and Center for Greek Philosophy and Culture
Series	Studies in Greek Philosophy
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Boudouris, Konstantin, J.
Translator(s)

‘The articles in this volume are, in the main, the texts of papers read either in full or in part at the First International Conference on Greek Philosophy (Samos 1988)’ (from the editor’s Preface).  Appropriately  to  such  a  first  conference,  it  was  devoted  to  the  beginnings  of philosophy  in  Greece  and,  more  specifically,  in  Ionia  itself.  The volume includes  forty- seven papers dealing with all the major figures of Ionian philosophy, from the Milesians to Anaxagoras.  Pythagoras,  the  most  illustrious  native  of  Samos,  and  the  Pythagoreans (technically  considered  an  ‘Italian’  sect,  but  included  by  courtesy  in  the  theme  of the conference), attract the attention of seven scholars. The other notable Samian, Melissus, is the  subject of only one  contribution, by  D.  Furley,  possibly because Melissus  is usually
BOOK REVIEWS   141classified by the doxographers as an Eleatic. Xenophanes of Colophon is dealt with in five of the  articles.  Perhaps  not  surprisingly,  almost  half of the  papers  deal  with  Heraclitus  of Ephesus, just across the water from Samos. Among those excluded from this book are the Italians Parmenides, Zeno and Empedocles, and the atomists of Abdera" [Review Scolnicov]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9oSZ8qRrH4iopVv

Jamblique exégète du pythagoricien Archytas: trois originalités d’une doctrine du temps, 1980
By: Hoffmann, Philippe

Title	Jamblique exégète du pythagoricien Archytas: trois originalités d’une doctrine du temps
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1980
Journal	Les Études philosophiques
Volume	3
Pages	307-323
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Le développement de la philosophie grecque tardive est inséparable de l'exégèse de textes canoniques, parmi lesquels les traités d'Aristote et les dialogues de Platon occupent une place tout à fait particulière. Dans le cadre d'une pratique essentiellement scolaire, la tâche du commentateur est d'expliciter une vérité supposée donnée à l'origine, présente dans le texte qui est lu. On a déjà fait remarquer la fécondité philosophique des faux sens, contresens ou déviations qui ne manquent pas de se produire à l'occasion de ces exégèses : c'est par ce travail de l'erreur qu'apparaît souvent une nouveauté doctrinale, et tout se passe comme si la philosophie aimait à se nourrir d'analyses philologiquement erronées ou insoutenables.

Nous voudrions présenter ici un exemple typique de ce phénomène : comment une exégèse néoplatonicienne d'un "faux" pythagoricien a permis l'apparition d'une pensée nouvelle du temps.

Lorsqu'il explique la doctrine aristotélicienne du temps dans ses commentaires aux Catégories et à la Physique, Simplicius suit les traces de Jamblique, aux yeux de qui la source d'Aristote est le pythagoricien Archytas de Tarente. [introduction p. 307]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/67kpJTeAGPd2zao

Jamblique, critique de Plotin et de Porphyre: quatre études, 1999
By: Taormina, Daniela

Title	Jamblique, critique de Plotin et de Porphyre: quatre études
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1999
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Tradition de la pensée classique
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Taormina, Daniela
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Est-il possible de donner a la metaphysique un statut scientifique tel qu'elle soit en mesure de controler toute la realite? En particulier, est-il possible d'appliquer un tel programme a la meta-ontologie neoplatonicienne, qui pose comme principe de toute realite l'Un ineffable, au-dela de l'etre? La reponse positive a cette question se trouve au fondement de la querelle entre les neoplatoniciens sur l'architecture de la meta-ontologie. Cette etude esquisse la premiere phase de ce debat qui eut comme protagonistes les philosophes les plus affirmes du IIIe et IVe siecle apres J.C.: Plotin, Porphyre et Jamblique. Elle vise a mettre en evidence le trajet epistemique que Jamblique a parcouru. La polemique qu'il conduit contre ses predecesseurs sert ici de fil conducteur pour suivre la demarche de cette legitimation. Elle est aussi l'indice d'un programme de recherche, un paradigme implicite, qui determine la selection et la formulation des problemes philosophiques et la validite des reponses, donc aussi le choix des methodes de preuve et des procedures de persuasion.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iNCHkBfT7BtCDnw

John Philoponus, 1987
By: Sorabji, Richard, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	John Philoponus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science
Pages	1-40
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

This chapter delves into the life and intellectual contributions of John Philoponus, a pivotal figure bridging Neoplatonism and Christianity. It explores his relationship with Ammonius and examines how his Christian faith influenced his philosophical and scientific endeavors. The text covers Philoponus' critique of the Aristotelian worldview, focusing on key topics such as the creation of the universe, the impetus theory of dynamics, and the concept of velocity in a vacuum. It also addresses his innovative ideas about vacuum and space, his challenges to Aristotle's notions of natural place, and his interpretation of matter as extension.

Philoponus is recognized for disrupting Aristotle's categorical framework, rejecting the fifth element, and presenting novel theories about the directionality of light. The chapter reflects on his attacks on Aristotle in retrospect, highlighting the interplay between his scientific theories and Christian doctrines, including Christ, the Trinity, resurrection, and the soul. Additionally, the chapter examines his influence on later thought, tracing his intellectual antecedents and the chronology of his writings. [Derived from the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FDyWUVJUOYpvtvb

John Philoponus as a Source of Medieval Islamic and Jewish Proofs of Creation, 1969
By: Davidson, Herbert A.

Title	John Philoponus as a Source of Medieval Islamic and Jewish Proofs of Creation
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1969
Journal	Journal of the American Oriental Society
Volume	89
Issue	2
Pages	357-391
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Davidson, Herbert A.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Information from a number of sources has established that John Philoponus' Contra Aristotelem, a refutation of Aristotle's proofs of the eternity of the world, was at least partially available to the Arabic philosophers in the Middle Ages. The present article shows that the Arabic Jewish writer Sacadia used a set of proofs of creation ultimately deriving from Philoponus. With the aid of this result the following further conclusions are also drawn: Kindi too used a set of proofs of creation ultimately deriving from Philoponus; a variety of medieval arguments from the impossibility of an infinite are to be traced to Philoponus; the standard Kalām proof of creation, the proof from "accidents," originated as a reformulation of one of Philoponus' arguments. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yI5rGQdubzcVxPL

John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotle's theory of aether, 1988
By: Wildberg, Christian

Title	John Philoponus' criticism of Aristotle's theory of aether
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1988
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Peripatoi
Volume	16
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/J9OJ5u7Pb62D7np

John Philoponus' new definition of prime matter : aspects of its background in Neoplatonism and the ancient commentary tradition, 1997
By: Haas, Frans A. J. de

Title	John Philoponus' new definition of prime matter : aspects of its background in Neoplatonism and the ancient commentary tradition
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	Leiden – New York - Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia Antiqua
Volume	69
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This study provides the first full discussion of Philoponus' excursus on matter in contra Proclum XI. 1-8 which sets out the innovative definition of prime matter as three-dimensional extension.
The author argues that Philoponus' definition was motivated primarily by philosophical problems in Neoplatonism. Philoponus employs the explanation of growth, the interpretation of Aristotle's category theory and the notions of formlessness and potentiality to substantiate his definition. To conclude, the book offers an assessment of the significance of Philoponus' innovation.
It is demonstrated for the first time that Plotinus' view of matter exerted considerable influence on both Philoponus and Simplicius. Moreover, the structure of Syrianus' and Proclus' metaphysics prepared the way for Philoponus' account of prime matter. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LYGupj7bzAhb6CC

John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?, 1986
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1986
Journal	Hermes
Volume	114
Pages	314–335
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

What, in the end, can we say about Philoponus’ position as a Platonist, bearing in mind that our conclusions must still in some respects be provisional? That he was a Neoplatonist is indisputable. Since, however, few if any, of 
his differences with other Neoplatonists seem to arise from the adoption of a specifically Alexandrian philosophical point of view, we must attribute them to his own philosophical -  and theological -  orientation. It turns out that, in 
his case,  »Alexandrian Platonist« may mean little more than a man whose philosophy  was  Neoplatonic,  and  who  worked  at Alexandria,  though  one might observe that there would not have been a warm welcome at Athens for a 
Christian  Neoplatonist,  however closely his  views  might  conform to those codified by Proclus and developed by Damascius.  One could go on to say 
that,  apart from the concentration on Aristotle, his differences from other Alexandrians were greater than theirs from the Athenians. In this connection 
we should notice Philoponus’ frequent appeals to Plato against Aristotle in the passages Simplicius singles out for complaint, and his relatively frequent reservations about the agreement, symphônia, of Plato and Aristotle, which 
most  others  eagerly  sought  to  demonstrate.  And  since  we  started  with  a critique of P r a e c h t e r ,  who did so much to initiate the serious study of the 
Aristotelian commentators, it might be appropriate to end with his characteri
sation of Philoponus in the De aeternitate mundi: »es ist der gelehrte Platoniker der spricht«. [conclusion, p. 334-335]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cP5twq2fWJQvBVn

John Philoponus’ Commentary on the Third Book of Aristotle’s De Anima, Wrongly Attributed to Stephanus, 2016
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	John Philoponus’ Commentary on the Third Book of Aristotle’s De Anima, Wrongly Attributed to Stephanus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	393-412
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Philoponus’ denial of the existence of unformed matter in his Contra Proclum, composed in 529, allows us to date the commentary on DA 3 before the Contra Proclum, since the existence of unformed matter is accepted in the former work.

To conclude: we should discard Stephanus as a possible author of in DA 3, which is an attribution depending on a Byzantine addition to a manuscript with no title, and reassign this commentary to Philoponus on the grounds of self-reference, exegetical attitude, and general style. This commentary, possibly through the initiative of a pupil who recorded it, replaced Ammonius’ commentary on Book 3, as previously published by Philoponus, thus allowing two different editions to reach Byzantium: Philoponus’ edition of Ammonius’ lectures and the composite edition in which Ammonius’ lectures on Book 3 were replaced by those of Philoponus. The second edition was the one copied by D1, whereas D3 had access only to the first edition. [conclusion p. 412]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QH2oMIgPb9H8EAI

Kathēgemōn: The Importance of the Personal Teacher in Proclus and Later Neoplatonism, 2021
By: Christian Tornau

Title	Kathēgemōn: The Importance of the Personal Teacher in Proclus and Later Neoplatonism
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2021
Published in	Authority and authoritative texts in the Platonist tradition
Pages	201-226
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Christian Tornau
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

So far, we have only investigated the ideal relationship between a kathēgemōn and his pupil(s), as embodied, for example, by Parmenides and Zeno (and Socrates) or by Proclus and Syrianus (and Plato). But obviously, there are also cases in which philosophical, even Platonic, teaching fails. This does not come as a surprise in the case of Epicurus and Democritus, neither of whom has the philosophical standing that is necessary for a successful return to true being.⁸⁴ The case of Aristotle is more complex. As is well known, Proclus does believe in the general harmony of Plato and Aristotle but is very critical, especially of the latter’s natural philosophy, which he rejects as Aristotle’s deviation from his kathēgemōn Plato.⁸⁵ The way in which he formulates this criticism is telling. Proclus enlists Aristotle as an ‘emulator’ of Plato (ζηλώσας, a phrase elsewhere applied to Syrianus),⁸⁶ but, he adds, the fact that in explaining nature, Aristotle usually does not go beyond matter and immanent form betrays ‘how much he lags behind the guidance (ὑφήγησις) of his kathēgemōn.’⁸⁷ Aristotle is blamed for his lack of philosophical allegiance, not because he sometimes contradicts Plato, but because he was unable or unwilling to submit to the quasi-divine guidance of his kathēgemōn, which resulted in his failure to return to the intelligible and in his developing a metaphysics that falls short of the ontological level that Plato had reached. Conversely, as long as he philosophizes on Plato’s ontological level, a thinker qualifies as a true Platonist even if on some points he deviates from him: according to Proclus, Plotinus was ‘endowed with a nature similar to that of his own kathēgemōn [sc. Plato]’ and was himself able to offer theological guidance (ὑφήγησις) to others, even though Proclus rejects his theory of the undescended soul.⁸⁸ Neoplatonic orthodoxy, if we may call it thus, seems to admit a certain pluralism.

Simplicius, who, of course, went further than Proclus and most other Platonists in claiming the agreement of Plato and Aristotle,⁸⁹ takes up this basic view while at the same time opposing Proclus’ verdict (just paraphrased). In his commentary on the Physics, he repeatedly says that Aristotle ‘is not in disharmony with his kathēgemōn,’⁹⁰ implying—and sometimes stating—that philosophical allegiance is not a matter of verbal agreement. This occurs especially in discussions of points on which Aristotle was notoriously critical of Plato, e.g., whether movement (κίνησις) and change (μεταβολή) were to be distinguished or were one and the same thing (which has some bearing on the difficult issue of the movement of the soul, on which Aristotle explicitly contradicted Plato).⁹¹ Naturally, Simplicius does not deny the difference in terminology, but he does deny that it shows Aristotle’s inability or unwillingness to reach the more sublime regions of Plato’s thought:

It is important to note that here again Aristotle has expressed the same ideas (ἐννοίας) as his teacher with different words. (Simp. in Phys. 1336.25–26 Diels, introducing a long comparison of the accounts of the First Principle in Physics 8 and the Timaeus.)⁹²

When he reports especially impressive cases of the agreement of the two philosophers, Simplicius likes to employ the vocabulary of ‘willing’ or ‘striving’ in order to highlight the ethical aspect of the issue:

In the Categories, Aristotle emulated even this terminology of his teacher, that he calls all natural changes movements. (Simp. in Phys. 824.20–22 Diels.)⁹³
On this, too, Aristotle wants (βούλεται) to be in harmony with his teacher. (Simp. in Phys. 1267.19 Diels.)⁹⁴

Simplicius agrees with Proclus that Aristotle was an emulator of Plato; against Proclus, he insists that this emulation was successful, and he seems to do so based on Proclus’ own assumption that philosophical allegiance is primarily a moral decision. Simplicius’ use of kathēgemōn may not have the philosophical depth of Proclus’, but it is, as it were, metaphysically pregnant and strengthens Aristotle’s authority as a Platonist while helping to ward off the charge of anti-Platonism.

Concerning orality, we have seen that for Proclus, the inspired texts of Plato and others have their full impact on the philosophical learner only if they are unfolded to them personally by an experienced exegete. For this reason, in the prologue of the Parmenides commentary, Syrianus, not Plato, is the savior of humankind, and in the commentary on the Republic, Proclus himself re-transfers a written text by Syrianus into orality. Later Neoplatonists remain aware of the importance of personal instruction; several of them record oral discussions with their kathēgemones. Simplicius is no exception, though he more often cites Ammonius’ lectures or written treatises.⁹⁵ However, there seems to be an important difference. Commenting on the problem of squaring the circle, Simplicius recalls a scene between himself and Ammonius in Alexandria:

My teacher Ammonius used to say that it was perhaps not necessary that, if this [sc. a square of the same size as a circle] had been found in the case of numbers, it should also be found in the case of magnitudes. For the line and the circumference were magnitudes of a different kind. ‘It is,’ he said, ‘no wonder that a circle of the same size as a polygon has not been found, seeing that we find this in the case of angles too. . . .’ I replied to my teacher that if the lune over the side of a square could be squared (and this was proven beyond doubt) and if the lune, which consisted of circumferences, was of the same kind as the circle, there was, on this assumption, no reason why the circle could not be squared. (Simp. in Phys. 59.23–60.1 Diels.)⁹⁶

Simplicius surely tells this story not just to voice his disagreement with Ammonius but also to commemorate him honorifically, as he usually does.⁹⁷ We should therefore read the passage as an example of successful philosophical didactics. As an experienced teacher and versed dialectician, Ammonius challenges his promising pupil with an agnostic argument on a thorny mathematical problem, and Simplicius meets the challenge and succeeds in developing a convincing counterargument.

Ultimately, Simplicius presents philosophy as having become much more bookish in his time than it had ever been in Proclus’ era. [conclusion p. 222-226]

Online Resources

Knowledge of God in the Greco-Roman World, 1988
By: Broek, Roelof van den (Ed.), Baarda, Tjitze (Ed.), Mansfeld, Jaap (Ed.)

Title	Knowledge of God in the Greco-Roman World
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1988
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Series	Études Préliminaires aux Religions Orientales dans l’Empire Romain
Volume	112
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Broek, Roelof van den , Baarda, Tjitze , Mansfeld, Jaap
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ffb4bZzRDVS1ClO

Körperlichkeit in der Philosophie der Spätantike. Corporeità nella filosofia tardoantica, 2020
By: Horn, Christoph (Ed.), Taormina, Daniela Patrizia (Ed.), Walter, Denis (Ed.)

Title	Körperlichkeit in der Philosophie der Spätantike. Corporeità nella filosofia tardoantica
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2020
Publication Place	Baden-Baden
Publisher	Academia
Series	Academia philosophical studies
Volume	71
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Horn, Christoph , Taormina, Daniela Patrizia , Walter, Denis
Translator(s)

In diesem Sammelband wird die Idee des Körpers und der Körperlichkeit in der Philosophie der Spätantike untersucht. Dazu werden Fragen der Ontologie, der Mathematik, der Physik, der Astronomie, der Biologie, der Anthropologie, der Politik, der Theologie und der Ästhetik behandelt. Die Bedeutung des Themas ergibt sich sowohl aus seiner historischen Relevanz (für die Bildende Kunst, die Literatur, die Fachwissenschaften, die Religion und die allgemeine Kulturgeschichte) als auch aufgrund seiner philosophischen Wichtigkeit. Vom philosophischen Standpunkt betrachtet enthält die spätantike Reflexion über Körperlichkeit eine beeindruckende Fülle an Bedeutungen, die in diesem Band diskutiert werden. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YLmhzofUpyMnWop

L' «absurdum ἀκρόαμα» de Copernic, 2000
By: Hallyn, Fernand

Title	L' «absurdum ἀκρόαμα» de Copernic
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2000
Journal	Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance
Volume	62
Issue	1
Pages	7-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hallyn, Fernand
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Une présentation du De Revolutionibus en tant qu'« absurdum » est, en un sens, une présentation « silénique », si l'on pense à la signification symbolique qu'Érasme et d'autres donnaient aux célèbres Silènes d'Alcibiade : ces statuettes symbolisaient, selon les Adages, « un objet qui, en apparence – ou, comme on dit, de prime abord – semble vil et ridicule, mais qui est en réalité admirable quand on l'examine de plus près et plus profondément ».

« Absurde » : telle pouvait, en effet, apparaître de prime abord une défense jugée obscure et vaine d'un système aussi contraire au sens commun que l'héliocentrisme ; mais elle devenait admirable et profonde si on en étudiait de près les intentions et les implications « acroamatiques ». Les sens du mot ἀκρόασις (acroasis) qui viennent d'être évoqués sont en grande partie des sens cachés, que seule la prise en compte de la nécessité d'une double lecture, ironique et sérieuse, fait apparaître.

La signification du mot, réunissant l'apparence d'une qualification péjorative et la profondeur d'une définition appropriée, participe du secret qu'il désigne. Le cas illustre que, pour l'humaniste dans le savant, qui était aussi un lecteur, certains mots n'étaient pas des termes transparents, simples moyens de communication, mais des prismes pouvant réfracter des significations et des connotations variées.

Et si Copernic prétend n'écrire que pour des mathématiciens, les composantes sémantiques de son langage supposent aussi que ces mathématiciens soient capables d'apprécier, dans le choix des mots, des significations et des valeurs qui rattachent l'entreprise scientifique à la culture de l'humanisme. [conclusion p. 24]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Qo7eOBq3Eph4Ku9

L'Anaxagore de Diego Lanza : quelques réflexions, 2013
By: Louguet, Claire, Rousseau, Phillipe (Ed.)

Title	L'Anaxagore de Diego Lanza : quelques réflexions
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2013
Published in	Diego Lanza, lecteur des oeuvres de l’Antiquité. Poésie, philosophie, histoire de la philologie
Pages	51-84
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Louguet, Claire
Editor(s)	Rousseau, Phillipe
Translator(s)

Le système d’Anaxagore est un labyrinthe où l’on se perd et dont on peine à trouver l’issue, une énigme dont on ne peut pourtant s’empêcher de chercher la solution. Mais cette solution, objet de la quête de tout interprète franchissant le seuil du labyrinthe, a-t-elle jamais existé ? Était-elle exposée par Anaxagore dans les textes qui ont disparu sans doute à jamais ? Anaxagore voyait-il lui-même les contradictions internes qu’ont décelées ses critiques ? Si oui, les assumait-il lui-même ?

Lorsqu’on interprète des textes (et à plus forte raison lorsqu’ils sont fragmentaires), on recherche une cohérence qui rende intelligible l’ensemble. En ce qui concerne Anaxagore, on le fait le plus souvent en introduisant des éléments que les textes ne mentionnent pas, trouvant sans doute dans l’aspect fragmentaire du corpus une raison qui légitime une telle démarche. Il y a autant d’interprétations et d’hypothèses que d’interprètes, et, dans le cas d’Anaxagore, cette multitude de voix discordantes rend plus complexe encore la structure du labyrinthe, si bien qu’on désespère d’en trouver un jour l’issue.

Dans ce bruissement de voix multiples qui ne cesse de s’amplifier, dans cette quête effrénée de la solution, la lecture des travaux de Lanza nous invite à faire une pause, à nous éloigner du vacarme et à nous taire, pour écouter et réfléchir. Car ce qui distingue la démarche de Lanza, c’est justement qu’elle engage le lecteur à un travail réflexif, à un retour sur son propre travail d’interprète.

Si donc les thèses de Lanza peuvent trouver leur place dans une doxographie des interprétations, l’important en réalité n’est pas là (ou pas seulement), mais dans le fait qu’il se situe en dehors, car son geste dépasse le cadre général des interprétations : il se situe hors champ, pour ainsi dire. Certains estimeront ou ont estimé sans doute qu’il reste en deçà ; je dirai pour ma part qu’il va au-delà et qu’il nous emmène au-delà du cadre balisé. Tout dépend de ce que l’on cherche : le Socrate du Théétète ne parvient pas au but officiel ou explicite du dialogue, mais il fait avancer considérablement ses interlocuteurs (et les lecteurs) dans la démarche de la recherche, et ce faisant, il atteint le but véritable.

Ce que Lanza donne au lecteur est moins un contenu que les moyens de se faire sa propre interprétation, les moyens de la construire de la façon la moins naïve et la plus consciente possible. Quels que soient les résultats qu’il obtient en termes de compréhension du système d’Anaxagore, quelles que soient les hypothèses qu’il propose, ce genre de considération suffit à rendre son travail original et utile aujourd’hui encore.

Si son travail est daté, c’est « par accident » : parce qu’il se situe dans les années 1960, à une époque où les interprétations majeures (anglo-saxonnes pour la plupart) étaient orientées vers une conception particulariste (ou corpusculariste) des éléments d’Anaxagore. Bien que l’objectif de Lanza ne soit pas polémique, il est évident qu’il a construit sa propre interprétation en opposition à ce genre de reconstructions – cela apparaît comme un leitmotiv dans ses commentaires.

Dans ce qui suit, je ne prendrai pas position sur ces questions passionnantes mais assez datées, ni sur la question de savoir si Lanza a raison d’attribuer à ces interprètes des confusions entre Anaxagore et l’atomisme. En revanche, j’insisterai sur les points forts de son travail, qui ont ceci de remarquable qu’ils ne sont pas atteints, eux, par la contingence ni soumis aux vicissitudes du temps. Comme nous le verrons, cette solidité tient au fait que Lanza évolue dans la sphère du vraisemblable et qu’il se montre sensible au fait que son objet possède une unité.

Je présenterai d’abord les éléments remarquables de l’interprétation de Lanza, après quoi j’exposerai un point épineux de la réception ancienne et moderne (la question des homéomères), qui a particulièrement intéressé Lanza et au sujet duquel il a une thèse forte qu’il convient d’examiner. [introduction p. 51-52]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8fCGIzpqB6IdoMr

L'Astronomie dans l'antiquité classique. Actes du Colloque tenu à l'Université de Toulouse-le-Mirail, 21–23 Octobre, 1977, 1979
By: Aujac, Germaine (Ed.), Soubiran, Jean (Ed.)

Title	L'Astronomie dans l'antiquité classique. Actes du Colloque tenu à l'Université de Toulouse-le-Mirail, 21–23 Octobre, 1977
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1979
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Les Belles Lettres
Series	Collection d'Études Anciennes
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Aujac, Germaine , Soubiran, Jean
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TPeLfUa6KvbM1BN

L'arrière-plan néoplatonicien de l'École d'Athènes de Raphaël, 1996
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Hoffmann, Philippe (Ed.), Rinuy, Paul-Louis (Ed.), Farnoux, Alexandre (Coll.) (Ed.)

Title	L'arrière-plan néoplatonicien de l'École d'Athènes de Raphaël
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1996
Published in	Antiquités imaginaires. La référence antique dans l'art occidental, de la Renaissance à nos jours
Pages	143-158
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe , Rinuy, Paul-Louis , Farnoux, Alexandre (Coll.)
Translator(s)

Il est néanmoins permis d’insister, comme nous l'avons déjà dit, sur la tonalité manifestement néoplatonicienne de l’œuvre. Tout d’abord, on peut souligner une distorsion entre l’allégorie de la Philosophie et l’École d’Athènes. Il est vrai que l’allégorie est construite sur l’idée d’une dualité des parties de la Philosophie, qui sont donc des parties égales. La légende, «Causarum cognitio», est certainement inspirée par la légende de l’allégorie de la Prudence, peinte vers 1500 par Pietro Vannucci (le Pérugin) dans le Cambio de Pérouse. Le texte qui accompagne la Prudence a été rédigé par le responsable du programme – d’esprit «ficinien» –, l’érudit Francesco Maturanzio, bien connu non seulement comme «modeste auteur de la Cronaca della città di Perugia dal 1492 al 1503», mais aussi comme aristotélicien thomiste, helléniste et collectionneur de manuscrits grecs.

Maturanzio exprimait dans ce programme son adhésion à l'idée d'une conciliation des mondes antique et chrétien, une idée qui devait trouver une expression plus grandiose dans la Chambre de la Signature. On relève notamment, dans la légende de la Prudence de Pérouse, l’expression «...Scrutari verum doceo causasque latentes...». Et comme Raphaël avait travaillé avec le Pérugin, en compagnie de qui il était venu à Rome, le lien entre «scrutari... causas latentes» et «causarum cognitio» est tout à fait plausible. Mais la formule a davantage d'application dans le domaine de la physique que dans celui de l'éthique, de même que l'Artémis d’Éphèse représente la Nature avec ses secrets – l’objet de la partie physique de la Philosophie –, et n’a guère de rapport avec l'éthique.

La dissymétrie est plus nette dans le traitement des deux personnages de Platon et d'Aristote. Le maître est, comme il se doit, à la droite du disciple. La direction des gestes est si contrastée qu’elle ne peut signifier qu'une différence de domaine : les Idées et le Démiurge sont le domaine d'élection de Platon, tandis que le Bonheur humain – le plus grand bonheur qui puisse échoir à l’homme – est ce qu'Aristote vient offrir en un geste généreux, qui s’adresse aux spectateurs de la fresque.

Comment ne pas voir dans cette structure iconographique un écho précis des conceptions néoplatoniciennes ? On retrouve des thèmes que nous avons maintes fois rencontrés et que Raphaël – ou le responsable du programme iconographique – a puisés dans la culture néoplatonicienne de l'époque, chez Marsile Ficin ou Pic de la Mirandole :

    L'harmonie des philosophies de Platon et d’Aristote, tout d'abord : ce sont les deux figures centrales à partir desquelles s'ordonne toute la composition.
    La supériorité de la philosophie de Platon (les «grands mystères» néoplatoniciens) sur celle d’Aristote (les «petits mystères»), qui est la propédeutique à la philosophie de Platon et qui succède elle-même au cycle des sept Arts Libéraux, dont on a voulu déceler la représentation parmi le savant désordre des personnages qui entourent les deux figures centrales.
    La différence des plans ontologiques auxquels se sont élevés les deux penseurs : Platon a décrit le Monde non pas de manière immanente, mais en recherchant ses causes – les Idées et le Démiurge. Il étudie les réalités naturelles elles-mêmes en considérant leur relation à celles qui sont au-dessus de la nature, c'est-à-dire les réalités intelligibles et divines qui en sont les causes. L’étude du Timée, œuvre platonicienne majeure pour le Moyen Âge occidental, relevait aussi dans l'Antiquité du second cycle du cursus néoplatonicien de lecture des dialogues de Platon.

Quant à Aristote, il offre une pensée du bonheur qui doit permettre à l’homme, en menant la vie théorétique – qui est en grande partie une recherche des causes –, de «s’immortaliser autant qu’il est possible». Dans une note, Gombrich signale qu’à la date où Raphaël conçut l’École d’Athènes, il n’existait pas de traduction italienne en édition séparée du Timée ni des Éthiques d’Aristote. On peut ajouter que l’édition princeps de Platon en grec ne devait être publiée qu’en 1513 à Venise (édition aldine), et que Platon était lu à l’époque dans la célèbre traduction latine de Ficin imprimée en 1484. On rappellera dans ce contexte que l’édition princeps des œuvres d’Aristote en grec avait été donnée peu d'années auparavant à Venise par Alde Manuce. Précisément, la Préface grecque d’Alexandre Bondini (Agachemeros), collaborateur d’Alde, justifie l'entreprise par un éloge de la supériorité de la philosophie péripatéticienne, qui procure aux hommes le bonheur (eudaimonia). Peu après, en 1499, paraissait à Venise également l’édition princeps (incunable !) du Commentaire de Simplicius aux Catégories, œuvre dans laquelle les humanistes italiens pouvaient commodément lire le développement que nous avons étudié sur la finalité de la philosophie d’Aristote.

Ces deux remarques bibliographiques ne prétendent en aucun cas assigner une source littéraire à un célèbre détail iconographique. La leçon de méthode et de prudence d’E. Gombrich est exemplaire, et il serait vain de vouloir ajouter une nouvelle hypothèse, impossible à prouver en toute rigueur, à tant d’autres. Ce que l’on peut souligner en revanche, si l’on veut bien admettre que, dans une période d’effervescence intellectuelle comme la Renaissance italienne, les livres publiés étaient lus et que les idées circulaient, c’est un écho troublant entre le thème de la Préface d’Alexandre Bondini (1495), le développement de Simplicius sur le Bonheur comme finalité de la philosophie d’Aristote (imprimé en 1499), et le principe «symphonique» néoplatonicien qui organise et unifie le programme iconographique de l’École d’Athènes (1509–1511). [conclusion p. 154-158]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KewGi1BBbx4GOnk

L'ecole néoplatonicienne d'Athènes, 1990
By: Saffrey, Henri Dominique

Title	L'ecole néoplatonicienne d'Athènes
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1990
Published in	Recherches sur le néoplatonisme après Plotin
Pages	127-129
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

À l’intérieur du vaste mouvement philosophique que l’on désigne globalement sous le nom de néo-platonisme et qui se développe du IIIe au VIe siècle après J.-C., on distingue des écoles diverses.

Fondé à Rome par Plotin, qui y enseigne de 245 à 270, et maintenu vivant sur place par Porphyre et ses successeurs (dont plusieurs passèrent au christianisme, par exemple Marius Victorinus), le néo-platonisme se répandit d’abord en Asie Mineure et spécialement à Apamée et Antioche, où enseigna Jamblique. Celui-ci réussit à amalgamer la métaphysique plotinienne et les théories et pratiques de la théurgie en vogue dans l’Orient grec. Cette synthèse fournit à l’empereur Julien l’Apostat une base doctrinale pour le renouveau de la religion païenne qu’il tenta de faire triompher sous son règne (361-363).

De cette école syrienne sortirent deux rameaux d’inégale valeur : d’une part, l’école de Pergame, franchement adonnée à la magie et délaissant entièrement le vieux rationalisme grec, et, d’autre part, l’école d’Athènes, qui parviendra à se greffer sur la souche de l’antique Académie de Platon au début du Ve siècle.

À peu près au même moment, un autre rejeton paraîtra à Alexandrie, et cette école survivra même à celle d’Athènes pour faire passer au monde arabe vers la fin du VIe siècle tout le capital du néo-platonisme. [introduction p. 126]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ZrGOMqaxAxCT1p0

L'esperienza estetica fra logica e cosmologia nel Commentario alla Fisica di Simplicio, 2016
By: Licciardi, Ivan Adriano

Title	L'esperienza estetica fra logica e cosmologia nel Commentario alla Fisica di Simplicio
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2016
Journal	Athenaeum
Volume	104
Issue	1
Pages	186-200
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In  this  paper  I  will  explain  some  passages  of Simplicius, in   Phys.  1,  in  which  the Commentator discusses  the Aristotelian  expression pephyke de ek tôn gvorimoteron (Phys.  1.1, 184a. 16).  Here Simplicius  distinguishes  ta gnorimotera  from  to autopiston,  such  as the  definitions  and  the  immediate  premises,  and  from  the  dianoetic  knowledge,  which  is  syllogistic and demonstrative. Notwithstanding the topic o f these passages is epistemological, here the Commentator, through a syllogism in which there is an evident reminiscence o f Plato’s Timaeus, cites the  beauty o f the universe as an  initial  step  to  raise to  the  goodness o f die Demiurge. After an articulated investigation  (in which are involved, as well, Aristotle’s Rhetoric and above all P osteriorA nalytics), Simplicius concludes that to kalon has  the same statute of gnorimoteron hemîn (Arise. Phys.  1.1.184a.l6). The purpose o f the Commentator seems that to conciliate Plato and Aristotle, and the result is an original and creative,  but at the same rime exact and careful, way  to do the exegesis  of Aristotle’s Physics. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5jR4LzCbg0vHYAp

L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs néo-platoniciens, 1981
By: Narcy, Michel

Title	L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs néo-platoniciens
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1981
Journal	Les Études philosophiques
Volume	1
Pages	35-52
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Narcy, Michel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses the expression of Neoplatonism after Plotinus, which was primarily in the form of commentary on earlier works. However, this method can lead to errors and departures from the original ideas. The article examines how this applies to interpretations of homonymy in Aristotle's Categories, which are inconsistent among commentators. The author suggests that by examining how homonymy is used to resolve specific problems, one can better understand its meaning and transformation from Aristotle to Neoplatonism. The discussion centers on a passage in Simplicius's commentary on Categories in which he comments on Aristotle's remarks about the paronymous naming of beings defined by their quality. The author compares Simplicius's comments to Aristotle's original text, and argues that the former intentionally misrepresents the latter. [derived from the introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LehHtPQbB1BKLEC

L'interprétation par Simplicius de la parabole de l'escale, 2004
By: Hadot, Pierre, Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Hadot, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	L'interprétation par Simplicius de la parabole de l'escale
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2004
Published in	Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien
Pages	143-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Pierre , Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

Le commentaire de Simplicius sur ce chapitre du Manuel commence par une paraphrase de la parabole d’Épictète, qui compare la vie humaine à un voyage maritime. Cette paraphrase est suivie d’une interprétation allégorique de la parabole qui s’efforce de nous en faire découvrir le sens caché. En voici la traduction :

    "Or, il me semble qu’il a introduit un exemple imaginé d’une manière tout à fait appropriée. Car la mer, parce qu’elle est pesante, que ses vagues sont agitées, qu’elle change d’une manière si variée, qu’elle étouffe ceux qui y sombrent, en vertu de l’analogie qu’elle présente avec le devenir, les anciens auteurs de mythes, eux aussi, affirmaient qu’elle est un symbole du devenir. Le navire serait ce qui transporte les âmes vers le devenir, et il faut lui donner soit le nom de Sort (Moira), soit le nom d’Heimarmenê ou tel autre nom. Le pilote du navire pourrait être le dieu, lui qui, par ses prévoyantes pensées, dirige et gouverne, comme il le faut et d’une manière adaptée au mérite (kat’ axian) de chacun, l’univers et la descente des âmes dans le devenir.

    L’entrée du navire au port, c’est la mise en place des âmes dans le lieu, le peuple, la famille qui leur convient : c’est selon cette mise en place que les unes sont engendrées en tel lieu, tel peuple, telle famille et par tels parents, les autres ailleurs. La sortie du navire pour la provision d’eau, c’est le soin des choses nécessaires à la vie, sans lesquelles il est impossible de subsister. Qu’y a-t-il en effet, pour ceux qui sont dans le devenir, de plus nécessaire que l’eau, en vue de la nourriture et de la boisson ? Quant au fait de ramasser, comme une chose accessoire que l’on trouve au bord du chemin, un coquillage ou un petit oignon, il en donne lui-même l’exégèse d’une manière appropriée : cela veut dire femme, enfants, propriété, et autres choses de ce genre qui nous sont données par le Tout ; il faut les recevoir sans doute, mais non pas comme objets principaux de notre choix, ni comme biens qui nous soient propres.

    Le principal, en effet, c’est d’être tendu et tourné perpétuellement vers le pilote. Et il ne faut même pas s’intéresser à ces choses, comme si elles étaient nécessaires de la même manière que la provision d’eau, mais il faut les recevoir comme une chose véritablement accessoire et qui est simplement utile à la vie." [introduction p. 143-144]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UWgctr8ErscwqR3

L'écriture et les Présocratiques: Analyse de l'interprétation de Eric Havelock, 2005
By: Palù, Chiara

Title	L'écriture et les Présocratiques: Analyse de l'interprétation de Eric Havelock
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2005
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	23
Issue	2
Pages	75-92
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Palù, Chiara
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

L'interprétation de Havelock situe les penseurs présocratiques, ou plutôt pré-platoniciens, dans un milieu qu'il définit comme étant antérieur à la diffusion de l'écriture (pre-literacy). Cette interprétation provient de sa thèse générale, qui concerne la question du passage entre l'oralité et l'écriture en Grèce ancienne.

Si l'introduction de l'alphabet phénicien, à l'époque archaïque, entraîne l'abandon des systèmes de communication orale, fondés sur l'écoute et la mémorisation, au profit de nouveaux systèmes fondés sur la circulation et la lecture individuelle de textes écrits, ce passage ne s'effectue cependant pas d'un seul coup. En dépit de l'introduction de l'écriture, continuent de subsister, pendant presque toute l'époque archaïque, des mécanismes de performance orale, tandis que l'écriture, à son début, n'avait qu'une seule fonction, celle de fixer la parole.

Havelock, pour soutenir sa thèse, s'appuie initialement sur le Phèdre de Platon. La réflexion de Platon, qui, du reste, n'est pas isolée, est perçue comme une sorte de prise de conscience de problématiques préexistantes, au terme d'un processus de mutation culturelle dans lequel l'écriture joue un rôle déterminant. La critique de l'écriture, en effet, peut être définie comme une dernière défense de la parole orale à une époque où l'écrit prédomine désormais.

C'est en un second temps que Havelock s'est tourné vers les textes des présocratiques eux-mêmes. Il est vrai que dans la tradition pré-platonicienne, il n'existe pas de texte comme le Phèdre, qui thématise la question de l'écriture, mais, d'après Havelock, on peut repérer, dans les textes des présocratiques, les traces des structures orales qui avaient caractérisé la phase précédant la réintroduction de l'écriture.

Havelock souligne surtout l'adoption de la métrique et du rythme dans les poèmes d'Empédocle, Xénophane et Parménide, et le recours à une prose poétique dans le discours d'Héraclite, en tant qu'éléments qui devaient faciliter la mémorisation pour un public d'auditeurs. Mais l'approche de Havelock n'est pas seulement stylistique.

La diffusion progressive, à l'époque archaïque, de la literacy aux dépens de l'oralité requiert l'adoption d'un nouveau langage, qui prend ses distances par rapport au langage mythique et détermine ainsi l'émergence de la philosophie elle-même. Selon Havelock, c'est justement cette relation que Platon n'a pas vue, et c'est de là que provient le caractère contradictoire de sa critique à l'égard de l'écriture.

La thèse de Havelock n'a pas manqué de susciter des réactions parmi les interprètes, en produisant, ces dernières années, une quantité remarquable d'études consacrées à ce sujet.

En général, les interprètes ont analysé surtout la relation supposée entre le langage des présocratiques et l'écriture, d'une part, et celle entre l'écriture et l'émergence de la philosophie, d'autre part. La réflexion sur le langage devrait, en effet, renforcer la thèse de Havelock à l'égard de la permanence de structures orales dans les textes des présocratiques, et cette permanence devrait, à son tour, renforcer le rapport reconstitué par Havelock entre écriture et émergence de la philosophie.

Mais l'analyse stylistique, à elle seule, ne permet pas de conclure à la permanence de structures orales, et ces dernières sont tout aussi peu concluantes en tant qu'arguments à l'appui du rapport supposé entre écriture et émergence de la philosophie. [introduction p. 75-77]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qlp5mJ4QSDQl1a0

La Brillance de Nestis (Empédocle, fr. 96), 2008
By: Picot, Jean-Claude

Title	La Brillance de Nestis (Empédocle, fr. 96)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2008
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	26
Issue	1
Pages	75-100
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Picot, Jean-Claude
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

ἤ δὲ χθὼν ἐπίηρος ἐν εὐτύκτοις χοάνοισι
τώ δύο τῶν ὀκτὼ μερέων λάχε Νήστιδος αἴγλης,
τέσσαρα δ' Ἡφαίστοιο· τὰ δ' ὀστέα λευκὰ γένοντο
Ἁρμονίης κόλληισιν ἀρηρότα θεσπεσίηισιν.

Traduction :

Et la terre serviable en ses creusets bien façonnés
Reçut deux parts sur huit de la brillance de Nestis,
Et quatre d'Héphaïstos ; et ces choses-là devinrent les os blancs,
Tenus ensemble par les colles divines d'Harmonie.

L'os serait composé de deux parts de la « brillance de Nestis » (δύο τῶν ὀκτὼ μερέων [...] Νήστιδος αἴγλης) – où l'on s'accorde à reconnaître l'eau sous le nom de Nestis –, de quatre parts de feu – puisque Héphaïstos désigne traditionnellement le feu (τέσσαρα δ' Ἡφαίστοιο) – et de deux parts de terre (ἤ δὲ χθὼν ἐπίηρος) pour parvenir à huit parts au total.

Dans le présent article, je voudrais analyser le texte du fr. 96 pour prendre position sur la question suivante : quel est le sens à donner à l'expression Νήστιδος αἴγλης, c’est-à-dire « la brillance de Nestis » ? La brillance de Nestis désigne-t-elle l'eau, ou bien un mélange d'air et d'eau ?

Certaines questions divisent les commentateurs actuels d'Empédocle, mais la question de la brillance de Nestis n'en fait pas partie. En effet, tout le monde ou presque s'accorde pour dire que la brillance de Nestis désigne l'eau et rien d'autre. Pourquoi alors s'interroger sur quelque chose qui ne divise point ? Parce que le consensus est parfois trompeur. Il peut se fixer sur la solution simple, celle qui ne nécessite presque pas ou peu d'explication. Mais à l'analyse, l'objet peut se révéler complexe, et le consensus sur le simple avoir fait fausse route.

J'espère parvenir à montrer au fil de cet article que la brillance de Nestis est un mélange d'air et d'eau, et non pas simplement de l'eau.

Si Empédocle n'avait pas introduit la brillance (αἴγλη), aucun doute n'aurait été permis pour comprendre que τῶ δύο τῶν ὀκτὼ μερέων [...] Νήστιδος signifie deux parts sur huit d'eau. Mais la brillance pose problème. Elle pose d'autant plus problème que la tournure τῶ δύο τῶν ὀκτὼ μερέων [...] Νήστιδος αἴγλης insiste sur le fait que les deux parts en question sont des parts de la brillance et non pas directement des parts de Nestis. Peut-on spontanément dire que pour Empédocle, Nestis apparaît brillante, tout comme Apollon est brillant (αἰγλήτης), tout comme Artémis et Hécate sont dispensatrices de lumière (φωσφόρος) ?

Si la brillance n'ajoutait rien à la compréhension de Nestis, la « brillance de Nestis » se réduirait à une façon poétique de dire Nestis. Si, au contraire, la brillance ajoutait quelque chose à Nestis, l'élément qui n'est pas nommé dans le fr. 96, à savoir l'air, pourrait être sous-entendu dans la brillance de Nestis.

Nous avons formulé une interprétation en faveur de l'air dans la composition de l'os. La conclusion n'en serait que renforcée si nous pouvions nous appuyer sur un témoignage ancien, différent de celui du Pseudo-Simplicius, voire de Philopon, qu'il est facile de mettre en doute. Ce témoignage existe. Il a été jusqu'ici traité avec indifférence et parfois dévalorisé. C'est celui de Théophraste.

Théophraste, critiquant Empédocle, dit que chez cet auteur les os et les poils devraient avoir des sensations puisqu'ils sont formés de tous les éléments (De sensibus, ΧΧΙΠ = A86.23). En d'autres termes, selon Théophraste, les os sont formés des quatre éléments, et les poils de même. Les modernes n'ont pas jugé bon de partir de Théophraste pour contredire Aétius et pour affirmer que l'os doit être composé des quatre éléments.

Il n'y a guère de doute que pour Empédocle, il existe des mélanges qui ne comportent pas les quatre éléments. Prenons quelques exemples : le bronze produit par l'alliage de l'étain et du cuivre (fr. 92), le vin mélangé à de l'eau (fr. 91), les couleurs résultant d'un mélange des couleurs de base (fr. 23), la pâte servant à faire le pain (fr. 34), la boue ou la pâte de poterie (fr. 73), l'eau salée de la mer (fr. 55, 56), etc.

Mais quand il s'agit des êtres vivant sur terre, il est permis de penser que Philotès fait chaque mélange sans exclure aucun élément, à l'instar du sang et des chairs (fr. 98). En effet, l'œuvre de l'Amour réalisée dans ces êtres éphémères semble préfigurer le grand vivant, composé des quatre éléments, qu'est le Sphairos. Pour les êtres vivants et éphémères, les parts pourraient être inégales dans chaque organe, mais tous les éléments être néanmoins présents.

Tout cela, certes, n'est que pure hypothèse. Aucun texte n'affirme que pour Empédocle, toutes les parties des vivants sont un mélange des quatre éléments. Une certitude demeure : on ne peut déconsidérer la parole de Théophraste sur l'os, ce même Théophraste qui disait que pour Empédocle, l'eau est noire.
[introduction p. 75-77/conclusion p. 99-100]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Kn8BmLiIsvQZnjb

La Communauté de l'être (Parménide, fragment B 5), 2000
By: Destrée, Pierre

Title	La Communauté de l'être (Parménide, fragment B 5)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2000
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	18
Issue	1
Pages	3-13
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Destrée, Pierre
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses different interpretations of the methodological significance of the fragment D.K. B 5 of Parmenides' poem, which states "It is indifferent to me where I begin, for I shall come back again to this point" (Trad. M. Conche). The main question is what the statement refers to and its place in the order of fragments. Two main trends of interpretation are identified, one proposing to place the fragment before D.K. B 8 and the other suggesting to read it either before or after D.K. B 2. The author argues that the circularity of Parmenides' philosophy is centered around the concept of being and the experience of the community of being. The world of Parmenides is a world of trust and confidence in being, where even absent things find a real presence and firm consistency.
[introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/y9Q3j9lUXfO31vz

La Physique d’Aristote et les anciens commentateurs grecs, 1981
By: Verbeke, Gérard, Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs N. (Ed.)

Title	La Physique d’Aristote et les anciens commentateurs grecs
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1981
Published in	Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Thessaloniki August 7-14 1978
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verbeke, Gérard
Editor(s)	Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs N.
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WCFPRwh1E2k3zgK

La Physique d’Empédocle selon Simplicius, 1989
By: Stevens, Annick

Title	La Physique d’Empédocle selon Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1989
Journal	Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire
Volume	67
Issue	1
Pages	65-74
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Stevens, Annick
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

J'en arrive à faire la synthèse de l'apport positif et original qui résulte de l'étude de Simplicius. Tout d'abord, quand il ne se démarque pas de la tradition doxographique, c'est qu'elle transmet l'interprétation la plus plausible : ainsi, la matérialité des racines à partir desquelles sont créés tous les corps et l'explication de leurs mélanges par l'introduction de principes de création, auxquels il donne un nom assez prudent pour ne pas offrir prise à la réfutation. Remarquons en outre sa clairvoyance quant au choix de la désignation des principes créateurs à partir de notions connues dans le réel observable, pour décrire le réel invisible.

D'autre part, Simplicius se démarque des autres doxographes anciens en refusant la conception d'un cycle cosmique à quatre phases. Là encore, si l'on veut respecter le texte d'Empédocle, on ne peut que lui donner raison : seuls deux stades cosmiques sont décrits : le tout unifié de la Sphère (où la Haine, néanmoins, n'est pas détruite mais retirée aux confins) et la multiplicité née de l'opposition des deux principes créateurs. Il fallait en effet souligner que ni l'un ni l'autre ne peut créer seul ; en ce sens, ils sont, autant qu'opposés, complémentaires.

Reste à savoir si ces deux stades existent alternativement ou simultanément et, à ce propos, il est clair que Simplicius a voulu imposer la vision néo-platonicienne au détriment de la stricte observation du texte. Ses arguments en faveur de la « double disposition » sont faibles et parfois même péremptoires, dans la mesure où il annihile les passages qui le gênent en les qualifiant de « fiction poétique ».

En revanche, sa « solution de rechange », qui fait état d'une coexistence entre le mouvement et une certaine forme d'immobilité (donc, d'une certaine manière, d'une double manifestation du réel) — cette immobilité résultant de l'incessant roulement du devenir —, cette conception, loin d'entrer en contradiction avec ce que nous savons des théories présocratiques en général et empédocléenne en particulier, est extrêmement intéressante et peut ouvrir la voie à un nouvel examen approfondi du poème d'Empédocle. [conclusion p. 74]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tQhjx4b0GzJ1L5S

La Récupération d'Anaxagore, 1980
By: Ramnoux, Clémence

Title	La Récupération d'Anaxagore
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1980
Journal	Archives de Philosophie
Volume	43
Issue	1
Pages	75-98
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ramnoux, Clémence
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The author meant to «recuperate» the Fragments of Anaxagoras, most of which are transmitted in the Commentary of Simplicius on Aristotle's Physics I, 4, without severing them from their context. While doing so he was interested in the neo-platonicist presentation itself, and also in the modern interpretations proceeding from it, enhancing an interpretative tradition. The first article inquires into the presentation of doctrines by dichotomic confrontation and into the problem of contrary couples. Following on the recuperation of the Fragments of Anaxagoras in a neo-platonic context, the second article presents the doctrine of the Spirit as agent both of thinking discrimination and of mechanical separation which starts from the original gathering, and which is both thought and subtantial. It examines subsequently how far a doctrine of the plurality of worlds can be attributed to Anaxagoras. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

La Récupération d'Anaxagore II, 1980
By: Ramnoux, Clémence

Title	La Récupération d'Anaxagore II
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1980
Journal	Archives de Philosophie
Volume	43
Pages	279-297
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ramnoux, Clémence
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The text discusses the concept of the mind and plurality of worlds in Anaxagoras' philosophy. It focuses on a fragment that is the longest and most extensive in relation to the mind. The author explores the vocabulary used by Anaxagoras to articulate his doctrine and how it uses oppositions such as one and multiple, similar and different, light and dark, hot and cold, dry and wet to categorize things. The author also discusses Anaxagoras' use of the concept of infinity in relation to both numbers and spatial dimensions. The text also highlights the attributes of the mind, such as its spatial greatness, lightness, and purity, which allow for quick movement and perception. The author concludes that Anaxagoras' conception of the mind is not divine, but rather characterized by its separation from everything else. [introduction]

Online Resources

La conservation et la transmission des textes philosophiques grecs , 2007
By: Goulet, Richard, D'Ancona Costa, Cristina (Ed.)

Title	La conservation et la transmission des textes philosophiques grecs
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2007
Published in	The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network "Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture", Strasbourg, March 12-14, 2004 under the Scientific Committee of the meeting, composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D’Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endreß, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche
Pages	29-62
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Goulet, Richard
Editor(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Translator(s)

Mais face à tous les facteurs matériels, sociologiques, historiques qui précarisaient la transmission de ces textes et provoquaient de siècle en siècle la disparition de nombre d’entre eux, il s’est trouvé à tous les âges des esprits suffisamment éclairés pour en saisir la valeur et en assurer la copie ou au moins la conservation, et d’autres encore pour les traduire en diverses langues, les paraphraser, les annoter et les commenter, parfois même s’en inspirer pour construire leur propre philosophie.

Pour nous aussi, qui affrontons à notre tour de nouveaux supports, c’est peut-être cette activité fondamentale de transmission de l’héritage antique qui restera notre plus grand titre de gloire. Nous pourrons dire à nos successeurs, s’il s’en trouve : nous vous transmettons ce que nous avons reçu, nous avons essayé d’y mettre un peu d’ordre, nous avons édité et traduit ces textes, nous avons ajouté des gloses pour expliquer ce que nos contemporains n’étaient plus en mesure de comprendre facilement, nous n’avons pas nous-mêmes tout compris, mais tout est bien là. [conclusion p. 61]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mQmvNRD4MKEBc5h

La critique aristotélicienne des Idées en Physique II 2 et l’interprétation de Simplicius, 2017
By: Golitsis, Pantelis

Title	La critique aristotélicienne des Idées en Physique II 2 et l’interprétation de Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2017
Journal	Revue des Sciences Philosophiques et Théologiques
Volume	101
Pages	569-584
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In Physics II 2, 193b35–194a1, Aristotle criticizes in passing the partisans of the Ideas, comparing them to the mathematicians. The present article first attempts to specify the identity of the Academicians Aristotle has in view and to explain how their method resembles the mathematical one.

In a second step, the article sheds light on Simplicius' manner of deflecting the Aristotelian critique, showing that, despite appearances, the Stagirite acknowledges that the forms of natural realities, after the fashion of mathematical realities, can be thought of separately, that is to say, without matter.

The Neoplatonist's reflection casts new light on the notion of methexis, basically identical to that of phusikos logos or "form in itself," which is like intelligible Form. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CX8My3vkHJrymmk

La critique d’authenticite chez les commentateurs grecs d’Aristote, 1974
By: Moraux, Paul, Akurgal, Ekrem (Ed.), Alkım, Uluğ Bahadır (Ed.), Mansel, Arif Müfid (Ed.)

Title	La critique d’authenticite chez les commentateurs grecs d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1974
Published in	Mansel’e Armağan. Mélanges Mansel, vol. I
Pages	265-288
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)	Akurgal, Ekrem , Alkım, Uluğ Bahadır , Mansel, Arif Müfid
Translator(s)

Tout comme l’archéologie, la numismatique ou l’épigraphie, l’histoire littéraire est parfois amenée à se demander si les matériaux sur lesquels elle travaille sont bien authentiques. Dans la transmission des textes antiques, en effet, les erreurs fortuites d’attribution devaient se produire plus aisément que de nos jours. Par ailleurs, la notion de propriété littéraire était assez flottante ; un auteur plus récent ne se faisait aucun scrupule à reproduire, parfois littéralement, ce qu’un auteur plus ancien avait écrit sur le même sujet. Enfin, pour les raisons les plus diverses, il y a eu parfois fraude délibérée, le faussaire lançant sous un autre nom, souvent un nom illustre, un ouvrage de son cru.

Il est remarquable que, dans les derniers siècles de l’Antiquité grecque, les commentateurs d’Aristote se soient posé la question de savoir si tel ou tel écrit dont ils avaient à s’occuper était bien l’œuvre d’Aristote. Divers témoignages nous apprennent même que le problème de l’authenticité était l’un de ceux que le commentateur devait aborder dans son introduction, avant de s’attaquer à l’analyse et à l’interprétation du texte proprement dit. On se rappellera que dans une sorte d’introduction générale à la lecture d’Aristote, Ammonius et plusieurs autres commentateurs issus de son école s’arrêtaient aux dix questions suivantes :

    D’où les diverses écoles philosophiques tirent-elles leur nom ?
    Comment faut-il classer les ouvrages d’Aristote ?
    Par quelle discipline doit-on commencer l’étude de la philosophie aristotélicienne ?
    Quel est le but de cette philosophie ?
    Par quels moyens peut-on arriver à ce but ?
    Quels sont les caractères de l’exposé ou du style d’Aristote ?
    Comment justifier l’obscurité d’Aristote ?
    Quelles sont les qualités requises de l’interprète d’Aristote ?
    Quelles sont les qualités requises de l’étudiant qui aborde la philosophie d’Aristote ?
    Quelles questions convient-il d’examiner avant d’étudier chaque traité en particulier ?

Nous n’avons pas à nous étendre ici sur le problème, assez controversé, de l’origine de ce schéma. Disons simplement que, même si sa forme stéréotypée est assez récente, certains de ses éléments sont à coup sûr bien antérieurs à Ammonius, chez qui le schéma apparaît pour la première fois. C’est le dixième point qui doit retenir ici notre attention. De l’avis des commentateurs, il convient, en effet, avant d’expliquer chaque traité, de répondre dans l’introduction aux six questions suivantes :

    Quel est le but du traité en question ?
    Quelle est son utilité ?
    Quelle est sa place dans l’œuvre d’Aristote ?
    Comment expliquer son titre ?
    Le traité est-il authentique ?
    Quelles en sont les grandes divisions ?

Bien sûr, toutes ces questions ne se posent pas dans tous les cas avec la même acuité : il peut arriver, par exemple, que l’utilité de l’ouvrage soit évidente, ou que son titre soit clair, ou encore que son authenticité saute aux yeux et n’ait jamais été contestée ; alors, le commentateur n’aura pas à s’étendre sur ces questions. Quoi qu’il en soit, il est intéressant de noter que le problème de l’authenticité faisait partie des sujets habituellement abordés par les commentateurs dans leurs introductions aux divers ouvrages d’Aristote.

Nous nous proposons d’examiner, dans les pages qui suivent, les quelques traces de cette critique d’authenticité qui ont survécu dans les commentaires arrivés jusqu’à nous. Plusieurs commentateurs néoplatoniciens indiquent pour quelles raisons et à la suite de quelles circonstances il a pu se faire que l’on attribue au Stagirite des ouvrages n’émanant pas de lui. En gros, ils citent les motifs suivants :

    Certains rois payaient bien les textes qu’ils acquéraient pour les bibliothèques qu’ils avaient créées ; cela ne pouvait qu’inciter les faussaires au travail.
    Par ailleurs, la similitude de certains noms d’auteurs ou de certains titres a pu provoquer des confusions ou des erreurs d’attribution.
    Enfin, partant de bonnes intentions, certains disciples ont fait à leur maître l’honneur de lui attribuer leurs propres productions.

Ces indications des commentateurs sur les causes des attributions erronées viennent de faire l’objet d’une bonne étude ; nous n’y reviendrons donc pas. En revanche, nous croyons utile d’examiner plus en détail les déclarations des commentateurs relatives à l’authenticité de certains traités du corpus aristotelicum. Cela nous permettra de voir quels arguments étaient utilisés pour établir ou contester l’authenticité d’un ouvrage, et aussi de mesurer la valeur des jugements portés dans les différents cas.

Les traités ou parties de traités sur lesquels nous possédons, à cet égard, des renseignements concrets sont :

    les Catégories,
    les Postprédicaments (chapitres 10-15 des Catégories),
    le De interpretatione,
    les Analytiques,
    la Physique,
    les Météorologiques,
    et les deux premiers livres de la Métaphysique. [introduction p. 265-267]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0K9jPcuuBUt3j54

La division néoplatonicienne des écrits d'Aristote, 1987
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	La division néoplatonicienne des écrits d'Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben
Pages	249-285
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Nous  pouvons  donc résumer en quelques  mots  le  résultat de  nos recherches.  La  division  des  écrits  d’Aristote,  telle  quelle  est  présentée dans les commentaires néoplatoniciens, est, prise dans son ensemble,  un  pur  produit  de  la  philosophie  néoplatonicienne,  produit  qui intègre  néanmoins  quelques  éléments  qui  remontent  à  une  époque antérieure à  cette philosophie.  Ce  qui me  paraît être typiquement et exclusivement  néoplatonicien,  c’est  la  division  des  écrits  aristotéliciens  en  écrits  particuliers,  intermédiaires  et  généraux.  D’abord,  la 
place des Lettres au  début de la liste est une particularité que la division  néoplatonicienne  ne  partage,  à  ma  connaissance,  avec  aucune 
autre  liste  non  seulement  d’écrits  aristotéliciens,  mais  aussi  d’écrits de  n’importe  quel  auteur.  Ensuite,  la catégorie  des  écrits  intermédiaires ne peut avoir de sens qu’à l’intérieur du système néoplatonicien, car elle sert surtout à se débarrasser d’un certain nombre d’écrits bio
logiques  d’Aristote,  parce  que  ceux-ci  n’avaient pas  de place  dans  le cursus philosophique néoplatonicien.  Pour les péripatéticiens au con
traire,  ces  écrits  rentraient  tout  simplement  dans  la  partie  physique de  la philosophie, comme  Simplicius nous l’apprend  au début de son commentaire sur la Physique128, où  il reproduit le classement péripatéticien  des  écrits  physiques  d’Aristote.  Pour  les  péripatéticiens, 
comme  d’ailleurs  pour  n’importe  quel  auteur  de  Pinax,  le  fait  de séparer les écrits  d’Aristote se  rapportant  aux choses de  la nature en 
deux  catégories,  l’une  qui  comprendrait  des  écrits  «intermédiaires», l’autre qui  rassemblerait les écrits physiques  et correspondrait à  une 
subdivision  des  écrits  généraux,  ne  pouvait  avoir  aucun  sens.  Cette séparation  n’était  possible  que  dans  la  perspective  de  l’ontologie 
néoplatonicienne.  Il  y a  d’ailleurs confusion  des  deux systèmes  dans la division  de  David.  Il respecte d’abord  la division néoplatonicienne 
en  écrits  particuliers,  intermédiaires  et  généraux  en  donnant  des exemples  adéquats  pour  chaque  rubrique,  mais  quand  il  arrive  à  la 
rubrique  physique  des  écrits  théorétiques,  il  suit,  en  énumérant  des exemples,  la  liste  péripatéticienne  ou  tout  simplement  le  pinax  des écrits  d’Aristote  qui  se  trouvait  à  la suite  de  sa  biographie.  Il  répète donc  quelques  titres  qu’il  avait  auparavant  classés  dans  les  écrits 
intermédiaires  et ajoute bon  nombre de traités  qui, selon  le point de vue  néoplatonicien,  n’ont  rien  à  voir avec la philosophie. [conclusion, p. 284-285]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GosX6JCGE0N12qC

La dottrina dell’autocoscienza nel commentario al De anima attribuito a Simplicio, 2013
By: Militello, Chiara

Title	La dottrina dell’autocoscienza nel commentario al De anima attribuito a Simplicio
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2013
Publication Place	Acireale; Roma
Publisher	Bonanno
Series	Cultura e formazione; Filosofia
Volume	24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Militello, Chiara
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Il presente volume tratta del commentario al De anima di Aristotele che la tradizione manoscritta ascrive a Simplicio e che alcuni studiosi hanno attribuito a Prisciano Lido, e in particolare della concezione dell'autocoscienza del senso, della ragione e dell'intelletto ivi esposta. I passi rilevanti sono messi a confronto con quelli degli altri commentari neoplatonici al De anima rimastici al fine di evidenziare la peculiarità delle teorie che "Simplicio" ha elaborato per conciliare le tesi aristoteliche e la tradizione platonica. Da questo studio emerge l'importanza del commentario di "Simplicio", in cui viene presentata una teoria innovativa sui diversi modi in cui l'anima umana conosce se stessa e le proprie attività.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nKjLFiYMWmnkop1

La défense de Platon contre Aristote par les néoplatoniciens, 1993
By: Romano, Francesco, Dixsaut, Monique (Ed.)

Title	La défense de Platon contre Aristote par les néoplatoniciens
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1993
Published in	Contre Platon. Tome I: Le Platonisme Dévoilé
Pages	175-195
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Romano, Francesco
Editor(s)	Dixsaut, Monique
Translator(s)

Pour aborder le problème de la défense de Platon contre Aristote par les Néoplatoniciens, il est nécessaire d’opérer des distinctions à la fois historiques et théoriques ; il faut en effet tenir compte tant du développement chronologique de la pensée néoplatonicienne que des différences pouvant exister d’une école néoplatonicienne à l’autre. Il semble, par exemple, que Jamblique et Proclus aient adopté des positions sensiblement divergentes sur le problème de savoir si Aristote avait attaqué la théorie des Idées dans sa formulation platonicienne ou dans la fausse interprétation que certains Platoniciens en avaient donnée.
D’après ce que nous disent David [Elias], d’une part :
Δεῖ αὐτὸν μὴ συμπάσχειν τῷ Πλάτωνι· συνδιδοῖσι τῷ πεπονθέν· Ἰάμβλιχος· οὗτος γὰρ προσπάσχων τῷ Πλάτωνι συνδιδοῖσι τῷ Ἀριστοτέλει ὅτι οὐκ ἀντιλέγει τῷ Πλάτωνι διὰ τὰς ἰδέας
(« L’exégète ne doit pas sympathiser avec une quelconque secte philosophique à la manière de Jamblique. Celui-ci, en effet, prévenu en faveur de Platon, concéda également à Aristote de ne pas avoir contredit Platon au sujet des Idées »), et Étienne d’Alexandrie [Ps. Philopon], d’autre part, Jamblique aurait soutenu qu’Aristote n’avait pas réfuté Platon à propos des Idées. Tandis que Proclus – si l’on en croit Philopon (De aetern. mundi, 31), faisant allusion au livre, perdu, par lequel Proclus réfutait les objections d’Aristote contre le Timée (mais Syrianus aurait fait de même avant Proclus, d’après le témoignage d’Asclepius de Tralle) – aurait, pour sa part, été convaincu qu’Aristote avait combattu et réfuté Platon également sur ce point.
Comme nous allons le voir (texte 2), Proclus parle des Péripatéticiens en général, mais il n’est pas possible d’exclure Aristote. Cela dit, il faut toutefois se hâter d’ajouter que, malgré leurs divergences, presque tous les Néoplatoniciens s’accordent à considérer comme leur tâche propre de défendre Platon contre les attaques d’Aristote et des Péripatéticiens, afin au moins d’éliminer les malentendus et les interprétations perverses que ceux-ci exploitent souvent pour opposer les deux philosophes. Autrement dit, les différentes positions prises tour à tour par l’un ou l’autre des Néoplatoniciens, ou mieux par l’un ou l’autre des courants scolastiques néoplatoniciens, tiennent à des nuances argumentatives. Elles cherchent davantage à démontrer la concordance entre Platon et Aristote qu’à viser l’objectif principal commandant n’importe quelle exégèse néoplatonicienne du texte d’Aristote : la faire, d’une façon institutionnelle, servir le plus possible à la lecture et à l’étude des textes platoniciens.
Si nous voulons comprendre l’esprit de certaines positions, aussi bien théoriques qu’historiques, adoptées par les Néoplatoniciens, il nous faut donc partir d’une distinction préliminaire entre, d’une part, l’attitude polémique de ceux qui tendent à souligner les divergences plus ou moins substantielles entre Platon et Aristote – donc s’efforcent de réfuter explicitement et sans équivoque les objections d’Aristote et des Péripatéticiens contre Platon – et, d’autre part, l’attitude critique (mais peu ou guère critique en apparence) de ceux qui cherchent surtout à minimiser la « puissance destructrice » des objections aristotéliciennes et péripatéticiennes, au point de ramener la position réelle d’Aristote à celle de Platon.
En d’autres termes, il s’agit ou bien de défendre Platon contre les contradictions ou absurdités présumées dont on veut le rendre coupable, ou bien d’interpréter d’une façon compatible avec la « vérité » platonicienne ses apparentes discordances avec ce qu’on suppose être la « vérité » aristotélicienne. Mais en aucun cas Aristote ne doit et ne peut l’emporter sur Platon, soit parce que sa critique de Platon n’atteint pas sa cible ou pousse à mal le comprendre, soit parce que le sens que l’on accorde à cette critique n’est pas celui qu’elle possède effectivement ou n’est pas le seul qu’elle puisse posséder.
L’exégète néoplatonicien, donc, peut obtenir le même résultat en suivant deux voies différentes : l’important est de montrer que l’opposition présumée d’Aristote à Platon peut être dépassée et que l’étude du texte d’Aristote peut servir à faciliter la compréhension du texte de Platon (pour atteindre ce but, on doit parfois sacrifier les anciens Académiciens, tenus pour être la cible des objections d’Aristote : en ce cas, ce sont les anciens disciples de Platon qui auront mal compris le maître commun). Tout cela signifie que n’importe quelle exégèse du texte aristotélicien (de n’importe quel texte aristotélicien) fait partie de l’exégèse plus générale du texte platonicien.
C’était là une des règles de l’enseignement néoplatonicien, donc un élément doctrinal commun à tous les Néoplatoniciens. On pourrait faire, peut-être, une exception pour Damascius, qui, on le sait, contestait souvent la légitimité de l’exégèse prédominante (à cette époque, celle de Proclus) des textes platoniciens et aristotéliciens. Mais il est temps d’entrer dans le vif du sujet.
Nous allons examiner six textes tirés respectivement l’un de Simplicius, quatre de Proclus, et un autre d’Ammonius ; après en avoir donné la traduction (la mienne, en l’absence d’indication contraire), j’en viendrai aux conséquences de mon interprétation. [introduction p. 175-177]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LVbezb3omxhQNRC

La fin de l'Acádemie, 1971
By: Cameron, Alan, Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime (Ed.), Hadot, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	La fin de l'Acádemie
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1971
Published in	Le Néoplatonisme: Actes du Colloque International sur le Néoplatonisme organisé dans le cadre des Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique à Royaumont du 9 au 13 juin 1969
Pages	281-290
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cameron, Alan
Editor(s)	Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

Nous connaissons les noms de tous les successeurs de Proclus à Athènes, mais ils ne sont guère pour nous que des noms. Même Damascius, qui était scolarque en l’année fatidique de 529, admet que la philosophie à Athènes n’était jamais tombée aussi bas que juste avant son accession à la chaire.

Tout cela est hors de conteste. Pourtant, les savants modernes ont généralement considéré que ce déclin a continué sans interruption jusqu’en 529 et qu’en 529, lorsque Justinien a publié son illustre édit fermant l’Académie, elle était déjà sur son lit de mort. Autrement dit, ils considèrent que l’acte de Justinien fut plutôt de l’euthanasie qu’un assassinat.

La dernière étude sur la fermeture de l’Académie admet sans discussion qu’en 529, la philosophie païenne d’Athènes avait déjà succombé sous les coups de la philosophie christianisée d’Alexandrie et de Gaza, que les étudiants, sauvés des griffes de l’impie Damascius, pouvaient désormais être guidés sur les chemins de la vérité par des chrétiens comme Philopon et Procope de Gaza. Hélas ! Cette image édifiante n’a rien à voir avec l’histoire.

Il est douteux qu’il y ait jamais eu une école chrétienne de philosophie à Gaza. Énée et Procope étaient tous deux professeurs de rhétorique, et leurs plus fameux disciples furent aussi des rhéteurs (Épiphanius, Choricius). En tous cas, en 529, tous deux étaient morts.

En ce qui concerne Alexandrie, contrairement à une opinion largement répandue, Philopon ne succéda pas à la chaire d’Ammonius. Pour des raisons que nous ne connaissons pas, il est resté, semble-t-il, toute sa vie grammaticus, professeur de littérature. Et vers la fin de sa vie, il se tourna de plus en plus de la philosophie vers la théologie — et vers l’hérésie.

En outre, l’influence de la tradition scolaire était si forte, même dans le cas de philosophes chrétiens, que les écrits de Philopon ont exercé une influence étonnamment faible sur l’enseignement à Alexandrie. Olympiodore, qui enseignait encore à Alexandrie dans les années 560, était en effet païen, et ses successeurs, Élie, David, Étienne, bien que chrétiens, continuèrent à enseigner des doctrines comme l’éternité du monde et la divinité des corps célestes, qui avaient été déjà depuis longtemps réfutées par Philopon.

Nous ne découvrons certainement pas ce qui est quelquefois évoqué en termes grandiloquents comme une synthèse de l’aristotélisme et du christianisme.

Dès lors, il ne saurait être question de la vitalité supérieure d’une philosophie chrétienne écrasant les faibles survivants du paganisme sur leur propre terrain. De fait, si l’on compare le travail qui se fait à Athènes et à Alexandrie dans la première moitié du VIe siècle — en négligeant la production des dernières années de Philopon, comme étrangère à la tradition universitaire proprement dite —, il est clair que Damascius et Simplicius surpassent de beaucoup leurs rivaux alexandrins.

Quant à la réputation de Damascius comme professeur (et la compétence scientifique a autant d’importance que l’habileté pédagogique), elle est établie par la liste de ses élèves en 529, qui comprenait des philosophes originaires de Cilicie, de Phrygie, de Lydie, de Phénicie et de Gaza : un véritable recrutement international.

Assez étrangement, on a voulu tirer argument du caractère international de l’école de Damascius pour prouver la décadence de l’Académie. Athènes elle-même, dit-on, ne pouvait plus produire des Athéniens pour cultiver l’héritage de Platon. C’est ignorer le caractère international de la vie universitaire à la fin de l’Antiquité, caractère bien mis en évidence par la Vie d’Isidore écrite par Damascius et par Eunape dans les Vies des sophistes.

En cet âge d’or de la rhétorique que fut le IVe siècle, à Athènes, les grands noms étaient Julien de Cappadoce, Himérius de Bithynie, Prohairesius d’Arménie. À peu près aucun Athénien parmi eux. Proclus lui-même était lycien, Syrianus, alexandrin. C’est plutôt un signe de la santé de ses institutions qu’Athènes pût encore attirer des étrangers de valeur !

Je voudrais suggérer, en effet, que bien loin que ce fût l’Académie qui fût sur son lit de mort en 529, c’était l’école d’Alexandrie qui était en déclin après la mort d’Ammonius, alors que l’Académie reprenait vie.

Les successeurs d’Ammonius à Alexandrie furent Eutocius le mathématicien et Olympiodore, philosophes, ni l’un ni l’autre de grande envergure. Tandis que vers 529, l’énergique et habile Damascius avait repris en main l’Académie et s’était entouré d’une équipe de disciples dévoués — dévoués, car nous savons qu’ils le suivirent en Perse après la fermeture de l’Académie.

Une illustration frappante de ce changement de relation entre Athènes et Alexandrie est le fait que, alors que dans ses premiers commentaires Olympiodore dépendait essentiellement d’Ammonius, dans ses dernières œuvres, il s’appuie de plus en plus sur Damascius. Nous saisissons, là encore, Alexandrie se tournant vers Athènes.

Il se peut que Justinien n’ait pas fermé l’Académie par mépris, parce qu’elle était moribonde, mais — et c’est une raison plus naturelle et plus plausible — par crainte, parce qu’elle reprenait vie. [introduction p. 281-283]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WEx2IgLff0lYEzl

La fin du Néoplatonisme Hellénique. Mise au point sur la question, 2002
By: Saihi, Sofian

Title	La fin du Néoplatonisme Hellénique. Mise au point sur la question
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2002
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	20
Issue	2
Pages	83-110
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Saihi, Sofian
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

D'après M. Tardieu, donc, c'est également là que Simplicius, son maître Damascius, et les autres auraient définitivement élu domicile. Accueillis au sein, ou à l'origine eux-mêmes, d'une école néoplatonicienne, ils auraient continué à vivre, travailler et enseigner ensemble à Harrân. Ils auraient été, en somme, chez eux parmi des populations encore attachées au paganisme. Ils s'y seraient sentis bien et auraient décidé d'y rester.

Au vu de ses propres déductions, Ilsetraut Hadot n'a pu rester indifférente aux résultats des travaux de Michel Tardieu. Elle le suit et le soutient ardemment. Et des chercheurs comme Pierre Chuvin, Lambros Couloubaritsis ou Alain de Libéra se sont rangés de leur côté. Par ailleurs, peu de critiques sont venues réfuter ses travaux. Certes, Luc Brisson, Paul Foulkes et, plus sérieusement, Simone Van Riet les ont mis en question. Mais Ilsetraut Hadot a su dissiper leurs doutes sans trop de difficulté.

Par conséquent, bien que l'hypothèse de Michel Tardieu reste encore à asseoir plus solidement, si nous admettons avec lui que Damascius et ses compagnons ont emporté les pénates du néoplatonisme à Harrân, nous devrions retrouver les vestiges d'un tel foyer. Nous insinuons par là que si ces lieux ont bel et bien abrité une école néoplatonicienne, il doit nécessairement en subsister des traces tangibles. Une empreinte que nous pourrions peut-être relever dans la pensée philosophique musulmane et dont il faudrait établir les rapports avec la doctrine des Sâbiens. À cette fin, il semble primordial de se pencher sur la première philosophie en terre d'Islam. Par une telle élucidation, nous serions alors en mesure de dégager les structures profondes du néoplatonisme qui y subsistent et, pourquoi pas, déterminer par quelle voie oblique cette doctrine a bien pu cheminer entre l'Antiquité tardive et le Moyen Âge. [conclusion p. 108-110]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dUsC8Irj8dUfNHy

La fonction des prologues exégétiques dans la pensée pédagogique néoplatonicienne, 1998
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Dubois, Jean-Daniel (Ed.), Roussel, Bernard (Ed.)

Title	La fonction des prologues exégétiques dans la pensée pédagogique néoplatonicienne
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1998
Published in	Entrer en matière. Les prologues
Pages	209-245
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Dubois, Jean-Daniel , Roussel, Bernard
Translator(s)

La philosophie néoplatonicienne a développé une doctrine de  la  relation  pédagogique  entre  le  Maître  (image  visible  du  Bien)  et les  étudiants (âmes  imparfaites),  qui se fonde sur la définition même de la  philosophie  comme  « assimilation  à  Dieu  », et  qui  inscrit dans  une perspective  anagogique  la  pratique  de  l'exégèse  et  de  l'enseignement. Dans  un  tel  cadre, la question  du « prologue  » s*entend en  trois sens  1) la représentation de la philosophie comme unité organique assigne à la logique aristotélicienne un statut de « commencement », à titre de « partie instrumentale  »  ; et  le  traité  des  Catégories est,  à  l'intérieur de  cette « partie instrumentale », et au début du cursus néoplatonicien des études, le  « proème  » delà logique et de la philosophie tout entière ; 2) il existe d'autre part un véritable « genre littéraire » des introductions exégétiques, caractérisé  par  des  schémas  scolastiques  de  questions  préalables  ; et  l'organisation  du  cursus commence  par  l'emboîtement  de  plusieurs introductions : à la philosophie en général, à la philosophie d'Aristote, à la philosophie de Platon, à chaque œuvre particulière de Porphyre (Isagogè), d'Aristote et de Platon ; 3) enfin, dans le cadre de l'explication de chaque œuvre  singulière, les  prologues  exégétiques  (et  les  commentaires  eux-mêmes) peuvent comporter une description ou une légitimation du prologue de  l'œuvre  commentée  :  c'est  le  cas  pour  le  traité  aristotélicien des Catégories. L'application de critères  rhétoriques d'origine platonicienne conduit à s'interroger sur la fonction et la liaison organique de ce prologue de  l'œuvre commentée avec l'œuvre elle-même envisagée comme totalité organique. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qogll7IhtIDqqda

La pensée s'exprime «grâce» à l'être (Parménide, fr. 8.35), 2004
By: Cordero, Néstor-Luis

Title	La pensée s'exprime «grâce» à l'être (Parménide, fr. 8.35)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2004
Journal	Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume	194
Issue	1
Pages	5-13
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cordero, Néstor-Luis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Peu de temps après la mort de son père spirituel, Platon n'hésite pas à rendre un hommage appuyé au « vénérable et redoutable » Parménide ; mais, en même temps, il ne peut pas s'empêcher d'avouer : étant donné sa profondeur (bathos), « je crains tout à la fois que ses paroles, nous ne les comprenions pas, et que ce qu'il pensait en les prononçant nous dépasse beaucoup plus ». Mais ce que Platon ne dit pas, c'est que cette difficulté l'a poussé à essayer de déchiffrer le logos parménidien. Vingt-cinq siècles après, Marcel Conche en a fait autant, et c'est sur le chemin de Parménide que j'ai eu la chance et le grand honneur de faire sa connaissance. Et je peux témoigner que Platon avait raison : la pensée de Parménide nous a tellement dépassés qu'elle a pu être à l'origine d'interprétations très diverses et, même si l'Éléate était surpris d'apprendre qu'il était à la fois un et multiple, il faut admettre que le chemin de recherche qu'il a inauguré reste ouvert, car sa richesse est inépuisable.

Le dialogue que je voudrais entamer avec Marcel Conche concerne l'un des passages les plus controversés du Poème, l'énigmatique vers 8.35. Nous nous sommes occupés de ce texte dans notre travail Les deux chemins de Parménide, et Marcel Conche a commenté avec perspicacité notre interprétation, mais il n'a pas été convaincu par le texte que nous proposons de suivre à la place du texte traditionnel. Je voudrais renforcer les arguments donnés il y a quelques années dans le travail cité ci-dessus, car les échos de la lecture (il ne s'agit pas d'une conjecture) que nous proposons n'ont été que très restreints, malgré les points obscurs que notre solution permet d'éclairer. Regardons donc le contexte de ce passage. [introduction p. 5-6]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GrJltxCHr2iNGon

La postérité arabe du commentaire de Simplicius sur les Catégories d’après le Fihrist d’Ibn al-Nadīm, 2014
By: Vallat, Philippe, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	La postérité arabe du commentaire de Simplicius sur les Catégories d’après le Fihrist d’Ibn al-Nadīm
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2014
Published in	Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines. Un Bilan critique
Pages	240-264
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Vallat, Philippe
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pjkBxNt8HyD0f6J

La puissance de l'intelligible: la théorie plotinienne des Formes au miroir de l'héritage médioplatonicien, 2015
By: Michalewski, Alexandra

Title	La puissance de l'intelligible: la théorie plotinienne des Formes au miroir de l'héritage médioplatonicien
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2015
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Leuven University Press
Series	De Wulf-Mansion Centre, Ancient and Medieval Philosophy
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Michalewski, Alexandra
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

L'ouvrage propose une histoire de l’interprétation de la nature des Formes intelligibles d’Antiochus à Plotin. Il met en lumière l’importance du refus plotinien de l’artificialisme médioplatonicien qui considère les Formes comme des pensées du dieu et subordonne leur causalité à celle du démiurge, fabricant du monde. En considérant les Formes comme des réalités vivantes et intellectives, Plotin bouleverse le sens de la causalité paradigmatique de l’intelligible. Il reprend les concepts de la théologie aristotélicienne, les détourne et les met au service d’une théorie de la causalité des intelligibles qui répond aux objections du Stagirite contre l’hypothèse des Formes. S’appuyant sur l’identité de l’intellect et des intelligibles, il montre que c’est précisément en restant en elles-mêmes que les Formes exercent une puissance générative, productrice du sensible. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xzSLdm0SmNASjln

La relation chez Simplicius, 1987
By: Luna, Concetta, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	La relation chez Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	113-147
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Luna, Concetta
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

This text is about Simplicius' doctrine of the relation. Although Simplicius did not dedicate a specific treatise to the relation, his views can be reconstructed from his commentary on Aristotle's Categories and certain passages in his commentary on Physics. Simplicius' approach to the Categories builds upon a rich tradition of commentaries, and he offers both questions and solutions in his own commentary. The author argues that Simplicius' elaboration of the concept of relation is not necessarily original, but his writings present a valuable contribution to the clarification of the concept. The text also discusses other traditions of reflection on the categories, such as those of the Academy and the Stoics. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/B73LnGwsUzauanV

La réception de la théologie d’Aristote chez Michel d’Éphèse et quelques auteurs néoplatoniciens, 2017
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Baghdassarian, Fabienne (Ed.)

Title	La réception de la théologie d’Aristote chez Michel d’Éphèse et quelques auteurs néoplatoniciens
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2017
Published in	Réceptions de la théologie aristotélicienne: D'Aristote à Michel d'Ephèse
Pages	239-256
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Baghdassarian, Fabienne
Translator(s)

This text discusses the reception of Aristotelian theology by Michel of Ephesus and some Neoplatonic authors. Michel is known for his commentaries on Aristotle's works, particularly the Ethics, which he wrote at the request of Princess Anne Comnène. Michel's personal tone and spirituality in his commentaries, particularly his invocation to Christ at the end of his commentary on the Ethics, may have been influenced by his teacher, Jean Italos, who was condemned for heresy in 1082 for accepting the Platonic Model of Ideas as real. Michel's praise of his teacher revolves around the Aristotelian concept of God as pure intellection, intelligible by rational souls, and the possibility for humans to participate in this Intellection. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gn5g7p3dYNiGdlE

La saisie des principes physiques chez Aristote. Simplicius contre Alexandre d'Aphrodise, 1998
By: Dalimier, Catherine

Title	La saisie des principes physiques chez Aristote. Simplicius contre Alexandre d'Aphrodise
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1998
Journal	Oriens-Occidens
Volume	2
Pages	77-94
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dalimier, Catherine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The article discusses Aristotle's treatment of knowledge of the principles of natural beings in his Physics, focusing on the process of induction and the contradictions in his approach. The author argues that the discovery of principles through analysis and empirical generalization is based on sensory data, and suggests that the autonomy of physical discourse was a contested issue among commentators. The article highlights divergences in interpretation regarding the existence of physical principles and discusses variations in the manuscript tradition. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hlMzWTGqkFNEImc

La survie du Commentaire de Simplicius sur le manual d'Épictète du XVe au XVII siècles: Perotti, Politien, Steuchus, John Smith, Cudworth, 1987
By: Hadot, Pierre, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	La survie du Commentaire de Simplicius sur le manual d'Épictète du XVe au XVII siècles: Perotti, Politien, Steuchus, John Smith, Cudworth
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	326-367
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Pierre
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YBJwmhRAfIkqrD5

La taille et la forme des atomes dans les systèmes de Démocrite et d'Épicure («Préjugé» et «présupposé» en histoire de la philosophie), 1982
By: O'Brien, Denis

Title	La taille et la forme des atomes dans les systèmes de Démocrite et d'Épicure («Préjugé» et «présupposé» en histoire de la philosophie)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1982
Journal	Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume	172
Issue	2
Pages	187-203
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Selon l'hypothèse élaborée ci-dessus, Démocrite et Épicure ne se seraient pas opposés sur la question de la grandeur des atomes. Pour l'un et l'autre philosophe, la gamme des grandeurs aura été en effet finie. Mais scrutons de plus près les deux thèses concernant la forme des atomes. Épicure précise que les variétés de forme sont, non pas « infinies », mais « insaisissables » (ἀπερίληπτοι). Quant à Démocrite et à Leucippe, Aristote affirme deux fois que les variétés de forme sont « infinies », d'une part en parlant de la multiplicité « infinie » des atomes, d'autre part en opposant la théorie de Leucippe à celle de Platon.

En revanche, lorsqu'il présente le système atomiste dans le fragment Sur Démocrite, les différences de forme sont dites, non plus « infinies », mais « innombrables » (ἀναρίθμητος).

À en juger d'après l'Index de Bonitz, ce dernier terme est un hapax dans l'œuvre d'Aristote. S'ensuit-il qu'il soit, sinon un vocable d'emprunt, du moins un terme transposé, plus proche de l'expression originale de Démocrite ?

Mais qu'est-ce qui sépare alors la doctrine des Abdéritains et celle d'Épicure ? Où passe la distinction entre différences « innombrables » (Démocrite) et différences « insaisissables » (Épicure) ?

Un dernier paradoxe semble poindre : on peut en effet se demander si, en refusant l'hypothèse d'une variété infinie de formes, Épicure ne s'opposait pas à la formulation qu'en avait donnée Aristote, bien plus qu'il ne songeait à rectifier la théorie de Démocrite.

Mais nous effleurons ici un problème nouveau, celui de l'élaboration progressive des notions d'infini et de fini ; impossible de l'approfondir sans balayer les « préjugés » et les « présupposés » qui, sur ce point aussi, nous séparent des notions primitives par une proximité illusoire.

Problème trop vaste pour qu'on puisse l'aborder dans cet article. [conclusion 201-203]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AhK7pfqowUhUex4

La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle "Categorie" di Aristotele, 1983
By: Conti, Alessandro D.

Title	La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle "Categorie" di Aristotele
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1983
Journal	Rivista critica di storia della filosofia
Volume	38
Issue	3
Pages	259-283
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Conti, Alessandro D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Uno dei contributi particolari più rilevanti che i commentatori neoplatonici hanno recato allo sviluppo e alla sistemazione della dottrina categoriale aristotelica è senza dubbio quello relativo all'analisi della nozione di πρός τι.

Essi, infatti, nel tentativo di fornire un'interpretazione del settimo capitolo delle Categorie che fosse (i) internamente coerente e (ii) solidale con la lettura generale del trattato, sono giunti a elaborare in forma sufficientemente compiuta un concetto di relazione analogo al moderno concetto di relazione binaria, del tutto assente, invece, negli scritti di Aristotele, che pare conoscere solo un non ben definito concetto di relativo (πρός τι).

In altre parole: mentre lo Stagirita (i) operava con la sola nozione di relativo e (ii) concepiva i relativi — sotto l'influenza di evidenti suggestioni grammaticali — come le entità che corrispondono ai termini non assoluti del linguaggio (cioè non aventi significato se non in riferimento a un altro termine), i neoplatonici, al contrario, saranno in grado (i) di servirsi sia della nozione di relativo che di quella di relazione (σχέσις), e (ii) di concepire, in un certo qual modo, le relazioni come funzioni diadiche (o meglio, come una sorta di corrispettivo ontologico delle nostre funzioni diadiche) e i relativi come gli argomenti che tali funzioni soddisfano.

Le precise scelte interpretative su alcuni problemi cruciali del trattato, e cioè:

    la valenza della tavola categoriale,
    la distinzione delle categorie,
    il tipo d'esistenza degli accidenti

da una parte, e l'accettazione dell'idea, aristotelicamente corretta, che i πρός τι devono essere presi a coppie, dall'altra, sono gli elementi che hanno reso possibile ai neoplatonici la formulazione del concetto di relazione (binaria).

Essi infatti ritenevano:

    che la tavola categoriale avesse una precisa valenza ontologica, ripartendo non solo nomi e concetti, ma anche cose;
    che la distinzione tra le dieci categorie fosse reale e non concettuale;
    che gli accidenti fossero forme inerenti alle sostanze.

In conseguenza dei primi due punti, i neoplatonici erano indotti a difendere l'oggettività, la realtà e l'indipendenza della categoria dei πρός τι e dei suoi appartenenti, e a rifiutare, quindi, qualsiasi tentativo di interpretazione che volesse ridurla, direttamente o indirettamente, alle altre categorie.

D'altra parte, concepire gli accidenti come forme inerenti alle sostanze equivaleva a considerare il rapporto tra ciascun genere degli accidenti e la sostanza alla stregua di quello della qualità, e quindi secondo il modello qualità-cosa qualificata.

Così, nel caso dei πρός τι, i neoplatonici pensavano che l'entità "padre" fosse un'entità composta di una sostanza e di una certa forma accidentale, la paternità, ad essa inerente, non diversamente da come "bianco" è un'entità composta da una sostanza e dalla forma della bianchezza.

Per avere un concetto corretto di relazione bastava, a questo punto, assumere, coerentemente con l'idea che i πρός τι vanno presi a coppie, che la caratteristica peculiare di queste particolari forme accidentali fosse quella di riferirsi e collegare tra loro due entità distinte.

Scrive, ad esempio, Simplicio:

    «È proprio soltanto della relazione il sussistere una in molti enti, cosa che non capita a nessuna delle altre categorie» (Simplicio, In Cat., p. 161, 6-8).

E si legge in Olimpiodoro:

    «Infatti nei relativi una è la relazione, ma distinte le entità che l'accolgono» (Olimpiodoro, In Cat., p. 97, 30-1).

Su queste nuove basi concettuali, i commentatori neoplatonici potranno sviluppare una teoria dei πρός τι sufficientemente omogenea e coerente nelle sue linee più generali, che adopereranno come modello interpretativo della confusa dottrina aristotelica.

In questo modo, essi riusciranno a presentare quest'ultima come un sistema sostanzialmente compiuto e ordinato.

E anzi, i punti e gli elementi incongrui che ancora vi sopravviveranno saranno dovuti più a un evidente desiderio di giustificare e spiegare comunque — per lo meno parzialmente se non in toto — le affermazioni dello Stagirita, che a delle effettive carenze nella teoria da essi elaborata. [introduction p. 259-263]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9gdQy8F1p83C8kj

La teoria della relazione nei commenti neoplatonici alle Categorie di Aristotele, 1983
By: Conti, A. D.

Title	La teoria della relazione nei commenti neoplatonici alle Categorie di Aristotele
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1983
Journal	Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofía
Volume	3
Pages	159-283
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Conti, A. D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OTIdcLG5JO15mv8

La teoria dell’intelletto e il confronto con Simplicio nel commento al De anima di Teoﬁlo Zimara, 2013
By: De Carli, Manuel

Title	La teoria dell’intelletto e il confronto con Simplicio nel commento al De anima di Teoﬁlo Zimara
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	2013
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	De Carli, Manuel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper describes the doctrine of the intellect developed by the physician and philosopher Teofilo Zimara in his commentary on Aristotle's De Anima, published in 1584 by the Giuntas, identifying the Platonism and Neoplatonism of Simplicius as the main features of his psychology. The essay then points out how Zimara's speculative suggestion fully inscribes itself in the disputes between Simplicianists and Averroists, which erupted within the School of Padua and then spread to other centers of culture of that time, forming an essential element of Aristotelianism in the sixteenth century. [author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mNF1lCUefItzKac

La tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d'Épictète. Addenda et Corrigenda, 1983
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	La tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d'Épictète. Addenda et Corrigenda
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1983
Journal	Revue d'histoire des textes
Volume	11
Pages	387-395
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The present study, as the title indicates, brings some supplementary information and minor corrections to my article on La tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius sur le « Manuel » d'Épictète, which appeared in volume VIII (1978) if
the Revue d'Histoire des Textes (pp. 1-108). As part of these addenda, I have identified two new Greek texts, contained in the Neapolitans III. B. 12 : one fragment of Aristotle's Metaphysics, and another fragment of the commentary by Simplicius on Aristotle's De caelo ; each of these fragments is the length of a quaternion. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IyOsWDpihx7t4Q1

Title	La triade chaldaïque ἔρως, ἀλήθεια, πίστις: De Proclus à Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2000
Published in	Proclus et la théologie platonicienne. Actes du colloque international de Louvain (13 -16 mai 1998). En l'honneur de H.D. Saffrey et L.G. Westerink
Pages	459-489
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Segonds, A. Ph. , Steel, Carlos , Mettraux, A. F. (Coll.) , Luna, Concetta (Coll.)
Translator(s)

L'analyse  des  textes  montre  que  dans  l’œuvre  de  Simplicius s'établit  une  correspondance  ferme  entre  le  prologue  de  son Commentaire  à  la Physique et  la  prière  finale  du  Commentaire  au 
De  caelo.  Selon  l’ordre  néoplatonicien  de  lecture  des  traités d'Aristote,  la  Physique  précède  le  De caelo.  Ne  peut-on,  dans  ces conditions,  et  malgré  un  ordre  chronologique  de  composition  inverse,  expliquer  par  une  raison  de  fond  -   c'est-à-dire  par  une sorte  de  continuité  intentionnelle  entre  les  deux  ouvrages  -  
l’absence  d’une  prière  à  la  fin  du  Commentaire  à  la  Physique,  en considérant  que  la  prière  finale  de  l'In De caelo  couronne  à  la  fois 
ces  deux  commentaires,  puisque  l'un  comme  l'autre  instruisent une polémique contre l'impiété  de Jean Philopon, et font  remonter l'exégète  -   et  avec  lui  ses  lecteurs  -   jusqu’à  une  forme d'union avec  le  corps  céleste  et  avec  le  Démiurge,  c’est-à-dire jusqu'à  une 
«  sympathie  » donatrice de félicité? Ainsi  se  trouve  atteint  le  telos  évoqué  dans  le  prologue  du Commentaire  aux  Catégories,  tandis  qu'un  fil  thématique  précis unit les trois Commentaires de Simplicius sur Aristote. [conclusion, p. 489]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Z6GulpIldCyTgq3

La vie et l’œuvre de Simplicius d’après des sources grecques et arabes, 1987
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	La vie et l’œuvre de Simplicius d’après des sources grecques et arabes
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	3-39
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Voici donc les conclusions auxquelles on peut aboutir au sujet des œuvres de Simplicius.

Nous sont conservés : les commentaires sur le Manuel d’Epictète, sur le De caelo, sur la Physique, sur les Catégories, probablement sur le De anima d’Aristote.

Sont perdus, mais attestés de façon plus ou moins sûre : un commentaire sur le premier livre des Éléments d’Euclide, un commentaire sur la Métaphysique d’Aristote, un commentaire sur l’ouvrage de Jamblique consacré à la secte des Pythagoriciens, une Épitomé de la Physique de Théophraste (si le commentaire sur le De anima, où se trouve un renvoi à cette œuvre, est authentique), et peut-être un commentaire sur la Techné d’Hermogène. [conclusion p. 39]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DUSQYbD2Vn7RuIp

La Νοερὰ θεωρία di Giamblico, come Chiave di Lettura delle Categorie di Aristotele: alcuni esempi, 1997
By: Cardullo, R. Loredana

Title	La Νοερὰ θεωρία di Giamblico, come Chiave di Lettura delle Categorie di Aristotele: alcuni esempi
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1997
Journal	Syllecta Classica
Volume	8
Pages	79-94
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cardullo, R. Loredana
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A conclusione di questa parziale indagine sull’esegesi giamblichea delle Categorie, possiamo affermare come proprio questo approccio più intellettivo, più noetico, che Simplicio definisce noera theoria, sia ciò che ci consente di contraddistinguere in modo emblematico l’interpretazione di Giamblico da quelle di altri commentatori. I contesti da noi esaminati ci hanno dato l’opportunità di confrontare, sia pure per sommi capi, alcuni parametri esegetici propri di Giamblico con alcune interpretazioni di Porfirio, da un lato, e di Siriano dall’altro. Certamente, un esame più completo della fonte simpliciana ci permetterebbe di formulare giudizi più precisi in proposito. Tuttavia, già dai contesti qui analizzati è emersa con evidenza l’assoluta diversità dell’esegesi giamblichea rispetto a quella porfiriana delle Categorie.

Porfirio, infatti, esamina con particolare cura i lemmi del trattato commentato, sottoponendo ogni singola espressione, ogni singola parola, a un esame che è prima di tutto filologico, poi filosofico, ma sempre circoscritto all’ambito logico-linguistico nel quale esso si trova e rientra. L’esegesi di Giamblico, invece, mira a collegare in maniera inscindibile l’ambito della speculazione logico-linguistica a quello della riflessione metafisica, trasponendo i principi e le leggi dell’uno nell’altro dominio, e viceversa, al fine di rendere chiara l’analogia e la partecipazione vigente tra i vari livelli della realtà, considerati platonicamente come ordinati in senso gerarchico e strettamente collegati secondo un rapporto di immagine e modello, o di principio e principìato.

Ma l’esegesi di Giamblico si distingue anche da quella di un suo successore e per molti versi seguace, Siriano di Atene, la cui esegesi si colloca comunque in larga misura sulla stessa falsariga dell’interpretazione metafisica del maestro di Siria. Nonostante i diversi punti di contatto tra Giamblico e Siriano, emerge infatti una differenza sostanziale tra i due esegeti, che dipende in larga misura dal diverso atteggiamento che ciascuno di essi manifesta nei confronti di Aristotele. Siriano, infatti, appare meno preoccupato di Giamblico dall’esigenza di conciliare aristotelismo e platonismo, e ciò lo porta a dare probabilmente un’interpretazione più obiettiva—e perciò stesso più critica e spesso polemica—delle teorie logiche di Aristotele. Giamblico, invece, utilizza espressioni e concezioni aristoteliche in chiave neoplatonica, per dimostrare in ultima analisi come l’aristotelismo, se correttamente interpretato, possa accordarsi col platonismo, anche nelle sue concezioni metafisiche.

Ed è anche a questo scopo che Giamblico dà del primo trattato dell’Organon, classicamente inteso come il più antiplatonico dello Stagirita, un’esegesi più speculativa, atta a dimostrare come anche le teorie aristoteliche più squisitamente logiche possano trovare applicazione nella metafisica platonica e rappresentare per essa degli strumenti argomentativi e dimostrativi di importanza e validità fondamentali. [conclusion p. 93-94]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5dwv2YbmwwJB7OE

Language Converts Psyche: Reflections on Commentary in Late Ancient Philosophical Research and Education, 2018
By: Griffin, Michael, Benedikt Strobel (Ed.)

Title	Language Converts Psyche: Reflections on Commentary in Late Ancient Philosophical Research and Education
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Pages	127-157
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Griffin, Michael
Editor(s)	Benedikt Strobel
Translator(s)

(I) I begin with a brief reflection on the intersection of pedagogical practice and inquiry in antiquity, then (II) briefly explore the theme of how common notions or ἔννοιαι might be shaped and reshaped by the philosopher who comes into contact with the "great texts" of the past or with a good teacher, in Plotinus and Simplicius, and (III) conclude by considering the historical background of Simplicius’ attitude to past philosophers, and to what extent it might be considered as informed by earlier Aristotelian or Stoic practices.

I focus on the interface between philosophical education and research in the commentator Simplicius of Cilicia (c. 490–c. 560 CE). Simplicius is well known as an interpreter (ἐξηγητής) of the formative texts of Hellenic philosophy (a function whose qualifications he outlines at In Cat. 7, 23–29), and he regards the philosophical commentary as an important vehicle for what we might regard as "research" or inquiry into an array of subjects. Simplicius also treats commentary as a useful tool for pedagogy. A student who reads a book like Epictetus’ Handbook may advance in virtue (Simp., In Epict. pr. 87–90); Simplicius’ interpretation is a useful guide, a facilitator on the way.

In both these areas—discovery and pedagogy—I try to outline a common psychological theory underlying the function attributed to the commentator: A pupil who engages in dialectic with a teacher, or with the "greats" of the past, may recover the natural, undistorted concepts (ἔννοιαι) that were her birthright before they were distorted by the fall of the soul and the rattle and hum of our quotidian experience (illustrated by Simplicius in an evocative passage at In Cat. 12, 10–13, 4). [introduction p. 127-128]

Online Resources

Laus Platonici Philosophi. Marsilio Ficino and his Influence, 2011
By: Clucas, Stephen (Ed.), Forshaw, Peter J. (Ed.), Rees, Valery (Ed.)

Title	Laus Platonici Philosophi. Marsilio Ficino and his Influence
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2011
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Series	Brill's Studies in Intellectual History
Volume	198
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Clucas, Stephen , Forshaw, Peter J. , Rees, Valery
Translator(s)

This collection of essays honours Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499) as a Platonic philosopher. Ficino was not the first translator of Plato in the Renaissance, but he was the first to translate the entire corpus of Platonic works, and to emphasise their relevance for contemporary readers. The present work is divided into two sections: the first explores aspects of Ficino’s own thought and the sources which he used. The second section follows aspects of his influence in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The papers presented here deepen and enrich our understanding of Ficino, and of the philosophical tradition in which he was working, and they offer a new platform for future studies on Ficino and his legacy in Renaissance philosophy.

Contributors include: Unn Irene Aasdalen, Constance Blackwell, Paul Richard Blum, Stephen Clucas, Ruth Clydesdale, Brian Copenhaver, John Dillon, Peter J. Forshaw, James Hankins, Hiro Hirai, Sarah Klitenic Wear, David Leech, Letizia Panizza, Valery Rees, and Stéphane Toussaint. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/J4IFZHaUYcFnYSe

Le Commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d’Epictete comme Exercice Spirituel, 1995
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Moreschini, Claudio (Ed.)

Title	Le Commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d’Epictete comme Exercice Spirituel
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1995
Published in	Esegesi, parafrasi e compilazione in età tardoantica: atti del terzo Convegno dell'Associazione di studi tardoantichi
Pages	175-185
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Moreschini, Claudio
Translator(s)

Dans mon livre Le problème du néoplatonisme alexandrin : Hiéroclès et Simplicius¹, j’ai expliqué d’une manière détaillée la place que tenait le commentaire sur le Manuel d’Épictète dans l’enseignement néoplatonicien.

Il s’agissait de répondre à la question suivante : comment le néoplatonicien Simplicius pouvait-il se sentir la vocation de commenter le Manuel du stoïcien Épictète, et, qui plus est, dans la perspective de la métripathie aristotélicienne ? Je ne peux reprendre l’argumentation développée que j’ai donnée dans mon livre et je me borne à en résumer ici les principaux résultats.

Les néoplatoniciens étaient persuadés qu’il fallait, pour pouvoir commencer avec profit les études de philosophie proprement dites, avoir acquis auparavant certaines dispositions morales et avoir de cette manière purifié son âme, au moins dans une certaine mesure. C’est ce que nous expliquent Simplicius, Ammonius, Philopon, Olympiodore et David (Élias) dans les introductions à leurs commentaires sur les Catégories d’Aristote, dans un chapitre traitant des qualités requises du bon auditeur (ou étudiant)².

Mais pour cette formation morale pré-philosophique, il fallait, comme Simplicius et les autres commentateurs des Catégories l’expliquent dans un autre chapitre introductif³, une instruction qui soit une catéchèse purement parénétique, sans démonstrations logiques. Comme le disent Simplicius et Ammonius⁴, une telle instruction ne se trouve pas dans l’œuvre d’Aristote, par laquelle commençaient les études philosophiques des néoplatoniciens.

Les traités d’Aristote sont remplis de divisions et de démonstrations, dont la compréhension présuppose la maîtrise de la méthode apodictique, que le débutant en philosophie ne possède pas. Ce ne sont donc pas les Éthiques d’Aristote qui peuvent fournir une instruction éthique préparatoire, continue Simplicius, mais des exhortations non techniques sous forme écrite ou non écrite, comme on en trouve beaucoup chez les pythagoriciens.

La dernière allusion de Simplicius vise certainement les sentences pythagoriciennes et le célèbre Carmen aureum, qui a effectivement été commenté par les néoplatoniciens Hiéroclès, Jamblique⁵ et Proclus⁶. David (Élias), pour sa part, nomme les parénèses d’Isocrate⁷, visant de toute évidence les discours À Démonicos et À Nicoclès.

Or, au début de son commentaire sur le Manuel d’Épictète⁸, Simplicius précise que le genre littéraire de cet ouvrage est celui des « courtes sentences » et des « maximes morales », et il ajoute que ce genre littéraire est analogue à celui que les pythagoriciens appellent préceptes (προστακτικαί).

Nous pouvons donc être assurés de tenir là le motif du choix que Simplicius avait fait du Manuel d’Épictète. [introduction p. 51-52]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/uXmnTeKsGQf7VkO

Title	Le Néoplatonisme: Actes du Colloque International sur le Néoplatonisme organisé dans le cadre des Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique à Royaumont du 9 au 13 juin 1969
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1971
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

The book is a valuable resource for scholars and students of Neoplatonism, providing a comprehensive overview of the history and development of this important philosophical tradition. It is divided into three main sections. The first section focuses on the historical development of Neoplatonism, tracing its origins in the philosophy of Plato and its development through the works of Plotinus, Proclus, and other Neoplatonic thinkers. The second section explores the relationship between Neoplatonism and other philosophical traditions, such as Aristotelianism, Stoicism, and Epicureanism. The third section examines the influence of Neoplatonism on literature and Christianity. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3Ys5KdoaAlOHE6L

Le Problème du Néoplatonisme Alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius., 1978
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Le Problème du Néoplatonisme Alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius.
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1978
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Études Augustiniennes
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Review by Victor Goldschmidt: "La modestie de son titre ne révèle qu'imparfaitement l'objet et la portée de ce livre. Il s'agit en réalité de réformer l'idée traditionnelle qu'on se faisait de deux courants de la pensée antique. C'est entre le début du ve siècle de notre ère, en effet, jusqu'au début du viie que s'étend l'espace temporel où K. Praechter, suivi par tous les savants venus après lui, avait situé ce qu'il appelait « L'École alexandrine ». Ce mouvement se distinguerait fondamentalement de l'École d'Athènes, par son abandon partiel des constructions métaphysiques de Proclus et de ses élèves, par un retour au « moyen platonisme », par ses rapports de bon voisinage avec les milieux chrétiens, et représenterait « un lieu de culture philosophiquement neutre, sans credo platonico-païen », et plaçant l'étude d'Aristote au-dessus de celle de Platon. Les traits de cette École se verraient avec une particulière netteté dans le commentaire d'Hiéroclès sur les Vers Dorés attribués à Pythagore, et dans le commentaire que Simplicius, avant d'être entré en rapport avec l'École d'Athènes, a consacré au Manuel d'Épictète. Or c'est précisément en préparant une édition commentée du commentaire de Simplicius (à paraître dans la Collection G. Budé), que l'A. a rencontré « le problème du néoplatonisme alexandrin » ; la thèse traditionnelle lui a semblé alors insoutenable, pour des raisons tant historiques que de doctrine.
En bref, comme le dit l'auteur dans une formule remarquable, ce que l'on a pris pour un « néoplatonisme plus simple » est en réalité un « néoplatonisme simplifié », et même « fragmenté », et cela uniquement pour les besoins de l'enseignement. Il est montré, en effet, d'une façon convaincante, que les deux Commentaires, d'Hiéroclès et de Simplicius, relèvent de ce que nous appellerions une propédeutique, c'est-à-dire qu'ils s'adressent à des débutants qu'il s'agit d'initier dans la « première » partie de la philosophie, réputée la plus accessible, en l'espèce l'éthique. On sait que ce problème pédagogique s'est posé dès le début dans l'École stoïcienne et qu'il a été longuement discuté par les commentateurs d'Aristote, qui donnent toutefois, généralement, la première place à la logique. Le VIIe chapitre apporte une contribution importante à l'histoire de ce problème.
D'où l'on voit déjà que c'est en apparence seulement que le résultat de l'ouvrage est négatif. Sans doute s'agit-il surtout de réfuter la thèse de K. Praechter, renouvelée par A. Cameron et Ph. Merlan ; la Conclusion se termine sur cette affirmation qu'« il n'y a pas d'école néoplatonicienne d'Alexandrie dont les tendances doctrinales différeraient des tendances propres à l'école d'Athènes ». De fait, le livre contient une interprétation développée des fragments d'Hiéroclès conservés par Photius et, surtout, de son Commentaire sur les Vers Dorés, montrant l'accord de ces textes avec le néoplatonisme « athénien ». Ces exégèses sont conduites avec fermeté, appuyées sur une vaste information, et emportent la conviction, quoi qu'il en soit de tel ou tel point de détail. Quelques questions, d'ordre plus général, pourraient être pesées. — P. 37 : il est certain que le thème du « philosophe dans l'État corrompu » est un lieu commun et que le τειχίον, dans le texte de Simplicius est clairement une réminiscence de la République (VI, 496 c-d). Est-ce suffisant pour infirmer la thèse d'A. Cameron, qui voit dans ce texte une allusion à la place faite aux philosophes néoplatoniciens après l'édit de Justinien ? De telles citations, l'auteur en convient lui-même deux pages plus loin, n'excluent nullement un « intérêt personnel » et, plus généralement, la négation de principe de « remarques autobiographiques chez les auteurs antiques » (p. 39) est exagérée et même inexacte. — P. 128 : l'exposé de Chalcidius sur le Destin, qui est un texte canonique et qui au surplus avait servi à K. Praechter à caractériser le « moyen platonisme », méritait mieux qu'un bref résumé : il était bon de rappeler qu'il s'agit, à la suite d'ailleurs de Chrysippe, du commentaire d'un texte du Xe Livre de la République ; on ne peut pas, en l'espèce, parler de « l'implication mutuelle de la providence et de VHeimarménè », et la note 40 simplifie le problème de la liberté stoïcienne, qu'on n'était pas sans doute obligé de traiter, mais auquel il fallait laisser sa complexité de problème, précisément ; l'on ne saurait écrire, en tout état de cause, que « pour les choses qui sont faites par fatalité, leur contraire aurait pu aussi bien se faire », thèse qui ne semble avoir été soutenue que par le seul Cléanthe. — Le chapitre VII répond à la question, naguère posée par R. Walzer : « Comment peut-on expliquer le fait que Simplicius, en tant que platonicien, commente les maximes éthiques d'un stoïcien ? ». La réponse combine essentiellement deux considérations : l'apathie du sage stoïcien est déjà admise dans le traité de Plotin Sur les Vertus (I, ii) et le caractère sententieux du Manuel qui convient bien à des débutants. Sans doute, du point de vue historique, est-ce là tout ce qu'on peut alléguer. De fait, l'éthique plotinienne ne se résume pas à l'idéal d'apathie et le genre gnomologique qu'on peut faire remonter aux Sept Sages avait trouvé bien d'autres illustrations, ne serait-ce que, comme l'auteur le rappelle avec raison, chez les Pythagoriciens. On se demandera plutôt si, de la part de Simplicius, le choix du Manuel ne s'explique pas plus simplement par l'attrait extraordinaire que ce petit livre a exercé de tout temps sur les lecteurs, et cela en dehors de toute appartenance à telle ou telle secte.
Une dernière question, enfin. On doit considérer que Mme Hadot a établi son propos, et que l'on ne parlera plus d'une « école alexandrine », opposée à celle d'Athènes et différenciée de celle-ci selon les traits que Praechter avait cru pouvoir constater. Il reste qu'il y a eu, dans la période en question, des néoplatoniciens vivant et enseignant à Alexandrie. Même en admettant leur « orthodoxie » foncière, ces hommes (sans parler d'Hypatie qui a subi pour la philosophie un martyre qui lui eût été épargné à Athènes) ne présentent-ils pas quelques caractères communs : rien que leur environnement culturel le ferait conjecturer. Mais ce serait là l'objet d'une autre recherche, complémentaire de celle-ci.
En attendant, on saura gré à l'auteur de cet ouvrage doublement précieux : par ses résultats intrinsèques, et en tant qu'introduction à son édition à paraître d'un texte jusqu'à présent fort peu étudié."

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wkXALs20MmtJp9g

Le chrétien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'École d'Alexandrie au VIe siècle, 1954
By: Saffrey, Henri Dominique

Title	Le chrétien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'École d'Alexandrie au VIe siècle
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1954
Journal	Revue des Études Grecques
Volume	67
Issue	316-318
Pages	396-410
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ammonias, bien que païen et élève de Proclus, avait su, dès la fin du Ve siècle, faire à l'Église les concessionsnécessaires pour que fût toléré son enseignement officiel à Alexandrie. Mais il convient de reconnaître le rôle capital quedut jouer, quelque vingt à trente ans plus tard, un de ses élèves chrétiens, Jean le grammairien, philoponos dans l'Églised'Alexandrie : il couvrit son maître, et en éditant sous son nom à lui ses rédactions des commentaires à Aristote exposésoralement par Ammonius, et en publiant, dans l'année critique 529, son propre ouvrage De aeternitate mundi ContraProclum, qui détachait opportunément de l'École d'Athènes l'École d'Alexandrie. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Q5nhmaN1gcPD9Ls

Title	Le commentaire de Simplicius au premier chapitre du Manuel : interprétation néoplatonicienne de « ce qui dépend de nous »
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2004
Published in	Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien
Pages	103-125
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Pierre , Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

This text discusses Simplicius' commentary on the first chapter of Epictetus' Manual, focusing selectively on a specific part of its development. The commentary examines the initial two sentences of the chapter, addressing the distinction between things within human control and those beyond it. This division leads to a classification of rational souls into first souls, which remain consistently oriented towards the Good, and human rational souls. The latter are characterized by their capacity for choice (deliberate choice or προαίρεσις), which is absent in immobile entities and irrational beings. Simplicius emphasizes that the nature of human rational souls allows them to either align with higher ontological realities or be drawn towards lower ones. The freedom of choice extends even to choosing evil, albeit often misguided by the appearance of apparent good. The concept of "what depends on us" is explicated as referring specifically to this deliberate choice. Simplicius' Neoplatonic interpretation culminates in a discussion defending human free will against objections that attribute actions to chance or necessity. While the commentary is not complete, this abstract concludes with the clarification that Simplicius' ontological exposition pertains solely to human rational souls. Further elaboration on objections and responses is anticipated in subsequent sections of the commentary. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JFuHmZlhN11cPr4

Le commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d'Épictète, 2004
By: Hadot, Pierre, Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Hadot, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Le commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d'Épictète
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2004
Published in	Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien
Pages	47-87
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Pierre , Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

Dans mon livre Le problème du néoplatonisme alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius, j’ai expliqué d’une manière détaillée la place que tenait le commentaire sur le Manuel d’Épictète dans l’enseignement néoplatonicien. Il s’agissait de répondre à la question suivante : Comment le néoplatonicien Simplicius pouvait-il se sentir la vocation de commenter le Manuel du stoïcien Épictète, et, qui plus est, dans la perspective de la metriopathie aristotélicienne ? Je ne peux reprendre l’argumentation développée que j’ai donnée dans mon livre et je me borne à en résumer ici les principaux résultats.

Les néoplatoniciens étaient persuadés qu’il fallait, pour pouvoir commencer avec profit les études de philosophie proprement dites, avoir acquis auparavant certaines dispositions morales et avoir de cette manière purifié son âme, au moins dans une certaine mesure. C’est ce que nous expliquent Simplicius, Ammonius, Philopon, Olympiodore et David (Élias) dans les introductions à leurs commentaires sur les Catégories d’Aristote, dans un chapitre traitant des qualités requises du bon auditeur (ou étudiant). Mais pour cette formation morale pré-philosophique, il fallait, comme Simplicius et les autres commentateurs des Catégories l’expliquent dans un autre chapitre introductif, une instruction qui soit une catéchèse purement parénétique, sans démonstrations logiques. Comme le disent Simplicius et Ammonius, une telle instruction ne se trouve pas dans l’œuvre d’Aristote, par laquelle commençaient les études philosophiques des néoplatoniciens. Les traités d’Aristote sont remplis de divisions et de démonstrations, dont la compréhension présuppose la maîtrise de la méthode apodictique, que le débutant en philosophie ne possède pas. Ce ne sont donc pas les Éthiques d’Aristote qui peuvent fournir une instruction éthique préparatoire, continue Simplicius, mais des exhortations non techniques sous forme écrite ou non écrite, comme on en trouve beaucoup chez les pythagoriciens. La dernière allusion de Simplicius vise certainement les sentences pythagoriciennes et le célèbre Carmen aureum, qui a effectivement été commenté par les néoplatoniciens Hiéroclès, Jamblique et Proclus. David (Élias) pour sa part nomme les parénèses d’Isocrate, visant de toute évidence les discours À Démonicos et À Nicoclès.

Or, au début de son commentaire sur le Manuel d’Épictète, Simplicius précise que le genre littéraire de cet ouvrage est celui des « courtes sentences » et des « maximes morales », et il ajoute que ce genre littéraire est analogue à celui que les pythagoriciens appellent préceptes (προτρεπτικοί). Nous pouvons donc être assurés de tenir là le motif du choix que Simplicius avait fait du Manuel d’Épictète. Aux yeux de Simplicius, le Manuel constituait le genre d’exhortations non techniques aptes à fournir l’instruction éthique préparatoire dont le débutant en philosophie devait déjà être imprégné. Dès lors, il fallait qu’il interprète le Manuel en se fondant, non pas sur l’éthique stoïcienne culminant dans l’apatheia du sage stoïcien, comme cela aurait été normal selon notre point de vue moderne, mais sur la metriopathie péripatéticienne.

En procédant de la sorte, Simplicius suit le système éthique néoplatonicien, dans lequel se fondent, d’une manière tout à fait étonnante et sans jointure apparente, l’éthique du stoïcisme, évidemment sans ses bases matérialistes, l’éthique de l’Ancienne Académie et l’éthique péripatéticienne. Le néoplatonisme avait admis en effet, à partir de Porphyre, l’existence de quatre degrés de vertus, dont le premier, celui des vertus « politiques » ou « civiles » ou « pratiques », impliquait, non pas la suppression des passions, mais leur domination par la raison, c’est-à-dire la metriopathie péripatéticienne. En revanche, les degrés de vertu supérieurs se fondaient sur l’apatheia stoïcienne.

Comme Simplicius voyait dans le Manuel des exhortations morales non techniques, qui s’adressaient à des débutants, cette œuvre ne pouvait, selon lui, viser que la préparation au premier degré des vertus, donc aux vertus « civiles » ou « politiques » régies par la metriopathie. Les vertus civiles ne sont pas des vertus qui caractérisent le philosophe authentique, mais elles sont appropriées, comme leur nom l’indique, au citoyen vertueux, c’est-à-dire à quelqu’un qui prend activement part à la vie publique et qui a pour cela, d’après les péripatéticiens, besoin de son corps et dans une certaine mesure de ses passions. Les vertus propres au philosophe néoplatonicien sont les vertus cathartiques ou même les vertus théorétiques.

L’homme qui vit selon les vertus cathartiques fuit, comme Simplicius l’explique, le corps et les passions irrationnelles autant que possible et il se concentre sur lui-même, c’est-à-dire sur son âme raisonnable. Le fait de vouloir se tourner exclusivement vers soi-même, donc vers son âme raisonnable, de vouloir réaliser cette « conversion », est reconnu plus loin par Simplicius comme la marque de quelqu’un qui est désormais désireux de pratiquer la philosophie, et c’est à ce genre d’hommes que s’adresse, selon Simplicius, la deuxième partie du Manuel (à partir du chapitre 22). Il ne s’agit pas de ceux qui seraient déjà en possession des vertus cathartiques ni même des vertus civiles, mais de ceux qui, forts de leur progrès vers l’acquisition des vertus civiles, envisagent leur retraite de la vie publique, accompagnée de l’étude et de la pratique de la philosophie, et qui remplissent par la même la première condition pour pouvoir plus tard, après s’être longuement familiarisés avec les études philosophiques, acquérir les vertus cathartiques.

Le Manuel d’Épictète s’adresse donc, selon Simplicius, dans une première partie, à ceux qui n’ont encore aucune formation philosophique, mais qui souhaitent commencer à purifier leurs mœurs et leur âme, autrement dit, à soumettre leurs passions irrationnelles à la raison. La deuxième partie concernerait ceux qui ont déjà fait des progrès sur le chemin qui mène à la domination des passions et commencent à s’intéresser à la philosophie elle-même. Dans les deux cas, il s’agit de débutants : de ceux qui commencent une formation morale et de ceux qui veulent s’initier à la philosophie. [introduction p. 51-54]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JJVi9durYJt0iuG

Title	Le commentaire entre tradition et innovation. Actes du colloque international de l'institute des traditions textuelles, Paris et Villejuif, 22-25 septembre 1999
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2000
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Bibliothèque d’histoire de la philosophie
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile
Translator(s)

Une bonne partie de la litterature universelle est une litterature de commentaire. Cette constatation s'applique particulierement a la litterature antique et medievale, fortement ancree dans la tradition grace aux institutions scolaires. Situes en fait au croisement de la tradition et de l'innovation, les textes exegetiques s'attachent d'abod a comprendre et a expliquer la pensee des maitres qui font autorite, mais souvent ils essaient aussi de la depasser, si bien que la demarche du commentaire peut aller de l'exegese la plus litterale a l'interpretation la plus allegorisante, de l'explication la plus traditionnelle au commentaire le plus neuf. L'objectif de ce recueil est de cerner sous tous ses aspects, dans toutes ses composantes et toutes ses problematiques, la realite du commentaire depuis sa fabrication materielle jusqu'a l'elabotration de ses contenus speculatifs, dans des aires culturelles multiples: mondes grec, latin, hebraique, arabe indien et a des epoques differentes: hellenistique, Empire romain, Moyen Age et Renaissance. [editors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RdY8RrIpT0hwHi3

Le commentaire philosophique continu dans l’Antiquité, 1997
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Le commentaire philosophique continu dans l’Antiquité
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1997
Journal	AnTard (Antiquité Tardive. Revue internationale d’histoire et d’archéolog)
Volume	5
Pages	169–176
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Opening  with  an  overview  of  the  historical  development  of  the  continuous  philosophical commentary,  this study aims to bring out the profound differences between modem philosophicalcommentaries and the Late Antique commentaries on Plato and Aristotle. The modem commentariesare concerned to explain  the texts for an audience  which  is not defined.  By contrast,  the ancient commentaries belonged to a precise programme of reading the texts concerned, a programme which corresponded both to levels of knowledge and levels of spiritual progression.  They were therefore addressed, depending on the type of text, to beginners, to intermediate or to very advanced students; and  their  content and method  varied greatly  according  to  the  level  of the  intended  readership. Furthermore, explaining the text was never an end in itself;  the commentary was intended not so much to expand knowledge as to assist in the acquisition of a particular ethical attitude, leading to a particular way of life. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bNInszbNd3YEzTp

Le début d’une physique: Ordre, extension et nature des fragments 142-144 A/B de Théophraste, 1998
By: Laks, André, van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. (Ed.), Raalte, Marlein van (Ed.)

Title	Le début d’une physique: Ordre, extension et nature des fragments 142-144 A/B de Théophraste
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1998
Published in	Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources
Pages	143-169
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)	van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. , Raalte, Marlein van
Translator(s)

La citation de Théophraste, en 143, est introduite par la mention moins précise, mais en l’occurrence parfaitement adéquate (puisque l’extrait, comme nous le verrons dans un instant, suivait sans doute 144A/B) : « dans le premier livre de ses traités physiques ». Le contenu corrobore ces indications. 144A/B concerne en effet le paragraphe initial du traité d’Aristote (Physique, 184a10-16), qui assigne pour première tâche à la science physique de déterminer quels en sont les principes ; 142 et 143 portent sur la suite immédiate (184a16-b14), qui introduit la distinction entre « ce qui est plus connu pour nous » et « ce qui est plus connu par nature ».

Les éditeurs ont mis 142/143 en tête, sans doute parce que, énonçant des propositions méthodologiques sur le statut de l’enquête physique, ils peuvent sembler poser les préalables, alors que 144A/B mettent déjà en jeu des propositions physiques particulières. Mais ceci peut avoir été un effet de l’exégèse de Théophraste, fortement marquée, comme nous le verrons plus loin, par une tendance systématisante. À condition d’inverser l’ordre adopté par les éditeurs (c’est-à-dire d’admettre que le fragment cité dans 144B précédait dans l’original celui que rapporte 143), l’ensemble offre les linéaments d’un commentaire continu de la première page de la Physique d’Aristote.

L’analyse qui suit tente d’en restituer les traits saillants. [introduction p. 143-144]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yDW08T1lG0G9q6B

Le dédicataire d’un commentaire de Simplicius sur le De anima d’après le Fihrist d’Ibn al-Nadīm, 2014
By: Vallat, Philippe, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Le dédicataire d’un commentaire de Simplicius sur le De anima d’après le Fihrist d’Ibn al-Nadīm
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2014
Published in	Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines. Un Bilan critique
Pages	102-129
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Vallat, Philippe
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FUC3RJY9ty0CDoV

Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines. Un Bilan critique, 2014
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines. Un Bilan critique
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2014
Publication Place	Sankt Augustin
Publisher	Academia Verlag
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This book offers a synthesis of modern research devoted to Simplicius's life and to three of his five commentaries: On Epictetus' Handbook, On Aristotle's De anima, On Aristotle's Categories. Its biographical part brings to light the historical role played by this Neoplatonic philosopher. Born in Cilicia, Asia Minor, he studied in Alexandria and Athens and apparently ended his life teaching in Syria on the frontier between the Byzantine and Sassanide Empires. His role was that of a mediator between the Greco-Roman world and philosophy and Syriac philosophy, which would feed Arabic philosophy at its beginning. The second part of the book, devoted to doctrinal and authorship issues, also deals with the underlying pedagogical curriculum and methods proper to Neoplatonic commentaries, which modern interpretation all too often tends to neglect in studies on Simplicius and other Neoplatonists. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/R8AdHRdKYfqtT76

Le philosophe et le joueur. La date de la fermeture de l'école d'Athènes, 2002
By: Beauchamp, Joëlle, Déroche, Vincent (Ed.)

Title	Le philosophe et le joueur. La date de la fermeture de l'école d'Athènes
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2002
Published in	Mélanges Gilbert Dagron
Pages	21-35
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Beauchamp, Joëlle
Editor(s)	Déroche, Vincent
Translator(s)

The closing of the Neoplatonic school of Athens and the two sources (John Malalas and Agathias) on the basis of which this event has been reconstructed have provoked numerous commentaries and queries. However, one element in the narrative of Malalas has apparently escaped notice. By connecting this element with two texts from the Code of Justinian, the author proposes the date of 22 September 529 for the imperial legislation forbidding the teaching of philosophy in Athens. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/o4RX5UFx8ZQlU6Y

Le problème des lemmes du De caelo dans la traduction latine du commentaire In De Caelo de Simplicius, 1992
By: Bossier, Fernand, Hamesse, Jacqueline (Ed.)

Title	Le problème des lemmes du De caelo dans la traduction latine du commentaire In De Caelo de Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1992
Published in	Les problèmes posés par l'édition critique des textes anciens et médiévaux
Pages	361-397
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bossier, Fernand
Editor(s)	Hamesse, Jacqueline
Translator(s)

Un des problèmes qui peuvent encombrer l’édition critique des commentaires anciens et médiévaux sur les grands traités qui ont fait autorité dans les écoles (traités d’Aristote, de Galien, de Ptolémée, etc.) concerne la manière dont les lemmes ou références au texte commenté doivent être présentés ; car bien qu’en règle générale on aperçoive assez vite si l’auteur a effectivement inséré des références pareilles, les informations concernant leur forme et leur texte sont plus d’une fois peu concordantes, voire très confuses.

La forme des lemmes peut varier pour la raison qu’en tête d’un commentaire on peut citer in extenso toute la section commentée ou recourir à un système de lemmes abrégés, dont les principaux types seront énumérés ci-après. Mais ce qu’il importe de remarquer avant tout, c’est qu’en raison même de leur fonction de référence, les lemmes doivent être bien distingués des commentaires eux-mêmes ; le commentateur, s’il est attentif, prendra soin de les souligner ou de les écrire en caractères un peu plus gros, ou il chargera son secrétaire ou son éditeur de les écrire en rouge.

Placés en tête des commentaires pour en faciliter l’étude et bien distingués de ceux-ci, les lemmes, par contrecoup, sont très exposés aux tentatives de remaniement et d’adaptation de la part des utilisateurs ultérieurs. Il peut paraître utile à un savant ou à un éditeur d’avoir ou de mettre sous les yeux le passage commenté tout entier, en remplaçant ou complétant les lemmes abrégés écrits par l’auteur, ou d’assurer au moins un usage plus facile et mieux organisé du commentaire, en ajoutant après les premiers mots du passage commenté, écrits par l’auteur, la formule jusqu’à, suivie des derniers mots de celui-ci. Inversement, les lemmes complets peuvent être abrégés par un copiste, par exemple si le savant qui a passé la commande possède déjà le traité commenté.

Ainsi donc, la forme des lemmes varie très souvent d’un manuscrit à l’autre, voire d’une partie à l’autre à l’intérieur d’un même manuscrit, et l’éditeur d’un commentaire devra se mettre à la recherche de la forme que l’auteur lui-même leur a donnée. Cette préoccupation de retrouver la forme primitive ne mérite pas d’être considérée comme une sorte de surenchère critique. Il se peut, en effet, que la question de la forme des lemmes soit intimement liée à une autre, bien plus importante, à savoir celle de la valeur des lemmes comme témoins indirects du texte commenté. Si l’étude critique révèle que les lemmes sous telle ou telle forme ont été refaits, on ne sera plus tenté de penser que leur texte reflète l’état du texte commenté à l’époque du commentateur, du moins pas dans les parties remaniées ou ajoutées ; seules les parties primitives seront jugées à même de nous informer sur le texte lu et cité par le commentateur, bien que là encore la facilité d’une adaptation ultérieure doive nous inciter à la prudence.

De toute évidence, l’étude des lemmes ne présente pas partout une pareille importance pour la critique textuelle du traité commenté, mais seulement dans les cas où le commentateur est reconnu à juste titre comme un témoin très précieux (par exemple les commentateurs Alexandre d’Aphrodise, Ammonius, Jean Philopon, Simplicius pour le texte d’Aristote) ou tout à fait privilégié du texte commenté. Mais même en dehors de cette perspective, l’étude des lemmes se révèle plus d’une fois très fructueuse : la recherche de la forme primitive peut nous instruire non pas seulement sur la méthode utilisée par le commentateur, mais encore sur la manière dont les commentaires ont été préparés et organisés pour en faciliter la lecture et la consultation, et de cette sorte, elle nous mène de temps à autre à des découvertes tout à fait inattendues.

Le but du présent article est de montrer comment une analyse minutieuse des lemmes latins du De caelo, contenus dans la traduction latine du commentaire In De caelo de Simplicius, nous a mis sur la voie de trois recensions du De caelo, dont deux étaient complètement inconnues auparavant. [introduction p. 361-362]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Db9PyA6a27u1SM5

Le programme d'enseignement dans les Ecoles neoplatoniciennes, 1982
By: Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile, Brisson, Luc (Ed.), Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile (Ed.), Goulet, Richard (Ed.), O’Brien, Denis (Ed.)

Title	Le programme d'enseignement dans les Ecoles neoplatoniciennes
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1982
Published in	Porphyre. La vie de Plotin. Travaux préliminaires et index grec complet
Pages	277-280
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile
Editor(s)	Brisson, Luc , Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile , Goulet, Richard , O’Brien, Denis
Translator(s)

b) Introduction générale à la philosophie : Basée sur l'Isagogè de Porphyre, cette étape proposait une définition et des divisions de la philosophie (théorétique et pratique), suivant un schéma attribué à Porphyre ou Andronicus.

c) Étude préparatoire à Aristote : Lecture et commentaire de l'Isagogè comme introduction indispensable aux Catégories d’Aristote, en appliquant un cadre méthodologique précis avant d’entamer le commentaire.

d) Introduction à Aristote : Les commentaires sur les Catégories soulevaient dix questions essentielles sur Aristote, incluant son style, la structure de ses écrits, et les qualités requises pour ses lecteurs et exégètes.

e) Cycle d’études aristotéliciennes : Études couvrant logique, éthique, politique, physique et théologie sur une durée estimée à deux ou trois ans. Ce cycle préparait les étudiants à l’étude des dialogues platoniciens.

f) Étude de Platon : Introduction systématique à Platon, incluant l’ordre de lecture des dialogues. Cette phase s’inspirait également des médio-platoniciens comme Albinus et Alcinoos.

g) Oracles chaldaïques : Étudiés comme le sommet de la formation philosophique. Proclus et d’autres néoplatoniciens harmonisaient ces enseignements avec ceux de Platon.

h) Poésie orphique : Considérée comme le niveau suprême, la poésie orphique, notamment les Hymnes, faisait l’objet de commentaires approfondis, particulièrement chez Proclus et Syrianus. [derived from the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kPjIT5NBhbhdLeA

Le temps comme mesure et la mesure du temps selon Simplicius, 1998
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Briquel-Chatonnet, Françoise (Ed.), Lozachmeur, Hélène (Ed.)

Title	Le temps comme mesure et la mesure du temps selon Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1998
Published in	Proche-Orient Ancien. Temps vécu, temps pensé
Pages	223-234
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Briquel-Chatonnet, Françoise , Lozachmeur, Hélène
Translator(s)

Cette enquête rapide a fait apparaître cinq thèses fondamentales : 1. toute mesure confère l’unité à ce qu’elle rassemble, et le fait participer, à son niveau, de l’Un lui-même ; 2. le temps, image de l’éternité (Platon), est l ’une des « mesures rassemblantes » qui sauvent le sensible du désastre ontologique ; il est, plus proprement, la « mesure de l’extension (paratasis) de l’être » ; 3. le temps est une quantité continue (Aristote), et il est mesuré par des mesures naturelles intrinsèques ; 4. la catégorie du pote, qui est distincte du temps et de la quantité, est définie par une pure relation non convertible au temps lui-même, ou à ses « mesures naturelles » ; 5. ainsi est pensée la datation d ’un événement historique (comme la bataille de Salamine), tandis que la taxis agissante du temps ordonne, conjoint et distingue les événements historiques (la guerre de Troie et la guerre du Péloponnèse ne se confondent pas). [conclusion, p. 234]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Bux3xGV4iDU4pJh

Le temps intégral selon Damascius, 1980
By: Galperine, Marie-Claire

Title	Le temps intégral selon Damascius
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1980
Journal	Les Études philosophiques
Volume	3: Doctrines du temps
Pages	325-341
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Galperine, Marie-Claire
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Damascius offers a resolution to Aristotle’s dilemmas in his commentary on Plato’s Parmenides and his lost treatise on number, place, and time, fragments of which are preserved by Simplicius. Damascius’ concept of "integral time" distinguishes between two meanings of "now": Aristotle’s punctual "now," a limit of time, and Damascius’ "present," a temporal continuum. Simplicius, though critical of Damascius’ ideas, acknowledges this distinction as key to resolving Aristotle’s aporias.

Simplicius' Corollarium de tempore expands on this, presenting time as simultaneously existent in its entirety ("integral time"), a concept rooted in Damascius’ philosophy. However, Simplicius’ partial understanding of Damascius’ thought highlights his struggle to reconcile Damascius’ notion of time with Aristotelian paradigms.

The analysis situates Damascius’ ideas within the framework of both Plato’s Parmenides and Aristotle’s Physics, showcasing how he integrates Platonic metaphysics with Aristotelian logic to address foundational questions about the nature and being of time. [introduction p. 325-327]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/K2X5R1lQigoI37E

Le thème de la grande année d'Héraclite aux Stoiciens, 1989
By: Bels, Jacques

Title	Le thème de la grande année d'Héraclite aux Stoiciens
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1989
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	7
Issue	2
Pages	169-183
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bels, Jacques
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

D’Héraclite aux stoïciens, en passant par Platon qui adopte un point de vue analogue à celui de l’Éphésien, le discours sur la Grande Année est au cœur même de la conception philosophique, même s’il subit une modification dans son appréhension. En effet, à une lecture (re)générante, le stoïcisme substitue une perspective finaliste quand il privilégie le lien Grande Année-ekpyrosis. Cette accentuation d’une Grande Année conçue comme limite, au détriment de la régénération, se marque également dans la liaison ekpyrosis-fin de la survie limitée. En effet, selon les stoïciens, à la disparition des corps, la partie spirituelle subsiste un certain temps avant de disparaître à son tour.

Conséquence logique de la thèse selon laquelle ce qui est engendré doit disparaître, cette mort de l’âme correspond, chez Cléanthe et Chrysippe, à la conflagration universelle. Pour le premier, en effet, toutes les âmes survivent jusqu’à l’embrasement final, tandis que, pour le second, seules les âmes des sages connaissent ce privilège, celles des "insensés" disparaissant plus rapidement.

Dès lors, quand il établit une parenté entre les stoïciens et Héraclite, Simplicius a partiellement raison : ces penseurs ont posé l’existence d’une Grande Année. Il oublie simplement de préciser qu’ils lui ont assigné des priorités différentes. [conclusion p. 183]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Wt3OVL4zzPJWT2a

Le σκοπός du traité aristotélicien Du Ciel selon Simplicius. Exégèse, dialectique, théologie, 2015
By: Hoffmann, Philippe

Title	Le σκοπός du traité aristotélicien Du Ciel selon Simplicius. Exégèse, dialectique, théologie
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2015
Journal	Studia graeco-arabica
Volume	5
Pages	27-51
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A six-page Prologue introduces the commentary on Aristotle’s De Caelo written by Simplicius after 529 AD. As usual in the exegeses typical of the Neoplatonic schools of late Antiquity, this Prologue addresses a series of preliminary
questions that are meant to steer the interpretation in its entirety, as well as to frame the text to be commented upon within the reading canon of the Aristotelian works, which were intended to provide the propaedeutics to the reading canon of Plato’s dialogues. Simplicius addresses the question of the scope of De Caelo, discussing the interpretations advanced by Alexander of Aphrodisias, Iamblichus, and Syrianus. According to Alexander, this treatise deals with the universe as a whole, as well as with the five simple bodies contained in it. It was with Iamblichus, who advocated the idea that for each Platonic dialogue there was only one skopos, that the unity of a philosophical work was raised
to the rank of a general rule. According to Iamblichus, the skopos of the De Caelo is the divine body of heaven. As a consequence, the primary elements that depend upon the heavens are included in the treatise. Syrianus deepens
the theological tendency implied in Iamblichus’ interpretation: for him, the skopos of the De Caelo is primarily the divine body of heaven, and only secondarily the set of sublunar elements. Simplicius treasures the commentary by
Alexander; nevertheless, he questions the skopos assigned by him: Alexander underestimated the importance of the unity of the treatise, even though his intention to account for each and every question raised by Aristotle was laudable. Contrarily, Syrianus was right in emphasizing the theological vein of the De Caelo, but focussed only on the section on the divine body of heaven, playing down books III and IV as if they were only ancillary, thus forgetting that the skopos must account for the whole of the treatise at hand. Between the two positions, Simplicius advocates the idea of a synthetical skopos, following in the footsteps of Iamblichus’ interpretation, but taking systematically into account the best of Alexander’s. The skopos of the De Caelo is the divine heaven, that “communicates” its perfections to the
entire universe. Simplicius’ position is revealed to be very different with respect to that of other commentators like Ammonius and Philoponus, who both considered that the title was self-evident and required no special investigation. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IkThMj3dyL4pqPR

Les Commentaires de Simplicius et de Jean Philopon à La Physique d’Aristote: Tradition et Innovation, 2008
By: Golitsis, Pantelis

Title	Les Commentaires de Simplicius et de Jean Philopon à La Physique d’Aristote: Tradition et Innovation
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2008
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In der griechischen Spätantike definiert sich die Philosophie vor allem über die Auslegung autoritativer Texte wie der Dialoge Platons oder der Abhandlungen des Aristoteles. In der vorliegenden Studie werden die letzten spätantiken Kommentare des Heiden Simplikios und des Christen Philoponos (beide 6. Jh. n.Chr.) zu Aristoteles’ Physik untersucht. Golitsis zeigt auf, wie unterschiedlich die beiden Zeitgenossen die philosophische Tradition bewerten undwelchunterschiedlichen Wegzur Wahrheitsfindung sie daraus ableiten. Der Autor wurde für dieses Buch mit dem "Prix Zographos" der "Association pour l'Encouragement des Études Grecques" ausgezeichnet. [author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/p4M88GaW4sKfDxE

Title	Les analyses de l'énoncé: catégories et parties du discours selon les commentateurs néoplatoniciens
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1999
Published in	Théories de la phrase et de la proposition, de Platon à Averroès
Pages	209-248
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Diebler, Stéphane , Rashed, Marwan , Büttgen, Philippe
Translator(s)

Avec les exégètes néoplatoniciens d’Aristote, à la fin de l'Antiquité, l'intérêt constant porté au discours par les philosophes grecs – depuis les sophistes, Platon, Aristote, les stoïciens – trouve son point d’achèvement, tandis que s’affirme nettement la différence des deux points de vue – grammatical et logique – que l’on peut porter sur l’énoncé. Cet effort de distinction caractérise la littérature des commentaires sur l’Organon, qui correspond, on le sait, au début du cours de philosophie néoplatonicienne dans l’Antiquité tardive.

L’étude de l’Organon commençait, après des enseignements propédeutiques et une lecture de l’Isagoge de Porphyre, par l’exégèse du traité des Catégories, que domine une description fine du "but", du skopos. Les catégories sont les éléments constitutifs de l’énoncé déclaratif (logos apophantikós), seule espèce du logos à être vraie ou fausse, et qui est lui-même la base du syllogisme démonstratif, lequel est le point culminant ou la clé de voûte de la logique, puisque la démonstration est l’instrument de discernement du vrai et du faux dans le domaine de la théorie, et du bien et du mal dans le domaine de la pratique. Les catégories sont les termes “qui ne se disent pas en liaison”, c’est-à-dire qui ne sont pas pris dans une syntaxe attributive et qui se contentent encore de “signifier”. La doctrine des catégories est, en son fond, sémantique et ressortit à la logique. Mais elle reflète une division (diairesis) des étants en dix classes suprêmes, les “genres généralissimes”.

Lorsqu’il commente le chapitre 2 des Catégories, Simplicius explique que la division en dix catégories s’inscrit elle-même dans une séquence dyade-tétrade-décade. Aristote, affirme-t-il, commence avec raison par donner une quadruple division des étants, puisque la tétrade est plus fondamentale que la décade, et que cette quadripartition se ramène elle-même à une bipartition :

"[...] puisque, nous l'avons vu, le but (skopos) porte sur les mots simples et génériques, qui signifient les réalités simples et génériques, avant de les diviser (diairesis) en le plus grand nombre de termes possible – j'entends par là la division en dix catégories, au-delà desquelles on ne pouvait en trouver d’autres –, Aristote a jugé bon de commencer par une division minimale, car on ne pouvait rassembler les mots simples en un plus petit nombre de groupes : en effet cette façon de procéder était scientifique (epistêmonikón) parce que la décade est comprise dans la tétrade ; en effet en faisant la somme d’un, deux, trois et quatre, nous obtenons le nombre dix ; et la tétrade, à rebours, Aristote l’a rassemblée dans la dyade. Les quatre termes dont nous parlons sont : l’essence, l’accident, l’universel et le particulier. Les étants en effet se divisent en deux (ta onta diaireitai dikhôs) [...]".

Ces deux termes sont l’essence (qui correspond à la première catégorie) et l’accident (sous le chef duquel se regroupent les neuf autres catégories). À la fin de l’explication de ce lemme, Simplicius précise que “la division en quatre termes n’est pas une division au sens propre, mais plutôt un dénombrement (anarithmêsis)”.

L'analyse du logos apophantikós conduit donc le philosophe à distinguer entre dix “mots simples”, les dix catégories énumérées par Aristote, et qui constituent, aux yeux des exégètes antiques, une liste exhaustive en droit et close : la substance ou l’essence (ousia, ti esti), la quantité (poson), la qualité (poion), la relation (pros ti), l’agir et le pâtir (poiein, paschein), le "quand” et le “où” (pote, pou), la situation et l’avoir (keisthai, echein).

Cette analyse ne coïncide en rien avec celle des grammairiens qui, à la fin de l'Antiquité, enseignent de manière fixe la doctrine des huit “parties du discours” (merê tou logou), progressivement élaborée comme le fruit de ce qu’ils nomment le merismos (“partition”). Ces huit “parties du discours” sont, dans l'ordre : le nom, le verbe, le participe, l’article, le pronom, la préposition, l'adverbe et la conjonction.

Soucieux, pour plusieurs raisons, de distinguer leur recherche de l’activité grammaticale, les commentateurs néoplatoniciens d’Aristote ont soigneusement distingué entre ces deux modes d'analyse du logos (discours, phrase, proposition, énoncé) : la division des catégories, qui est fondée sur la diairesis des étants en dix genres – elle relève de la logique et participe de l’ontologie – et la merismos grammaticale des éléments du langage en huit classes (les huit “parties du discours”).

La lecture des Catégories conduisait ces exégètes à rencontrer certaines difficultés. Tout d'abord, il y avait un débat sur la nature même des "catégories" (sont-elles des mots ? des notions ? des réalités ?). Des adversaires stoïciens d’Aristote (Athénodore et Cornutus) contestaient la complétude de la liste, insuffisante selon eux, puisqu’ils voyaient en elle le résultat d’une division des mots. Le débat sur l’origine grammaticale des catégories, ou sur le lien de cette doctrine avec l’objet propre et la discipline de la grammaire, illustré à l’époque moderne par les travaux d’auteurs aussi différents que Trendelenburg ou E. Benveniste, était déjà un débat antique.

Autre question. Le début du De interpretatione présente un exposé sur le nom (onoma) et le verbe (rhêma), qui sont à la fois des termes logiques (sujet et prédicat) et les deux premières “parties du discours” selon la liste canonique des grammairiens. Comment rendre compte de la rencontre, mais aussi de la différence, entre le point de vue du philosophe lecteur de l’Organon et le point de vue du grammairien ? Comment expliquer la succession – dans la perspective de l’“ordre de lecture” néoplatonicien – des Catégories et du De interpretatione ?

La tâche de tout commentateur néoplatonicien était donc d'expliquer à la fois comment distinguer entre l’analyse grammaticale d'une phrase et l’analyse logique d’un énoncé véridique, et quelle est l’articulation de la doctrine des Catégories et de la doctrine du De interpretatione.

Il faut pour cela rappeler quels étaient les “buts” assignés par les exégètes à ces deux traités, qui étaient lus l’un à la suite de l’autre dans “l’ordre de lecture” des œuvres d’Aristote tel qu’il était pratiqué à la fin de l’Antiquité. [introduction p. 209-212]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bzuFZeua3rVa1TS

Les bibliothèques philosophiques d’après le témoignage de la littérature néoplatonicienne des Ve et VIe siècles, 2007
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, D'Ancona Costa, Cristina (Ed.)

Title	Les bibliothèques philosophiques d’après le témoignage de la littérature néoplatonicienne des Ve et VIe siècles
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2007
Published in	The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network "Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture", Strasbourg, March 12-14, 2004 under the Scientific Committee of the meeting, composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D’Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endreß, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche
Pages	135-153
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Translator(s)

L’enquête que nous venons de mener est semée d’incertitudes, et elle est souvent aporétique. Mais quelques conclusions peuvent être tirées de façon prudente.

L’enseignement dispensé dans les écoles néoplatoniciennes suivait un programme qui, depuis les diverses propédeutiques jusqu’à l’étude des poèmes “révélés”, impliquait l’usage de livres – le programme pouvant être interprété comme une sorte de “catalogue idéal”. La pratique du commentaire, essentielle dans ces milieux, semble s’être accompagnée, dans certains cas du moins, d’un usage de manuscrits – sans doute de grand format – dans les marges desquels étaient consignés des développements exégétiques (et l’on aimerait mieux savoir quel type d’écriture pouvait être alors utilisé : faut-il imaginer parfois un recours à une micrographie, comme dans l’exemple byzantin du Vaticanus Urbinas gr. 35, copié pour Aréthas vers 900 ?).

Sur certains dossiers, comme celui de l’origine des modèles de la “Collection philosophique” (la bibliothèque de l’école néoplatonicienne d’Alexandrie ?), la recherche a progressé, mettant en lumière le rôle probable de Stéphanos d’Alexandrie dans le transfert à Constantinople, au début du VIIᵉ siècle, des modèles tardo-antiques de la Collection.

Cet exemple montre que l’on peut attendre, au gré des recherches, un progrès de nos connaissances, par-delà les considérations souvent hypothétiques qui ont été ici présentées. [conclusion p. 152-153]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Yfl8Gt8Sgf5xdCH

Les calendriers en usage à Harran d’après les sources arabes et le commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d’Aristote, 1987
By: Tardieu, Michel, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Les calendriers en usage à Harran d’après les sources arabes et le commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	40-57
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tardieu, Michel
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

L’ordre des saisons adopté par Simplicius pour énumérer et classer les calendriers groupe d’abord deux calendriers luni-solaires (attique et asiate), puis deux calendriers solaires (romain et arabe). Comme dans l’Athènes de Proclus finissant, le premier de ces calendriers n’était en usage qu’à l’Académie. Mais, à la différence de la situation contemporaine de Marinus écrivant la biographie de son maître, la symbolique des lunaisons du calendrier attique, avec un cycle analogue de fêtes et de rites, était réalité hors de l’enceinte de l’Académie, dans la société harrânienne.

Le calendrier luni-solaire attique en usage dans l’École platonicienne de Harrân ne se différenciait du calendrier luni-solaire local hérité de la colonisation macédonienne que par son début d’année et les noms de ses mois. Le passage de l’un à l’autre n’offrait aucune difficulté. Plus besoin, comme le faisait Marinus, de julianiser artificiellement le nombre du jour du mois attique pour transcrire une date du calendrier de la ville.

L’hémérologe de Florence mettant la nouvelle année du calendrier asiate le 23 septembre et Jean Lydus faisant partir le calendrier attique du 23 juin, il y avait totale correspondance du point de vue du jour du mois entre le calendrier académique dont Lydus donne les noms attiques et le calendrier civil et religieux de la ville, dont l’Hémerologion et al-Hàsimî transmettent respectivement les noms macédoniens et araméens.

L’exemple des débuts d’année, développé par Simplicius, offre un déroulement du temps harrânien à quatre entrées festives, comme l’a bien noté al-Bîrünî. L’année académique des Platoniciens, réglée sur le solstice d’été (calendrier attique), y commençait au 1ᵉʳ Hekatombaiôn, qui correspondait respectivement au 1ᵉʳ Lôos (Éphèse), au 23 juin (Romains), au 4 Panemos (Arabes).

L’année civile et religieuse de la ville, réglée sur l’équinoxe d’automne (calendrier asiate), y commençait au 1ᵉʳ Dios/Tišrîn al-awwal, qui correspondait au 23 septembre (Romains), au 6 Gorpiaios (Arabes), au 1ᵉʳ Puanepsiôn (Athéniens).

L’année civile et religieuse de l’Empire, réglée sur le solstice d’hiver (calendrier romain), y commençait au 1ᵉʳ janvier/Kânûn II, qui correspondait au 16 Audunaios (Arabes), au 8 Gamêliôn (Athéniens), au 8 Peritios (Éphèse).

L’année coutumière de la région, réglée sur l’équinoxe vernal (calendrier arabe), y commençait au 1ᵉʳ Xanthikos/Nîsân, qui correspondait à la veille du 30 Elaphêboliôn (Athéniens), au 22 mars (Romains), et à la veille du 30 Xanthikos (Éphèse).

La parenthèse sur les débuts d’année, ouverte par Simplicius à propos de l’exemple du début du mois choisi par Aristote pour illustrer le concept de consécution temporelle, se referme sur trois acquis essentiels.

Elle constitue le plus ancien témoignage connu sur les calendriers en usage chez les Greco-araméens de Harrân. Elle permet d’identifier, par leur origine historique et leur appartenance nationale, les calendriers fournis par al-Sarahsî, al-Hàsimî et Wahb.

Elle confirme que c’est bien là, dans cette «ville bénie, parce que jamais souillée par l’erreur de Nazareth», que trouvèrent refuge les derniers Platoniciens après 533.

Dans les calendriers de Wahb et d’al-Hâsimî, se côtoient pêle-mêle les noms de divinités babyloniennes, égyptiennes, grecques, anatoliennes, syriennes et arabes. Un tel syncrétisme ne pouvait que faire bon ménage avec la religion de l’Académie.

Selon l’objectif de l’École d’Athènes, en effet, le philosophe ne devait se contenter d’être le thérapeute d’une seule ville, ou celui des coutumes de quelques peuples. Il lui fallait aussi être «l’hiérophante du monde entier».

En s’installant à Harrân à leur retour d’Iran, les compagnons de Damascius avaient choisi l’endroit idéal pour réaliser un tel programme. [conclusion p. 55-57]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TgVuqJv1CIhi085

Les catégories aristotéliciennes d’action et de passion vues par Simplicius, 1980
By: Vamvoukakis, Nicolas, Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Les catégories aristotéliciennes d’action et de passion vues par Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1980
Published in	Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique
Pages	253-269
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Vamvoukakis, Nicolas
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

L’analyse du commentaire de Simplicius sur les catégories aristotéliciennes d’action et de passion (ou, plus exactement, d’«agir» et de «pâtir») est d’un intérêt multiple. Les notions mêmes sont d’une importance capitale aussi bien pour Aristote que pour le néoplatonisme tardif : en tant que catégories, elles désignent la mobilité, le dynamisme et la créativité de l’être ; en tant que réalités physiques ou métaphysiques désignées par ces mots, l’action et la passion sont directement liées à la théorie aristotélicienne de puissance, d’acte et de mouvement, et non moins à la problématique néoplatonicienne sur la Procession.

L’importance du sujet fait du commentaire de Simplicius une bonne occasion pour manifester l’utilité de ce genre de commentaires pour la meilleure compréhension de la pensée aristotélicienne ; et cela d’autant plus que Simplicius consacre aux catégories d’action et de passion quarante pages de commentaire alors que le texte aristotélicien dans le traité des Catégories ne dépasse pas huit lignes. Par l’exposé exhaustif et raisonné de tous les points de vue concernant ces deux catégories, Simplicius nous offre un tableau aussi complet que possible des problèmes sur l’action et la passion qu’Aristote aurait pu ou aurait dû se poser lui-même dans son discours sur les Catégories.

Ainsi l’examen portera sur les caractères principaux de l’action et de la passion, sur ce qui est le propre de chacune et justifie sa position comme une catégorie à part, sur le problème de la réductibilité de ces deux catégories aux autres ou à une seule et sur leur division en espèces. Toutes ces questions, prises dans leur généralité, sont indiscutablement conformes à l’esprit de l’auteur du traité des Catégories ; mais lorsqu’on aborde leur examen détaillé dans le commentaire de Simplicius, on est souvent étonné par l’intrusion d’éléments, surtout spéculatifs, qui, en apparence, relèvent d’un mode de pensée complètement étranger à celui d’Aristote.

Mais, en fait, une étude serrée du commentaire montre qu’il est possible (et même nécessaire, si l’on veut tirer le meilleur parti de ce texte) de distinguer :

    les éléments purement aristotéliciens ;
    ceux qui, exprimés en termes néoplatoniciens, sont aisément transposables dans l’univers d’Aristote ;
    ceux qui prolongent la problématique aristotélicienne dans la perspective du néoplatonisme tardif.

Ces prolongements ne sont pourtant pas dépourvus d’intérêt pour l’aristotélisme : en posant et en résolvant des problèmes qu’Aristote lui-même n’avait pas posés, mais qui, en dernière analyse, découlent de ses propres thèses, et auxquels on doit donc chercher une réponse même si Aristote ne l’a pas donnée, on comprend beaucoup plus à fond toutes les ramifications de sa problématique ; et de même par l’examen des réponses proposées ou en essayant de répondre soi-même à la place d’Aristote.

D’où il ressort que la bonne compréhension et l’appréciation juste d’un commentaire de Simplicius sur Aristote présupposent une connaissance adéquate de la philosophie aristotélicienne ainsi qu’une certaine expérience des traits particuliers à la pensée et à la sensibilité des néoplatoniciens tardifs. Car ces commentaires ne sont pas exégétiques au sens, malheureusement si familier pour nous, de la paraphrase élaborée, mais, sans négliger les nuances, s’attaquent au cœur même des problèmes, sur lesquels ils proposent des solutions bien articulées. [introduction p. 253-254]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/O07AYBHdocDRTVL

Title	Les catégories aristotéliciennes ΠΟΤE et ΠΟΥ d’après le commentaire de Simplicius. Méthode d’exégèse et aspects doctrinaux
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2000
Published in	Le commentaire entre tradition et innovation. Actes du colloque international de l'institute des traditions textuelles, Paris et Villejuif, 22-25 septembre 1999
Pages	355-376
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile
Translator(s)

Simplicius aligns himself fundamentally with Porphyry and Jamblichus, preserving the tradition of responding to Plotinus’s aporias on the Categories. He also reveals trends in the Peripatetic commentaries that Plotinus was reacting to. Simplicius demonstrates the specificity of the categories ΠΟΤE and ΠΟΥ, using Jamblichus's definition of neo-Platonic skopos, which relies on a unity of meaning to establish the unity of a category corresponding to the unity of a genus. Despite being influenced by Jamblichus, Simplicius ultimately follows a philosophical orientation that aligns him with his master Damascius. [conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tGxagcX1ONlDUSI

Les catégories ΠΟΙ et ΠΟΤΕ chez Aristote et Simplicius, 1980
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Les catégories ΠΟΙ et ΠΟΤΕ chez Aristote et Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1980
Published in	Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique
Pages	217-245
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

L'exposé que l'on va lire ne se propose pas d'étudier les concepts de lieu ou de temps chez Aristote et son commentateur Simplicius, mais de scruter les quelques indications qu’Aristote, dans son Traité des Catégories, nous donne sur les prédicats ποῦ et ποτέ, ou que l'on peut trouver dans certains passages de Physique IV. La matière fournie par les textes aristotéliciens étant peu abondante, notre attention se portera principalement sur le Commentaire de Simplicius.

Si les catégories ποῦ et ποτέ ne se confondent pas avec les concepts de lieu et de temps, c’est pourtant par rapport à eux, c'est-à-dire par différence avec eux, qu'elles prennent sens et consistance. C'est pourquoi, et bien que ce ne soit qu’à titre secondaire, la méditation sur le temps et le lieu nourrit le commentaire de Simplicius, chez qui elle fonde (ainsi d’ailleurs que chez nombre de commentateurs antérieurs) l'ordre relatif des deux catégories : selon que le temps ou le lieu est considéré comme plus « proche » de l'essence, plus « apparenté » à elle, la catégorie ποῦ (ou la catégorie ποτέ) se situera plus près de l’ousia dans la liste des catégories.

Tel étant le critère du classement, l'analyse catégoriale court toujours le risque d’être remplacée par une étude « physique » du temps ou du lieu. Mais Simplicius situe la doctrine des catégories au niveau d’une étude des signifiés et des significations. Un second danger se présente alors, qui est de confondre l'analyse catégoriale et l'analyse grammaticale des « parties du discours ». En effet, les catégories ποῦ et ποτέ correspondent presque exclusivement à deux classes d’adverbes, qui sont, respectivement, les adverbes de lieu et les adverbes de temps.

Nous verrons que Simplicius, analysant et classant les significations des adverbes (et compléments) de lieu, ne fait que reprendre, sur ce point, la doctrine grammaticale classique, telle qu'on la voit exposée dans la Grammaire de Denys le Thrace, dans les scholies relatives à cette grammaire, ou chez un auteur comme Apollonius Dyscole. Guidé par l'idée d’une étroite parenté entre les catégories ποῦ et ποτέ, Simplicius étudie les adverbes de temps en suivant comme modèle la doctrine grammaticale des adverbes de lieu.

À la suite de Jamblique, il défend, contre les attaques de Plotin, la thèse soutenue par Aristote dans son Traité des Catégories : ποτέ et ποῦ sont des catégories distinctes et propres, tandis que temps et lieu relèvent de la quantité. Pour fonder cette distinction, Jamblique et Simplicius établissent que ποῦ signifie « la relation au lieu de ce qui est dans le lieu », et ποτέ « la relation au temps de ce qui est dans le temps ».

D'autre part, ποῦ et ποτέ se différencient des relatifs, en ce que la relation constitutive de ces derniers est convertible, ce qui n’est pas le cas de la relation constitutive de ces deux catégories : il s'agit, par exemple, de la relation au lieu de ce qui est dans le lieu, et non de la relation du lieu à ce qui est en lui. [introduction p.  217-218]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NQv0lwgedEPlhBo

Les chrétiens et l’hellénisme: identités religieuses et culture grecque dans l’Antiquité tardive, 2012
By: Perrot, Arnaud (Ed.)

Title	Les chrétiens et l’hellénisme: identités religieuses et culture grecque dans l’Antiquité tardive
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2012
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Rue d'Ulm
Series	Études de littérature ancienne
Volume	20
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Perrot, Arnaud
Translator(s)

Les modernes ont souvent opposé les chrétiens à l’hellénisme. Les auteurs antiques eux-mêmes – qu’ils soient « Grecs » ou chrétiens – semblent avoir thématisé leur antagonisme. Que vaut cette ligne de fracture ? Qu’est-ce qu’être Grec à la fin de l’Antiquité ? Pour quelles raisons un chrétien hellénophone, passé par les écoles de l’Empire et nourri de paideia, ne saurait-il être un Grec, au même titre que les autres ? Qui donne, qui revendique et qui refuse ce titre – et pourquoi ? Les termes dans lesquels le sujet est posé ne sont ni simples, ni neutres. La notion d’hellénisme, qui peut paraître moins confessionnelle que celle de « paganisme », est en réalité marquée par les conflits religieux des époques hellénistique et tardive. Ce sont, on le montrera, les besoins de l’autodéfinition et l’élaboration de la polémique contre l’Autre qui conditionnent les rapports entre les chrétiens et « l’hellénisme ». Cet ouvrage porte une attention particulière au but poursuivi par les auteurs anciens dans chacune de leurs déclarations identitaires, entre langue commune et particularisme religieux. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9Fs2iPPdApqIvv7

Les circonstances de la transmission des fragments de Diogène et la reconstruction de l’argument (Simplicius, Commentaire de la Physique, p. 148,26-153,24), 1983
By: Laks, André

Title	Les circonstances de la transmission des fragments de Diogène et la reconstruction de l’argument (Simplicius, Commentaire de la Physique, p. 148,26-153,24)
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1983
Published in	Diogène d’Apollonie: Edition, traduction et commentaire des fragments et témoignages
Pages	37-53
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The article discusses the circumstances of the transmission of the fragments of Diogenes and the reconstruction of his argument by Simplicius in his Commentary on Physics. It highlights the significance of Simplicius' work in shedding light on the ancient philosopher, and explains how Simplicius came to cite Diogenes verbatim. The article also explores the issue of intermediaries in the texts and the difficulties in their construction. The study is important in understanding the history of philosophy and the transmission of ancient texts. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NoBGGFCfD4qd7PP

Title	Les commentaires et la naissance de la critique littéraire, France/Italie (XIVe-XVIe siècles). Actes du Colloque international sur le Commentaire, Paris, mai 1988
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1990
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Aux Amateurs de Livres
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Mathieu-Castellani, Gisèle , Plaisance, Michel
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GsDNaQjZ5QxBaVr

Les conséquences tragiques pour Parménide d'une erreur d'Aristote, 2024
By: Nestor-Luis Cordero

Title	Les conséquences tragiques pour Parménide d'une erreur d'Aristote
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2024
Journal	Journal of Ancient Philosophy
Volume	18
Issue	1
Pages	1-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Nestor-Luis Cordero
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The difficulty of grasping the thought of Parmenides led interpreters already in antiquity to approach his philosophy according to later schemes of thought. This was the case of Aristotle, whose interpretation was inherited by his disciple Theophrastus and by his commentators, especially Simplicius. Simplicius, a Neoplatonist and Aristotelian at the same time, proposed an interpretation, strongly dualistic (dominated by the sensible/intelligible dichotomy), which is not found in the recovered quotations. The origin of this interpretation is an "error" of Aristotle, inherited by Simplicius, who attributed to Parmenides himself the paternity of the "opinions of mortals". In 1795 G.G.Fülleborn, inspired by Simplicius, proposed a division of the Poem into two "parts", unanimously accepted today, and which must be urgently revised and rejected. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RcInmMNzff21NUZ

Les convictions religieuses de Jean Philopon et la date de son Commentaire aux «Météorologiques», 1953
By: Evrard, Étienne

Title	Les convictions religieuses de Jean Philopon et la date de son Commentaire aux «Météorologiques»
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1953
Journal	Bulletin de la classe des lettres, sciences morales et politiques de l'Académie Royale de Belgique
Volume	5e Série, Tome 39
Pages	299–357
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Evrard, Étienne
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Philopon était probablement un chrétien de naissance. Rien en tout cas n’indique qu'il ait jamais été païen. Dès le début de son activité littéraire, il manifeste son christianisme en interprétant Aristote d’une manière favorable à l’immortalité de l'âme humaine et en le
critiquant à propos de la création du monde et de l’éternité du mouvement. Il fut peut-être séduit un instant par les idées d’Origène, mais les abandonna bientôt. La fermeture de l’école
d’Athènes a sans doute produit sur son esprit une assez forte impression. Il est remarquable en tout cas que son Contre Proclus est l’exact contemporain de cet événement. Peut-être la mesure de Justinien fut-elle difficilement admise dans les cercles philosophiques d'Alexandrie, où païens et chrétiens semblent avoir
fait un effort pour harmoniser leurs points de vue. Philopon aurait alors voulu montrer qu’elle atteignait les disciples d’un philosophe dont l’enseignement était fort criticable et qui n’avait
consenti aucune concession au christianisme. C’est peut-être pour la même raison qu’un peu après, dans son Commentaire aux Météorologiques, il attaqua à plusieurs reprises Damascius, qui dirigeait l’école d'Athènes au moment de sa fermeture. A ce moment encore, il prit apparemment une conscience plus nette
des contradictions entre les doctrines des païen’s et sa religion. C’est en effet dans le Contre Proclus qu’apparaît pour la première fois la critique de la cinquième essence. Un ouvrage postérieur
que nous ne possédons plus y ajoutait une réfutation de la théorie du mouvement surnaturel du feu. On peut penser que Philopon craignait dans ces doctrines une certaine divinisation du ciel dans laquelle il voyait une atteinte à la majesté de Dieu. Le Commentaire aux Météorologiques, composé après 529, révèle une accentuation de cette attitude. On y voit en plus apparaître la
critique de l’astrologie. Enfin le Contre Aristote constitue comme une somme des griefs de Philopon contre le système péripatéticien. Dans le De Opificio mundi, postérieur au Contre Aristote
et écrit après 557, la philosophie n’apparaît plus qu’indirectement et cède la place à la théologie et à l’exégèse biblique.Seule une étude exhaustive des œuvres de Philopon révélerait le degré d'exactitude de cette reconstitution provisoire. Celle-ci me semble du moins respecter plus complètement que celle de Gudeman les indications sur lesquelles j’ai attiré l’attention.
Elle permet en outre de mieux comprendre les répercussions des événements de la première moitié du VIe siècle sur l'esprit
de Philopon. [conclusion, p. 356-357]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/spYKKnIJSQ8Wyan

Les enjeux de la reformulation syllogistique chez les commentateurs grecs du De caelo d’Aristote, 2000
By: Dalimier, Catherine, Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile (Ed.)

Title	Les enjeux de la reformulation syllogistique chez les commentateurs grecs du De caelo d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2000
Published in	Le commentaire entre tradition et innovation. Actes du colloque international de l'institute des traditions textuelles, Paris et Villejuif, 22-25 septembre 1999
Pages	377-386
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dalimier, Catherine
Editor(s)	Goulet- Cazé, Marie-Odile
Translator(s)

Cette étude vise à souligner – si nous n’en étions pas encore persuadés – toute la partialité de commentateurs qui se présentent pourtant comme les dépositaires soigneux d’une tradition. Elle s’applique aux pages apparemment les plus neutres du long Commentaire de Simplicius au Traité sur le ciel d’Aristote, qui utilise et discute de nombreux commentaires grecs antérieurs. Il saute aux yeux que certains développements polémiques de ces commentateurs sont théologiquement motivés, par exemple leurs développements sur l’existence du cinquième élément et ceux qui concernent l’origine de l’univers ; mais, d’une façon plus radicale, leurs enjeux et leur stratégie m’apparaissent au niveau le plus plat de leur discours, dans les pages apparemment impersonnelles où ils reformulent les raisonnements élaborés par Aristote.

Cette reformulation syllogistique (RS), suivant les préceptes donnés dans les ouvrages logiques d’Aristote, fait passer des raisonnements exprimés en langage naturel dans un langage et une disposition canoniques qui mettent en valeur les prémisses explicites ou implicites et isolent la conclusion ; le tout est articulé par des conjonctions et des formules modales qui ne sont pas toujours identiques à celles d’Aristote, ni même présentes dans son texte. Dans le Commentaire au Traité sur le ciel, le caractère répétitif, fastidieux même de ces reformulations, accentué par la structure en abîme de ce traité particulier, la reprise de thèses d’un livre à l’autre, et la circularité de certains raisonnements, peut tromper le lecteur. Gardons-nous pourtant de n’y voir qu’une démonstration scolaire de virtuosité technique. Modifications et ajouts sont beaucoup plus que des effets de variatio à valeur didactique : ils nous confirment les présupposés théologiques et épistémiques du commentateur, présupposés particulièrement importants, s’agissant de la science difficile à classer qu’était l’astronomie dans l’Antiquité. [introduction p. 377-378]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cQxTAlCRsoikXrH

Les fragments, 2008
By: Laks, André

Title	Les fragments
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2008
Published in
Pages	62-71, 118-125, 132-159, 198-201
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A commentary of Fragments in Simplicius: Fragment 4 (B2 FK); Fragment 5 (B7 DK); T3 a and b (A7 and 13A4 DK); T4 (A5 DK); T8 (A19 DK); T23a, b, c, and d (A10 and 13A11 DK); T24 (A10  DK)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Du6NCbF1wmtuJiM

Les introductions aux commentaires exégétiques chez les auteurs néoplatoniciens et les auteurs chrétiens, 1990
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Les introductions aux commentaires exégétiques chez les auteurs néoplatoniciens et les auteurs chrétiens
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1990
Published in	Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Catégories. Traduction commentée sous la direction de Ilsetraut Hadot. Fascicule I: Introduction, Première partie (p. 1-9, 3 Kalbfleisch)
Pages	21-47
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

The text discusses the introductions to exegetical commentaries by Neoplatonic and Christian authors, using Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Categories as an example. It is divided into two parts: the first provides the historical context, sources and method, and the second develops the two traditional outlines used in the introduction of commentaries on the Categories. These two outlines are found in the commentaries of the four other Neoplatonic authors who commented on the Categories, namely Ammonius, Philopon, Olympiodore and David, and also in the Arabic introductions of Al-Farabi and Al-Kindi. The text offers a comparative study of the commentaries and the introductions, highlighting the differences in structure and form. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2ecCQO0VOCCVgZa

Les paraboles de l'escale et du banquet, 2004
By: Hadot, Pierre, Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Hadot, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Les paraboles de l'escale et du banquet
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2004
Published in	Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien
Pages	127-141
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Pierre , Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

Ce chapitre 7 est, dans le plan général du Manuel, le premier chapitre qui se rapporte à la discipline du désir. Il invite, sous une forme imagée, à ne pas s’attacher aux personnes qui nous sont chères, parce que ce ne sont que des dons provisoires.

Dans ce chapitre 7, nous sommes donc en présence d’une comparaison, parabole ou allégorie. Une allégorie est, pourrait-on dire, une métaphore prolongée. Les parties d’un ensemble structuré et cohérent de réalités ou d’événements (A), ici l’escale d’un navire dans un port, correspondent terme à terme aux parties d’un autre ensemble structuré de réalités ou d’événements (B), ici la vie humaine. L’auteur veut faire comprendre, et surtout faire admettre à son lecteur, que la conduite que l’on est obligé d’avoir dans l’ensemble B doit être analogue à celle qui nous semble nécessaire dans l’ensemble A. [introduction p. 127-128]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/aAE3KxzcRfbBvpH

Les paysages reliques. Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore à Simplicius, 1990
By: Tardieu, Michel

Title	Les paysages reliques. Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore à Simplicius
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1990
Publication Place	Louvain
Publisher	Peeters
Series	Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses
Volume	94
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tardieu, Michel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AaZIIzIDKTRzpaF

Les principes cosmologiques du Platonisme : origines, influences et systématisation, 2017
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine (Ed.), Michalewski, Alexandra (Ed.)

Title	Les principes cosmologiques du Platonisme : origines, influences et systématisation
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2017
Publication Place	Turnhout
Publisher	Brepols
Series	Monothéisme et philosophie
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine , Michalewski, Alexandra
Translator(s)

Ce volume étudie les mutations de sens que la notion de principe a connues au sein de la cosmologie platonicienne, depuis l’ancienne Académie jusqu’au néoplatonisme tardif. Dans cet intervalle, la question de la nature et du nombre des principes cosmologiques est apparue comme un enjeu central de la défense du platonisme, dans sa confrontation avec les écoles rivales, mais aussi, à partir de l’époque impériale, avec le christianisme. Au sein de cette histoire, les critiques et réceptions aristotéliciennes ont joué un rôle déterminant et ont, d'un certain point de vue, préparé le tournant inauguré par Plotin : de Théophraste, qui le premier articule la causalité du Premier Moteur et l'héritage platonicien des Formes intelligibles, à Alexandre d'Aphrodise, qui critique l'anthropomorphisme inhérent aux théories providentialistes des platoniciens impériaux, les exégètes péripatéticiens ont ouvert des pistes qui seront adaptées et transformées à travers les différents systèmes néoplatoniciens. Reprenant à Alexandre sa critique des conceptions artificialistes de la cosmologie platonicienne, Plotin s'oppose à lui pour défendre l'efficience causale des Formes intelligibles, qu'il définit comme des réalités vivantes et intellectives, en les insérant dans un système de dérivation de toutes choses depuis l'Un. À sa suite, les différents diadoques néoplatoniciens placeront la vie au cœur du monde intelligible, définissant les Formes comme des réalités vivantes et intellectives dotées d’une efficience propre　: la puissance de faire advenir des réalités dérivées.  [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xevkNHC2VXe7Wgm

Les prières en prose de Simplicius, entre rhétorique et théologie, 2020
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Hoffmann, Philippe (Ed.), Timotin, Andrei (Ed.)

Title	Les prières en prose de Simplicius, entre rhétorique et théologie
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2020
Published in	Théories et practiques de la prière à la fin de l'antiquité
Pages	209-267
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe , Timotin, Andrei
Translator(s)

Les prières en prose de Simplicius, quant à elles, appartiennent toutes à la catégorie des prières conclusives – dont le modèle est fourni par la prière à Pan à la fin du Phèdre de Platon, qui est une référence pour les prières philosophiques 158. De ce point de vue, formel, elles peuvent être rapprochées de la prière finale de la Réponse à Por-
phyre  (De  Mysteriis)  de Jamblique, ou de tel « hymne » en prose de Proclus  marquant  une  césure  importante  dans  la  Théologie  Platoni-
cienne 159. Les autres prières néoplatoniciennes que nous avons citées ou évoquées sont soit des prières initiales soit des prières intervenant 
dans  le  cours  même  d’une  œuvre.  Mais  la  comparaison  entre  toutes  ces prières – souvent complexes – et celles de Simplicius n’est pas 
illégitime et fait apparaître une indéniable parenté : Simplicius s’inscrit dans une tradition spécifiquement néoplatonicienne, où la rhéto-
rique de la prière sert à l’expression d’un savoir théologique et d’une forme de piété personnelle dont le lecteur contemporain entend encore 
les accents. Ses prières sont tout à la fois des prières philosophiques et littéraires, des prières personnelles, des prières demandant des grâces 
particulières, mais aussi de véritables prières cultuelles, dans la mesure où, comme tous les professeurs néoplatoniciens, Simplicius célèbre 
par ses commentaires une véritable liturgie en l’honneur des dieux; et l’on a remarqué aussi l’affleurement d’une dimension théurgique 
que ses prières partagent avec les Hymnes de Proclus.  Ces  différentes catégories ne doivent pas être opposées, car elles se fondent 
ici dans l’unité dynamique de l’acte de parole, qui est aussi un élan de l’âme. Car si ces prières sont des textes écrits, leur vertu anagogique ne peut s’actualiser que dans la vibration sonore et les rythmes révélés par l’analyse stylistique, qui demandent à être prononcés et entendus. 
Le raffinement de l’écriture, ici, appelle une oralisation, et l’on se plaît à imaginer que Simplicius a pu, au moins en son privé, peut-être dans un discours « mental », prononcer ces prières et les faire résonner. Mais  parce  que  ses  prières  sont  l’achèvement  de  commentaires 
destinés à des « commençants » et non à des philosophes confirmés, Simplicius  s’en  tient  à  des  déclarations  théologiques  élémentaires  et  
s’exprime de façon beaucoup plus sobre que Jamblique ou Proclus ; son  style  clair  et  simple  parvient  à  maîtriser  la  solennité  qui  est  de  
règle dans des adresses aux dieux 163, mais comme ses prédécesseurs néoplatoniciens  il  ordonne  chacune  de  ses  prières  au  dieu  ou  aux 
dieux qui veillent, de façon précise, sur l’ordre de réalité visé par son enseignement. À  tous  ces  dieux  Simplicius  demande  un  accompagnement  bienveillant et une aide sur la voie d’une ἀναγωγή indissolublement scientifique et spirituelle qui dépassera la discursivité et à son terme n’aura 
plus besoin du langage, ni même de prière, car elle s’accomplira dans le Silence. [conclusion, pp. 264-267]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/eXg1Z7UIknMFhi4

Les problèmes posés par l'édition critique des textes anciens et médiévaux, 1992
By: Hamesse, Jacqueline (Ed.)

Title	Les problèmes posés par l'édition critique des textes anciens et médiévaux
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1992
Publication Place	Louvain-la-Neuve
Publisher	Institute d'Etudes Médiévales
Series	Textes, Études, Congrès
Volume	13
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Hamesse, Jacqueline
Translator(s)

La meilleure manière d'introduire aux problèmes posés par l'édition critique des textes anciens et médiévaux est de présenter une série de cas concrets illustrant les difficultés inhérentes à ce type de travail et la complexité des éléments à prendre en considération. Les aspects à traiter sont multiples. L'accent a été mis sur la nécessité de tenir compte du contexte historique qui a conditionné la transmission de l'oeuvre et des facteurs matériels qui sont intervenus dans la tradition. Appel a été fait à différents spécialistes ayant rencontré des problèmes spécifiques dans leurs travaux. Le volume contient des articles qui présentent l'expérience de chercheurs qualifiés dans des domaines précis et qui mettent l'accent sur le point de vue méthodologique.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1sNOomXw6buIlXz

Les présocratiques et la question de l'infini, 1981
By: Frère, Jean

Title	Les présocratiques et la question de l'infini
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1981
Journal	Les Études philosophiques
Volume	1
Pages	19-33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Frère, Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Pour ce qui est de la langue grecque, non encore conceptualisée par la démarche philosophique, ce que « illimité » peut véhiculer de non clair pour la raison ou de non rassurant pour le sentiment ne comporte pourtant aucune dimension de cette angoisse et de ce vertige que retiendra Pascal. Lorsque Homère ou Hésiode parlent de la « terre sans limite », lorsque Pindare chante la « renommée infinie » du héros, l’adjectif apeirôn se relie généralement à l’éloge de qualités concernant choses ou hommes. Il y a aussi l’idée de profondeur sans fin (le sommeil, hypnos, Odyssée VII, 286) ou d’ampleur (une foule d’hommes, Iliade XXIV, 776). C’est moins son aspect infini que son pouvoir d’engloutir qui fait caractériser comme terrible la mer infinie. De même, l’adjectif apeirôn, infini, renvoie à l’immensité comme profusion et comme richesse, qu’il s’agisse du lieu, du temps ou du nombre.

Avec les présocratiques, apeiros/to apeiron s’installent dans la pensée philosophique. À travers des textes fragmentaires, il est difficile de savoir avec certitude la conception de l’infini (apeiron) que les présocratiques, de Thalès à Anaxagore et aux sophistes, avaient pu élaborer. Néanmoins, le problème de apeiron n’a pas été sans importance pour eux. Que l’un d’eux, Anaximandre, ait fait de l’apeiron l’archê de l’univers en est la marque. Et Mélissos caractérise le principe (archê) comme infini (apeiron). L’apeiron n’est donc point pour les présocratiques uniquement lié à l’imperfection que sera l’apeiron du Philebe.

Il y a dans la pensée grecque des premiers temps comme un pressentiment de la richesse de l’infini, aussi bien qu’il désigne une absence de limite où la raison se perd. L’apeiron renvoie surtout à la spatialité, se lie à la grandeur (megethos), comme l’éternité (to aidion) se lie au temps. Dans les philosophies où la nature (physis) est aux confins du divin et du matériel, le principe, le tout, les mondes sont caractérisés d’abord par l’infini de grandeur, l’illimité. Mais l’infini est aussi envisagé comme indéfini qualitatif.

Toutefois, face à l’infini qui est déterminé par sa richesse, certains présocratiques ont envisagé aussi l’infini qui est pure indétermination, degré incomplet de l’Être et forme du moindre Être. On trouve ici l’esquisse des conceptions philosophiques qui vont se préciser dans les théories plus élaborées de Platon et d’Aristote. [introduction p. 19-20]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TpFRmhxNzvv4XUL

Les relatifs dans les Catégories
By: Caujolle-Zaslawsky, F.

Title	Les relatifs dans les Catégories
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Published in	Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique
Pages	167-195
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Caujolle-Zaslawsky, F.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Les sources gréco-arabes de la théorie médiévale de l'analogie de l'être, 1989
By: de Libera, Alain

Title	Les sources gréco-arabes de la théorie médiévale de l'analogie de l'être
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1989
Journal	Les Études philosophiques
Volume	3
Issue	4
Pages	319-345
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	de Libera, Alain
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

C'est ici le lieu de revenir sur le concept de denominatio. Dans les versions latines d'Aristote, le mot denominativa désigne, on l'a dit, les « paronymes », c'est-à-dire ces « réalités qui, tout en différant d'une autre (réalité) par la désinence de leur nom, ont une appellation conforme au nom (de cette autre réalité) ».

Chez Maître Eckhart, la notion de « prédication dénominative », empruntée à la Logica d'Avicenne (chap. 3, Venise, 1508, fol. 3 vb), rejoint la notion boécienne de praedicatio des accidentia secundum rem (De Trinitate, chap. 4), exprimant un aspect de la déficience ontologique constitutive de l’étant créé comme tel. Pour lui, dire que « les neuf catégories sont prédiquées dénominativement de la substance » (novem praedicamenta accidentium praedicantur denominative de substantia) signifie que tout étant créé est un dénominatif, c'est-à-dire un étant-ceci ou cela (ens hoc et hoc), et qu'aucun étant-ceci n'est en tant que ceci : tout « ceci » ajouté à la substance est l'expression de la défaillance (casus, πτῶσις) qui accidente le créé.

C'est dans cette tradition complexe, à la fois liée à la théorie averroïste de l'accident et aux théories avicennienne (ontologique) et boécienne (théologique) de la prédication—et non à la théorie de l’analogie selon Simplicius—que se situe le célèbre passage d’In Exodum, où le Thuringien expose sa théorie des catégories, qu'on peut résumer ainsi :

    Les dix catégories ne sont pas les dix premiers étants (decem prima entia), mais les dix genres premiers des étants (decem prima entium genera).
    Il n'y a qu'un étant, la substance ; les autres réalités ne sont pas « étant » (ens), mais « de ou à l’étant » (entis), c’est-à-dire « étant seulement par analogie au seul étant au sens absolu, la substance, comme en témoigne la Métaphysique, livre VII ».
    Les neuf prédicaments de l’accident ne sont donc pas des étants « au cas régime » (entia in recto), mais des étants au « cas oblique » (in obliquo).
    C'est en ce sens « oblique » que l’urine est dite « saine », non par la santé « formellement inhérente », « mais seulement par analogie et renvoi extrinsèque à la santé elle-même, qui au sens propre et formel se trouve seulement dans l’animal » (non sanitate formaliter inhaerente, sed sola analogia et respectu ad ipsam sanitatem extra, quae proprie formaliter est in ipso animali).
    C’est également en ce sens que le vin est dit « être dans l’enseigne », signifiant qu’il se trouve dans la taverne et la bouteille.

Telle est donc la théorie dont Nicolas prétend trouver les contours généraux, ou plus exactement l’instrumentation conceptuelle, chez Simplicius. Certes, il n'en laisse pas l’application métaphysique au commentateur lui-même—ce en quoi il a raison—mais il a tort lorsqu'il lui prête une formulation de l’analogia attributionis, qu'il ne pouvait lire que chez Dietrich de Freiberg et Eckhart.

On peut spéculer à loisir sur une telle absence d'acribie. Mais n'est-ce pas Albert le Grand lui-même qui en inaugure le principe lorsque, dans sa dernière œuvre, la Summa theologiae, il prête à Proclus une distinction entre quatre types de « prédication commune » : une selon l’univocité stricte, trois selon l’analogie—un véritable montage qui, à partir de certaines expressions de Proclus sur le caractère salvifique du bien (« le bien est ce qui sauve tous les êtres et devient ainsi le terme de leur tendance »), lui permet de retrouver en fait l’interprétation averroïste de la triade porphyrienne des homonymes κατὰ διάνοιαν.

Plutôt que d’incriminer les légèretés ou les insuffisances de la doxographie médiévale, nous préférons voir là le témoignage de la puissance d'assimilation et de la productivité de la grille de lecture originairement imposée par Porphyre aux textes d’Aristote.

L’histoire des sources gréco-arabes de la théorie médiévale de l’analogie est celle d’un invariant structurel grec et de ses remplissements arabes, qui, pour finir, retrouve d’autres Grecs traduits par Guillaume de Moerbeke. C’est l’histoire d’une dérive péripatéticienne de l’aristotélisme qui commence chez Porphyre et s’achève dans le néoplatonisme. La production médiévale de l’analogie n’est pas seulement une « replatonisation » d’Aristote, c’est aussi la marque de l’affinité structurelle qui lie entre elles toutes les formes de néoplatonisme. Plus décisif encore, elle procède moins d’un rapprochement des πρός ἕν λεγόμενα avec les synonymes que d’une substitution des πρός ἕν λεγόμενα aux paronymes.

Reconduite à ses sources gréco-arabes, l’analogie apparaît ainsi avant tout comme la théorie d’une transsumption catégorielle archi-fondatrice : celle qui articule toute pensée du rapport entre la substance et l’accident. [conclusion p. 343-345]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FAqS35nEd0udN0w

Les sources vénitiennes de l’édition aldine du Livre I du Commentaire de Simplicius sur la „Physique“ d’Aristote, 1985
By: Codero, Néstor-Luis

Title	Les sources vénitiennes de l’édition aldine du Livre I du Commentaire de Simplicius sur la „Physique“ d’Aristote
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1985
Journal	Scriptorium
Volume	39
Issue	1
Pages	70–88
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Codero, Néstor-Luis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Nous avons vu qu'il était le destinataire des manuscrits d'Aetius empruntés par Marcantonio Contarini à la Marciana, et nous avons supposé que le même procédé s'était appliqué aux deux textes de Simplicius édités en 1526.

Nous conservons une image très floue de ce personnage, dont le nom complet était Gian Francesco Torresani d'Asola. Il était le beau-frère d'Alde Manuce ; son père, Andrea d'Asola, fut le responsable de l'imprimerie depuis la mort d'Alde (1514) jusqu'à 1529.

Selon Degli Agostini, Francesco d'Asola était le protégé du cardinal Hercule de Gonzague — auquel est dédiée l'édition de la Physique — et il avait repris avec succès l'héritage d'Alde. Pour J. B. Egnazio, d'Asola était un « jeune homme cultivé ayant les meilleures habitudes » et, en 1542, Pellicier le remercie de l'envoi à la bibliothèque de Fontainebleau de quatre-vingts manuscrits grecs et de quelques autres manuscrits latins.

Malgré sa gentillesse et ses « meilleures habitudes », il est évident que d'Asola n'adopte pas la devise d'Alde : « Non enim recipio emendaturum libros », car il a beaucoup amendé.

Diels avait raison lorsqu'il signalait que « Aldini exempli editor haud pauca novavit, infeliciter plurima ». [conclusion p. 86]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Gj5dBBrkScJI1Gs

Leucippus, Democritus and the οὐ μᾶλλον Principle: An Examination of Theophrastus Phys.Op. Fr. 8, 2002
By: Schofield, Malcom

Title	Leucippus, Democritus and the οὐ μᾶλλον Principle: An Examination of Theophrastus Phys.Op. Fr. 8
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	47
Issue	3
Pages	253–263
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schofield, Malcom
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper is a   piece of detective work. Starting from an obvious excrescence inthe transmitted text of Simplicius's   treatment of the foundations of Presocraticatomism near the beginning of his Physicscommentary, it excavates a Theophrasteancorrection to Aristotle's   tendency to lump Leucippus and Democritus together: Theophrastus made application of the οὐ μᾶλλον principle in the sphere of ontol-ogy an innovation by Democritus. Along the way it  shows Simplicius reorderinghis Theophrastean source in his efforts to nd material which will strengthen thecontrast between Leucippus's   atomism and Eleatic metaphysics. And it  arguesthat in doing so he all but obliterates TheophrastusÕs   attempt to point up theDemocritean credentials of the οὐ μᾶλλον principle. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Zo6uxvsH3eJYKMj

Levels of human thinking in Philoponus, 1985
By: Verbeke, Gérard, Laga, Carl (Ed.), Munitiz, Joseph A. (Ed.), Rompay, Lucas van (Ed.)

Title	Levels of human thinking in Philoponus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1985
Published in	After Chalcedon. Studies in Theology and Church History. Offered to Professor Albert van Roey for his seventieth birthday
Pages	451-470
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verbeke, Gérard
Editor(s)	Laga, Carl , Munitiz, Joseph A. , Rompay, Lucas van
Translator(s)

What is finally the meaning of Philoponus’s  teaching on  the levels of thought? Taking into account the previous considerations, we may 
conclude that this doctrine  is  intended  to disclose  the true  nature  of philosophical  reflection  as  a  direct  and  immediate  intuition  of  the 
intelligible world.  This disclosure  is an  internal  one:  each  individual bears within himself, in the hidden abodes of his consciousness, a treasure 
of philosophical wisdom". In order to contemplate the highest truth, man should not leave himself,  on  the contrary  he should  come  back 
and turn  to  himself,  to  his  true self.  Most  people live outside  themselves in a permanent forgetfulness of their  real  nature:  they  hardly 
participate in philosophical wisdom, they only possess some common intuitions,  which  are  a  kind  of  trace  or  vestige  of  rational  truth. 
They never come to the level of a direct contemplation of the intelligibles. In  order  to  reach  the  supreme  level  of thinking  man  needs  a  moral preparation,  which  makes  him  able  to  overcome  the  influence  of irrational movements; he also needs an intellectual training by means 
of discursive  reasoning  in  order  to  free  himself from  the  impact  of senses  and  imagination.  If these  requirements  are  fulfilled,  man  be
comes  able to  contemplate  directly  true reality  in  the  internal  world of his consciousness. [conclusion, p. 469]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PBqIyB5guZfHl6C

Light from Aristotle's "Physics" on the Text of Parmenides B 8 D-K, 1977
By: Solmsen, Friedrich

Title	Light from Aristotle's "Physics" on the Text of Parmenides B 8 D-K
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1977
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	22
Issue	1
Pages	10-12
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Solmsen, Friedrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle's reputation as a historian of philosophy is far from good. We do not plead for a revision of the current estimate. The last sentence copied above suggests a causal relation of doctrines that is hard to square with the facts. On the whole, however, he has in this instance done better than usual; for he has, with genuine historical understanding, realized how the early Presocratics, whose search was for physical explanations, were stopped in their tracks when Parmenides issued his peremptory veto of genesis and phthora (how they worked themselves out of this deadlock is irrelevant).
It would be futile to assign this refutation of genesis in both of its forms to any thinker other than Parmenides and no less futile to surmise that Aristotle here, for the sake of completeness or for reasons similar to those operative with Parmenides’ modern interpreters, credited him with an argument he did not use but would have been well advised to use. Throughout a large part of Physics I, Parmenides’ (and Melissus’) position presents the great obstacle to Aristotle's efforts at treating genesis as a reality. The monolithic, unchanging ὄν deprives physics of the principles (archai) without which it cannot build. Aristotle launches attack after attack against the fortress that had so long been considered impregnable. Having conquered it, he constructs his own theory of genesis. It is the "only solution" (monoeidês lysis, 191a23; see above), he declares triumphantly and proceeds to look once more at the objections raised by the Eleatics.
In the remainder of chapter 8, he sets forth, on the basis of his own theory, why genesis from Being and from not-Being are perfectly valid concepts. There are more ways than one to show that they are legitimate. [p. 11-12]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/T9uT5aXwXA1HemE

Light on Creation. Ancient Commentators in Dialogue and Debate on the Origin of the World, 2017
By: Roskam, Geert (Ed.), Verheyden, Joseph (Ed.)

Title	Light on Creation. Ancient Commentators in Dialogue and Debate on the Origin of the World
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2017
Publication Place	Tübingen
Publisher	Mohr Siebeck
Series	Studies and Texts in Antiquity and Christianity
Volume	104
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Roskam, Geert , Verheyden, Joseph
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RheO6AHLHlNX3zp

Logic and Interpretation: Syllogistic Reconstructions in Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, 2021
By: Harari, Orna

Title	Logic and Interpretation: Syllogistic Reconstructions in Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2021
Journal	History of Philosophy & Logical Analysis
Volume	24
Issue	1
Pages	122-139
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Harari, Orna
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this article I explain three puzzling features of Simplicius’ use of syllogistic reconstructions in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics: (1) Why does he reconstruct Aristotle’s non-argumentative remarks? (2) Why does he identify the syllogistic figure of an argument but does not explicitly present its reconstruction? (3) Why in certain lemmata does he present several reconstructions of the same argument? Addressing these questions, I argue that these puzzling features are an expression of Simplicius’ assumption that formal reasoning underlies Aristotle’s prose, hence they reflect his attempt to capture as faithfully as possible Aristotle’s actual mode of reasoning. I show further that, as a consequence of this seemingly descriptive use of syllogistic reconstructions, logic serves Simplicius not only as an expository and clarificatory tool of certain interpretations or philosophical views, but also motivates and shapes his exegetical stances and approach. [conclusion, p. 138]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/agke78hkU27DIVu

Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology, 1965
By: Solmsen, Friedrich

Title	Love and Strife in Empedocles' Cosmology
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1965
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	10
Issue	2
Pages	109-148
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Solmsen, Friedrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The only full-scale interpretation of the evidence which backs up this theory is Ettore Bignone's Empedocle; yet, whatever the merits of this book, it can hardly be denied that in the fifty years since its publication we have learned many new lessons regarding the relative value of testimonies and fragments, the trustworthiness of Aristotle's reports on his precursors, and other questions of vital bearing on the reconstruction of a Presocratic system. A recent textbook which seeks to fit the material into the framework of two cosmogonies does not, in my opinion, succeed in strengthening this position; on the contrary, it may be said that difficulties which were less apparent as long as the discussion confined itself to individual fragments or groups of fragments become more visible when the entire scheme is worked out and presented.

Perhaps the wisest course would be to admit ignorance on crucial points. If I, nevertheless, prefer to offer an alternative reconstruction— in essential aspects a revival of von Arnim's—my hope is that, whether right or wrong, it will serve a good purpose if it shows that opinions currently accepted are not firmly grounded in the evidence at our disposal. I have made no methodical commitment except to keep the Καθαρμοί out of the discussion of Περὶ φύσεως. Similar or identical motifs, like the fundamental importance of Love and Strife, the kinship of all living beings, are clearly present in both poems, but to argue from recurring motifs to an identity or similarity of doctrine is nothing less than a petitio.

There are too many unknown factors. The time interval may have been long or short. The question of priority has not been settled. We cannot assume that Empedocles' mind was of a rigidly dogmatic cast incapable of responding to new experiences and impressions (nor can we know what these experiences may have been). What we do see is that his attitude to "reality" differs in the two works. Surely, the place for a comparison is after the reconstruction of the poems, not prior to or in the course of it. [introduction p. 109-110]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/S9osco1gJvTdfSD

Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note, 1977
By: Clay, Diskin

Title	Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1977
Journal	The Classical Journal
Volume	73
Issue	1
Pages	27-29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Clay, Diskin
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In what must be the shortest textual note ever published, Bailey and Maas recovered the text of Lucretius I. 744:

aera solem imbrem terras animalia fruges
Imbrem scripsimus; ignem codd.

This is their note. Why they wrote imbrem for ignem, they did not say, perhaps because any reader familiar with Lucretius' argument and Empedocles' poem On Nature knows why.

Our manuscripts present us with a world composed of air, the sun, fire, the earth, and the products of the earth (aera solem ignem terras animalia fruges); Empedocles presents us with a world that is rooted in the four elements of air, earth, fire, and water. These he describes variously, but Lucretius has already powerfully invoked them at the very beginning of his poem, well before he returns to them in his refutation of Empedocles' theory of matter.

Within the first nine lines of his proem, he evokes the stars (which are soon associated with fire, I. 231, 1034), the sea, the earth, the light of the sun, winds, the earth, the sea, and again light: in short, not the familiar Roman universe of three elements—the heaven, earth, and water—but the Greek world of air, earth, fire, and water.

This world he returns to as he presents the elemental theories of "those who multiply the elements which generate the world," and who join air to fire and earth to water:

I 714 et qui quattuor ex rebus posse omnia rentur
ex igni terra atque anima procrescere et imbri.

There are no textual problems here, although anima and imber are striking and unusual as descriptions of air and water. Nevertheless, they stand in the text. But the theory of four elements presents a problem when it is reduced by one in the manuscripts of Lucretius: aera, solem, ignem, terras.

Christ saw the problem, and in 1853 he emended the text to give a world of four elements: he took the offending term to be solem, which he emended to rorem—creating a world of air, dew, fire, and earth. This emendation has the virtue of changing only two letters of the manuscripts to create water from the sun, and rorem is a perfectly good Lucretian word for water (cf. I. 771).

Dew is a form of water, but Empedocles does not use it as a term to represent this elemental mass. ὕδωρ (hydor) is a word he used to represent water: Simplicius (commenting on Aristotle's Physics) noticed this—καλεῖ ὕδωρ ὄμβρον—and at least three passages from Empedocles survive to prove him right.

Simplicius knew of Empedocles' various ways of naming his elements, but neither Lucretius' ancient nor modern editors seem to. Imber seemed strange for water, so an early editor or reader of Lucretius emended the text of I. 784-785 to read:

"first these followers of Empedocles make fire transform itself into the gusts of air,"

I 784 hinc ignem gigni terramque creari
ex igni retroque in terram cuncta reverti.

Marullus understood what had gone wrong and emended ignem by imbrem and igni by imbri, making water out of fire and recovering how a Presocratic could imagine a ladder of elemental transformations moving down from air to precipitation to earth.

Lucretius' attack on Empedocles' elemental theory is only one of the many signs of his knowledge of the Περὶ φύσεως (Peri Physeōs). De Rerum Natura I. 744 and 784-785 are not the only passages that reveal this, and these passages are not the only ones where Empedocles' Greek allows Lucretius' modern reader to recover his original text:

II. 1114 ignem ignes procudent aetheraque (aether)

This is restored by Empedocles (DK 31 B 37):

(πυρὶ γὰρ αἰεὶ πῦρ ἐπὶ πυρὶ) αἰεὶ δὲ ξυνοίσει
καὶ ἀὴρ ἀέρι

Lachmann, with the confidence inspired by knowing too much and too little, emended aeraque (aer). Simplicius could have pointed him in the right direction when he gave one of Empedocles' terms for aether as aer, as could Empedocles himself.

This has become a long note on one word in the manuscripts of Lucretius. Its justification is this: Bailey and Maas published their note in 1943. The emendation was incorporated into the text that accompanies Bailey's three-volume commentary on Lucretius (Oxford 1947), but unaccountably, it did not appear in the Oxford text reprinted in 1947 or in any later reprinting.

In the tenth edition of his Lucrèce (Paris 1959), Ernout prints the text of our manuscripts; so does Josef Martin in the five editions of his Lucretius published since 1953. Büchner (Wiesbaden 1966) accepts Christ's rorem as "less drastic" (levior) than imbrem, and so, evidently, does Müller (Fribourg 1975).

Only one of the major editions of Lucretius to appear since 1943, that of Martin Ferguson Smith (London and Cambridge, Mass. 1975), prints what Lucretius wrote: the rest prefer dew to rain.

So weak is the force of ratio et res ipsa. [the entire text p. 27-29]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/a3Cc8mgHkQFW4AL

Mansel’e Armağan. Mélanges Mansel, vol. I, 1974
By: Mansel, Arif Müfid (Ed.), Akurgal, Ekrem (Ed.), Alkım, Uluğ Bahadır (Ed.)

Title	Mansel’e Armağan. Mélanges Mansel, vol. I
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1974
Publication Place	Ankara
Publisher	Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Mansel, Arif Müfid , Akurgal, Ekrem , Alkım, Uluğ Bahadır
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ySvGVCjObmF3lEv

Mathematical Explanation and the Philosphy of Nature in Late Ancient Philosophy: Astronomy and the Theory of the Elements, 2012
By: Opsomer, Jan

Title	Mathematical Explanation and the Philosphy of Nature in Late Ancient Philosophy: Astronomy and the Theory of the Elements
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale
Volume	23
Pages	65-106
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Opsomer, Jan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Late ancient Platonists discuss two theories in which geometric entities explain natural 
phenomena :  the  regular  polyhedra  of  geometric  atomism  and  the  eccentrics  and  epicycles 
of astronomy. Simplicius explicitly compares the status of the first to the hypotheses of the astronomers. The point of comparison is the fallibility of both theories, not the (lack of) reality 
of the entities postulated. Simplicius has strong realist commitments as far as astronomy is concerned. Syrianus and Proclus too do not consider the polyhedra as devoid of physical reality. Proclus rejects epicycles and eccentrics, but accepts the reality of material homocentric spheres, moved by their own souls. The spheres move the astral objects contained in them, which, however, add motions caused by their own souls. The epicyclical and eccntric hypotheses are useful, as they help us to understand the complex motions resulting from the interplay of spherical motions and volitional motions of the planets. Yet astral souls do not think in accordance with human theoretical constructs, but rather grasp the complex patterns of their motions directly. Our understanding of astronomy depends upon our own cognition of intelligible patterns and their mathematical images. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NrliupadtaqUhIR

Mathematics and Philosophy in Proclus' Commentary on Book I of Euclid's Elements, 1987
By: Mueller, Ian, Pépin, Jean (Ed.), Saffrey, Henri Dominique (Ed.)

Title	Mathematics and Philosophy in Proclus' Commentary on Book I of Euclid's Elements
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Proclus, lecteur et interprète des anciens. Actes du colloque international du CNRS, Paris (2-4 octobre 1985)
Pages	305-318
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mueller, Ian
Editor(s)	Pépin, Jean , Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Translator(s)

In  the  prologue  to  his  commentary  on  book  I  of  Euclid’s Elements Proclus  refers  to  two  areas  of  disagreement  among  the  Platonists concerning  mathematics.  In  the  first passage  in  which  he  does  this (29.14ff.)  he  indicates  that  some  philoi  from  his  own  hearth  encourage 
students  to  disdain mathematics,  enlisting  on  their  side  Plato  himself because  of  some  of  Socrates’  remarks  in  the  Republic,  notably  the rhetorical  question  of  533 c 3-5 [...]. The  second  passage  comes  at  the  end  of  Proclus’  famous description  of  the  character  of  geometry [...]. In  this  paper  I wish  to  pursue  these  disagreements  in  the  hopes  of throwing  light  on  distinctive  features  of  Proclus’  philosophy  of mathematics. [Introduction, p. 305]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KU98nZhkgyJWbsr

Mathematik und Phänomene. Eine Polemik über naturwissenschaftliche Methode bei Simplikios, 2000
By: Haas, Frans A. J. de

Title	Mathematik und Phänomene. Eine Polemik über naturwissenschaftliche Methode bei Simplikios
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2000
Journal	Antike Naturwissenschaft und ihre Rezeption
Volume	10
Pages	107–129
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Im Hinblick auf die grundlegende Verschiedenheit zwischen der platonischen und aristotelischen Wertung der Mathematik und der Phänomene kann man erwarten, daß es genau im Kontext der platonischen Deutung der aristotelischen Schriften zu einer interessanten Auseinandersetzung kommen mußte.
Ein gutes Beispiel ist der Kommentar des Neuplatonikers Simplikios (tätig nach 530 n. Chr.) zur aristotelischen Schrift Über den Himmel. Wie bekannt, hat uns Simplikios in diesem Kommentar wichtige Informationen über die Astronomie und die einschlägige Wissenschaftstheorie bis auf seine Zeit, das 6. Jahrhundert nach Christus, überliefert. Hier werde ich mich mit zwei wichtigen methodischen Fragen befassen, die von Simplikios erörtert werden. Erstens: Was ist die Erklärungskraft der mathematischen Prinzipien im physischen Bereich? Und zweitens: Was ist die erkenntnistheoretische Bedeutung der Phänomene? In einem letzten Abschnitt werde ich mich kurz dem Einfluß der neuplatonischen Aristotelesdeutung auf das moderne Verstehen der aristotelischen Methodologie zuwenden. [from the introduction, p. 110]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/omuK2yp1p7YceKI

Matière et résolution : Anaxagore et ses interprètes, 1996
By: Lefebvre, René

Title	Matière et résolution : Anaxagore et ses interprètes
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1996
Journal	Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume	186
Issue	1
Pages	31-54
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lefebvre, René
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Anaxagore est, dit-on, le plus difficile des présocratiques. La doctrine de la matière exerce une fascination toute particulière, ne serait-ce que pour cause d'état lacunaire des textes et sans doute de généralité de l'esquisse ; puis, par un effet d'entraînement, l'ampleur, la diversité et la qualité des réactions herméneutiques elles-mêmes génèrent un commentaire sans cesse recommencé. On entend identifier, résoudre, dissoudre des problèmes, ou des pseudo-problèmes projetés par la tradition sur une œuvre qui n'en peut mais.

Anaxagore surtout fascine par la tension qu'engendrent certaines options doctrinales, l'essentiel étant sur ce point le conflit entre une conception réputée homéomérique de la matière et le principe de τὸ ὁμοῦ πάντα. La succession des interprétations a amélioré notre compréhension de la philosophie du Clazoménien ; cependant, nous ne savons plus toujours ni ce qu'il faut imputer à cette dernière, ni même ce que nous n'y comprenons pas, et il nous arrive de confondre des questions différentes : la division spatiale n'est pas la discrimination qualitative, tout élémentarisme n'est peut-être pas corpusculariste, tout corpuscularisme n'est pas nécessairement atomistique.

Les réflexions qui suivent se développent sur trois niveaux : la première partie consiste en une présentation minimale de la doctrine ; les notes entendent en faire ressortir les aspects problématiques, en indiquant les principales options herméneutiques. Soucieuse de ne masquer ni les apories ni les paradoxes, la deuxième partie propose des clarifications et des distinctions qu'il faut prendre moins comme des indications matérielles sur la doctrine que comme des suggestions formelles à destination du commentaire ultérieur.

La notion de résolution m'a paru la plus apte à englober dans un cadre commun les discussions sur les puissances, les parties, les semences, les homéomères, l'infiniment petit, etc.
[introduction p. 31-32]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/X6EflTJBUsEaivP

Matrices of Genre: Authors, Canons, and Society, 2000
By: Depew, Mary (Ed.), Obbink, Dirk (Ed.)

Title	Matrices of Genre: Authors, Canons, and Society
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2000
Publication Place	Cambridge (Mass.)
Publisher	Harvard University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Depew, Mary , Obbink, Dirk
Translator(s)

The literary genres given shape by the writers of classical antiquity are central to our own thinking about the various forms literature takes. Examining those genres, the essays collected here focus on the concept and role of the author and the emergence of authorship out of performance in Greece and Rome.

In a fruitful variety of ways the contributors to this volume address the questions: what generic rules were recognized and observed by the Greeks and Romans over the centuries; what competing schemes were there for classifying genres and accounting for literary change; and what role did authors play in maintaining and developing generic contexts? Their essays look at tragedy, epigram, hymns, rhapsodic poetry, history, comedy, bucolic poetry, prophecy, Augustan poetry, commentaries, didactic poetry, and works that "mix genres."

The contributors bring to this analysis a wide range of expertise; they are, in addition to the editors, Glenn W. Most, Joseph Day, Ian Rutherford, Deborah Boedeker, Eric Csapo, Marco Fantuzzi, Stephanie West, Alessandro Barchiesi, Ineke Sluiter, Don Fowler, and Stephen Hinds. The essays are drawn from a colloquium at Harvard's Center for Hellenic Studies. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yqvzvd62JmM5MpJ

Matter, Space, and Motion. Theories in Antiquity and Their Sequel, 1988
By: Sorabji, Richard

Title	Matter, Space, and Motion. Theories in Antiquity and Their Sequel
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1988
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The nature of matter was as intriguing a question for ancient philosophers as it is for contemporary physicists, and Matter, Space, and Motion presents a fresh and illuminating account of the rich legacy of the physical theories of the Greeks from the fifth century B.C. to the late sixth century A.D. [a.a]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UMwsdcucXfrqkbZ

Mediaeval Versions of Aristotle, De Caelo, and of the Commentary of Simplicius, 1950
By: Allan, Donald J.

Title	Mediaeval Versions of Aristotle, De Caelo, and of the Commentary of Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1950
Journal	Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies
Volume	2
Pages	82–120
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Allan, Donald J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The main problem with which we shall be concerned is the authorship of the versions of De Caelo from the Greek that appeared during the thirteenth century. But it will be best to begin with a recapitulation of the facts ascertained by previous writers concerning the Arabic-Latin versions in which this treatise first became known in the lands of Western Europe.
Until the middle of the thirteenth century, the work was commonly known and quoted in one of two versions:
1. A version of the text alone, beginning: Summa cognicionis nature et scientie ipsam demonstrantis. Its author, as we know from manuscript authority, was Gerard of Cremona (d. 1187).
2. A version accompanying the commentary of Averroes, beginning: Maxima cognicio nature et scientia demonstrans ipsam. The translator, Michael Scot, dedicated his work to Stephanus de Pruvino, who, along with two others, was commissioned by Gregory IX in 1231 to examine Aristotle’s writings on natural philosophy and to report on their contents.
Moreover, Avicenna had compiled a summary of the doctrine of this treatise, arranged under sixteen headings, which had been translated into Latin even before Gerard’s version appeared. It bears the title: Collectiones expositionum ab antiquis Graecis in libro Aristotelis qui dicitur liber caeli et mundi. Expositiones istae in sedecim continentur capitulis. Among the manuscripts of this work (which are, however, very numerous) are: Oxford, Balliol College 173A and 284; Bodleian, Selden supra 24; Paris, B.N. Lat. 16604—all from the thirteenth century. A much-emended text can be found in the edition of Avicenna’s scientific writings printed in Venice in 1308. This is not the place to discuss the origin of Avicenna’s summary or its influence on scholastic philosophy; however, it may be said that the translation, like those of similar works of Avicenna, must have been due to the Toledo scholars, such as Gundisalvi and John Avendehut (c. 1150). The summary clearly foregrounds the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of the physical world, which naturally calls to mind the decree issued to the University of Paris in 1215: Non legantur libri Aristotelis de metaphysica et naturali philosophia, nec summa de iisdem. According to Roger Bacon, the attack was directed against the expositions by Avicenna and Averroes.
In the latter half of the thirteenth century, a translation from the Greek makes its appearance. No exact date can be given, but several indications point to the decade 1260–1270. Jourdain observed that De Caelo is quoted by Albertus Magnus only in the Arabic versions, and Grabmann has pointed out that Codex Urbinas Latinus 206, written in 1253, contains De Caelo and the first three books of the Meteorologica in Arabic versions, while Physics and De Generatione occur in versions from the Greek. The first author to quote the text in this new translation is, as far as is known, Roger Bacon in the Opus Majus (1266–1267). Finally, it is known from Balliol College MS. 99 that the version of Simplicius’ commentary by William of Moerbeke was completed in 1271. This must have been accompanied by a translation of at least the Aristotelian passages quoted as “lemmata.”
An attempt has been made to show that a version from the Greek was already current in the twelfth century. Haskins quotes the following passage from the preface to the version of the Almagest, completed around 1160 by a Sicilian translator: Tut ergo boni muneris memor, quo earum quas Aristoteles acrivellatas vocat artium doctrina—animum sitientem liberaliter imbuit... etc. He sees in this a reference to De Caelo III 306b27, where, in the course of a criticism of the Timaeus, Aristotle says:
πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἀνάγκη μὴ πᾶν σῶμα λέγειν διαιρετόν, ἀλλὰ μάχεσθαι ταῖς ἀκριβεστάταις ἐπιστήμαις.
However, at least two other passages must be borne in mind:
1. Metaphysics 982a25:
ἀκριβέσταται δὲ τῶν ἐπιστημῶν αἱ μάλιστα τῶν πρώτων εἰσιν.
2. Nicomachean Ethics I 1141a16:
ὥστε δῆλον ὅτι ἀκριβεστάτη ἂν τῶν ἐπιστημῶν εἴη ἡ σοφία.
In neither of these passages do the earliest translators transliterate the Greek word, and it is possible that the writer of the preface is not quoting a current translation but referring to the Greek original. It seems improbable that the De Caelo passage should be the one he had in mind, as it is not part of an explicit discussion of scientific method, and the reference to mathematics is purely incidental. Much stronger evidence would be needed to justify the supposition of an otherwise unknown translation.
The commentary of St. Thomas Aquinas on this treatise was certainly composed between 1271 and 1274. He uses throughout the version of Simplicius’ commentary that William of Moerbeke completed on June 15, 1271. Balliol College MS. 99 ends with the note: Ego autem frater Guylermus de Morbeka de ordine fratrum predicatorum, domini papae penitenciarius et capellanus, hoc cum magno corporis labore et multo mentis tedio latinitati offero, putans in hoc translationis opere me plura Latinorum studiis addidisse. Expleta autem fuit haec translacio Viterbii A.D. MCCLXXI XVII Kal. Iulii post mortem bonae memoriae Clementis papae quarti, apostolica sede vacante. When St. Thomas died in March 1274, he had only completed his commentary as far as Book III, chapter 3. His manuscript of Simplicius may have temporarily passed into the possession of Peter of Auvergne, who was entrusted with completing the commentary. However, St. Thomas had apparently promised the manuscript to the Faculty of Arts in Paris. A. Birkenmajer, in Vermischte Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der mittelalterlichen Philosophie, called attention to a letter addressed by the Faculty to the General Chapter of the Dominican Order, then meeting in Lyons, in which they asked for the dispatch of certain manuscripts, including Simplicius on De Caelo, in accordance with this promise. [introduction p. 82-85]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yBMjK2X5ugL3938

Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Categories, 2008
By: Newton, Lloyd A. (Ed.)

Title	Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Categories
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2008
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Newton, Lloyd A.
Translator(s)

Medieval commentary writing has often been described as a way of "doing philosophy," and not without reason. The various commentaries on Aristotle's Categories we have from this period did not simply elaborate a dialectical exercise for training students; rather, they provided their authors with an unparalleled opportunity to work through crucial philosophical problems, many of which remain with us today. As such, this unique commentary tradition is important not only in its own right, but also to the history and development of philosophy as a whole. The contributors to this volume take a fresh look at it, examining a wide range of medieval commentators, from Simplicius to John Wyclif, and discussing such issues as the compatibility of Platonism with Aristotelianism; the influence of Avicenna; the relationship between grammar, logic, and metaphysics; the number of the categories; the status of the categories as a science realism vs. nominalism; and the relationship between categories.

Online Resources

Megaric Metaphysics, 2012
By: Bailey, Dominic

Title	Megaric Metaphysics
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Ancient philosophy
Volume	32
Issue	2
Pages	303-321
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bailey, Dominic
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I have attempted to show that, with some imaginative reconstruction, there is a good deal more to Megaricism than meets the eye. While the position is doubtless false, there are nevertheless reasons for being sympathetic to its conjuncts, especially if one has, as some philosophers still do, a fetish for the actual and a perplexity about the indefinite, whether the indefiniteness of the modal or that of the non-particular. I have shown how anti-Platonism about common nouns of the kind evinced by Stilpo makes M2 seem better considered than at first. And I have shown how skepticism about possibility without actuality, from which later logicians such as Diodorus and Philo felt they could not stray too far (see Bobzien 1993, 1998), makes M1 seem better considered than at first.

Moreover, I have demonstrated the impressive coherence of Megaricism, insofar as its conjuncts, as I interpret them, are both mutually entailing and, each in their ways, both Parmenidean and Protagorean. Megaricism is wrong, but sufficiently intriguing and well-integrated to make it worthy of serious consideration. [conclusion p. 320]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YNcy1URcz4PUK83

Metacommentary, 1992
By: Barnes, Jonathan, Annas, Julia (Ed.)

Title	Metacommentary
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1992
Published in	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Pages	267-281
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Barnes, Jonathan
Editor(s)	Annas, Julia
Translator(s)

Simplicius is in the scholarly news; the Neoplatonists are making a comeback; and the Greek commentaries on Aristotle are submitting to renewed scholarly scrutiny and enjoying some little publicity. Students of Greek philosophy have always referred to Simplicius and his fellows; but they have usually read a page here and a paragraph there, and their primary interest in the works has been in their value as sources for earlier thought (for the Presocratics, for the Stoics). This approach to a text has its dangers; and it is an unqualified good that Simplicius’ works are now being studied hard for themselves and as wholes. The French metacommentary may be regarded, and should be welcomed, as a part of this enterprise. But I am, I suspect, not alone in hoping that the next nine fascicles may prove a touch more sprightly and a touch more lithe. [conclusion p. 280-281]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FBuj9EwgXQZ5fXT

Title	Metaphysicizing the Aristotelian Categories. Two References to the Parmenides in Simplicius’ Commentary on the Categories (Simplicius, In Categorias 4 [CAG 8, 75,6 Kalbfleisch] and In Categorias 8 [291,2 K.])
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2008
Journal	Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum
Volume	12
Issue	1
Pages	150-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bechtle, Gerald
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Der Artikel geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die aristotelische Kategorienschrift im Neuplatonismus zur Deutung der ersten Prinzipien genutzt und dadurch selbst als Teil metaphysischer Überlegungen etabliert wurde. Dadurch stellt sich die Frage, ob eine Verbindung mit der Rezeption von Platons Parmenides besteht, der für die Deutung der höchsten Prinzipien grundlegend war. Dies wird exemplarisch an Simplicius und dessen Kategorienkommentar untersucht. In diesem geht Simplicius an zwei Stellen explizit auf Platons Parmenides ein. Beide Stellen werden analysiert. Es zeigt sich, dass Simplicius die Terminologie der Kategorien durchaus auf Gott, das Gute oder das Eine anwendet, auch wenn an der weit verbreiteten Ansicht, die Kategorien könnten sich nur auf sprachlich ausdrückbare, also wahrnehmbare Dinge beziehen, nicht gerüttelt wird.

Hiervon ist jedoch die Position des Iamblichus zu unterscheiden, der die Kategorien auch für den noetischen Bereich annehmen konnte. In eine ähnliche Richtung weist die zweite explizite Bezugnahme auf Platons Parmenides in Simplicius’ Kategorienkommentar, die sich mit dem Ausschluss von Mehr-Weniger beschäftigt. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8GUIq8DJVD3GuiA

Metaphysik und Religion: Zur Signatur des spätantiken Denkens / Akten des Internationalen Kongresses vom 13.-17. März 2001 in Würzburg, 2002
By: Kobusch, Theo (Ed.), Erler, Michael (Ed.)

Title	Metaphysik und Religion: Zur Signatur des spätantiken Denkens / Akten des Internationalen Kongresses vom 13.-17. März 2001 in Würzburg
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2002
Publication Place	München - Leipzig
Publisher	Saur
Series	Beiträge zur Altertumskunde
Volume	160
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Kobusch, Theo , Erler, Michael
Translator(s)

Die Beiträge zur Altertumskunde enthalten Monographien, Sammelbände, Editionen, Übersetzungen und Kommentare zu Themen aus den Bereichen Klassische, Mittel- und Neulateinische Philologie, Alte Geschichte, Archäologie, Antike Philosophie sowie Nachwirken der Antike bis in die Neuzeit. Dadurch leistet die Reihe einen umfassenden Beitrag zur Erschließung klassischer Literatur und zur Forschung im gesamten Gebiet der Altertumswissenschaften. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lv1Opvh3eZrvkIS

Method and Order in Renaissance Philosophy of Nature: The Aristotle Commentary Tradition, 1997
By: Di Liscia, Daniel A. (Ed.), Keßler, Eckhard (Ed.), Methuen, Charlotte (Ed.)

Title	Method and Order in Renaissance Philosophy of Nature: The Aristotle Commentary Tradition
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	Hampshire - Brookfield
Publisher	Ashgate
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Di Liscia, Daniel A. , Keßler, Eckhard , Methuen, Charlotte
Translator(s)

The volume results from a seminar sponsored by the ’Foundation for Intellectual History’ at the Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel, in 1992. Starting with the theory of regressus as displayed in its most developed form by William Wallace, these papers enter the vast field of the Renaissance discussion on method as such in its historical and systematical context. This is confined neither to the notion of method in the strict sense, nor to the Renaissance in its exact historical limits, nor yet to the Aristotelian tradition as a well defined philosophical school, but requires a new scholarly approach. Thus - besides Galileo, Zabarella and their circles, which are regarded as being crucial for the ’emergence of modern science’ in the end of the 16th century - the contributors deal with the ancient and medieval origins as well as with the early modern continuity of the Renaissance concepts of method and with ’non-regressive’ methodologies in the various approaches of Renaissance natural philosophy, including the Lutheran and Calvinist traditions.

Online Resources

Methods in examining sense-perception: John Philoponus and Ps.-Simplicius, 2008
By: Lautner, Peter

Title	Methods in examining sense-perception: John Philoponus and Ps.-Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2008
Journal	Laval théologique et philosophique
Volume	64
Issue	3
Pages	651-661
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lautner, Peter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The paper discusses the methods applied by Philoponus and Pseudo-Simplicius in commenting on Aristotle’s theory of sense-perception, and indicates their differences. Philoponus frequently employs medical theories and empirical material, mostly taken from Aristotle, to highlight not only the activities of the particular senses, but also a certain kind of awareness and the way we experience our inner states. By contrast, his Athenian contemporary Pseudo-Simplicius disregards such aspects altogether. His method is deductive: He relies on some general thesis, partly taken from Iamblichus, from which to derive theses on sense-perception. The emphasis falls on Philoponus’ doctrine since his reliance on medical views leads to an interesting blend of Platonic and medical/empirical theories. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Hp3HmG57KFdbOQW

Mixis: le problème du mélange dans la philosophie grecque d'Aristote à Simplicius, 2016
By: Groisard, Jocelyn

Title	Mixis: le problème du mélange dans la philosophie grecque d'Aristote à Simplicius
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2016
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Belles lettres
Series	Anagôgê
Volume	9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Groisard, Jocelyn
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Que se passe-t-il quand de l'eau et du vin se melangent ? Comment les quatre elements simples du monde physique se melent-ils les uns aux autres pour former les choses qui nous entourent ? La multitude des couleurs vient-elle aussi d'un melange de couleurs simples ? Deux corps melanges sont-ils simplement juxtaposes a une echelle microscopique ou bien peuvent-ils se compenetrer de sorte qu'il y aurait deux corps dans le meme lieu ? L'union de l'ame et du corps est-elle un melange ? Telles sont quelques-unes des questions etonnamment diverses que croise cette histoire du probleme du melange dans la philosophie grecque. Le recit propose ici suit trois lignes principales : la tradition peripateticienne, qui, d'Aristote a son commentateur Alexandre d'Aphrodise, elabore un modele de melange par mediation ou les ingredients de depart s'assimilent reciproquement pour s'unifier en un compose qualitativement intermediaire ; la doctrine stoicienne de la mixtion de part en part , ou les ingredients se compenetrent jusqu'a devenir parfaitement coextensifs ; le neoplatonisme et les transpositions qu'il opere a partir des modeles physiques precedents pour penser non seulement des relations entre corps mais aussi celle entre l'ame et le corps ou bien entre les realites incorporelles ou immaterielles de l'arriere-monde suprasensible. Fondee sur un vaste corpus de textes couvrant pres d'un millenaire d'histoire de la philosophie grecque, cette etude se veut aussi une proposition de methode : donner a lire les textes eux-memes et rester au plus pres de l'analyse des sources pour suivre parmi l'etonnant foisonnement des doctrines les developpements aussi divers qu'inattendus que la raison humaine, dans sa luxuriante imagination theorique, sait donner a la meme idee, fut-elle aussi courante et intuitive que celle de melange. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4jHtsWKi2OwB3cO

Mixture in Philoponus: An Encounter with a Third Kind of Potentiality, 2016
By: de Haas, Frans A. J., Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Mixture in Philoponus: An Encounter with a Third Kind of Potentiality
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	413-436
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	de Haas, Frans A. J.
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Zabarella’s reports on his sources should be handled with care. His summaries of Alexander are inadequate, his understanding of Philoponus is wrong. He himself claims that his ‘true’ interpretation of Averroes was not followed by any Averroist (see e.g. 465A, 466B), which should give us pause as well. Moreover, I fail to see how he can believe that his complicated interpretation of Averroes can be backed up by his interpretation of Alexander and Philoponus: they seem to represent three quite different doctrines indeed. Although a quick glance at Zabarella’s other medieval sources seems to confirm his classification of them, it cannot be ruled out that closer inspection will yield some surprises, as it did with Philoponus. The details of Zabarella’s own theory of mixture still await further investigation.

To conclude on a more general note: in charting the commentary tradition on Aristotle’s work from Late Antiquity through Arabic, Latin Medieval, and Renaissance authors, it is tempting to assume we are dealing with a single line of tradition. However, it is still far from clear which ancient commentaries were available (in Greek or in Arabic, Syrian, or Latin translation) at what date. But even if this can be established, we cannot be sure that a particular commentator actually used his predecessors’ commentaries, even when he refers to them by name: perhaps he merely copied a reference from another commentary. In this way, Zabarella’s mistake may have arisen. More importantly, every commentator who analyzes the problem of the potentiality of the ingredients in a mixture as it is presented in Aristotle’s texts in On Generation and Corruption is faced with a limited number of possible solutions. Every commentator, then, is perfectly capable of re-inventing the wheel. However, the application of the third kind of potentiality in the context of mixture seems to have been invented for the first time by John Philoponus.
[conclusion p. 434-435]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ldUX6hfn5ClzTTs

Title	Modifications of the method of inquiry in Aristotle’s Physics I.1. An essay on the dynamics of the ancient commentary tradition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	The dynamics of Aristotelian natural philosophy from Antiquity to the seventeenth century
Pages	31-56
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de
Editor(s)	Leijenhorst, Cees , Lüthy, Christoph , Thijssen, J. M. M. H.
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dDhNbH3yjSg3bKC

More on Zeno's "Forty logoi", 1990
By: Tarrant, Harold

Title	More on Zeno's "Forty logoi"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1990
Journal	Illinois Classical Studies
Volume	15
Issue	1
Pages	23-37
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarrant, Harold
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I believe that the issue must be tackled again, not merely because of Dillon’s judiciously aporetic conclusion, but because I fear that there are important points which have not yet been addressed. Firstly, from a passage not included in Dillon's survey but which seems to me to be relevant, it appears that the allegedly Zenonian work was known to much earlier, pre-Plotinian interpreters, who considered it important for the interpretation of the hypotheses of the second part of the Parmenides, at least down to 155e and possibly beyond. This increases the potential importance of the work, as well as marginally increasing its claim to be genuine; at least it was not a Neoplatonic forgery.

Secondly, despite Proclus’ apparent familiarity with it, the work does not seem to clarify Plato's puzzling reference to the “first hypothesis of the first logos” at 127d7. One would have expected that consultation of the relevant text of Zeno would have done so, and this might be considered an obstacle to believing that the work is what it purports to be.

Thirdly, there is a significant question of Proclus’ independence. There are some troubling features about the historical material in this commentary which are absent from his Timaeus commentary, for instance. Most relevant here is the rather scrappy way in which Parmenides himself has been quoted. On p. 665, the three short quotations from B8 are out of order; on p. 708, two of the same snippets from B8 have B5 (whose genuineness is less than certain) inserted between them. On p. 1152, we encounter seven tiny quotations, with the five from B8 this time being in the correct order, but with an impossible version of B3 inserted between B8.30 and B8.35-36; B4.1 then follows.

The total number of lines quoted in whole or in part (excluding uncertain allusions) amounts to only 21 (9 of these from B8.25-36), but some lines appear three or more times (B8.4, 25, 29, 44). It is clear that Proclus remembered certain favorite phrases, and one doubts whether he was referring to any text, except possibly at p. 1134, where a passage of four lines is quoted. Even here, either Proclus or the scribes have failed us in the last line. Likewise, there is no need to suppose that he is referring at any point to the alleged work of Zeno. Certainly, he knows something about it, and he may well have had access to it and read it in the past. But I do not find anything in the text requiring that he consult the work as he writes.

Furthermore, if we bear in mind that earlier interpreters had made use of the Forty Logoi, much of Proclus' material on the work could plausibly be attributed to borrowings from earlier commentaries. One commentary he certainly used is that of Plutarch of Athens, whose work on earlier interpreters Proclus evidently admired (p. 1061.18-20). We should not allow any admiration for Proclus as a philosopher, or even for the doxographic material in other commentaries, to lead us to suppose that his reports will be either original or reliable in this commentary. [introduction p. 23-24]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YLhtdTiVc9rnvdt

Movers and Shakers, 2005
By: Lane Fox, Robin, Smith, Andrew (Ed.)

Title	Movers and Shakers
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The philosopher and society in late antiquity. Essays in honour of Peter Brown
Pages	19-50
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lane Fox, Robin
Editor(s)	Smith, Andrew
Translator(s)

In  late  antiquity,  as  in  all  other  periods,  philosophy had  the  power  to 
change  a person’s  choice  of life  and  scale  of values.  The  ‘shakers’  of my 
title are people who  passed on  this sort of impact to others.  Philosophy, 
including  Platonist  philosophy,  also  addressed  the  intellectual’s  relation 
to  contemporary  society.  If that  society  was  incurably  misguided,  then 
the philosopher might have no option except to leave it. In late antiquity, 
some took this option, and they are my ‘movers’. Both the ‘shakers’ and the 
‘movers’ need to be understood in terms of the philosophy they professed, 
but  a sufficient  understanding  of their  actions  does  not  require  a deep 
analysis of their deepest thoughts. They are within a historian’s grasp, and 
so I will discuss individuals, their texts and contexts without a close reading 
of particular arguments. [Introduction, p. 19]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8VcnG6x2IAjup1i

Much Ado About 'Nothing': μηδέν and τὸ μὴ ἐόν in Parmenides, 2002
By: Sanders, Katie R.

Title	Much Ado About 'Nothing': μηδέν and τὸ μὴ ἐόν in Parmenides
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Apeiron
Volume	35
Issue	2
Pages	87–104
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sanders, Katie R.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It is, to my knowledge, a universally accepted assumption among contemporary commentators that μηδέν, 'nothing,' and το μη ἔον, 'what-is-not,' function as synonyms in Parmenides' poem. In this paper, I focus primarily on the central role this supposed semantic equivalence plays in arguments supporting an emendation in line 12 of fragment B8. Despite this scholarly unanimity regarding the synonymy of these two Greek terms and the popularity of the emendation, I contend that we can make the best sense of Parmenides' argument in this and the surrounding lines precisely by retaining the manuscript reading and recognizing the difference in meaning between 'nothing' and 'what-is-not.' This claim, of course, also has broader implications for the interpretation of Parmenides' poem generally. [introduction p. 87-88]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TyAsS6APM6xvpAp

Musonius and Simplicius, 1903
By: Mayor, John E.B.

Title	Musonius and Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1903
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	17
Issue	1
Pages	23-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mayor, John E.B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A new edition of the remains of Musonius is advertised; and indeed Peerlkamp's edition has long been out of date and is little known. In two interesting fragments (Stob. flor. 17 n. 43 Meineke, n. 42 Hense, and 18 n. 38 M, 37 H, 10. Stob. anthol. iii. 503, 523, Weidmann 1894), Hense illustrates some details from other authors but has missed the most comprehensive parallel, the commentary of Simplicius on Epictetus Enchiridion c. 46 (of Schweighäuser's edition c. 33 s. 7, Epict. iv. 427-8).
[introduction p. 23]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cXhfxWvaVaNv6wx

Mélanges Gilbert Dagron, 2002
By: Déroche, Vincent (Ed.)

Title	Mélanges Gilbert Dagron
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2002
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Association des Amis du Centre d'Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance
Series	Travaux et mémoires / Collège de France, Centre de Recherche d'Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance
Volume	14
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Déroche, Vincent
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/srVCI6CLDNJR4nL

Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists, 1972
By: Edmunds, Lowell

Title	Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1972
Journal	Phoenix
Volume	26
Issue	4
Pages	342-357
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Edmunds, Lowell
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The note of moral exhortation suggests that man has a free choice between alternative ways of life, and thus that he is not in the grip of the original necessity which created the cosmos and him and endowed him with the arts. From the ethical point of view, man seems to emerge as an island of freedom—a floating island, perhaps, in a sea of necessity. If so, then Democritus' system is either dualistic or self-contradictory.

However, the example of chance in the ethical thought of Democritus has shown how freedom, if it has any place at all in Democritus' system, should be understood. Man is free to trust to luck through willful disregard for or ignorance of the laws of nature, given by necessity. But he is powerless to change the facts of necessity, and from this point of view, his freedom is an illusion, like the appearance of color. His freedom is merely subjective and of infinite unconcern to the rest of the universe.

The atomic theory, which accounted so well for the various appearances of the same phenomena to various people—tragedies and comedies are composed of the same alphabet—also accounted for a specious freedom. [conclusion p. 356-357]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NNiKvwijO2dtwFP

Title	Neo-Platonic Modes of Concordism versus Definitions of Difference: Simplicius, Augustinus Steuco and Ralph Cudworth versus Marco Antonio Zimara and Benedictus Pererius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2011
Published in	Laus Platonici Philosophi. Marsilio Ficino and his Influence
Pages	317–342
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blackwell, Constance
Editor(s)	Clucas, Stephen , Forshaw, Peter J. , Rees, Valery
Translator(s)

I have presented here some details of a very large and complex debate, in the process of which the history of Platonism itself was transformed. Some made every effort to write the Neo-Platonic tradition out of philosophy's history. For others, like Ralph Cudworth, who substantially transformed it, it was the most important part, while for Brucker it distorted the history of philosophy. [conclusion p. 342]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ZVTsH1Lfz6fZl3o

Neoplatonic Elements in the "de Anima" Commentaries, 1976
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Neoplatonic Elements in the "de Anima" Commentaries
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1976
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	21
Issue	1
Pages	64-87
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Shortly after Alexander, the kind of thought that is conveniently described by this label came to dominate Greek philosophy, and nearly all pagan philosophy and philosophical scholarship was pursued under its influence, if not by its active adherents. It is the purpose of this paper to argue that these facts are not trivial items of background interest but are fundamental to a proper assessment of the later commentators' opinions on points of Aristotelian scholarship. It is necessary to take account of the ideas and purpose of these commentators if one is to make any serious critical use of their work, and this cannot be done if one merely dips into their voluminous works in the hope of occasional enlightenment.

That these men were swayed by their own opinions and preconceptions is perhaps obvious once stated. Even Simplicius, notwithstanding his reputation for careful scholarship, is no exception. Simplicius may have done us a great service by preserving fragments of the pre-Socratics, but he was nevertheless a man who entertained ideas which were not likely to lead to the correct interpretation of Aristotle, as Hicks for one saw—Ross, it seems, did not. In fact, one might go so far as to say that Simplicius was less well-fitted than some of the other commentators to give a good account of his subject.

Those whose immediate reaction to such a statement is that it is grossly unfair to so fine a scholar might be disturbed by some of the material in the preface to Simplicius' De Anima commentary—as they would by that in Philoponus' as well—material which often escapes notice for the simple reason that one normally refers to these works for help with specific passages and does not read them as a whole.

This is not to say that there are no obvious signs of what is going on in the body of the commentaries, for there certainly are. A case in point is Simplicius' claim in the De Caelo commentary (640.27–32) that Aristotle's criticisms of Plato are directed not against Plato himself but against those who failed to grasp Plato's real meaning.

In the preface to the commentary on the Categories, Simplicius goes further and says that in dealing with Aristotle's attacks on Plato, one should not consider only the philosophers' language and complain about their discord, but rather one should concentrate on their thought and seek out their accord on most matters (In Cat. 7.29–32). Here we have two expressions of the normal Neoplatonic view that Plato and Aristotle were usually trying to say the same thing.

This view can, of course, be traced back to the revival of positive teaching in the New Academy. This is not to say that no Neoplatonist was aware of the differences, and certain Aristotelian doctrines remained unacceptable. In the passage we have just mentioned, Simplicius talks about he en tois pleistois symphonia, and elsewhere he shows that he is alive to differences (e.g., In De Caelo 454.23 ff.), even if he does regard Aristotle as Plato's truest pupil (ib. 378.20 f.) or his best interpreter (In De An. 245.12).

Philoponus, moreover, actually protested against the view that Aristotle's attacks on Plato's ideas were not directed at Plato himself, a view that seems to have had some currency (cf. De Aet. M. II.2 29.2–8 R). None the less, ever since Plotinus, whose adoption of much Aristotelian thought would be clear enough without Porphyry's explicit statement on the point (Vita Plot. 14.4 ff.), the new Platonism had been more or less Aristotelianized: the controversies about whether or not Aristotelian views could be accepted by Platonists which had been current in the Middle Platonic period were no longer live.

By the time Simplicius and Philoponus composed their commentaries, Aristotle's philosophy had been used as the standard introduction to Plato for at least two centuries. The tendency among certain modern scholars to see Aristotle simply as a Platonist has a precedent in the activities of the Neoplatonists: in both cases, it depends on a somewhat special understanding of Plato. [introduction 64-66]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3j2gfRYnCCVhtJC

Neoplatonic Interpretations of Aristotle on "Phantasia", 1977
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Neoplatonic Interpretations of Aristotle on "Phantasia"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1977
Journal	The Review of Metaphysics
Volume	31
Issue	2
Pages	242-257
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The  ancient commentaries on Aristotle have for the most part 
remained in that strange kind of no-man's land between Classical 
and Medieval studies that even now holds so  many of the productions 
of  later  antiquity. On  the whole it would be  true  to  say  that  students 
of  Neoplatonism?for the commentators were usually Neoplatonists 
?prefer to occupy themselves with openly Neoplatonic writings. 
Modern Aristotelian scholars, on the other hand, tend to take very 
little account of the opinions of their ancient predecessors. In this 
way they differ from the Medie  vals, both Christian and Moslem: as 
is well known, Aquinas instigated the translation of many of these 
commentaries by his fellow Dominican, William of Moerbeke, while a 
century before, Averroes, the greatest of the Arabic commentators, 
had made ample use of at least the earlier Greek expositions. [Introduction, p. 242]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xdGhkQhUkY7sWbE

Neoplatonic Political Subjectivity? Prohairesis, to eph’ hēmīn, and Self-constitution in Simplicius’ Commentary on Epictetus’ Encheiridion , 2022
By: Tim Riggs

Title	Neoplatonic Political Subjectivity? Prohairesis, to eph’ hēmīn, and Self-constitution in Simplicius’ Commentary on Epictetus’ Encheiridion
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2022
Journal	International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	18
Issue	2
Pages	152-177
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tim Riggs
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I argue that in his commentary on Epictetus’ Encheiridion, Simplicius derives a method by which his students can enter into the process of self-constitution, which is only achieved through completion of the study of Plato’s dialogues. The result of following the method is the attainment of a perspective consonant with the level of political virtue, which I call ‘political subjectivity’. This is a speculative interpretation of the effect the student would. experience in following the method, accomplished through analyses of Simplicius’ interpretation of Epictetus’ concept of to eph’ hēmīn and the related prohairesis. I complement this with an analysis of the metaphysical foundation Simplicius gives the method in light of Charles Taylor’s notion of ‘strong evaluation’. In this way, I show how Simplicius adapts these concepts to his Neoplatonic psychology and virtue theory to make the method serve as preparation for the development of virtue prior to study of Plato. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1aSuGa63BJmxeQ0

Neoplatonism and Christian thought, 1982
By: O'Meara, Dominic, J. (Ed.)

Title	Neoplatonism and Christian thought
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1982
Publication Place	Albany
Publisher	State University of New York Press
Series	Studies in Neoplatonism: Ancient and Modern
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	O'Meara, Dominic, J.
Translator(s)

In this volume, the relationships between two of the most vital currents in Western thought are examined by a group of nineteen internationally known specialists in a variety of disciplines—classics, patristics, philosophy, theology, history of ideas, literature. The contributing scholars discuss Neoplatonic theories about God, creation, man, and salvation, in relation to the ways in which they were adopted, adapted, or rejected by major Christian thinkers of five periods: Patristic, Later Greek and Byzantine, Medieval, Renaissance, and Modern. [a.a]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8tb5ZmmacZhgjDn

Neoplatonism and early Christian thought: Essays in honour of A.H. Armstrong, 1981
By: Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Markus, R. A. (Ed.)

Title	Neoplatonism and early Christian thought: Essays in honour of A.H. Armstrong
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1981
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Variorum
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Markus, R. A.
Translator(s)

The studies collected in this book are all concerned with aspects of the Platonic tradition, either in its own internal development in the Hellenistic age and the period of the Roman Empire, or with the influence of Platonism, in one or other of its forms, on other spiritual traditions, especially that of Christianity. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PcJka3NQUzhA8jZ

Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature, 2012
By: Horn, Christoph (Ed.), Wilberding, James (Ed.)

Title	Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2012
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Horn, Christoph , Wilberding, James
Translator(s)

Despite Platonism’s unquestioned claim to being one of the most influential movements in the history of philosophy, for a long time the conventional wisdom was that Platonists of late antiquity—or Neoplatonists—were so focused on other-worldly metaphysics that they simply neglected any serious study of the sensible world, which after all is ‘merely’ an image of the intelligible world, and only recently has this conventional wisdom begun to be dispelled. In fact, precisely because these thinkers did see the sensible world as an image of the intelligible world, they devoted much time and energy to understanding its inner workings. Thus we find Neoplatonists writing on embryology, physiology, meteorology, astronomy, and much else. This volume collects essays by leading international scholars in the field that shed new light on how these thinkers sought to understand and explain nature and natural phenomena. It is thematically divided into two parts, with the first part—‘The general metaphysics of Nature’—directed at the explication of central Neoplatonic metaphysical doctrines and their relation to the natural world, and the second part—’Platonic approaches to individual sciences’—showing how these same doctrines play out in individual natural sciences such as elemental physics, geography, and biology. Together these essays show that a serious examination of Neoplatonic natural philosophy has far-reaching consequences for our general understanding of the metaphysics of Platonism, as well as for our evaluation of their place in the history of science. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/eoRoURIG3JhMB6J

Neoplatonism, the Greek Commentators, and Renaissance Aristotelianism, 1982
By: Mahoney, Edward P., O'Meara, Dominic J. (Ed.)

Title	Neoplatonism, the Greek Commentators, and Renaissance Aristotelianism
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1982
Published in	Neoplatonism and Christian thought
Pages	169-177
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mahoney, Edward P.
Editor(s)	O'Meara, Dominic J.
Translator(s)

In this paper I should like to share with my fellow students of Neoplatonism the results  of  researches  in  medieval  and  Renaissance  Aristotelianism  that  have brought to  light interesting ways in which Neoplatonism came to have a special impact on the development of Renaissance Aristotelianism. It is certainly not my aim to exclude other possible ways in which Neoplatonism had its effect, but I do believe  that historians  of ancient  Neoplatonism  will  themselves  be  surprised  to learn of the pervasiveness of certain themes among supposed proponents of Aristotle during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The two topics on which I wish to concentrate are (1) the influence on late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century Aristotelianism of two late ancient commentators on Aristotle, namely, Themistius <317—388) and Simplicius (Jl. 530),1 and (2) a conceptual scheme of metaphysical hierarchy whose origins are clearly Neoplatonic and which was constantly debated during the same period. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2eyv4WzmHFlkenV

Neoplatonists on the causes of vegetative life, 2015
By: Wilberding, James, Marmodoro, Anna (Ed.), Prince, Brian (Ed.)

Title	Neoplatonists on the causes of vegetative life
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2015
Published in	Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity
Pages	171-185
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wilberding, James
Editor(s)	Marmodoro, Anna , Prince, Brian
Translator(s)

What is surprising is the conception of vegetative generation and life that results for Neoplatonists. As I shall show here, they ultimately concluded that the vegetative souls of individual plants are not self-sufficient. That is to say, the dependence of individual plants on the earth, in terms of both their generation and their preservation, extends beyond mere nutritive needs into the psychological domain of their life activities. In order to see how they arrived at this surprising conclusion, it will be necessary to begin with a brief sketch of Neoplatonic embryological theory, as it can be found across a wide range of core Neoplatonic authors and texts. This theory may be encapsulated into four theses:

(i) First, all Neoplatonists are one-seed theorists: there is no female seed. In this, the Neoplatonists were in full agreement with Peripatetic embryology and in opposition to the two-seed theories advanced by the Hippocratics and Galen, though this opposition remains only implicit, as they never even acknowledge the possibility of a female seed.

(ii) Second, Neoplatonists universally understand the seed to be a collection of form-principles (logoi) corresponding to individual parts of the father (and by extension of the offspring). Since these form-principles are immaterial, they are wholly present in every part of the seed, allowing the seed to be completely homoiomerous.

(iii) Third, these seminal form-principles are in a state of potentiality.

(iv) Fourth, they must be led to a state of actuality by an external cause that possesses these same principles in actuality. This cause is generally identified with the nature of the mother, who is additionally responsible for supplying the matter in the form of menses.

It is these final two theses that establish the Neoplatonic theory as an exciting new development in ancient embryology. On Aristotle’s one-seed theory, by contrast, the male seed serves as the formal and efficient cause of embryological development, requiring only matter from the female. Aristotle establishes the self-sufficiency of the male seed as an efficient cause by attributing actual motion to it. Even on Galen’s two-seed theory, where one might have expected the female to be granted greater causal efficacy in the embryological process, the male seed remains the sole efficient cause, with the female seed more or less demoted to serving as nourishment for the male seed.

What is revolutionary, therefore, in the Neoplatonic account of embryology is its placing the female on equal footing with the male in terms of their causal contributions in embryology. This new conceptualization of the respective contributions of the male and female should be seen as resulting from the application of the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework of procession and reversion to embryology. Within this framework, the creation of an offspring consists of two distinct causal moments. In the first moment, procession, an inchoate offspring is generated that is a likeness of its progenitor but in a state of potentiality. The procession from the One, for example, results in the generation of the Pre-Intellect, which is still only potentially the Intellect. The second moment, reversion, is what accounts for this potentiality being led to a state of activity: by reversion, the Pre-Intellect becomes the genuine Intellect.

When this framework is applied to embryology, the theses (iii) and (iv) above follow. The male’s emission of a seed is likened to procession, with the form-principles in the seed still being in a state of potentiality. This potentiality is led to actuality by the mother at conception and throughout the process of gestation. Thus, the male and the female are on a par insofar as each corresponds to one of the two moments of the One’s creative activity. [introduction p. 171-174]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ElblvTuFCEVCpgN

Neue Forschungen zum Neuplatonismus (1995-2003). Teil II, 2004
By: Steel, Carlos, Helmig, Christoph

Title	Neue Forschungen zum Neuplatonismus (1995-2003). Teil II
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2004
Journal	Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Philosophie
Volume	29
Pages	225-247
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos , Helmig, Christoph
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In erster Linie ist es notwendig, das so rasant angewachsene Interesse für die neuplatonische Philosophie dahingehend zu nutzen, dass die Editionen und kommentierten Übersetzungen wichtiger Texte weitergeführt werden. Das ist eine intensive, mühevolle und oft undankbare Arbeit, weil so etwas im heutigen „Forschungsklima“ nicht immer in ausreichendem Maße gewürdigt wird. Und dennoch bleibt es eine der drängendsten Aufgaben, und das umso mehr, weil wir befürchten müssen, dass die Kenntnis der alten Sprachen immer weiter zurückgeht.

Wie im Mittelalter die antike Philosophie nur überleben und neuen Einfluss gewinnen konnte durch massive Übersetzungsaktivitäten (ins Arabische und Lateinische), so werden in diesem Jahrhundert – ob man es nun bedauert oder nicht – viele neuplatonische Autoren nur noch in Reihen wie „The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle“ oder in anderen Übersetzungen gelesen werden. Darum ist es wichtig, dass die Übersetzungen zuverlässig sind und auf guten Editionen fußen.

Es wäre daher wünschenswert, dass gerade auch in Deutschland vermehrt zentrale Texte aus dem späteren Neuplatonismus übersetzt und kommentiert würden. Aber neben dieser Editions- und Übersetzungsarbeit sollte das eigentliche Ziel der Forschung eine philosophische Annäherung sein an diese große Tradition der Geistesgeschichte mit ihren vielfachen kulturellen Verzweigungen im Mittelalter (von Syrien über den Irak und Andalusien bis nach Köln), in der Renaissance und in der Neuzeit.

Dabei müssen wir uns aber davor hüten, den Neuplatonismus allzu leicht mit Schwärmerei oder einer Art von Esoterik in Verbindung zu bringen. Er ist und bleibt vor allem eine Philosophie, auch wenn er eine Philosophie ist, die rational die Grenzen der Rationalität einsieht.

Gerade in der deutschsprachigen Forschung haben wir schöne Beispiele für ein fruchtbares Zusammengehen von philologischer akribeia und philosophischer Annäherung. Ein Paradigma einer solchen Forschung am Neuplatonismus bleiben für uns die zahlreichen philosophisch anregenden Arbeiten von Werner Beierwaltes. [p. 246-247]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/J1gdFPhAmlKlP6l

Neue Fragmente aus ΠΕΡΙ ΤΑΓΑΘΟΥ, 1941
By: Wilpert, Paul

Title	Neue Fragmente aus ΠΕΡΙ ΤΑΓΑΘΟΥ
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1941
Journal	Hermes
Volume	76
Issue	3
Pages	225-250
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wilpert, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Fassen  wir  abschließend  zusammen.  Der  Bericht  des  Sextus  über  die 
pythagoreische  Lehre  von  der Zahl  hat  sich  im wesentlichen  als eine  ziemlich 
lückenlose  Wiedergabe  von  Gedanken  herausgestellt,  die  der  platonischen 
Altersvorlesung  cÜber  das  Gute*  entstammen4).  Vergleiche  mit  anderen 
Textzeugnissen ließen erkennen,  daß  die  Gedankenschritte in der  Hauptsache 
treu  bewahrt  sind  und  größere  Eingriffe  in  den  Zusammenhang  unterblieben 
sind.  Damit haben wir aber an unserer Stelle einen Bericht über diese wichtige 
Vorlesung,  der  an  Umfang6)  alle  bisher  bekannten  Texte  übertrifft  und  uns 
nicht  nur  erlaubt,  verschiedene  schon  bekannte  Stücke  in  den  Gedanken
aufbau  einzuordnen,  sondern  auch  darüber  hinaus  neues  Gedankengut 
eröffnet. [conclusion p. 250]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nEGFEAlUmyi99jc

Nicolas, l'auteur du Sommaire de la philosophie d'Aristote : doutes sur son identité, sa datation, son origine, 2008
By: Fazzo, Silvia

Title	Nicolas, l'auteur du Sommaire de la philosophie d'Aristote : doutes sur son identité, sa datation, son origine
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2008
Journal	Revue des Études Grecques
Volume	121
Issue	1
Pages	99-126
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fazzo, Silvia
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The paper discusses the attribution of the compendium De Philosophia Aristotelis to Nicolaus of Damascus the general historian (fl.: end 1st c. BC). By contrast, there are reasons to believe that the work was written by a Peripatetic Nicolaus between the 3rd and the 6th century, most likely from Syria in the 4th c. AD. Among the consequences: one piece of evidence for interest in a wide range of Aristotle's works already in the 1st century BC-lst century AD is removed; the supposedly earliest evidence for Metaphysics as the title of Aristotle's work is moved to a later date; the idea that Peripatetic activity more or less ceased with Alexander, Thémistius being the only exception, is weakened by another counter-example. On the contrary, a distinctively Peripatetic culture must have been still alive in Themistius' and Nicolas' time, when special tools were produced both for teaching activity and for the transmission of Aristotle's philosophy to later eras. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/jxgfqFdijkuOVZK

Nicéphore Blemmyde lecteur du commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d’Aristote, 2007
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, D'Ancona Costa, Cristina (Ed.)

Title	Nicéphore Blemmyde lecteur du commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2007
Published in	The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network "Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture", Strasbourg, March 12-14, 2004 under the Scientific Committee of the meeting, composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D’Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endreß, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche
Pages	243-256
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Translator(s)

Les qualités que certains philologues ou historiens de la philosophie assignent communément de nos jours au commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d’Aristote sont en effet reconnues de longue date. Par la clarté des exposés et la pertinence de l’exégèse, ce commentaire a joui d’une longue postérité chez les érudits et philosophes byzantins. En témoigne d’emblée l’abondance des manuscrits du commentaire produits à l’époque byzantine : presque une quarantaine d’entre eux sont conservés aujourd’hui, soit le quadruple par rapport au nombre des manuscrits contenant le commentaire sur le même ouvrage de son contemporain Jean Philopon. L’utilisation de ce commentaire à Byzance a été presque constante, de Michel Psellos jusqu’à Pléthon et Georges Scholarios, mais la partie de l’Epitomé isagogique (Εἰσαγωγική ἐπιτομή) de Nicéphore Blemmyde (1197-1272) qui se rapporte à la Physique d’Aristote en représente le point culminant.

Avant d’aborder l’étude qui nous intéresse ici particulièrement, quelques brèves précisions sur la nature de l’ouvrage seront utiles. L’Epitomé isagogique – autrement dit Abrégé introductif – est un compendium scolaire divisé en deux parties, une partie logique et une partie physique (appelées communément Epitomé logique et Epitomé physique), qui se propose de rassembler, dans 40 et 31 chapitres respectivement, l’essentiel de la logique et de la physique (y compris l’astronomie), la partie physique ayant été publiée dans sa forme finale vers l’an 1260.

L’Epitomé de Blemmyde n’appartient évidemment pas au genre du commentaire stricto sensu. Elle est construite non pas sur des textes faisant autorité mais plutôt sur des thèmes philosophiques, qui sont annoncés par le titre de chacun de ses chapitres. Ceci dit, l’ouvrage ne porte pas les marques distinctives de l’érudition philologique tardo-antique : il y manque les spéculations étendues déclenchées par ce qui est dit ou n’est pas dit dans le texte qui fait autorité, la mention des auteurs antérieurs, les citations précises. On a ici affaire non pas à un commentateur, mais plutôt à un compilateur soucieux de rassembler les sujets philosophiques les plus pertinents et nécessaires (τὰ καρικώτερα καὶ τὰ ἀναγκαιότερα, comme il le dit lui-même dans son autobiographie).

Les matériaux à partir desquels les 31 chapitres de l’Epitomé physique sont mis en place sont empruntés surtout aux commentaires tardo-antiques : les commentaires de Simplicius à la Physique et au traité Du ciel, le commentaire de Jean Philopon au traité De la génération et de la corruption et celui d’Alexandre d’Aphrodise aux Météorologiques. C’est précisément le rapport de l’Epitomé physique avec le commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique – la source majeure pour les dix premiers chapitres – qui va nous occuper dans la suite. Nous tâcherons d’aborder ce rapport dans une double perspective : faire apparaître, d’une part, les emprunts philosophiques principaux et exclusifs de Blemmyde à Simplicius et évaluer, d’autre part – en considération du fait que Blemmyde reproduit assez fidèlement des passages entiers de son modèle – le rôle de l’Epitomé comme source indirecte de la tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius. [introduction p. 243-244]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wkrCGs8qhVRUK0j

Nikostratos der Platoniker, 1922
By: Praechter, Karl

Title	Nikostratos der Platoniker
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1922
Journal	Hermes
Volume	57
Issue	4
Pages	481-517
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Praechter, Karl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Als  Beitrag  zur  Vor-  und  Entwicklungsgeschichte  des  Neu
platonismus  auf  einem  Teilgebiet  seiner  Lehre  möchte  [...] die 
vorliegende  Untersuchung  betrachtet  werden. Ich  selbst  habe  zu 
zeigen  versucht,  daß  der  alexandrinische  Neuplatonismus  keines
wegs  die  Linie  Plotin-Porphyrios-Iamblich  fortsetzt,  sondern  an ein 
früheres  Stadium  platonischer  Lehrentwicklung  anschließt. [conclusion p. 517]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VI1pJau1eYyh9C4

Not-Being, Contradiction and Difference. Simplicius vs. Alexander of Aphrodisias on Plato’s Conception of Not-Being, 2023
By: Roberto Granieri

Title	Not-Being, Contradiction and Difference. Simplicius vs. Alexander of Aphrodisias on Plato’s Conception of Not-Being
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2023
Journal	Méthexis
Volume	35
Issue	1
Pages	185-200
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Roberto Granieri
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In explicating a passage from Physics A 3, Simplicius reports a criticism by Alexander of Aphrodisias against Plato’s conception of not-being in the Sophist. Alexander deems this conception contradictory, because it posits that unqualified not-being is. Simplicius defends Plato and gives a diagnosis of what he regards as Alexander’s interpretative mistake in raising his objection. I unpack this debate and bring out ways in which it sheds light on important aspects of Plato’s project in the Sophist and of Simplicius’ own philosophical background, notably in Damascius’ De principiis. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kxUtLJkrkZD05av

Note sulla chiusura della Scuola neoplatonica di Atene, 2002
By: Napoli, Valerio

Title	Note sulla chiusura della Scuola neoplatonica di Atene
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2002
Journal	Schede Medievali
Volume	42
Pages	53-95
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Napoli, Valerio
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Secondo la lettura di Alain De Libera, l’“esilio” dei filosofi in Persia non segna la chiusura del conflitto tra l’ellenismo e il cristianesimo né la fine della filosofia («la filosofia è tutt'altro che morta a quest’epoca»), ma, al contrario, rappresenta l’evento che dà avvio a un movimento di trasferimento o di transfert della scienza – una traslazione degli studi o dei centri di studio – che durerà fino alla fine del Medioevo.

L’esilio in questione, con cui la filosofia emigra – o pensa di emigrare – dall’Impero bizantino all’Impero sassanide per poi ritornare nell’Impero bizantino (in una translatio da Atene in Persia e dalla Persia a Harràn), costituisce una delle varie translations studiorum che si verificano tra l’antichità e il Medioevo e segna il perdurare, nella città di Harràn, in territorio bizantino, della filosofia pagana.

In ogni caso, è possibile notare che, con i filosofi menzionati da Agazia (e forse con altri della stessa epoca non coinvolti nell’avventura persiana), ci troviamo di fronte all’ultima generazione di spicco dei filosofi pagani. Qualunque sia stata l’attività filosofica svolta dai neoplatonici dopo il loro ritorno dalla Persia, a Harràn o in qualche altra località, si può comunque constatare che Damascio (il quale probabilmente scrisse le sue opere prima del 529) e, se si vuole, qualche altro pensatore contemporaneo costituiscono gli ultimi filosofi pagani di rilievo.

«[...] De fait – dichiara con decisione Henri Dominique Saffrey – après l’époque de Justinien, il n’y a plus eu de philosophes païens. Simplicius et les quelques-uns de la génération qui le suit, furent les derniers». Il pensiero pagano continuerà a vivere – al di là della possibile attività della comunità neoplatonica harraniana – in Oriente e in Occidente, in una complessa e intricata trama di ricezioni, influssi, fruizioni, letture, trasformazioni e suggestioni, nell’ambito del pensiero successivo nelle sue articolazioni arabo-islamica, greco-bizantina, latino-occidentale e altre. [conclusion p. 94-95]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UFh3Gu1utmqf1sN

Note sur les observations astronomiques envoyées, dit-on, de Babylone en Grèce, par Callisthène, sur la demande d'Aristote, 1862
By: Martin, Thomas Henri

Title	Note sur les observations astronomiques envoyées, dit-on, de Babylone en Grèce, par Callisthène, sur la demande d'Aristote
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1862
Journal	Revue Archéologique, Nouvelle Série
Volume	5
Pages	243-246
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Martin, Thomas Henri
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

L'importance du mémoire lu à l'Académie des inscriptions par M. Th. Henri Martin dans la séance du 21 février, et dont nous avons dit un mot dans le compte rendu des séances de l’Académie du mois dernier, nous engage à en donner un résumé plus complet. Plus, en effet, l’opinion soutenue par M. Vivien de Saint-Martin est séduisante au premier abord, plus il est nécessaire d’examiner avec soin les bases sur lesquelles elle repose.

Or, M. Henri Martin conteste l’authenticité du chiffre 1903 et apporte à l’appui de sa conviction des arguments qui nous semblent très puissants. Il est donc de notre devoir de mettre nos lecteurs à même de juger la valeur des assertions de M. Henri Martin qui, si elles sont acceptées, ruinent complètement les conclusions de M. Vivien de Saint-Martin. [introduction p. 243]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/39NzQsbvM2BCm0e

Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote, 1954
By: Moraux, Paul

Title	Notes sur la tradition indirecte du 'de Caelo' d'Aristote
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1954
Journal	Hermes
Volume	82
Issue	2
Pages	145-182
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Nous en revenons ainsi à une constatation formulée dans les premières pages de cette étude : la tradition manuscrite d'Aristote accessible aux commentateurs était incomparablement plus riche ou, du moins, plus diversifiée que notre tradition médiévale. Plusieurs rameaux de cette tradition sont morts sans quasi laisser de traces ; d'autres ne semblent plus avoir de descendants directs, mais certains de leurs éléments ont été sauvés, en partie grâce à des codices mixti, en partie grâce aux yqépexat et aux variantes des commentateurs.

La tradition médiévale, avec son unité relative, semble donc bien représenter, par rapport à la richesse antérieure, un réel appauvrissement. Une sélection, accidentelle ou voulue, doit avoir rétréci, dans des proportions considérables, la variété des manuscrits en cours à l'époque de Simplicius.

Quand, comment et pourquoi cette sélection s'est-elle opérée ? À combien d'ancêtres réels remontent nos manuscrits médiévaux ? Ce sont là des questions auxquelles je ne puis répondre, et je crois qu’on n’y pourra répondre avant d'avoir mené à bien, avec toutes les ressources de la paléographie, de la critique et de la codicologie, l'étude systématique de la tradition directe. [conclusion p. 182]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1cq99waVOBFt3tw

Nous and Two Kinds of Epistêmê in Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics, 2010
By: Zeev Perelmuter

Title	Nous and Two Kinds of Epistêmê in Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	55
Issue	3
Pages	228-254
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zeev Perelmuter
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle in Physics I,1 says some strange-sounding things about how we come to know wholes and parts, universals and particulars. In explicating these, Simplicius distinguishes an initial rough cognition of a thing as a whole, an intermediate “cognition according to the definition and through the elements,” and a final cognition of how the thing's many elements are united: only this last is πιστήμη. Simplicius refers to the Theaetetus for the point about what is needed for πιστήμη and the ways that cognition according to the definition and through the elements falls short. By unpacking this reference I try to reconstruct Simplicius' reading of “Socrates' Dream,” its place in the Theaetetus ' larger argument, and its harmony with other Platonic and Aristotelian texts. But this reconstruction depends on undoing some catastrophic emendations in Diels's text of Simplicius. Diels's emendations arise from his assumptions about definitions and elements, in Socrates' Dream and elsewhere, and rethinking the Simplicius passage may help us rethink those assumptions. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IHkwn4udUD0QWHq

Nous pathêtikos in later Greek philosophy, 1991
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Robinson, Howard (Ed.)

Title	Nous pathêtikos in later Greek philosophy
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1991
Published in	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition
Pages	191-205
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Robinson, Howard
Translator(s)

In 1911  H.  Kurfess  obtained  a  doctorate  from  the  University  of 
Tübingen with a dissertation on the history of the interpretation of nous 
poietikos and  nous pathetikos} Notoriously the expression  nous poietikos 
never occurs in the text of Aristotle, but its derivation from De mim. 
430*11-12 is an easy step, and when philosophers and commentators 
subsequently discuss it, we know what it is that they are talking about, 
even  if its  nature  and  status  remained,  and  remain,  controversial. 
Similarly nouspathetikos, or rather ho pathetikos nous, occurs only once in 
the  pages  of Aristotle,  but appears often, if less  frequently  than  nous 
poietikos,  in  the  texts  of his  successors  and  interpreters.  In  its  case, 
however,  though  the  expression  occurs  in  Aristotle’s  De anima,  its 
reference is unclear. To aggravate matters,  nous pathetikos quite often 
appears in his successors in contexts which seem to have nothing to do 
with the intellect. Yet while nous poietikos has generated an enormous 
literature  from  the  ancient  world  up  until  today,  the  phrase  nous 
pathetikos  has  received  nothing like the attention of its partner. This 
paper will examine some of its uses in both commentators and Neo- 
platonist  philosophers  in  the  hope of explaining its  appearance and 
clarifying its meaning. [Introduction, p. 191]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Di0rd034eeOOHeY

Nous, the Concept of Ultimate Reality and Meaning in Anaxagoras, 1989
By: Silvestre, Maria Luisa

Title	Nous, the Concept of Ultimate Reality and Meaning in Anaxagoras
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1989
Journal	Ultimate Reality and Meaning
Volume	12
Issue	4
Pages	248-255
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Silvestre, Maria Luisa
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

While other things have a share of everything, Nous is infinite, self-governing, and has been mixed with nothing ... For it is the lightest of all things and the purest, and maintains complete understanding over everything and wields the greatest power. And Nous controls all, large and small, that has life ... and whatever sort of things were to be—what were and are no longer, what are, and what will be—Nous put all in order. (B12; Sider, 1981, p. 94).

We are not sure if Anaxagoras' Nous really was all that Simplicius attributes to it, but there can be no doubt that Simplicius, like Plato and every other interpreter of Anaxagoras' Nous, agrees that Nous is the ultimate reality in Anaxagoras' philosophy.

In our view, Anaxagoras' Nous can be described as a force originating in the interior of the All, which suddenly frees itself and introduces a movement that upsets, separates, aggregates, and distinguishes. Yet at the same time, it is a rational force of understanding, since its characteristic function—understanding—for Anaxagoras means nothing else but putting persons and things in their proper places in relation to each other. [conclusion p. 254-255]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WLkg0ul3k8yw6Tq

OMOΣE XΩΡEIN: Simplicius, Corollarium de loco 601.26–8 (Diels), 2011
By: Gregoric, Pavel, Helmig, Christoph

Title	OMOΣE XΩΡEIN: Simplicius, Corollarium de loco 601.26–8 (Diels)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2011
Journal	Classical Quarterly
Volume	61
Issue	2
Pages	722-730
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gregoric, Pavel , Helmig, Christoph
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The  upshot  of  this  article  is  that  the  treatment  of  the  phrase  ὁμόσε  χωρεῖν  in LSJ  can  be  supplemented  as  far  as  later  (Neoplatonic)  authors  are  concerned.  We  have  seen  that  the  translation  ‘to  come  to  issue’  for  the  metaphorical  meaning  of  the  phrase  is  ambiguous  and  needs  to  be  qualified  according  to  the  context.  While  the  expression  usually  betrays  an  adversative  connotation  –  to  counter  or  refute  an  argument  –  later  (Neoplatonic)  authors  also  used  it  in  a  more  neutral  sense  (‘to  come  to  grips  with  an  argument’).  More  to  the  point,  the  phrase  can  also  have  a  
concessive  connotation,  implying  a  concession  or  acceptance.  It  is  precisely  this  
latter  connotation  that  we  find  in  Simplicius’  Corollary  on  Place  601.26–8. [conclusion, p. 730]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8hDZ2Sqz5SgPL6n

On Activity and Passivity in Perception: Aristotle, Philoponus, and Pseudo-Simplicius, 2014
By: Tuominen, Miira, Silva, José Filipe (Ed.)

Title	On Activity and Passivity in Perception: Aristotle, Philoponus, and Pseudo-Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2014
Published in	Active Perception in the History of Philosophy From Plato to Modern Philosophy
Pages	55-78
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tuominen, Miira
Editor(s)	Silva, José Filipe
Translator(s)

While the Neoplatonic commentators on Aristotle’s De anima modified his theory in several ways and underlined the activity of the soul, I contend that they also maintained some of Aristotle’s core assumptions. By contrast to Aristotle, they identified perception with rational perceptual judgments. However, I argue that they still retained the assumption that there also is sensation of external objects but ascribed this to the sense organism rather than the sensitive soul. The point is rather clear in Pseudo-Simplicius and I also argue that it is likely that Philoponus maintained a similar view. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

On Aristotle's Categories 7-8, 2002
By: Simplicius

Title	On Aristotle's Categories 7-8
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Fleet, Barrie(Fleet, Barrie) ,

In "Categories" chapters 7 and 8 Aristotle considers his third and fourth categories - those of Relative and Quality. Critics of Aristotle had suggested for each of the non-substance categories that they could really be reduced to relatives, so it is important how the category of Relative is defined. Arisotle offers two definitons, and the second, stricter, one is often cited by his defenders in order to rule out objections. The second definition of relative involves the idea of something changing its relationship through a change undergone by its correlate, not by itself. There were disagreements as to whether this was genuine change, and Plotinus discussed whether relatives exist only in the mind, without being real. The terms used by Aristotle for such relationships was 'being disposed relatively to something', a term later borrowed by the Stoics for their fourth category, and perhaps originating in Plato's Academy. In his discussion of Quality, Aristotle reports a debate on whether justice admits of degrees, or whether only the possession of justice does so.
Simplicius reports the further development of this controversy in terms of whether justice admits a range or latitude (platos). This debate helped to inspire the medieval idea of latitude of forms, which goes back much further than is commonly recognised - at least to Plato and Aristotle. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hbMACJVeFK0x6wQ

On Simplicius De Caelo, 476, 11 sqq, 1905
By: Shorey, Paul

Title	On Simplicius De Caelo, 476, 11 sqq
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1905
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	19
Issue	4
Pages	205
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Shorey, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Notes on On Simplicius De Caelo, 476, 11 sqq.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JJdmbGUh1TLKUrg

On Simplicius’ Life and Works: A Response to Hadot, 2015
By: Golitsis, Pantelis

Title	On Simplicius’ Life and Works: A Response to Hadot
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2015
Journal	Aestimatio
Volume	12
Pages	56-82
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text is a response to Ilsetraut Hadot's book, "Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contem¬poraines. Un bilan critique," which provides a critical overview of scholarly research on the Neoplatonist Simplicius. The author critiques Hadot's approach, arguing that her use of the Neoplatonic curriculum and medieval testimonies is an unsafe guide for assessing Simplicius' life and works. The article concludes by thanking Hadot for her previous work on Simplicius and acknowledging the value of her contributions to the field. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iph5X72ry3ZiZ9P

On Some Epicurean and Lucretian Arguments for the Infinity of the Universe, 1983
By: Avotins, Ivars

Title	On Some Epicurean and Lucretian Arguments for the Infinity of the Universe
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1983
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	33
Issue	2
Pages	421-427
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Avotins, Ivars
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

As is well known,  Epicurus and his followers held that the universe was infinite and 
that its  two  primary components,  void  and atoms,  were each infinite. The void  was 
infinite in extension, the atoms were infinite in number and their total was infinite also 
in extension.' The chief Epicurean proofs of these infinities are found in Epicurus, Ad 
Herod. 41-2,  and in Lucretius 1. 951-1020.  As far as I can see, both the commentators 
to these works and writers on Epicurean physics in general have neglected to take into 
account  some  material pertinent to  these  proofs,  material found  in  Aristotle  and 
especially in his commentators Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius, Simplicius, and 
Philoponus.2 In  this  article I  wish  to  compare  this  neglected information  with  the 
proofs  of infinity found in Epicurus and Lucretius and to discuss their authorship. [p. 421]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ZJK8o9VUGwRqW5s

On the Homocentric Spheres of Eudoxus, 1998
By: Yavetz, Ido

Title	On the Homocentric Spheres of Eudoxus
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1998
Journal	Archive for History of Exact Sciences
Volume	52
Issue	3
Pages	221-278
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Yavetz, Ido
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In 1877, Schiaparelli published a classic essay on the homocentric spheres of Eu- 
doxus. In the years that followed, it became the standard, definitive historical reconstruc- 
tion of Eudoxian planetary theory. The purpose of this paper is to show that the two texts 
on which Schiaparelli based his reconstruction do not lead in an unequivocal way to 
this interpretation, and that they actually accommodate alternative and equally plausible 
interpretations that possess a clear astronomical superiority compared to Schiaparelli's. One should not mistake all of this for a call to reject Schiaparelli's interpretation in favor 
of the new one. In particular, the alternative interpretation does not recommend itself as a 
historically more plausible basis for reconstructing Eudoxus's and Callippus's planetary theories merely because of its astronomical advantages. It does, however, suggest that 
the exclusivity traditionally awarded to Schiaparelli's reconstruction can no longer be 
maintained, and that the little historical evidence we do possess does not enable us to 
make a justifiable choice between the available alternatives. [Introduction, p. 221]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yDxuUa8nKX7GLiW

On the Opuscula of Theophrastus. Akten der 3. Tagungder Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 19.-23. Juli 1999 in Trier, 2002
By: Fortenbaugh, William. W. (Ed.), Wöhrle, Georg (Ed.)

Title	On the Opuscula of Theophrastus. Akten der 3. Tagungder Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 19.-23. Juli 1999 in Trier
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	Stuttgart
Publisher	Franz Steiner Verlag
Series	Die Philosophie der Antike
Volume	14
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William. W. , Wöhrle, Georg
Translator(s)

The opuscula of Theophrastus are no fragments; rather they are short treatises which have survived in manuscript form. The subject matter covers metaphysics, psychology, and natural science. Several of the treatises have never been properly edited or translated into English. All are in need of the new and in-depth attention. [preface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MPYkoik1OlP0aN6

One Book, The Whole Universe: Plato’s Timaeus Today, 2010
By: Mohr, Richard D. (Ed.), Sattler, Barbara M. (Ed.)

Title	One Book, The Whole Universe: Plato’s Timaeus Today
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2010
Publication Place	Las Vegas - Zurich - Athens
Publisher	Parmenides Publishing
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Mohr, Richard D. , Sattler, Barbara M.
Translator(s)

This collection of original essays brings together philosophers, classicists, physicists, and architects to reveal the meaning and assess the impact of one of the most profound and influential works of Western letters - Plato's Timaeus, a work that comes as close as any to giving a comprehensive account of life, the universe, and everything, and does so in a startlingly narrow compass.

The Timaeus gives an account of the nature of god and creation, a theory of knowledge, a taxonomy of the soul and perception, and an account of objects that gods and soul might encounter... [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tmvgz6Nr6OBQMua

Oracles Chaldaïques: fragments et philosophie, 2014
By: Lecerf, Adrien (Ed.), Saudelli, Lucia (Ed.), Seng, Helmut (Ed.)

Title	Oracles Chaldaïques: fragments et philosophie
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2014
Publication Place	Heidelberg
Publisher	Winter
Series	Bibliotheca Chaldaica
Volume	4
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Lecerf, Adrien , Saudelli, Lucia , Seng, Helmut
Translator(s)

Les Oracles chaldaïques posent nombre de problèmes à lʼhistorien de la pensée antique, tant sur le plan de la forme que sur celui du fond.

Texte datant du IIe siècle de notre ère, en vers principalement hexamétriques, dont nous ne possédons que des fragments et des témoignages, conservés par des auteurs postérieurs, en langue grecque et latine, les extraits à notre disposition recèlent une philosophie, dʼinspiration platonicienne, dont les thèmes principaux sont la triade divine formée de Père, Puissance et Intellect, les êtres intermédiaires, lʼâme et ses vicissitudes, les divers mondes.

Les questions que nous souhaitons traiter, en publiant ces travaux de recherche, sont le rattachement des Oracles au mouvement philosophique du « médioplatonisme » et les rapports entre théologie chaldaïque et théologie chrétienne. Nous étudions également la fortune et lʼinfortune des vers chaldaïques dans lʼAntiquité tardive et jusquʼau XVIIe siècle, en dégageant dʼautre part les perspectives dʼune nouvelle édition des Oracles.  [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/w8DvrIrkCyncwcE

Ort und Raum nach Aristoteles und Simplikios. Eine philosophische Topologie, 1983
By: Verbeke, Gérard, Irmscher, Johannes (Ed.), Müller, Reimar (Ed.)

Title	Ort und Raum nach Aristoteles und Simplikios. Eine philosophische Topologie
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1983
Published in	Aristoteles als Wissenschaftstheoretiker. Eine Aufsatzsammlung
Pages	113-122
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verbeke, Gérard
Editor(s)	Irmscher, Johannes , Müller, Reimar
Translator(s)

Der Text diskutiert die aristotelische Perspektive zu Ort und Raum sowie die Interpretationen, die Simplikios in späteren neuplatonischen Kommentaren dazu geliefert hat. Die Studie widmet sich drei Hauptfragen bezüglich des Orts: ob er ein Bestandteil von Körpern ist, ob er ein Zwischenraum zwischen umgebenden Körpern ist und welche Bedeutung der Ort hat und welchen Einfluss er auf die Dinge hat. Die aristotelische Physik strebt nach einer grundlegenden Erklärung der sinnlichen Welt und untersucht die Essenz der Bewegung, die Zusammensetzung physischer Körper, Notwendigkeit, Zufall, Unendlichkeit, Ort und Zeit. Der Artikel vergleicht zudem Physik und Metaphysik und betont, dass beide nach umfassenden Erklärungen der Realität streben. Die Untersuchung beleuchtet das aristotelische Verständnis von Ort und Raum und unterstreicht die Wechselwirkung zwischen Ort und der Struktur physischer Objekte. Es wird erörtert, ob Ort ein räumliches Substrat oder eine Form ist und welche Bedeutung die Lokalisierung und ihr Einfluss auf Körper haben. Spätere neuplatonische Kommentare, insbesondere die von Simplikios, haben Aristoteles' Ideen zu diesen Themen kritisch bewertet und weiterentwickelt. [Introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gefH5Atxe7LieDs

Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, 1992
By: Annas, Julia (Ed.)

Title	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1992
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Clarendon Press
Volume	X
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Annas, Julia
Translator(s)

Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy is an annual publication which includes original articles on a wide range of topics in ancient philosophy, and review articles of major books. In this supplementary volume, a number of renowned scholars of Plato reflect upon their interpretative methods. Topics covered include the use of ancient authorities in interpreting Plato's dialogues, Plato's literary and rhetorical style, his arguments and characters, and his use of the dialogue form. The collection is not intended as a comprehensive survey of methodological approaches; rather it offers a number of different perspectives and clearly articulated interpretations by leading scholars in the field. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dS81MCQI85uHYdS

Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, 2009
By: Brad Inwood (Ed.)

Title	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2009
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Volume	XXXVII
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Brad Inwood
Translator(s)

One of the leading series on ancient Greek and Roman philosophy, Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy presents outstanding new work in the field. The volumes feature original essays on a wide range of themes and problems in all periods of ancient philosophy, from its earliest beginnings to the threshold of the middle ages. It is anonymously peer-reviewed and appears twice a year.

The series was founded in 1983, and in 2016 published its 50th volume. The series format was chosen so that it might include essays of more substantial length than is customarily allowed in journals, as well as critical essays on books of distinctive importance. Past editors include Julia Annas, Christopher Taylor, David Sedley, Brad Inwood, and Victor Caston. The current editor, as of July 2022, is Rachana Kamtekar. [official abstract]

Online Resources

Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition, 1991
By: Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Robinson, Howard (Ed.)

Title	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1991
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Clarendon Press
Series	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Robinson, Howard
Translator(s)

This volume contains papers by a group of leading experts on Aristotle and the later Aristotelian tradition of Neoplatonism. The discussion ranges from Aristotle's treatment of Parmenides, the most important pre-Socratic Greek philosopher, to Neoplatonic and medieval use of Aristotle, for which Aristotle himself set guidelines in his discussions of his predecessors. Traces of these guidelines can be seen in the work of Plotinus, and that of the later Greek commentators on Aristotle. The study of these commentators, and the recognition of the philosophical interest and importance of the ideas which they expressed in their commentaries, is an exciting new development in ancient philosophy to which this book makes a unique and distinguished contribution.[official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/jxVlK6YghFkMcPK

PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus, 1974
By: Wiesner, Jürgen

Title	PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1974
Publication Place	Amsterdam
Publisher	Hakkert
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wvYIPOcDKdaOGFN

Pagans vs. Christians in Late Neoplatonism: Simplicius and Philoponus on the Eternity of the World (forthcoming)
By: Chase, Michael

Title	Pagans vs. Christians in Late Neoplatonism: Simplicius and Philoponus on the Eternity of the World (forthcoming)
Type	Article
Language	English
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

To characterize Simplicius' views of Philoponus in a nutshell, I can do no better than to cite a passage from Simplicius' commentary on the Categories (p. 7, 23-32 Kalbfleisch), in which the pagan philosopher sums up the qualities that a good commentator on Aristotle should possess:

    The worthy exegete of Aristotle's writings must not fall wholly short of the latter's greatness of intellect (megalonoia). He must also have experience of everything the Philosopher has written and must be a connoisseur (epistēmōn) of Aristotle's stylistic habits. His judgment must be impartial (adekaston), so that he may neither, out of misplaced zeal, seek to prove something well said to be unsatisfactory, nor, if some point should require attention, should he obstinately persist in trying to demonstrate that [Aristotle] is always and everywhere infallible, as if he had enrolled himself in the Philosopher's school.  must, I believe, not convict the philosophers of discordance by looking only at the letter (lexis) of what [Aristotle] says against Plato; but he must look towards the spirit (nous) and track down (anikhneuein) the harmony which reigns between them on the majority of points.

I think it's safe to say that, in Simplicius' view, Philoponus fails to make the grade on all these points: he does not know Aristotle well, he lacks impartiality (although in his case it is not because he strives to prove that Aristotle is always right, but to prove that he is very often wrong), and above all, he insists on the disagreement between Plato and Aristotle, remaining at the level of the surface meaning of their texts and failing to discern the underlying harmony between the two great philosophers.

I suspect Simplicius would also apply to Philoponus what he says shortly afterward in his Commentary on the Categories about the qualities required of a good philosophy student:

    He must, however, guard against disputatious twaddle (eristikê phluaria), into which many of those who frequent Aristotle tend to fall. Whereas the Philosopher endeavors to demonstrate everything by means of the irrefutable definitions of science, these smart-alecks (hoi perittôs sophoi) have the habit of contradicting even what is obvious, blinding the eye of their souls. Against such people, it is enough to speak Aristotle's words: to wit, they need either sensation (aisthēsis) or punishment. If they are being argumentative without having paid attention, it is perception they need. If, however, they have paid attention to the text but are trying to show off their discursive power, it is punishment they need.

We don't know what Philoponus's evaluation of Simplicius would have been, but I am pretty sure it would not have been flattering, either. [conclusion p. 23-24]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XhhKQngjLfncQW0

Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs à une définition du temps dans le néoplatonisme tardif, 1983
By: Hoffmann, Philippe

Title	Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs à une définition du temps dans le néoplatonisme tardif
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1983
Journal	Revue des Études Grecques
Volume	96
Issue	455/459
Pages	1-26
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ainsi, le concept de paralasis est profondément solidaire d’un thème qui est au cœur de la pensée de Damascius : la distinction entre ce qui est en train de se différencier et ce dont la différenciation est achevée. C’est aussi la distinction entre la procession et la conversion, entre la puissance et l’activité, entre la vie et l’intellect, entre le second diacosme (intelligible et intellectif) et le troisième (intellectif) : dans tous ces couples, le premier terme se distingue du second comme, dans Physique VI, « l’action de se mouvoir se distingue du mouvement accompli » (95).

Aristote est la source avouée de Damascius, qui lui consacrait des cours (on sait par exemple que le premier livre du Commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo a vraisemblablement été rédigé à partir de notes prises au cours de Damascius) (96) : il « pense le temps à la fois à partir du Parménide de Platon et à partir des livres IV et VI de la Physique d’Aristote. C’est à la lumière d’Aristote qu’il interprète Platon. C’est à Aristote lui-même qu’il emprunte les éléments de sa résolution des apories posées en Physique IV. Et la clé de sa doctrine du temps est à chercher en Physique VI » (97).

Il faut ajouter immédiatement que c’est à partir de la pensée stoïcienne du temps que Damascius lit Physique VI et élabore sa théorie du « temps intégral ». Le « temps intégral », qui demeure « tout entier à la fois dans la subsistance », est pensé selon l’être-ensemble de ses parties. Analogue au maintenant diastèmatique, qui est partie et non limite du temps, il a pour image le présent de la danse, en qui passé et futur sont contenus et résorbés : bien qu’elle se déroute dans une succession, la danse est présentement en train d’être dansée (98), et c’est sur le même mode que le combat est lui aussi présent.

La subsistance d’un tel présent se fonde sur l’unité d’une action en devenir, qui s’exprime par un verbe au présent extensif. L’influence du stoïcisme sur Damascius semble déterminante : on reconnaît sans peine dans ses analyses le présent étendu qui est le présent sensible de l’expérience pratique, celui en qui vient se loger une action comme « je marche » (action portée à élocution par un présent extensif) ; et son « temps intégral » n’est pas sans analogie avec le mode de présence de la période cosmique stoïcienne (99).

À cette influence philosophique du stoïcisme, il faut ajouter son influence grammaticale. Damascius fut pendant neuf ans professeur de rhétorique. C’est sans aucun doute à cette longue pratique des textes et des mots qu’il faut rapporter l’attention extrême qu’il prête au langage, ainsi que la thématisation des problèmes du langage au sein même de sa pensée philosophique (100). C’est à une grammaire d’inspiration stoïcienne qu’il faut rapporter sa méthode d’exégèse, ou plutôt le contenu de son exégèse de Physique IV (221 a 6-9) : l’infinitif être, compris comme activité d’être, est envisagé dans l’extension aspectuelle, et Damascius le considère comme l’équivalent de paratasis tou einai. Cette explication de texte scrupuleuse, qui est bien dans la manière de Damascius, permet à celui-ci de proposer sa définition du temps, tout en soulignant sa fidélité par rapport à la double autorité d’Archytas et d’Aristote. [conclusion p. 23-25]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LNb8H8UiMDNsVyS

Title	Parmenide neoplatonico: intorno a un nuovo studio sulla presenza di Parmenide nel commento alla Fisica di Simplicio (Book discussion of: Ivan A. Licciardi, Parmenide tràdito, Parmenide tradìto nel commentario di Simplicio alla Fisica di Aristotele (Symbolon 42), Sankt Augustin, Academia Verlag, 2016)
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2017
Journal	Méthexis
Volume	29
Issue	1
Pages	188-198
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoine, Pieter d’
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Temo che anche il commentario di Ivan Licciardi non sia del tutto privo di queste imperfezioni. Inoltre, penso che alcune scelte formali – come quella di presentare il greco non a fronte della traduzione, ma piuttosto di seguito, e quella di non usare note nella parte del commentario – non abbiano contribuito a rendere più facile la navigazione attraverso le ricche informazioni che questo libro offre. Sotto questi aspetti, il libro ha l’impronta di un’opera prima, ma va detto che nella sua premessa l’autore stesso se ne mostra ben conscio (p. 19).

Esprimendo queste riserve, non ho l’intenzione di ridurre i meriti di questo studio né di sollevare dubbi sul contributo dato da questo libro alla nostra comprensione dei temi discussi. Il merito di questo libro è soprattutto quello di aver consentito una migliore comprensione del contesto storico e filosofico in cui e delle ragioni per cui Simplicio ci ha trasmesso Parmenide. Anche se questo libro può aiutare gli studiosi dei presocratici a contestualizzare la loro stessa interpretazione del filosofo di Elea, è soprattutto agli studi neoplatonici che l’autore contribuisce.

Infatti, il Parmenide di Simplicio è innanzitutto un Parmenide neoplatonico. Il senso storico e critico moderno fanno sì che noi non abbiamo più a nostra disposizione quella chiave ermeneutica neoplatonica che consiste nel riferire contraddizioni apparenti a diversi piani della realtà presenti solo implicitamente nel pensiero degli autori che studiamo. Il nostro obiettivo non è più quello di difendere la fondamentale unità del pensiero antico contro i cristiani né quello di mostrare la verità eternamente infallibile del platonismo.

Diversamente, pensiamo che sia più sensato rintracciare non solo i punti di accordo, ma anche le discordanze e le discontinuità nella storia del pensiero, in cui lo stesso Simplicio merita una posizione di rilievo. L’interpretazione simpliciana di Parmenide ha sì ‘salvato’ parecchie linee del Poema dall’oblio, ma il prezzo che l’Eleate ha pagato è stato quello di essere stato forzato, nelle parole di Licciardi, in una ‘griglia concettuale totalmente estranea alla logica del Poema’ (p. 43).

L’ironia di questa vicenda è che sia stato proprio l’intento di Simplicio di coltivare l’amicizia con tutti i filosofi pagani ad averlo spinto, in fin dei conti, a tradire tutti.
[conclusion p. 197-198]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AZQTPKFglABgm9k

Title	Parmenide tràdito, Parmenide tradìto nel Commentario di Simplicio alla Fisica di Aristotele. Saggio introduttivo, raccolta dei testi in greco, traduzione e commentario
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2016
Publication Place	Sankt Augustin
Publisher	Academia Verlag
Series	Symbolon
Volume	42
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Questo libro di Ivan Adriano Licciardi su Parmenide nel Commento alla Fisica di Simplicio colma una vistosa e per certi aspetti paradossale lacuna negli studi sul Neoplatonismo: sebbene Simplicio (VI sec. d.C.) rappresenti una delle fonti più importanti per la ricostruzione del poema di Parmenide (costituisce l'unico testimone dei celebri frr. 6 e 8), manca a tutt'oggi uno studio approfondito dedicato alla sua interpretazione della figura di Parmenide e in generale della filosofia eleatica.
Il lavoro di Licciardi, accurato dal punto di vista filologico, ben documentato sotto l'aspetto storiografico e dotato di acume filosofico, costituisce dunque un contributo prezioso, e per più di un aspetto seminale, su un nodo strategico della trasmissione e della ricezione del pensiero di Parmenide. L'ipotesi interpretativa che regge l'impianto storiografico di questo studio è che il Parmenide tràdito di Simplicio sia contemporaneamente un Parmenide tradìto. In effetti, Simplicio si impegna a promuovere un'immagine di Parmenide che risulti omogenea alla strategia concordista che attraversa una larga parte del tardo neoplatoni-smo pagano. La sostanziale convergenza tra Platone e Aristotele viene estesa da Simplicio anche a Parmenide, al quale egli attribuisce un'attitudine filosofica che anticipa il bi-mondismo formu-lato da Platone. Come già prima di lui aveva fatto Plutarco di Cheronea, anche Simplicio attri-buisce a Parmenide la formulazione dell'opposizione 'platonica' tra intelligibile e sensibile; sul-le orme di Plotino Simplicio interpreta il monismo ontologico di Parmenide, ossia la concezione dell'essere-uno, come una prefigurazione della seconda 'ipotesi' dell'esercizio del Parmenide platonico, dove vengono esaminate le conseguenze a partire dall'uno che è. Del resto la stessa critica che Aristotele muove a Parmenide e all'Eleatismo viene fortemente indebolita da Simplicio, che la piega alle esigenze della sua attitudine concordista. Il risultato di una simile operazione è, come spiega bene Licciardi, che il Parmenide di Simplicio non è né quello storico, né quello 'platonico', ossia quello messo in scena nel Parmenide, e neppure quello 'aristotelico', cioè quello contenuto nel I libro della Fisica. [Franco Ferrari]

Online Resources

Parmenide tradìto nel Commentario di Simplicio

Parmenides B8.38 and Cornford’s Fragment, 2010
By: McKirahan, Richard D.

Title	Parmenides B8.38 and Cornford’s Fragment
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	Ancient Philosophy
Volume	30
Issue	1
Pages	1-14
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	McKirahan, Richard D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Having established the attributes of τὸ ἐόν in a series of arguments that end at B8.33, in the following eight lines Parmenides goes on to explore implications of his earlier claim that ‘you cannot know what is not...nor can you declare it’ (B2.7-8) in the light of the results obtained so far in B8. He begins by stating (B8.34) that ‘what is to be thought of is the same as that on account of which the thought is’ and goes on to give an argument for that claim (B8.35-38a). He then (B8.38b-41) states as a consequence of the claim, that ‘it (that is, τὸ ἐόν) has been named all things that mortals, persuaded that they are real, have posited both to be generated and to perish, both to be and not, and to change place and alter bright color’. His treatment of these issues, which concern the relations among reality, thought, and language, is one of the most philosophically important parts of his work; it is arguably the very heart of his philosophy. It is also one of the most obscure. The philosophical difficulties are compounded by the facts that the Greek text is uncertain and its grammatical structure is hard to make out.

One of the principal issues in dispute is the relation between a line quoted in two ancient sources (Plato’s Theaetetus and a commentary on that work by an unknown author) and B8.38. Do those sources contain the true version of B8.38, an incorrect version of that line—a misquotation of the true version, or an altogether different line? B8.38 is a pivotal line in the passage B8.34-41; as indicated above, I believe that it contains the end of the first part of the passage and the beginning of the second, although it is commonly understood differently.

The first step towards understanding the passage is to establish the text of B8.38. Ideally such a text would have substantial support in the ancient sources, it would be a line of the dactylic hexameter verse in which Parmenides wrote, it would make grammatical sense, it would give a good philosophical sense in the place where it occurs, it would suit Parmenides’ manner of presenting his ideas and arguments, and it would make sense in relation to the rest of his philosophy.

In part I, I survey the evidence for B8.38 and argue that if the version reported by Plato and his commentator is accepted as a separate fragment, then one of the metrically acceptable versions of the line preserved in the manuscripts of Simplicius is more strongly supported than has previously been thought and, in fact, from this point of view it becomes the leading candidate. In part II, I argue that this version can be read in a way that is philologically unobjectionable, and I propose a way of reading it that fits well with its context, is characteristic of Parmenides’ philosophical style, and gives at least as good philosophical sense as previous construals do. I also defend my interpretation against recent claims by Kingsley, Vlastos, and Mourelatos.

Finally, in part III, I take up the question of Cornford’s fragment (as the line quoted by Plato and his commentator is known). I boost the alleged fragment’s claim to authenticity by proposing a new way to understand the text that makes the line metrically and philologically unobjectionable and presenting two ways of construing it that make philosophical sense and make claims that do not repeat what Parmenides says elsewhere but accord well with his views. [introduction p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/SqC5oF6JPgbuN3v

Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication, 1967
By: Bicknell, Peter J.

Title	Parmenides' Refutation of Motion and an Implication
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1967
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	12
Issue	1
Pages	1-5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bicknell, Peter J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It  is  commonly maintained that  Melissus was the  major forerunner 
of  atomism. This  has  been  argued  on  a  number  of  grounds,  one  of 
these  being  that Leucippus reacted to  a  Melissean  rather  than a 
Parmenidean refutation of  locomotion. In  the  following short  paper  I 
shall challenge this view and point out that not only is one other 
argument  for  Melissus'  influence  on  atomism  insecure,  but  that  Theo- 
phrastus, our most important witness, unequivocally states that 
Leucippus  opposed  a pre-Melissean  eleaticism. [p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ueYDjNWacYJ6N22

Parmenides, B 8. 4, 1970
By: Wilson, John Richard

Title	Parmenides, B 8. 4
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1970
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	20
Issue	1
Pages	32-34
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wilson, John Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The text of Parmenides 8. 4 is unusually corrupt. [p. 32]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ORpDAdKNKbMPRNA

Parmenides, Fr. 8, 5, 1971
By: Whittaker, John H.

Title	Parmenides, Fr. 8, 5
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1971
Published in	God Time Being: Two Studies in the Transcendental Tradition in Greek Philosophy
Pages	16-32
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Whittaker, John H.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I would conclude that no knowledge of the teaching of the historical 
Parmenides  can  be  safely derived from  the  versions  of fr.  8, 5  which 
have survived.  One can, however, assert with complete conviction,  as 
was shown at the outset, that the doctrine of non-durational eternity, 
which Neoplatonists associated with both versions of the line, was not 
taught by the historical Parmenides. [conclusion p. 24]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/otytaZVpHsVfMmh

Parmenides, Fragment 10, 1968
By: Bicknell, Peter J.

Title	Parmenides, Fragment 10
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1968
Journal	Hermes
Volume	96
Issue	4
Pages	629-631
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bicknell, Peter J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text is a critical analysis of the location of two fragments of the work of the ancient Greek philosopher Parmenides. The author of the text suggests that the two fragments, VS 28 B 10 (Clement, Strom. 5, I38) and VS 28 B 11 (Simplicius, de Caelo 559, 20), are incorrectly placed together in Parmenides' Way of Seeming. The author argues that there is no evidence to suggest that the two fragments were meant to be together, and that they do not fit into the context of Parmenides' work. The author also suggests that VS 28 B 10 may not be Parmenidean at all, and discusses its possible attribution to Empedocles. The text concludes by considering the language and style of the two fragments, and their relationship to Parmenides' other works. [summary of the whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sgGCDPcG5fRkeId

Parménide d'Élée chez les Néoplatoniciens, 1987
By: Guérard, Christian, Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Parménide d'Élée chez les Néoplatoniciens
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Études sur Parménide, Tome II: Problèmes d’interprétation
Pages	294-313
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Guérard, Christian
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

«Le néoplatonisme, écrit J. Trouillard, succède au ‘moyen platonisme’ le jour où les platoniciens se mettent à chercher dans le Parménide le secret de la philosophie de Platon»¹. Effectivement, en paraphrasant Proclus, on peut même dire que la lecture néoplatonicienne du dialogue, et avant tout de la première hypothèse, est le Néoplatonisme lui-même².

Sans revenir davantage sur le rôle considérable du Parménide chez Plotin³, bornons-nous à rappeler qu’il a été commenté de façon systématique par Porphyre⁴, puis, comme en témoigne Proclus⁵, par Amélius, Théodore d’Asiné, Jamblique, l’obscur philosophe de Rhodes, Plutarque d’Athènes et Syrianus. À son tour, le Lycien a rédigé un commentaire probablement complet du dialogue qu’il a repris dans son ouvrage final, la Théologie platonicienne. De même, les deux œuvres rassemblées par C.E. Ruelle sous le titre Dubitationes et solutiones de primis principiis in Platonis Parmenidem⁶ montrent l’importance du dialogue chez Damascius.

Cette relecture du Parménide a posé bien des questions aux historiens de la philosophie. On a alors invoqué l’influence d’idées orientales. Il fallait, semble-t-il, excuser des esprits aussi exceptionnels d’avoir « sombré dans l’irrationalisme ». Une telle attitude, déjà fort visible chez V. Cousin⁷, l’éditeur même de Proclus, malheureusement demeure⁸.

En fait, chez Plotin, l’orientalisme se limiterait au plus à l’aspiration mystique⁹ : la définition du Bien (épékeina tês ousias) est dans la République, VI 509B9, et les spéculations néopythagoriciennes avaient reconnu dans l’Un du Parménide le Principe de tout¹⁰. Il ne restait qu’à faire le lien, peut-être en retrouvant ainsi la pensée de Speusippe¹¹, mais, sans aucun doute, en s’opposant au platonisme de l’époque.

Au IIᵉ siècle notamment, le Parménide était considéré comme une œuvre « logique », un exercice éristique ou un pastiche de la sophistique mégarique. C’était l’opinion des aristotéliciens dont Alexandre d’Aphrodise¹², et aussi celle d’Albinus¹³, par exemple. Pour presque tous¹⁴, le dialogue n’était qu’un jeu discursif employant la méthode des Topiques d’Aristote¹⁵. Il était admis qu’il s’agissait d’une réfutation de l’éléatisme, et, dans la première hypothèse en particulier, d’une réplique ironique de Gorgias¹⁶.

La conception néoplatonicienne n’était pas très aisée à soutenir : si le dialogue porte sur des réalités sublimes, pourquoi les faire exposer par Parménide ? D’ailleurs, l’hypothèse est-elle celle de l’Éléate¹⁷ ? Enfin, connaissait-il l’Un avant l’être et la théologie négative ? Comment donc admettre que le dialogue puisse révéler les choses les plus hautes si le Parménide du Poème n’a rien à voir avec le personnage de Platon ?

Devant ces questions, la figure de l’Éléate prenait un relief nouveau nécessitant à son tour une lecture nouvelle. Nous allons tenter de montrer comment, principalement chez Plotin et Proclus, Parménide allait s’inscrire dans la perspective historique propre au néoplatonisme, et qui, d’une certaine manière, le définit. [introduction p.  294-295]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8WXrV6XuPyldosH

Paulys Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neunter Band Hyaia — Iugum, 1916
By: Kroll, Wilhelm (Ed.)

Title	Paulys Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neunter Band Hyaia — Iugum
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1916
Publication Place	Stuttgart
Publisher	Metzler
Series	Paulys Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft
Volume	9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Kroll, Wilhelm
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VzejKM6yhAYowJ3

Title	Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neue Bearbeitung begonnen von Georg Wissowa unter Mitwirkung zahlreicher Fachgenossen, herausgegeben von Wilhelm Kroll und Karl Mittelhaus. Zweite Reihe, Fünfter Halbband: Silacenis bis Sparsus
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1927
Publication Place	Stuttgart
Publisher	Alfred Druckenmüller Verlag
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Wissowa, Georg , Kroll, Wilhelm , Mittelhaus, Karl
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KS57wiTmYZaf3Mc

Perceptual awareness in the ancient commentators, 2014
By: Lautner, Peter, Remes, Pauliina (Ed.), Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla (Ed.)

Title	Perceptual awareness in the ancient commentators
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2014
Published in	The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism
Pages	323-338
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lautner, Peter
Editor(s)	Remes, Pauliina , Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla
Translator(s)

Moreover, an important part of the awareness involved in sense perception is that we are aware not only of the specific impact but also of the perceptual activity of our sensory power. The root of the problem is exposed in Aristotle’s De Anima. In 3.2, Aristotle insists that we do perceive that we perceive. He seems to take it for granted that our perceptual system is capable of grasping its own operations. At the beginning of De Anima 3.2, he presents the following aporia:

"Since we perceive that we see and hear, it must either be by sight that one perceives that one sees or by another [sense]. But in that case, there will be the same [sense] for sight and the color which is the subject for sight—so that either there will be two senses for the same thing or {the sense} itself will be the one for itself." (425b 12-16, trans. Hamlyn)

The distinction between perception and perception of perception—perceptual consciousness—is here taken for granted, and the fact that a subject perceives that he perceives is something that calls for explanation. In principle, the problem posed by Physics 7.2 is now resolved. On the account of the De Anima, in order for the subject to be aware of it, sense perception must be understood as a change that takes place in the perceiving subject. According to a general principle of change, formulated in Physics 3.3 (202a21-b5), the change produced by some cause is always in the thing that is changed.

Consequently, as a kind of qualitative change, sense perception takes place in the perceiving subject. Moreover, sense perception implies perceptual awareness because sense perception is a reception of sensible forms coming from without. Perceptual awareness comes about when the sense apprehends the sensible forms in itself and, on account of this, fulfills its function as sense. We perceive the change within ourselves. The two processes are one, differing only in account. For it is by receiving the form from the things perceived, which are outside, that we apprehend them, but it is by the sense having the form of the things perceived in itself that perceptual awareness comes about. To take the example of seeing, we see something in virtue of apprehending the perceptible’s form. By apprehending the form, the sense of sight sees, and at the same time, it comes to see itself seeing.

On this account, sense perception is intimately linked to a certain kind of awareness. In sense perception, we simultaneously apprehend both the thing perceived and the activity of the sense in relation to the thing perceived. Perceptual awareness is tied to the fact that in sense perception, we must be aware of the reception of external influence. Hence, the reflexive nature of sense perception is somehow included in the activity of grasping the primary objects of sense perception.

How shall we harmonize the two accounts? After all, it seems that in the De Anima, Alexander emphasizes the role of the common sense power, whereas in Quaestiones 3.7, he derives perceptual awareness from the general nature of sense perception. My suggestion is that the two accounts are complementary. The Quaestiones offer a general account of how perceptual awareness is possible. The reception of sensible forms requires awareness. Following Aristotle, Alexander assumes that this kind of awareness belongs to the perceptual faculty. It is not the rational faculty that such a task has been assigned to.

In the De Anima, Alexander specifies the thesis by pointing out that perceptual awareness comes about by virtue of the activity of the center of our perceptual system. It may remain unclear as to what arguments led him to dismiss the possibility that the particular senses might be able to grasp the activity of their own. There seem to be two points that could not have been accepted, for different reasons, and they also marked the limits within which Alexander's argument must have moved.

On the one hand, he accepted the Aristotelian thesis that perceptual awareness is the task of the perceptual system. On the other hand, he might have had doubts about the ability of the particular senses to grasp their own activities. Even if the act of seeing is somehow colored (De Anima 92.27-31), there must be a difference between the perceiver and the perceived. The difference is within the perceptual system and lies between the particular sense and the common sense power. [introduction p. 325-326]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wW0wlLHdi7RUUn2

Persecution and Response in Late Paganism: The Evidence of Damascius, 1993
By: Athanasiadē, Polymnia Nik.

Title	Persecution and Response in Late Paganism: The Evidence of Damascius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	The Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume	113
Pages	1-29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Athanasiadē, Polymnia Nik.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The theme of this paper is intolerance: its manifestation in late antiquity towards the pagans of the Eastern Mediterranean, and the immediate reactions and long-term attitudes that it provoked in them. The reasons why, in spite of copious evidence, the persecution of the traditional cults and their adepts in the Roman Empire has never been viewed as such are obvious: on the one hand, no pagan church emerged out of the turmoil to canonize its dead and expound a theology of martyrdom, and on the other, whatever their conscious religious beliefs, late antique scholars, in their overwhelming majority, were formed in societies whose ethical foundations and logic are irreversibly Christian. Admittedly, a few facets of this complex subject, such as the closing of the Athenian Academy and the demolition of temples or their conversion into churches, have occasionally been touched upon; but pagan persecution in itself, in all its physical, artistic, social, political, intellectual, and psychological dimensions, has not yet formed the object of scholarly research.

To illustrate the pressures wrought by intolerance upon late antique society, I have chosen a period of one hundred years spanning the life, testimony, and initiatives of Damascius. In the 460s, Neoplatonism, as a fairly standardized expression of pagan piety, still formed—despite occasional persecution—a generally accepted way of thinking and living in the Eastern Mediterranean; moreover, as epitomized by Proclus and Athens, it was a recognizably Greek way. By 560, on the other hand, as a result of Justinian's decree prohibiting the official propagation of the doctrine in Athens, its exponents, after various vicissitudes, had ended up in a frontier town, where their philosophy had become contaminated by local forms of thought and worship and was on the way to losing its Graeco-Roman relevance. The interaction and the resulting changes in late antiquity of a sociological force—intolerance—and of a Weltanschauung—Neoplatonism—is a complex phenomenon in which causes and effects are never clearly defined.

In an attempt at clarifying this development (which lies at the heart of the transformation of the ancient into the medieval world), I have in what follows set the focus of the action against two contrasting backgrounds. The first consists of a selective study of violence in Alexandria between the fourth and the sixth centuries; the second is represented by an equally impressionistic account of the evolution of Neoplatonism at Harran between the sixth and the tenth centuries and its increasing relevance to the world. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mXGv9inyCKfn393

Phantasia and Mental Images: Neoplatonist Interpretations of De Anima, 3.3, 1991
By: Sheppard, Anne D., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Robinson, Howard (Ed.)

Title	Phantasia and Mental Images: Neoplatonist Interpretations of De Anima, 3.3
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1991
Published in	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition
Pages	165-173
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sheppard, Anne D.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Robinson, Howard
Translator(s)

It used to be taken for granted that imagination involves having mental images, but this assumption was among the many challenged in the works of Wittgenstein and in Gilbert Ryle’s The Concept of Mind. It is now more fashionable to analyze propositions of the form "I imagine that P" than to inquire into hypothetical pictures in the mind. Accordingly, some current interpreters of Aristotle claim that he is interested in the logic of the verb phainesthai, or in a power that interprets the data of perception, rather than in mental images.

For example, Malcolm Schofield claims that Aristotle is concerned with the verb phainesthai and the sense in which it expresses a non-committal attitude toward the veridical character of sensory or quasi-sensory experiences. According to Schofield, Aristotle is concerned with "non-paradigmatic sensory experiences"—phenomena that make one say cautiously phainetai ("It looks like an X"). Mental imagery is only one type of such experience and is not Aristotle’s main concern. Martha Nussbaum also emphasizes the connection with the verb phainesthai and explicitly attacks the view that mental images are central to either Aristotelian phantasia or our notion of imagination. Nussbaum claims that Aristotle has a very general interest in how things appear to living creatures. She examines Aristotle’s account of the role of phantasia in animal movement and its relationship to aisthesis and argues that, for Aristotle, aisthesis is simply the passive reception of sense-impressions, while the role of phantasia is to interpret such impressions.

More recently, Deborah Modrak has argued for an interpretation of Aristotelian phantasia that once again makes mental images important. She argues against Nussbaum’s interpretation of aisthesis as purely passive and describes phantasia as "the awareness of a sensory content under conditions that are not conducive to veridical perception." Such awareness, she argues, can perfectly well take the form of a mental image.

My concern here is not so much to adjudicate among these rival modern interpretations of Aristotle as to inquire what light the Neoplatonist commentators on the De anima throw on the issues raised. It might be thought that this is a futile enterprise, given the very different presuppositions with which the ancient commentators approached Aristotle. Henry Blumenthal has demonstrated in a number of articles that these commentators read Aristotle through Platonizing spectacles and that their interpretation of his psychology is colored by their Platonist assumptions. Nevertheless, if we examine the discussions of De anima 3.3 by the Neoplatonists, some interesting light is cast on the question of whether phantasia involves mental images.

In this paper, I shall confine myself to the two Neoplatonist commentaries on the De anima—those attributed to Simplicius and Philoponus. (Themistius, who was not a Neoplatonist, would require separate discussion.) Both commentaries raise problems of authorship, although these do not significantly affect the present inquiry. F. Bossier and C. Steel have argued that the commentary ascribed to Simplicius is not by him but by his contemporary Priscianus Lydus. Whether this is correct or not, the commentary is a product of sixth-century Athenian Neoplatonism. Book 3 of the Greek version of Philoponus’ commentary has been much more conclusively demonstrated to be by the later Alexandrian commentator Stephanus. Part of a Latin translation of Philoponus’ own work on De anima 3 survives, but his comments on 3.3 are not preserved. Those I shall be discussing are by Stephanus. (Where it is possible to compare the two commentators, the views of Stephanus are sometimes quite close to those of Philoponus, so it is likely that Philoponus’ views on 3.3 were not very different from those we find in Stephanus.) [introduction p. 165-167]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lzX0JUImw1D2csY

Title	Philology and philosophy in the margins of early printed editions of the ancient Greek commentators on Aristotle, with special reference to copies held in the Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense, Milan
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1999
Published in	Philosophy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Conversations with Aristotle
Pages	48-75
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fazzo, Silvia
Editor(s)	Blackwell, Constance , Kusukawa, Sachiko
Translator(s)

My aim in this  paper  is to discuss some examples of the  problems  Renaissance 
scholars encountered in this regard [i.e. he great advantage of having Greek texts  available in print]. In this first section, I will be concerned with 
a few sixteenth-century scholars and the close attention which they paid to the 
first Greek printed edition of the Quaestiones of Alexander of Aphrodisias. [p. 49]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tTVeJQfmUSW2VyM

Philology or Philosophy? Simplicius on the Use of Quotations, 2002
By: Baltussen, Han, Foley, John Miles (Ed.), Worthington, Ian (Ed.)

Title	Philology or Philosophy? Simplicius on the Use of Quotations
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	Epea and grammata : oral and written communication in ancient Greece
Pages	173-189
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Foley, John Miles , Worthington, Ian
Translator(s)

This chapter will examine a small aspect of the scholarly method of the commentator Simplicius. It seems appropriate to start with some justification for dealing with an author from Late Antiquity on the theme of orality and literacy, as it is generally assumed that these terms refer to the “early” stages of Greek culture when writing found its way into the intellectual activities of Greek society. As I shall discuss the methodology of a member of the Platonic school of around 530 AD, the briefest statement to qualify the terms for this period is to say that the author belonged to a highly literate and tradition-conscious movement, which taught and studied philosophy building on previous attempts at exegesis. [p. 174]

Online Resources

Philoponus : corollaries on place and void ; with Simplicius against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World, 1991
By: Simplicius, Philoponus

Title	Philoponus : corollaries on place and void ; with Simplicius against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1991
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius , Philoponus
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Furley, David J.(Furley, David J. ) , Wildberg, Christian(Wildberg, Christian) ,

In the Corollaries on Place and Void, Philoponus attacks Aristotle's conception of place as two-dimensional, adopting instead the view more familiar to us that it is three-dimensional, inert and conceivable as void. Philoponus' denial that velocity in the void would be infinite anticipated Galileo, as did his denial that speed of fall is proportionate to weight, which Galileo greatly developed.

In the second document Simplicius attacks a lost treatise of Philoponus which argued for the Christians against the eternity of the world. He exploits Aristotle's concession that the world contains only finite power. Simplicius' presentation of Philoponus' arguments (which may well be tendentious), together with his replies, tell us a good deal about both Philosophers. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VXsnYcvbcBQqcVL

Philoponus and Simplicius on Tekmeriodic Proof, 1997
By: Morrison, Donald R., Keßler, Eckhard (Ed.), Di Liscia, Daniel A. (Ed.), Methuen, Charlotte (Ed.)

Title	Philoponus and Simplicius on Tekmeriodic Proof
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1997
Published in	Method and Order in Renaissance Philosophy of Nature: The Aristotle Commentary Tradition
Pages	1-22
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Morrison, Donald R.
Editor(s)	Keßler, Eckhard , Di Liscia, Daniel A. , Methuen, Charlotte
Translator(s)

In this paper I shall concentrate on a small but 
crucial episode in the development of one significant issue:  the method by 
which  the physicist acquires knowledge of the principles  of physical 
things. n his  commentary on  the Physics, the sixth-century Neoplatonist 
philosopher Simplicius puts forward sign-inference as a general method 
for acquiring first principles in physics:  “Clearly, the grasp (gnosis) of the 
principles [of physical things] is through necessary signs (tekmeriodes) 
rather than apodeictic (apodeiktike)."... [p. 1]

Online Resources

Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science, 1987
By: Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1987
Publication Place	Ithaca, New York
Publisher	Cornell University Press
Edition No.	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

All the chapters in this book are new, except for the inaugural lecture (Chapter 9), which I apologise for reprinting virtually unrevised and with the original lecture context still apparent. It seemed desirable, however, that so crucial a part ofthe controversy should be represented. The collection originated in a conference on Philoponus held at the Institute of Classical Studies in London in June 1983, which provided an opportunity for interested parties to pool knowledge from the many different disciplines that are relevant to his work. Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 6 are drawn from the conference, while two other conference papers, those of Henry Blumenthal and Richard Sorabji, are being incorporated into books in preparation (see Bibliography). Sorabji's main suggestions, however, are included in Chapter I in the discussion of matter and extension (pp 18 and 23). The remairnng  chapters, apart from the inaugural lecture, were solicited or written for the volume, two of them (5 and 12) having been delivered first at a seminar on Ancient Science at the Institute of Classical Studies. [preface, p. ix-x]

Online Resources

Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition, 2010
By: Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2010
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London
Series	BICS Supplement
Volume	103
Edition No.	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Richard Sorabji is the editor of a vast and growing number of translations of ancient
commentaries on Aristotle and the editor of several excellent collections of studies on the
Aristotelian tradition. Philoponus, a 6th century Christian thinker who was originally trained as
a Neoplatonist, is best remembered today for his attack on Aristotle's 'physics'; his influence on
later philosophers and scientists and his role in the reevaluation of Aristotelian science and
natural philosophy are indeed remarkable. The second edition of Philoponus and the Rejection
of Aristotelian Science includes a new two-part introduction which offers a survey of the
rapidly expanding scholarship on Philoponus and of recent archeological discoveries (such as
the lecture rooms of the 6th century Alexandrian school), as well as new insights into the
interaction between Greek paganism and Christianity in connection with Philoponus and his
milieu. The twelve chapters included in this collection are written by very prominent scholars
and tackle topics such as Philoponus' corollaries on space and time, the differences between his
theological views (e.g. on the three hypostases) and the prevailing dogmas of the time, the
relation between his theory about impetus and later treatments of impetus and related
concepts in a number of Arab thinkers and in Galileo. This collection is one of the most reliable
and wide-ranging introductions to Philoponus' views and influence, and those interested in late
ancient philosophy and its interactions with Christian thought will find this to be a most
valuable resource. [Review by Tiberiu Popa]

Online Resources

Philoponus and the Rise of Preclassical Dynamics, 1987
By: Wolff, Michael, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Philoponus and the Rise of Preclassical Dynamics
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science
Pages	84-120
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wolff, Michael
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

If we are prepared to assume that the basic presuppositions of impetus theory 
can be traced back not to observational  experience which  Aristotle  missed, 
but rather to a certain concept of man and to certain ethical  principles,  we 
need not attempt to explain the emergence of the theory solely by reference to 
new observations of falling bodies and the like.  Is it not more appropriate to 
ask  about  the  origin  and  kind  of  ethical  problem  to  which  impetus  theory 
originally  helped  to  provide  an  answer?  The  experience  that  forces  are 
exhausted in all physical activities of human beings could have been just such 
a  problem.  Earlier society,  which  had  left  this  experience  chiefly  to  slaves, 
could not  really  have  had  such  a  problem.  But,  by  the close  of Antiquity, 
times were changing. [Conclusion p. 120]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/L1tFbjfO8UrPnAp

Philoponus on Theophrastus on Composition in Nature, 1998
By: Haas, Frans A. J. de, Raalte, Marlein van (Ed.), van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. (Ed.)

Title	Philoponus on Theophrastus on Composition in Nature
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1998
Published in	Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources
Pages	171-189
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de
Editor(s)	Raalte, Marlein van , van Ophuijsen, Johannes M.
Translator(s)

Both Philoponus and Simplicius, in their commentaries on this passage (144A and 144B, respectively), report that Theophrastus supplied the minor premise of the syllogism, which was not mentioned by Aristotle—namely, “all physical things have principles.” Moreover, they state that Theophrastus argued for this premise based on the composition of all physical things.

Unlike Simplicius, Philoponus inserts an account of the notion of composition involved here and devotes special attention to the various ways in which physical forms and powers can be considered composite. This elaboration (144A 9–28) had been put between parentheses in the Berlin edition of Philoponus’ commentary, thus suggesting a digression by Philoponus rather than a continuation of an originally Theophrastean argument. As Robert Sharples has informed me, in FHS&G the parentheses were omitted to avoid the impression that these lines had nothing to do with Theophrastus at all; nor was it deemed correct to use parentheses to indicate the flow of the argument. In any case, there is no need to challenge the inclusion of this passage in the source book that FHS&G is intended to be.

This leaves us with the question: to what extent can we ascribe the contents of Philoponus’ insertion (144A 9–28) to Theophrastus? Professor Laks was the first to raise this question at the Leiden Theophrastus Conference, and he also provided an analysis of the argument.

In this paper, I want to address the following questions: Is Philoponus reporting Theophrastean thought here or not? And what motive could Philoponus have had to include this passage at this point in his commentary? [introduction p. 171-172]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5LsO2XY3SoVzgrW

Philoponus' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics in the Sixtheenth Century, 1987
By: Schmitt, Charles Bernard, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Philoponus' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics in the Sixtheenth Century
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition
Pages	210-230
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schmitt, Charles Bernard
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

As it is generally accepted, the term ‘Renaissance’ refers to a historical period in which there was a revival of interest in the literature, styles, and forms of Classical Antiquity. Though the ‘revival’ is usually understood to refer specifically to ancient ‘literary’ texts, there can be no doubt that the specialized technical treatises of philosophy, natural science, mathematics, and medicine played a role equally important, if not more important, in the cultural and intellectual life of the Renaissance. In addition to the rediscovery of the integral texts of Homer and the Greek dramatists, Cicero’s Letters to Atticus, Quintilian, and Lucretius, the fifteenth century also saw the recovery of much of Galen, Theophrastus, Plato, Plotinus, and Proclus, Pappus, Diogenes Laertius, and Sextus Empiricus, as well as many additional classical authors of specialized literature. Indeed, the ‘Renaissance’ was a revival of the technical knowledge bequeathed by Antiquity as much as of works of recognized literary and rhetorical quality.

One aspect of the influence of ancient literature on the Renaissance which has received little attention until fairly recently is the role of the Greek commentators on Aristotle. In that vast corpus, most of which is conveniently assembled for us in the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, there is a wealth of interpretative and supplementary material, which is of great use not only for an understanding of the Aristotelian text itself but also for understanding its historical context and the philosophical positions that were in competition with those of Aristotle in antiquity. A certain number of the Greek commentaries were known in the Middle Ages, both in the Islamic and in the Christian worlds, but such knowledge was very fragmentary. Only a small portion of the extant commentaries was available in Latin before the sixteenth century. Some of these attained a degree of importance and played a central role in the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century discussions of the soul, for example. These medieval versions are presently being edited in a critical fashion by a group of scholars at Louvain; this series should take its place alongside the Greek texts produced in the last century by the Berlin Academy of Sciences. So far, editions of commentaries by Themistius, Ammonius, Philoponus, Simplicius, Alexander, and Eustratius have appeared.

But it remained for the sixteenth century to make accessible most of the material. For example, less than half of the works attributed to Alexander of Aphrodisias contained in the CAG and Supplementum Aristotelicum were available in the Middle Ages, and, among the expositions of Philoponus, only the commentary on the De Anima was available.

The need for a comprehensive publication of all of the Greek commentaries on Aristotle was already noted and made a program for the future in Aldo Manuzio’s prefatory letter to the first volume of his editio princeps of Aristotle in 1495. Although Aldo himself did not live to achieve his aim, he did initiate it, and between that date and 1540 nearly the entire Greek corpus was made available to European scholars. Parallel with the publication of the Greek texts—and generally delayed by only a few years—was the publication of Latin translations of the same texts, thus making the material accessible to a much wider readership than the rather restricted group who could cope effectively with the Greek text of the commentators. Most of the Greek editions themselves, as well as the majority of the translations, issued from Venetian presses, though Paris and Lyon served as secondary publication centers. By mid-century essentially everything could be read in Latin, and the impact of the new material can be traced in the Aristotelian literature of the period.

In reading the many commentaries on Aristotle and other philosophical works of the sixteenth century, one clearly discerns the rising tide of interest in these expositions across a spectrum of philosophical and scientific topics. Hitherto, the impact of these new sources of information has only imperfectly been charted, primarily with regard to discussions of the soul. Nardi’s fundamental work on Simplicius, the more recent studies on Alexander by Cranz, and on the general Neoplatonism of the commentaries by Mahoney have served to draw attention to the rich vein of material there to be mined. The range of the impact—in logic, natural philosophy, metaphysics, and psychology—has scarcely been charted, nor has the interplay between Greek, Arabic, Hebrew, and medieval and Renaissance Latin interpretations of Aristotle been evaluated and analyzed.

During the second half of the sixteenth century, those who wanted to understand Aristotle—which for them meant philosophy tout court—frequently tried to relate the text of the Stagirite to the varying interpretations of Philoponus, Simplicius, Averroes (1126–98), Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225–74), John of Jandun (died 1328), Pomponazzi (1462–1525), and Soto (1494/5–1560), among many others.

Particularly little studied has been the impact of the newly available Greek commentators on the Physics. Here is meant primarily Simplicius and Philoponus, both of whom left behind extensive and detailed expositions of that work, neither of which was known directly to Latin writers of the Middle Ages but which were to become available in the sixteenth century. As long ago as Wohlwill and Duhem, it has been known that some of the criticisms and alternative positions put forward in the commentaries on the Physics by the two sixth-century writers later attained importance in the history of the development of physical thought. Moreover, it was also realized by the same historians that the critiques of Aristotle put forward by Simplicius and Philoponus were very similar to some of the positions that became central in the formulation of the ‘new science’ of the seventeenth century.

Thus far, however, there has been little systematic attempt to consider the reaction of the sixteenth century as a whole to the reorientation made possible by the availability of Simplicius and Philoponus. The story is not simple, and it cannot be covered comprehensively here, though I hope to be able to indicate some lines further research might take. What I shall do is to focus upon Philoponus, whose significance in the story is possibly less than that of Simplicius, but without a full story of the fortune of the Physics of both authors a valid conclusion regarding their relative merits is not possible.

Before turning to a consideration of the impact of the Grammarian’s partial commentary on the Physics (only the first four books are integrally extant), I should like to deal briefly with two other points. First, I should like to sketch a portrait of Philoponus as a commentator, emphasizing why what he had to say was of potential importance for the sixteenth century. Secondly, I shall say something general about the recovery and assimilation of his philosophical works in the West down to the sixteenth century. [introduction p. 210-213]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Ub0AryY729JHN5w

Philoponus, On Aristotle ‘Physics 5-8’ with Simplicius, On Aristotle on the Void, 2013
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Philoponus, On Aristotle ‘Physics 5-8’ with Simplicius, On Aristotle on the Void
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Urmson, J. O.(Urmson, James O.) , Lettinck, P.(Lettinck, P.) ,

Paul Lettinck has restored a lost text of Philoponus by translating it for the first time from Arabic (only limited fragments have survived in the original Greek). The text, recovered from annotations in an Arabic translation of Aristotle, is an abridging paraphrase of Philoponus' commentary on Physics Books 5-7, with two final comments on Book 8. The Simplicius text, which consists of his comments on Aristotle's treatment of the void in chapters 6-9 of Book 4 of the Physics, comes from Simplicius' huge commentary on Book 4. Simplicius' comments on Aristotle's treatment of place and time have been translated by J. O. Urmson in two earlier volumes of this series.[author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dftDwj5tHNlsKrR

Philoponus: Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World, 1987
By: Philoponos, Johannes,

Title	Philoponus: Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1987
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Philoponos, Johannes
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Wildberg, Christian(Wildberg, Christian)

Philoponus' treatise Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World, an attack on Aristotle's astronomy and theology is concerned mainly with the eternity and divinity of the fifth element, or 'quintessence', of which Aristotle took the stars to be composed. Pagans and Christians were divided on whether the world had a beginning, and on whether a belief that the heavens were divine was a mark of religion. Philoponus claimed on behalf of Christianity that the universe was not eternal. His most spectacular arguments, where wrung paradox out of the pagan belief in an infinite past, have been wrongly credited by historians of science to a period 700 years later. The treatise was to influence Islamic, Jewish, Byzantine and Latin thought, though the fifth element was defended against Philoponus even beyond the time of Copernicus. The influence of the treatise was not easy to trace before the fragments were assembled. Dr. Wildberg has brought them together for the first time and provided a summary which makes coherent sense of the whole. He has also studied a Syriac fragment, which reveals that the treatise originally contained an explicitly theological section on the Christian expectation of a new heaven and a new earth. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8Iylo91nPxiKHhJ

Philosophers, Exegetes, Scholars: The Ancient Philosophical Commentary from Plato to Simplicius, 2016
By: Baltussen, Han, Kraus, Christina S. (Ed.), Stray, Christopher (Ed.)

Title	Philosophers, Exegetes, Scholars: The Ancient Philosophical Commentary from Plato to Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Classical Commentaries: Explorations in a Scholarly Genre
Pages	173-194
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Kraus, Christina S. , Stray, Christopher
Translator(s)

This chapter traces the evolution of the philosophical commentary and aims to show how the increasingly scholarly nature of the commentary culture exerted a distinctive influence on philosophical methods and discourses. While Plato was perhaps a proto-exegete, systematic commenting only took off in the first century bee once an authoritative “corpus” of works had been established. Commenting on specific texts became an important way to philosophize. The ancient philosophical commentary thus emerged as a “natural by-product” of the ongoing dialogue between teachers and students. Good evidence for written commentary is found in the first century BCE and CE, foreshadowing the rise of the full running commentary of a quite scholarly nature by Aristotelians like Aspasius and Alexander of Aphrodisias (2nd c. CE); after Plotinus (205-270 CE) the Platonists added their own interpretive works on Aristotle, leading to the comprehensive exegeses of Proclus (fifth c.) and Simplicius (sixth c. CE).

Online Resources

Philosophia togata II: Plato and Aristotle at Rome, 1997
By: Barnes, Jonathan (Ed.), Griffin, Miriam (Ed.)

Title	Philosophia togata II: Plato and Aristotle at Rome
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Clarendon Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Barnes, Jonathan , Griffin, Miriam
Translator(s)

The mutual interaction of philosophy and Roman political and cultural life has aroused more and more interest in recent years among students of classical literature, Roman history, and ancient philosophy. In this volume, which gathers together some of the papers originally delivered at a series of seminars in the University of Oxford, scholars from all three disciplines explore the role of Platonism and Aristotelianism in Roman intellectual, cultural, and political life from the second century BC to the third century AD.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/y4n6429uWaNLuD2

Philosophy and Commentary: Evaluating Simplicius on the Presocratics, 2018
By: Parsons, Bethany, Finamore, John F. (Ed.), Layne, Danielle, A. (Ed.)

Title	Philosophy and Commentary: Evaluating Simplicius on the Presocratics
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	Platonic Pathways: Selected Papers from the Fourteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies
Pages	227-242
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Parsons, Bethany
Editor(s)	Finamore, John F. , Layne, Danielle, A.
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RBkbZJgg5JiRP2K

Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator, 2008
By: Baltussen, Han

Title	Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2008
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This is the first book-length study in English of the interpretative and philosophical approach of the commentaries of Simplicius of Cilicia (c. AD 530). Simplicius' work, marked by doctrinal complexity and scholarship, is unusually self-conscious, learned and rich in its sources, and he is therefore one of those rare authors who is of interest to ancient philosophers, historians and classicists alike. Here, Han Baltussen argues that our understanding of Simplicius' methodology will be greatly enhanced if we study how his scholarly approach impacts on his philosophical exegesis. His commentaries are placed in their intellectual context and several case studies shed light on his critical treatment of earlier philosophers and his often polemical use of previous commentaries. "Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius" not only clarifies the objectives, pre-suppositions and impact of Simplicius' work, but also illustrates how, as a competent philosopher explicating Aristotelian and Platonic ideas, he continues and develops a method that pursues philosophy by way of exegetical engagement with earlier thinkers and commentators. The investigation opens up connections with broader issues, such as the reception of Presocratic philosophy within the commentary tradition, the nature and purpose of his commentaries, and the demise of pagan philosophy.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6fusW1GpgUp9w7O

Philosophy in the Age of Justinian, 2005
By: Wildberg, Christian, Maas, Michael (Ed.)

Title	Philosophy in the Age of Justinian
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian
Pages	316-340
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)	Maas, Michael
Translator(s)

In order to bring some clarity to the sometimes confusing list of names 
of nowadays little-known philosophers active during the period in ques
tion,  it is  necessary  to begin with a short  prosopography.  A history of 
philosophy in the Age ofjustinian must include an account of two tow
ering but very different figures, Damascius (c. 460-540) and Ammonius, 
(c. 440-517 or 526). The philosophical activities of both these men oc
cur well before the accession ofjustinian, but through their pupils they 
shaped  the views  and methods of their philosophical successors in  the 
period that concerns us. [p. 318] 
To illustrate the point that commentaries were not written to elucidate 
otherwise  obscure  texts  but  were  the  preferred  genre  of discourse  to 
establish,  negotiate,  and  criticize  substantive  philosophical  claims,  we 
now turn to some of the controversies that were discussed in a more or 
less open fashion.  In an influential article,  Karl  Praechter once argued 
that one can distinguish clearly between different schools and directions 
within the broader Neoplatonic movement in late antiquity.23  In partic
ular, Praechter argued that the salient difference between the two major 
schools,  the  Athenian and the Alexandrian branch,  lay in  their differ
ent exegetical  methods.  Whereas the Athenian  school  (represented by 
Syrianus,  Proclus,  Damascius,  and  Simplicius)  was  heavily influenced, 
broadly  speaking,  by  Iamblichuss  tendency  to  bring  out  in  any  text, 
as far  as  possible,  the  understanding it  offers  of the  intelligible  world, 
the Alexandrian  School  (represented by Hierocles in the  fifth  century, 
and by Ammonius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus, Elias, and David in the 
sixth)  tended toward  a  more  sober and less  metaphysical  technique  of 
interpretation.  Praechter connected these observations with two socio
cultural differences separating the schools: Alexandria had traditionally 
been  a  center  of learning  in  the  exact  sciences  (hence  the  preference for  Aristotle)  and  possessed  a  large  Christian  intellectual  community 
attending  the  Alexandrian  philosophers’  lectures  and  classes  (which 
would  temper  the  propagation  of Platonism  as  an  antigospel).  Thus, 
as compared to the Athenians, the Alexandrian Neoplatonists were less 
of a sect  (hairesis)  and more of a collegium of higher education. [p. 323-324]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5eGVb60bqhLTv0z

Philosophy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Conversations with Aristotle, 1999
By: Blackwell, Constance (Ed.), Kusukawa, Sachiko (Ed.)

Title	Philosophy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Conversations with Aristotle
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1999
Publication Place	Aldershot – Hants, U.K. – Brookfield, Vt.
Publisher	Ashgate
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Blackwell, Constance , Kusukawa, Sachiko
Translator(s)

This volume offers an important re-evaluation of early modern philosophy. It takes issue with the received notion of a ’revolution’ in philosophical thought in the 17th-century, making the case for treating the 16th and 17th centuries together. Taking up Charles Schmitt’s formulation of the many ’Aristotelianisms’ of the period, the papers bring out the variety and richness of the approaches to Aristotle, rather than treating his as a homogeneous system of thought. Based on much new research, they provide case studies of how philosophers used, developed, and reacted to the framework of Aristotelian logic, categories and distinctions, and demonstrate that Aristotelianism possessed both the flexibility and the dynamism to exert a continuing impact - even among such noted ’anti-Aristotelians’ as Descartes and Hobbes. This constant engagement can indeed be termed ’conversations with Aristotle’.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/In5fPTWQezWnPei

Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1, 2004
By: Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Stone, Martin W. F. (Ed.)

Title	Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2004
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Institute of Classical Studies
Series	Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies (BICS)
Volume	Supplement 83.1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Baltussen, Han , Stone, Martin W. F.
Translator(s)

This two volume Supplement to the Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies represents the proceedings of a conference held at the Institute on 27-29 June, 2002 in honour of Richard Sorabji. These volumes, which are intended to build on the massive achievement of Professor Sorabji’s Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series, focus on the commentary as a vehicle of philosophical and scientific thought. Volume One deals with the Greek tradition, including one paper on Byzantine philosophy and one on the Latin author Calcidius, who is very close to the late Greek tradition in outlook. The volume begins with an overview of the tradition of commenting on Aristotle and of the study of this tradition in the modern era. It concludes with an up-to-date bibliography of scholarship devoted to the commentators.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nqTHgI2QahbENt5

Physikai doxai and Problēmata physika from Aristotle to Aëtius (and Beyond), 1992
By: Mansfeld, Jaap, Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Gutas, Dimitri (Ed.)

Title	Physikai doxai and Problēmata physika from Aristotle to Aëtius (and Beyond)
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1992
Published in	Theophrastus. His Psychological, Doxographical and Scientific Writings
Pages	63-111
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Gutas, Dimitri
Translator(s)

In Theophrastus’  bibliography at Diog. Laërt. V 48 the title is given in the 
genitive, Φυσικών δοξών, which means that the intended nominative may have 
been  either  Φυσικών  δόξαι  (The  Tenets  of  the  Philosophers  of  Nature)  or 
Φυσικαί δόξαι (The Tenets in Natural Philosophy).  Scholars have been divided 
over this issue; although the majority have followed Usener and Diels, there are 
a number of noteworthy  exceptions.8  What we have here is  by  no  means a 
minor  problem,  because  the  precise  meaning  of  the  title  is  influential  in 
determining our impression of what the book was about.  In the present paper, 
I shall try to demonstrate, in various ways, that the book-title has to be Φυσικάι
δόξαι.  [p. 64]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/va3DLcPD91tJsO7

Title	Pietro d’Abano e l’utilizzazione della traduzione di Guglielmo di Moerbeke del Commento di Simplicio al II libro del De Caelo di Aristotele
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	1989
Published in	Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d’études à l’occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286)
Pages	83-112
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Federici-Vescovini, Graziella
Editor(s)	Brams, Jozef , Vanhamel, Willy
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Km4PwTvVAXA9uOv

Place and Space in Late Neoplatonism, 1977
By: Sambûrsqî, Šemûʾēl

Title	Place and Space in Late Neoplatonism
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1977
Journal	Studies in History and Philosophy of Science
Volume	8
Issue	3
Pages	173–187
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sambûrsqî, Šemûʾēl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Three basic notions characterize the physical world, namely space, time and
matter, the first of which is usually held by scientists to be simpler than the
other two. The history of physics and philosophy has shown, however, that
even the concept of space abounds with difficulties, to which the doctrines of
the later Neoplatonic philosophers form an impressive witness. It is proposed
to give here a brief survey of the theories of topos, meaning variously “place”
or “space”, from Iamblichus at the beginning of the fourth century to
Simplicius in the middle of the sixth. Although most of their treatises were
clad in the modest garb of commentaries on works by Plato or Aristotle, the
ideas of these thinkers undoubtedly represent one of the peaks of sophistication
and metaphysical acumen in the whole history of philosophy. The deliberations and inquiries of these philosophers on the concept of
topos took place against a long historical background, spanning nearly a
thousand years from the Presocratics to Plotinus. A short synopsis, however
condensed, of the earlier developments of the concept will serve as a useful
introduction, leading up to the period in which Iamblichus and his successors
started to elaborate their ideas on topos. This summary will be concerned with
merely the conceptual aspects of the subject and thus will not adhere to a
strict chronological order. [introduction p. 173]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FmKjWoNccS499uH

Plato and Aristotle in Agreement: The Neoplatonist Commentaries on Aristotle’s Categories (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Texas at Austin), 1993
By: Bole, Thomas James

Title	Plato and Aristotle in Agreement: The Neoplatonist Commentaries on Aristotle’s Categories (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Texas at Austin)
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1993
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bole, Thomas James
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The dissertation is a case study of the thesis of the Neoplatonist commentators that Aristotle's philosophy was in basic harmony with Plato's. The cases examined are the surviving Greek commentaries on Aristotle's Categories authored by Porphyry, Dexippus, Ammonius, Simplicius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus, and David. The Categories was the traditional introduction to a systematic reading of Aristotle's works; it is also blatantly anti-Platonist: if it could be shown to be harmonious with Plato's philosophy, Aristotle's other works could more easily be accommodated. ;The crucial move in the commentators' harmonization is set out in the dissertation's introductory chapter: how their determination of the intended theme of the Categories permits them to construe Aristotle's listed categories not as ontological, and so in competition with Platonist summa genera, but as semantic of the derivatively real material world. The second chapter notes that the commentators' conceptions of homonymy includes a relationship between intelligibles and sensibles according to which terms for sensibles receive their meaning because they signify that which derives both ontological determination and meaning from intelligible exemplars. It then takes up the commentators' treatment of issues of ontological dependence: how form is in matter; whether accidents are separable from one particular subject; and whether the last six categories are derivative from relationships among the first four. The third chapter shows that only Dexippus and Porphyry apud Dexippum demonstrate that the emanation of the sensible from the intelligible is parallel in Platonism and in Aristotle. Our other commentators either claim a looser parallelism between Plato and Aristotle or simply presume this parallelism. The fourth, fifth, and sixth chapters investigate how, and with what consistency, each of the commentators views each of the three categories of quantity, relatives, and quality as the building blocks of the sensible world. The fifth chapter also confirms Conti's thesis, not taken seriously since Luna's objections, that the commentators anticipate the modern notion of relation as a polyadic function. A final chapter examines the appropriateness of stopping the survey of the commentaries on the ninth chapter of a fifteen-chapter work. [autor's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RRFj09L0aVZ7NHb

Plato and Aristotle in Agreement? Platonists on Aristotle from Antiochus to Porphyry, 2006
By: Karamanolis, George

Title	Plato and Aristotle in Agreement? Platonists on Aristotle from Antiochus to Porphyry
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2006
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Clarendon Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Karamanolis, George
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lGHQiEMtSxBEKEl

Plato as "Architect of Science", 1998
By: Zhmud, Leonid

Title	Plato as "Architect of Science"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1998
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	43
Issue	3
Pages	211-244
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zhmud, Leonid
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The figure of the cordial host of the Academy, who invited the most gifted mathematicians and cultivated pure research, whose keen intellect was able, if not to solve the particular problem, then at least to show the method for its solution: this figure is quite familiar to students of Greek science. But was the Academy as such a center of scientific research, and did Plato really set for mathematicians and astronomers the problems they should study and methods they should use? Our sources tell about Plato's friendship or at least acquaintance with many brilliant mathematicians of his day (Theodorus, Archytas, Theaetetus), but they were never his pupils; rather, vice versa—he learned much from them and actively used this knowledge in developing his philosophy.

There is no reliable evidence that Eudoxus, Menaechmus, Dinostratus, Theudius, and others, whom many scholars unite into the group of so-called "Academic mathematicians," ever were his pupils or close associates. Our analysis of the relevant passages (Eratosthenes' Platonicus, Sosigenes ap. Simplicius, Proclus' Catalogue of geometers, and Philodemus' History of the Academy, etc.) shows that the very tendency of portraying Plato as the architect of science goes back to the early Academy and is born out of interpretations of his dialogues. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/eZULGOyXyPzCdqW

Plato's Auctoritas and the Rebirth of the Commentary Tradition, 1997
By: Sedley, David N., Barnes, Jonathan (Ed.), Griffin, Miriam (Ed.)

Title	Plato's Auctoritas and the Rebirth of the Commentary Tradition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1997
Published in	Philosophia togata II: Plato and Aristotle at Rome
Pages	110-129
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sedley, David N.
Editor(s)	Barnes, Jonathan , Griffin, Miriam
Translator(s)

In this paper I shall be considering the emerge, or rather re-emerge, of Platonic commentary around the end of the Hellenistic age. That is the period which forms the essential background to our chief surviving specimens of the genre, the great fifth-century Platonic commentaries of Proclus. Specifically, I intend to examine why Platonic philosophy came to such a large extent to take the form of commentary, and how the resources of the commentary format were deployed for the task of establishing, preserving, and exploiting Plato's philosophical authority. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KXHna6DA0dhoqno

Plato's Timaeus in Simplicius' In De Caelo. A confrontation with Alexander, 2005
By: Guldentops, Guy, Steel, Carlos (Ed.), Leinkauf, Thomas (Ed.)

Title	Plato's Timaeus in Simplicius' In De Caelo. A confrontation with Alexander
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	Platons Timaios als Grundtext der Kosmologie in Spätantike, Mittelalter und Renaissance - Plato's Timaeus and the Foundations of Cosmology in Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Renaissance
Pages	195-212
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Guldentops, Guy
Editor(s)	Steel, Carlos , Leinkauf, Thomas
Translator(s)

In  this paper,  I  shall try to shed some light on Simplicius’ use of the  Ti
maeus  in his commentary on De Caelo,  and particularly on the difference 
between his own interpretation and that of Alexander of Aphrodisias. [...] In  what  follows,  I’ll  try  to  detail  some  differences between  Alexander’s 
and  Simplicius'  uses  and  interpretations o f the  Timaeus-,  in  particular,  I’ll 
focus on their arguments concerning the generation of the world, the world 
soul,  and the immobility of the earth. Before looking at some selected pas
sages, however, it is necessary to outline Simplicius’ general attitude toward 
Alexander of Aphrodisias and to sketch their overall interpretations of  the 
theme of De Caelo. [Introduction, pp. 196 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/650gVOAyvHZdk8u

Platon et Plotin sur la doctrine des parties de l'autre, 1991
By: O'Brien, Denis

Title	Platon et Plotin sur la doctrine des parties de l'autre
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1991
Journal	Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume	181
Issue	4
Pages	501-512
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

La matière est-elle identique à V alterile ? » Plotin se pose cette question au commencement du dernier chapitre de son traité Sur la  matière (Enn., II  4 [12] 16). « Plutôt non », répond-il. « Elle est en revanche identique à cette partie de Valtérité qui s'oppose aux êtres proprement dits. » En s'exprimant de la sorte, Plotin fait allusion à un passage du Sophiste (258 E 2-3). Son allusion suppose pourtant l'existence d'un texte qui n'est pas  attesté dans les manuscrits. Cette différence textuelle implique un changement fonda- mental de doctrine, dont les éditeurs modernes ne se sont pas avisés. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pBX2hcvJiK520pk

Platon und die Physis, 2019
By: Koch, Dietmar (Ed.), Männlein-Robert, Irmgard (Ed.), Weidtmann, Niels (Ed.)

Title	Platon und die Physis
Type	Edited Book
Language	German
Date	2019
Publication Place	Tübingen
Publisher	Mohr Siebeck
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Koch, Dietmar , Männlein-Robert, Irmgard , Weidtmann, Niels
Translator(s)

Der vorliegende Band umfasst Beiträge zu einem zentralen Thema bei Platon: 'Physis' kann bei Platon im naturwissenschaftlichen Sinne als physische, biologische, materielle Natur oder im übertragenen Sinne als eigenes Wesen, etwa hinsichtlich Seele, Kosmos oder Göttlichem, verstanden werden. So werden in diesem Band medizinische, biologische und kosmologische Ansätze ebenso wie ontologische, epistemologische und pädagogische Themen zu Platons 'Physis'-Konzept in den Blick genommen. Die zeitgenössische Nomos-Physis-Diskussion Platons mit den Sophisten sowie seine sprach- und kulturphilosophischen Überlegungen spielen hier eine wichtige Rolle. Die anspruchsvolle literarische Gestaltung der Platonischen Dialoge ist für die genannten Fragestellungen höchst relevant, ebenso die Auseinandersetzung späterer platonischer Philosophen mit Platons 'Physis'-Konzept. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vmsLFJtLo9CPIY0

Platon und die Zeit, 2024
By: Klaus Corcilius (Ed.), Irmgard Männlein (Ed.)

Title	Platon und die Zeit
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2024
Publication Place	Tübingen
Publisher	Mohr Siebeck
Series	Tübinger Platon Tage
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Klaus Corcilius , Irmgard Männlein
Translator(s)

Der Band "Platon und die Zeit" umfasst Beiträge zu einem zentralen und großen Thema bei Platon: Vor allem im Dialog 'Timaios', aber auch in weiteren philosophischen Dialogen Platons geht es um die Frage der Natur und des Wesens von Zeit und darum, wie und ob sie entstanden ist. So werden in diesem Band ganz unterschiedliche philosophische und kosmologische Ansätze ebenso wie ontologische und ethische Themen zu Platons Zeit-Konzept in den Fokus genommen. Behandelt werden überdies viele Stufen der philosophischen Rezeption und der (kritischen) Auseinandersetzung mit Platons Vorstellungen über 'Zeit', die etwa über Philon von Alexandria, Plutarch, Numenios, Origenes, Plotin und Augustinus bis hin zu späteren Neuplatonikern wie Proklos in die Spätantike reichen. [official abstract]

Online Resources

Platonic Pathways: Selected Papers from the Fourteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies, 2018
By: Finamore, John F. (Ed.), Layne, Danielle, A. (Ed.)

Title	Platonic Pathways: Selected Papers from the Fourteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2018
Publication Place	Gloucestershire
Publisher	Prometheus Trust
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Finamore, John F. , Layne, Danielle, A.
Translator(s)

This anthology of 16 essays by scholars from around the world is published in association with the ISNS: it contains many of the papers presented in their 2016 annual conference. Contents:

The Significance of Initiation Rituals in Plato’s Meno – Michael Romero

Plato’s Timaean Psychology – John Finamore

The Creative Thinker: A New Reading of Numenius fr. 16.10-12 – Joshua Langseth

First Philosophy, Abstract Objects, and Divine Aseity: Aristotle and Plotinus – Robert M. Berchman

Plotinus on philia and its Empedoclean origin – Giannis Stamatellos

In What Sense Does the One Exist? Existence and Hypostasis in Plotinus – Michael Wiitala and Paul DiRado

A Double-Edged Sword: Porphyry on the Perils and Profits of Demonological Inquiry – Seamus O’Neill

Alienation and Divinization: Iamblichus’ Theurgic Vision – Gregory Shaw

Iamblichus’ method for creating Theurgic Sacrifice – Sam Webster

The Understanding of Time and Eternity in the polemic between Eunomius, Basil the Great and Gregory of Nyssa – Tomasz Stępień

Tension in the soul: A Stoic/Platonic concept in Plutarch, Proclus, and Simplicius – Marilynn Lawrence

Peritrope in Damascius as the Apparatus of Speculative Ontology – Tyler Tritten

Mysticism, Apocalypticism, and Platonism – Ilaria Ramelli

Philosophy and Commentary: Evaluating Simplicius on the Presocratics – Bethany Parsons

From Embryo to Saint: a Thomist Account of Being Human – Melissa Rovig Vanden Bout

From the Neoplatonizing Christian Gnosticism of Philip K. Dick to the Neoplatonizing Hermetic Gnosticism of Ralph Waldo Emerson – Jay Bregman
[official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/aEX0vcsHkkXIXix

Platonism and Its Legacy: Selected Papers from the Fifteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies, 2019
By: Finamore, John F. (Ed.), Nejeschleba, Tomáš (Ed.)

Title	Platonism and Its Legacy: Selected Papers from the Fifteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2019
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Prometheus Trust
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Finamore, John F. , Nejeschleba, Tomáš
Translator(s)

This anthology of 23 essays by scholars from around the world is published in association with the ISNS: it contains many of the papers presented in their 2017 annual conference. Contents:

Why the Intelligibles are not Outside the Intellect Lloyd Gerson

The Causality of the First Principle and the theory of Two Activities in Plotinus Enn. V.4 [7] 13 Andrei Timotin

“Our concern, though, is not to be out of sin, but to be god:” Assimilation to god according to Plotinus  Thomas Vidart

Eros as Soul’s ‘Eye’ in Plotinus: What does it see and not see?  Lela Alexidze

Eternity and Time in Porphyry, Sentence 44 Lenka Karfíková

Gender construction and social connections in Porphyry’s Ad Marcellam  Mathilde Cambron-Goulet

What kind of souls did Proclus discover?  Svetlana Messiats

Is self-knowledge one or multiple? Consciousness in ‘Simplicius’, Commentary on On the Soul Chiara Militello

Simplicius on De Anima 407b23-408a29 Carolina Sánchez

Neoplatonic Asclepius  Eugene Afonasin

Porphyry and the Motif of Christianity as παράνομος Ilaria Ramelli

The Reception of Xenophanes’ Philosophical Theology in Plato and the Christian Platonists Monika Recinová

Cyril of Alexandria’s Theory of the Incarnate Union Re-examined Sergey Trostyanskiy

The Erotic Magus: Ficino’s De amore as a Guide to Plato’s Symposium  Angela Hobbs

Francesco Patrizi and the Oracles of Zoroaster: The Use of Chaldean Oracles in Nova de universis philosophia Vojtěch Hladky

Ficino in the light of alchemy. Heinrich Khunrathʼs use of Ficinian metaphysics of light Martin Žemla

Johannes Kepler and His Neoplatonic Sources  Jiří Michalík

Georgius Raguseius against Astrology Luka Boršić and Ivana Skuhala Karasman

The Platonic Framework of Valeriano Magni’s Philosophy Tomáš Nejeschleba

Comenius’ Pansophia in the Context of Renaissance Neo-Platonism Jan Čížek

The Spirit of Nature and the Spirit of God Jacques Joseph

Lewis Campbell’s Studies on Plato and their Philosophical Significance Thomas Mróz

Psychological Effects of Henôsis  Bruce J. MacLennan
[official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hkRNJ0N4ReN2FOY

Platonism in late antiquity, 1993
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.)

Title	Platonism in late antiquity
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1993
Published in	Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism
Pages	1-27
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Translator(s)

Given our modern views of Plato and Aristotle, as working philosophers whose views developed and whose answers to questions were not always the same, it is important to realize that their ancient interpreters looked at them as creators of fixed systems: though they might recognize that they did not always say the same things about the same questions, they saw such apparent inconsistencies as problems about the relation of disparate statements to an assumed single doctrine rather than about how one different doctrine might relate to another.

Before going on, I should perhaps offer some explanations and an apology. The apology is to those who know a great deal, or even a little, about Neoplatonism to whom some of what I shall say is basic common knowledge. The explanations are two.

First, that I am taking late antiquity to start in the 3rd century A.D., following an old Cambridge custom of taking ancient Greek philosophy to have ended with the death of Marcus Aurelius. The second is to say what I am going to do here. It relates to the first. When this view of the limits of classical antiquity still held, the study of Neoplatonism was regarded as rather disreputable, in the English-speaking world at least, and the few apparent exceptions—Elements of Theology, still one of the great achievements of Neoplatonic scholarship, and the first modern commentary on a Neoplatonic work—was seen not so much as evidence that there was here a rich field for new scholarly endeavor as an indication of that scholar’s eccentricity. The common attitude found its expression in the preface to the first volume of W.K.C. Guthrie’s History of Greek Philosophy, where he relegated Neoplatonism to the realms of the unphilosophical and the un-Greek:

"With Plotinus and his followers, as well as with their Christian contemporaries, there does seem to enter a new religious spirit which is not fundamentally Greek..."

That was in 1962.

What I want to do is to look at some of the characteristics of Neoplatonism and to see how the picture of this philosophy, or rather group of philosophies, has changed during the last three decades. I think most would now agree it is basically Greek. As to the importance of the religious and soteriological elements in it, which for many of its adherents was rather small in any case, that is arguable, and its significance depends on the extent to which one regards other forms of ancient philosophy as enquiries into how one should live the best life either in relation to one’s own society or to the gods which that society recognized. What is important is that most of the Neoplatonic writings we have are clearly philosophical rather than religious or otherwise concerned with the supernatural. I shall therefore take it for granted that we are talking about philosophy, and not any of the other things with which Neoplatonism has sometimes been associated, and which may undoubtedly be found in some of its products.
[introduction p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/A5Y90b8NYMkY9Vs

Platonopolis. Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity, 2005
By: O'Meara, Dominic J.

Title	Platonopolis. Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O'Meara, Dominic J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Conventional wisdom suggests that the Platonist philosophers of Late Antiquity — from Plotinus in the 3rd century to the 6th-century schools in Athens and Alexandria — neglected the political dimension of their Platonic heritage in their concentration on an otherworldly life. This book presents a reappraisal of these thinkers, arguing that their otherworldliness involved, rather than excluded, political ideas. A reconstruction of the political philosophy of these thinkers is proposed for the first time, including discussion of these Platonists’ conceptions of the function, structure, and contents of political science (including questions concerning political reform, law, justice, penology, religion, and political action), its relation to political virtue and to the divinization of soul and state. This book also traces the influence of these ideas on selected Christian and Islamic writers: Eusebius, Augustine, Pseudo-Dionysius, and al-Farabi. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/T78u11ZeLDWAoqn

Title	Platons Timaios als Grundtext der Kosmologie in Spätantike, Mittelalter und Renaissance - Plato's Timaeus and the Foundations of Cosmology in Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Renaissance
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2005
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Leuven University Press
Series	Ancient and Medieval Philosophy de Wulf-Mansion Centre, Series 1
Volume	29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Leinkauf, Thomas , Steel, Carlos
Translator(s)

The particular focus of this volume is a study of the influence of Timaeus on the development of Western cosmology in three axial periods of European culture: Late Antiquity, Middle Ages and Renaissance. In each period, the Timaeus was read in a different context and from different perspectives. During the Middle Ages, scholars were mostly interested in reconciling the rational cosmology of the Timaeus with the Christian understanding of creation. In Late Antiquity, the concordance of Plato with Aristotle was considered the most important issue, whereas in early modern times, the confrontation with the new mathematical physics offered possibilities for a fresh assessment of Plato's explanation of the cosmos. The present volume has three sections corresponding to these three periods of interpreting the Timaeus, each sectionis introduced by a synthesis of the main issues at discussion. This 'epochal' approach gives this volume its particular character. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KnuUmtY75XXXeEK

Plato’s Parmenides: Selected Papers of the XIIth Symposium Platonicum, 2022
By: Brisson, Luc (Ed.), Macé, Arnaud (Ed.), Renaut, Olivier (Ed.)

Title	Plato’s Parmenides: Selected Papers of the XIIth Symposium Platonicum
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2022
Publication Place	Baden-Baden
Publisher	Academia
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Brisson, Luc , Macé, Arnaud , Renaut, Olivier
Translator(s)

The Parmenides is a minefield of philosophical questions: how are we to take the dramatic presence of the Eleatics Parmenides and Zeno in terms of the dialogue’s aims and methods? Which of the arguments criticizing the theory of forms, if any, are valid? Do the deductions lead to a genuine impasse or is there some qualified sense in which some of them are productive? And what is the overall purpose of this dialogue: to ridicule the Eleatic monism, to expose the problems surrounding the theory of forms, to solve them, or perhaps to introduce the metaphysics of the One? The reader should not approach this volume in order to find a scholarly consensus on any of these questions, but for the clear formulation of a particular problem, or a promising outline of a solution, or an interesting historical connection to other philosophers offered by some of its contributions.

A good case of the first is Amber D. Carpenter’s paper. Plato’s Socrates wants forms to be separated from sensibles and ontologically independent of them. Parmenides attacks this position by noticing that the separation of forms and sensibles implies a symmetrical relation since forms are separated from sensibles as much sensibles are separated from forms. But the paper explores a further problem: if being separated from sensibles means being independent of them, then sensibles are equally independent of forms. Even if one gives up separation in order to salvage independence, the problem persists in a weakness captured by Parmenides’ ‘master-slave’ example, which Carpenter explains as follows: ‘his being a master does depend on someone else’s being a slave – and so the master (as Hegel observed) depends on his slave’ (p. 249). Of course Plato, as another paper by Kezhou Liu claims, wants to maintain an asymmetrical relation, but none of the papers in Section IV provide compelling evidence from the Parmenides to counter Carpenter’s argument.

Other contributions explore how certain mistakes in the Parmenides were solved in other dialogues. For instance, Notomi Noburu examines why the dialogues after the Parmenides abandoned the form of Similarity (homoion) in favor of the form of Sameness (tauton). The answer is that a relation of similarity between forms and sensibles ends up generating a regress. Francisco J. Gonzalez argues that the notion of the third (to triton), which is discussed at 155e–157b (sometimes called the third deduction, usually taken as an appendix to the first two), is pivotal in solving the antinomies of the Parmenides. According to this paper, this notion encompasses any two opposed things and transcends them, thus giving a conceptual basis for various ‘thirds’ in the Philebus, the Sophist, and the Timaeus. Béatrice Lienemann explores the predication of forms. This paper adopts Meinwald’s distinction between two types of predication and argues that predication in relation to the thing itself (pros heauto) expresses the essential property of such a thing (e.g. the form of human being is rationality). However, it should not be confused with the necessary properties, such as identity, that belong to all forms. Lienemann then explores the Phaedo and the Sophist to confirm that Plato indeed employs something close to the distinction between the essential and necessary properties.

As for the historical part, two papers stand out. Mathilde Brémond gives good textual evidence to show that the second part of the Parmenides examines pairs of contradictory claims leading to impossibilities in the way the sophist Gorgias does. In addition, this paper argues that having Gorgias in mind can explain why the second part is neither constructive in its outcomes, nor openly called ‘dialectics’. The reason is that the argumentation here resembles antilogic. Lloyd P. Gerson’s paper is about the elephant in the room: the Neoplatonic reading of the Parmenides that is mostly ignored throughout the volume. Gerson shows that Plotinus’ interpretation of the first three hypotheses was not arbitrary, but rather based on a defendable understanding of the One and the need to find a philosophically sound answer to Aristotle’s question ‘what is ousia?’.

The broader value of this volume is that it gives a good representation of the current status quaestionis and provides a number of useful discussions of shorter passages. However, most of its pieces do not formulate a self-standing argument and should be read in conjunction with Cornford’s Plato and Parmenides (1935), Allen’s Plato’s Parmenides (1983), Meinwald’s Plato’s Parmenides (1991), Sayre’s Parmenides’ Lesson (1996), Scolnicov’s Plato’s Parmenides (2003), Rickless’ Plato’s Forms in Transition (2006), and Gill’s Philosophos (2012): the papers assume close familiarity with them. Finally, this volume needed more careful editing: it contains different treatments of Greek (e.g. pp. 183-191 use transliterations, while pp. 193-200 do not); there are typos and missing characters in the text and titles (e.g. ‘Plato’ Parmenides’ on p. 10) and missing references in the bibliography (e.g. Helmig 2007 and Migliori 2000 from p. 63). [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5tS2Jub3NyDq8Oq

Plotin und Simplikios über die Kategorie des Wo, 2009
By: Strobel, Benedikt

Title	Plotin und Simplikios über die Kategorie des Wo
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2009
Journal	Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume	51
Pages	7-33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Strobel, Benedikt
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Dabei hat sich unter anderem gezeigt:
(i) Weder diese Interpretationen noch die auf ihnen beruhenden Argumente überzeugen völlig, und Simplikios' Verteidigung der aristotelischen Annahme der Kategorie des Wo ist weitgehend erfolgreich, weist jedoch mit der These, dass Lokative nicht-reziproke Relationen ausdrücken, eine Schwachstelle auf.
(ii) Plotins drittes, auf der Interpretation von Lokativen als Ausdrücke von Relationen beruhendes Argument überzeugt zwar letztlich nicht, weist jedoch auf ein ernsthaftes Problem für Aristoteles hin.
(iii) Die in der antiken Philosophie weitverbreitete Auffassung, an einem Ort zu sein bedeute, von einem Körper umfasst zu werden, gründet in einem bestimmten Verständnis von Lokativen der Form ἐν τινι (z. B. ἐν Λύκειον und ἐν Ἀκαδημίᾳ). Dies bestätigt die zu Beginn aufgestellte These, dass die semantische Analyse von Lokativen Konsequenzen hat für die Wahl der Antwort darauf, was es heißt, an einem Ort zu sein, und was es heißt, der Ort von etwas zu sein.
[introduction p. 30-31]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/aD2ORfI4GVXZhsH

Plotinus in later Platonism, 1981
By: Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.), Markus, R. A. (Ed.), Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Plotinus in later Platonism
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1981
Published in	Neoplatonism and early Christian thought: Essays in honour of A.H. Armstrong
Pages	212-222
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Markus, R. A.
Translator(s)

We have seen, then, that in some areas later Neoplatonists introduced Plotinus’ views to corroborate their own. This was equally true of his opinions as a Platonist and, as they understood him, as an interpreter of Aristotle. These agreements are most often found in relatively uncontroversial areas of their thought.

However, at the extremes of the metaphysical world and in those other areas where difficulties were likely to arise, we do find substantial differences. We must, however, be cautious about interpreting these differences in terms of chronological changes. The later Neoplatonists continued to disagree among themselves, and the process we have examined was not one of linear development away from Plotinus. [conclusion p. 220]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ydcrCuFuFOAFW6r

Plotinus, Porphyry and the Neoplatonic Interpretation of the ‘Categories’, 1987
By: Strange, Steven, K., Haase, Wolfgang (Ed.)

Title	Plotinus, Porphyry and the Neoplatonic Interpretation of the ‘Categories’
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Teil II: Principat, Philosophie, Wissenschaften, Technik. 2. Teilband: Philosophie
Pages	955-974
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Strange, Steven, K.
Editor(s)	Haase, Wolfgang
Translator(s)

The claim is often made that the most extensive of Plotinus’ treatises, On the Genera of Being (Περὶ τῶν γενῶν τοῦ ὄντος, Enn. VI.1-3), contains a polemical attack on Aristotle’s theory of categories. This claim would seem to be well-grounded, given that in the first part of the work (VI.1.1–24), Plotinus proceeds through the list of categories given by Aristotle and systematically raises a series of powerful objections to claims Aristotle makes about them in the text of the Categories.

At the same time, Plotinus’ student Porphyry is rightly given credit for establishing Aristotle's Categories, along with the rest of the Aristotelian logical treatises usually referred to as the Organon, as the fundamental texts for logical doctrines in the Neoplatonic scholastic tradition, and through this tradition later for medieval philosophy, by means of his Isagoge or introduction to the Categories and his commentaries on that work. Taken together, these two propositions tend to give the impression that there was deep and substantive disagreement between master and pupil about the value of the theory found in the Categories.

This impression is reinforced by the implication in the introduction to the extant commentaries on the Categories of Dexippus (5.1–12) and Simplicius (2.3–8) that Porphyry, in the massive commentary on the Categories which he dedicated to Gedalius, probably one of his students, replied in detail to Plotinus’ objections against the Categories. Indeed, in Porphyry’s extant catechism-commentary and throughout Dexippus’ and Simplicius’ commentaries, both of which seem to be following closely either Porphyry’s lost To Gedalius or Iamblichus’ lost commentary, itself based on To Gedalius, we can see Porphyry doing precisely this.

Moreover, it is clear from the text of Simplicius that many of the objections Plotinus raises against the Categories in On the Genera of Being he got from a work or works of Lucius and Nicostratus, who were certainly hostile to Aristotle. Nevertheless, I am convinced that this simple way of putting the matter is more than a little misleading: it both misrepresents the nature and originality of Porphyry’s contribution to the history of logic and metaphysics and distorts our view of the fundamental Neoplatonic problem of the relationship between Plato and Aristotle.

My purpose in the following essay will be to try to sharpen the statement of the historical situation by examining some of the connections between Porphyry’s interpretation of the Categories and Plotinus’ discussion of the problem of the nature of the categories, especially the category of substance, in On the Genera of Being. I will be suggesting that Plotinus’ and Porphyry’s attitudes toward the Categories are much closer to one another than has previously been supposed, and that in particular Porphyry’s position on the nature of categories has been deeply influenced by Plotinus’ arguments.

The consequence of this is that Plotinus ought to be accorded a much more prominent place than he standardly has been in the history of the Neoplatonic interpretation of Aristotle, in which the problem of the proper interpretation of the Categories plays an important role.

My discussion will fall into four parts. In the next section, I will look at some of the more important features of Porphyry’s interpretation of the Categories that enabled him to downplay the evidently anti-Platonic metaphysical elements that the work contains and to turn it into a basic textbook of logic for his revived school-Platonism. Here, I will be relying heavily upon an important and seminal paper by A. C. Lloyd.

Then I will turn to the main arguments that Plotinus employs against what was in his day the standard interpretation of Aristotle’s Categories, and their implications for his view of the nature of that work and its relation to Platonism.

In the final section of the paper, we will be able to see some important connections between Plotinus’ position and Porphyry’s which throw light on the metaphysical issues connected with the important Neoplatonic thesis of the fundamental harmony of the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle. [introduction p. 955-957]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AVNTI4tBsipTJL7

Plural Worlds in Anaximander, 1994
By: Finkelberg, Aryeh

Title	Plural Worlds in Anaximander
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1994
Journal	The American Journal of Philology
Volume	115
Issue	4
Pages	485-506
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Finkelberg, Aryeh
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The ancients ascribed to Anaximander a belief in plural worlds, but the state of the evidence does not make it immediately clear whether these worlds are coexistent or successive. Zeller argued that they could not be coexistent, but his view was challenged by Burnet; yet Cornford, as Kirk puts it, "demonstrated that Burnet's argument . . . rested on a false assessment of the doxographic evidence on this point, as well as on the misinterpretation of several later Presocratics." So far so good, but Kirk goes further and contends not only that coexis- tent worlds have been wrongly assigned to Anaximander, as Zeller and Cornford have shown, but that successive worlds are also a doxo- graphic error; a similar view is argued by Kahn. In this essay I propose to scrutinize our evidence on Anaximander's plural worlds and to exam- ine, systematically and exhaustively, Kirk's and Kahn's criticism of this evidence-both as against the doxographic testimony and on its own merits. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kNyOiUMQDhQWBYi

Pluralism after Parmenides, 1998
By: Curd, Patricia

Title	Pluralism after Parmenides
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1998
Published in	The Legacy of Parmenides. Eleatic Monism and Later Presocratic Thought
Pages	127-179
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Curd, Patricia
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In  this  chapter  I turn  from  Parmenides  to  two  of his  successors,  examining the Pluralist theories  of Anaxagoras  and Empedocles,  in order to explore the 
influence  of Parmenides  on  these  later  thinkers.  I  argue  that  this  influence 
appears  in two fundamental  aspects  of their theories:  in their conceptions  of 
the fundamental entities that are the genuine beings of their cosmologies,  and 
in the form (mixture  and Separation  of the basic  entities)  these cosmologies 
take.  I begin  with  a short discussion  of the  question  of Pluralism  itself and 
then turn first to Anaxagoras  and then to Empedocles. [Introduction, pp. 127 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rPBPoCGoPofFCOl

Plutarch and the Neoplatonists: Porphyry, Proklos, Simplikios, 2019
By: Simonetti, Elsa Giovanna, Xenophontos, Sophia (Ed.), Oikonomopoulou, Aikaterini (Ed.)

Title	Plutarch and the Neoplatonists: Porphyry, Proklos, Simplikios
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2019
Published in	Brill's Companion to the Reception of Plutarch
Pages	136-153
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simonetti, Elsa Giovanna
Editor(s)	Xenophontos, Sophia , Oikonomopoulou, Aikaterini
Translator(s)

The present chapter, by focusing on a selection of passages from Porphyry, Proclus, and Simplicius, aims to explore Plutarch's influence within the Neoplatonists' reconsideration of Platonic philosophy, its aims, roots, and historical development. As we will see, Porphyry, Proclus, and Simplicius integrate Plutarch’s heritage into their own agendas by adapting it to their own specific historical context, which ranges from the third to the sixth century AD, a time when the fundamental reassessment of Platonism also responds to the urgency of supplying new ways to happiness and salvation that could compete with those provided by Christianity. Recalling Simplicius' invitation to taking advantage of different situations, we can conclude that all the Neoplatonists here considered judiciously took advantage of Plutarch's works to justify their own philosophical reflection and to redefine their relationship with the Platonic tradition. Despite discarding some of Plutarch's metaphysical theories, they exploited his legacy according to their own ideological and historical context. Exploring the reception of Plutarch of Chaeronea in Porphyry, Proclus, and Simplicius has helped us discern some continuous strands of thought within Imperial Platonism, notwithstanding the considerable originality and theoretical innovations that have inevitably emerged in a time span of four centuries. In this regard, it might be useful to recall that Plutarch himself was an advocate of the unity of Platonism under the aegis of its illustrious founder, as proven by the existence of his treatise "On the Unity of the Academy" from Plato (no. 63 of the Lamprias catalogue), which is unfortunately lost. The Neoplatonists also share Plutarch's fundamental conviction that Plato's works enclose a coherent system of doctrines that await to be recovered and, motivated by this, engage in an impressive activity of synthesis, exegesis, and teaching of his dialogues, perceived as an extraordinary source of knowledge. In their constant and passionate re-reading of the past and of their own tradition, Plutarch emerges as an animate figure and a dynamic interlocutor. He is not simply a motionless icon. Rather, he is kept in life through the Platonists' strenuous effort of re-thinking and re-discovering their own history and heritage. [Introduction / Conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XM6bPhXl3bvnvIT

Plutarco di Atene. L’Uno, l’Anima, le Forme, 1989
By: Taormina, Daniela

Title	Plutarco di Atene. L’Uno, l’Anima, le Forme
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	1989
Publication Place	Rom
Publisher	Università di Catania, Catania und L’Erma di Bretschneider
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Taormina, Daniela
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Questo volume ottavo della Collana "Symbolon" è frutto di lunga e intelligente fatica di ricerca e di studio da parte di una delle mie più valenti allieve e collaboratrici, la dott. D. P. Taormina, che ha il merito di avere fornito, con i risultati di questo suo lavoro, la prima monografia completa, corredata dalla raccolta delle fonti mai prima d'ora compiuta (testo, traduzione e ampio commento), su uno dei più decisivi, ancorché poco studiati, anelli di collegamento tra il primo e l'ultimo neoplatonismo, ovverossia tra l'eredità immediata di Plotino e l'esplosione dell'attività speculativa più matura e sistematica della filosofia neoplatonica. Alla fine del IV secolo d. C., quando il pensiero cristiano era ormai divenuto adulto ad opera di pensatori quali Origene, Mario Vittorino e Agostino (tutti debitori del platonismo e del neoplatonismo), si ebbe ad Atene, nella vecchia e gloriosa culla della civiltà antica, una rinascita della tradizione platonica ad opera di un pensatore destinato a divenire maestro degli ultimi maestri di platonismo dell'antichità. Plutarco di Atene, finora considerato piu un termine di continuità storica che un caposaldo dello sviluppo del pensiero neoplatonico, esce dalla ricerca della Taormina in tutta la sua dimensione teoretica di esegeta e filosofo che ha contribuito a preparare (assieme al suo più famoso primo discepolo, Siriano) le fondamenta piu solide dell'ultima sistemazione del platonismo (Proclo e Damscio)... [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sgSfZUGUBZdA26p

Poion and Poiotes in Stoic Philosophy, 1972
By: Reesor, Margaret E.

Title	Poion and Poiotes in Stoic Philosophy
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1972
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	17
Issue	3
Pages	279-285
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Reesor, Margaret E.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The second category, poia, is the most puzzling of the four Stoic categories. The general term poion (qualified) included the koinos poion (generically qualified) and the idios poion (individually qualified), but the relationship between these two concepts is by no means clear. It is even more difficult to see how they were connected with the idia poiotes (particular quality) and the koine poiotis (common quality).

In order to explain how the four terms were related, I shall undertake in this paper as thorough an investigation as possible of a diaeresis described by Boethius in his Commentary on Aristotle's De Interpretatione.

Boethius outlines a diaeresis of possible and necessary propositions in Stoic philosophy. He writes: "They (the Stoics) divide propositions in this way: of propositions, they say, some are possible, others impossible; of the possible, some are necessary, others non-necessary; again, of the non-necessary, some are possible and others impossible, foolishly and recklessly deciding that the possible is both a genus and a species of the non-necessary."

In the chart below, I have reconstructed this diaeresis, using the definitions of the terms and the examples given by Diogenes Laertius. [introduction p. 279]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DItDwer65QVZSCC

Title	Polyhistor. Studies in the history and historiography of ancient philosophy: presented to Jaap Mansfeld on his sixtieth birthday
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1996
Publication Place	Leiden – New York
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua
Volume	72
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Algra, Keimpe A. , Runia, David T. , Pieter W. van der Horst
Translator(s)

During the past three decades Jaap Mansfeld, Professor of Ancient Philosophy in Utrecht, has built up a formidable reputation as a leading scholar in his field. His work has concentrated on the Presocratics, Hellenistic Philosophy, the sources of our knowledge of ancient philosophy (esp. doxography) and the history of scholarship.
In honour of his sixtieth birthday, colleagues and friends have contributed a collection of articles which represent the state of the art in the study of the history of ancient philosophy and frequently concentrate on subjects in which the honorand has made important discoveries.
The 22 contributors include M. Baltes, J. Barnes, J. Brunschwig, W.M. Calder III, J. Dillon, P.L. Donini, J. Glucker, A.A. Long, L.M. de Rijk, D. Sedley, P. Schrijvers, and M. Vegetti. The volume concludes with a complete bibliography of Jaap Mansfeld's scholarly work so far. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/h3vavPv0hEyKsdh

Porfirio e la fisica aristotelica, 1985
By: Romano, Francesco

Title	Porfirio e la fisica aristotelica
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	1985
Publication Place	Catania
Publisher	Universita di Catania
Series	Symbolon
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Romano, Francesco
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Tra i commentari ad Aristotele quelli di Porfirio occupano senza dubbio un posto preminente.
Francesco Romano presenta uno studio sulla figura e sull’opera di Porfirio di cui analizza l’attività commentaria e i termini dell’interesse specifico per Aristotele attraverso la ricostruzione dei frammenti e delle testimonianze relativi al Commentario alla Fisica.
Per fare questo l’autore presenta la traduzione dell’opera chiarendo anche i rapporti di Porfirio con Eudemo, Nicola, Alessandro, Temistio e Simplicio. [a.a.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tivi4S8KV7VK4gv

Porphyre, Commentateur de la Physique d'Aristote, 1985
By: Moraux, Paul, Motte, André (Ed.), Rutten, Christian (Ed.)

Title	Porphyre, Commentateur de la Physique d'Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1985
Published in	Aristotelica: Mélanges offerts à Marcel de Corte
Pages	227-239
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Moraux, Paul
Editor(s)	Motte, André , Rutten, Christian
Translator(s)

Macrobe note qu’Aristote a contesté la légitimité de cette thèse et affirmé que l’âme ne peut se mouvoir elle-même et ne peut même subir aucun mouvement. Aristote montrait d’abord qu’il y a, dans la nature, quelque chose d’immobile. Ensuite, il cherchait à prouver que tout ce qui est mû l’est par quelque chose d’autre. Puis il établissait l’existence d’un premier moteur non mû. Contre Platon, il montrait alors que tout principe de mouvement est immobile, et que donc, si l’âme est principe de mouvement, elle doit être immobile.

Pour illustrer ces diverses thèses d’Aristote, Macrobe reproduit, sous une forme assez squelettique, des arguments présentés par Aristote au livre VIII de la Physique. Il ne s’agit pas là de citations ou d’extraits littéraux, mais bien de résumés où la substance des développements d’Aristote est réduite à l’essentiel, donc d’une sorte d’epidromê ou de synopsis des passages utilisés. Or, nous savons que de tous les néoplatoniciens, Porphyre est l’un de ceux que Macrobe, qui dépend d’ordinaire de sources plus anciennes, utilise le plus volontiers et le plus fréquemment.

Dans son ensemble, la critique moderne admet comme très probable l’hypothèse selon laquelle Macrobe aurait emprunté au traité de Porphyre Peri Psychês pros Boêthon les développements qu’il consacre au passage du Phèdre, traduit par Cicéron, sur l’automotricité et l’immortalité de l’âme. La question se pose donc de savoir si les objections d’Aristote ont été tirées de la même source, ou si Macrobe les a trouvées ailleurs, chez un péripatéticien, par exemple.

Si l’on tient compte du fait que Porphyre connaissait très bien Aristote, dont il avait en partie commenté et en partie résumé la Physique, on pourra, ce me semble, fort bien imaginer que, dans son ouvrage sur l’âme, il s’était attaché non seulement à présenter les vues de Platon, mais aussi à les défendre contre les objections auxquelles elles pouvaient se heurter. Il est donc tout naturel que Porphyre se soit assez longuement étendu sur les difficultés que les théories aristotéliciennes du mouvement et du premier moteur suscitaient contre les arguments de Platon sur l’automotricité de l’âme.

À cet effet, Porphyre avait exploité surtout le dernier livre de la Physique. Et comme il avait résumé sous la forme d’une synopsis les livres V à VIII, tout nous invite à croire qu’il avait largement utilisé cette synopsis en rédigeant son propre Peri Psychês. Mais pour le dire en toute franchise, cette hypothèse, tout alléchante qu’elle est, ne dépasse pas la vraisemblance. Nous ne disposons pas de fragments certains du résumé porphyrien du huitième livre de la Physique et, dès lors, nous ne sommes pas en mesure de prouver, par voie de comparaison, que les objections d’Aristote présentées par Macrobe remontent bien, en dernière analyse, à la synopsis qui a fait l’objet de la présente étude. [conclusion p. 237-239]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HITY0gikmySrLA8

Porphyre. La vie de Plotin. Travaux préliminaires et index grec complet, 1982
By: Brisson, Luc (Ed.), Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile (Ed.), Goulet, Richard (Ed.), O’Brien, Denis (Ed.)

Title	Porphyre. La vie de Plotin. Travaux préliminaires et index grec complet
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1982
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Histoire des doctrines de l'Antiquité classique
Volume	6
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Brisson, Luc , Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile , Goulet, Richard , O’Brien, Denis
Translator(s)

Il est apparu que le dernier mot n'avait pas été dit sur ce texte de Porphyre, capital pour notre connaissance de la personne et de l'école de Plotin, et plus largement de la vie philosophique au IIIe siècle de notre ère. Car on est en présence d'un document dont la simplicité est illusoire : la traduction même en est hérissée de difficultés, qui, dans nombre de cas, semblent avoir jusqu'ici échappé à l'attention ; d'autre part, la valeur historique de cette biographie, indubitable en apparence, ne cesse en vérité de faire problème par suite de l'application de Porphyre à se donner en toute circonstance le beau rôle.
De telles considérations, et d'autres encore, ont donné à penser que l'on ne perdrait pas son temps en reprenant l'étude de ce vieux texte sur des bases entièrement nouvelles. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dg4i4rIRJWOzIZa

Porphyry and Iamblichus on Universals and Synonymous Predication, 2007
By: Chiaradonna, Riccardo

Title	Porphyry and Iamblichus on Universals and Synonymous Predication
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2007
Journal	Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale
Volume	18
Pages	123-140
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chiaradonna, Riccardo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Porphyry’s interpretation of Aristotle’s theories of genus and substantial predication is based on two related assumptions:

That a clear separation exists between logic and metaphysics (= doctrine of transcendent realities).
That there is a close relation between logic and physics.

Since Porphyry’s physics is part of his ontology, logic and ontology (i.e., the logic and the ontology of the physical world) stand in close relation with each other. Porphyry only makes very partial references to metaphysics in his logical works. What I have argued is that Porphyry’s conception of genus in the Isagoge reflects the Platonic theory of the hierarchy of beings, since Porphyry presents his genus as an aph’ henos hierarchical relation. This, on the other hand, does not imply that Porphyry’s treatment of genus in the Isagoge refers to transcendent ante rem principles. Porphyry carefully introduces a doctrine in the Isagoge, the complete significance of which emerges in a different context: the ‘Porphyrean tree’ is thus a mere analogon of the Platonic hierarchy of beings.

The presence of physical doctrines is far more essential to Porphyry’s views of universals and predication. Physical entities such as bodiless immanent forms provide real correlates for Porphyry’s universal predicates: Aristotle’s substantial predication ‘mirrors’ the relation between a particular and its immanent form. Physical forms are not outside the scope of logic; rather, they provide the ‘real’ foundation for Porphyry’s views on predication. Such a foundation is presented in an introductory way in Porphyry’s logical writings and is only made explicit in his more ‘systematic’ works.

Iamblichus’ attitude is different in that his Platonizing of Aristotle’s logic is more direct and pervasive. Consequently, Iamblichus offers a Platonizing reading of the Aristotelian theory of substantial predication, which refers to ante rem genera and to the metaphysical relation of participation. Iamblichus is well aware that an ante rem form cannot be a universal synonymous predicate of its particular instantiations, and he conceives of substantial predication as a paronymous relation. Neither Porphyry nor Iamblichus believe that an ante rem form can be predicated synonymously of corporeal individuals.
[conclusion p. 17-18]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sra714DdTLHJIcS

Porphyry's Isagoge and Early Greek Neoplatonism, 2018
By: Chiaradonna, Riccardo

Title	Porphyry's Isagoge and Early Greek Neoplatonism
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2018
Journal	Medioevo. Rivista di storia della filosofia medieval
Volume	43
Pages	13-39
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chiaradonna, Riccardo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper focuses on Porphyry’s Isagoge against the wider background of debates  about  genera  and  the  hierarchy  of  being  in  early  Neoplatonism  from Plotinus to Iamblichus. Three works are considered: Porphyry’s Isagoge, Plotinus tripartite treatise On The Genera of Being (VI, 1-3 [42-44]), Iamblichus’ Reply to Porphyry (the so-called De Mysteriis). In addition to this, the discussion focuses on some passages on genus and predication from Porphyry’s and
Iamblichus’  lost  commentaries on  Aristotle’s  Categories preserved  in  Simplicius.  In  his  account  of  genus,  Porphyry  draws  on Aristotle  and  apparently
claims that an amended version of the genus/species relation is able to express the hierarchy of different levels of being. This view is different from that of Plotinus, who instead argues that intelligible and sensible beings are homonymous, as well as from that of Iamblichus, who rejects the existence of a common genus above intelligible and sensible beings, while emphasising the analogy subsisting between different levels in the hierarchy. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/duFoYG09YhVIWUx

Porphyry: The first Platonist commentator on Aristotle, 2004
By: Karamanolis, George, Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Stone, Martin W. F. (Ed.)

Title	Porphyry: The first Platonist commentator on Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2004
Published in	Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1
Pages	97-120
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Karamanolis, George
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Baltussen, Han , Stone, Martin W. F.
Translator(s)

There is little reason to think that the titles of the two works represent two contradictory Porphyrian positions about the relation between Platonic and Aristotelian philosophy, as has often been argued, and still less that they may stand for one work. For, as has been seen, Porphyry did not deny the existence of differences between Plato and Aristotle; rather, he appears to have argued that these were not as dramatic as had been thought by Platonists and Peripatetics alike.

In Porphyry’s interpretation, as has been reconstructed above, Aristotle’s philosophy was close to and complementary with Plato’s doctrine: Aristotle’s logic, though not Platonic, is considered to be compatible and complementary with Platonic philosophy, while Aristotle’s ontology is deemed similar to that of Plato’s. Such an interpretation of Aristotle commands commitment to at least some parts of his philosophy. This feature distinguishes Porphyry from the entire previous Platonist tradition. It is this that motivates him to recommend Aristotle’s philosophy to fellow Platonists as a philosophically valuable one through the writing of detailed commentaries in the manner of Peripatetics like Andronicus, Aspasius, and Alexander.

In fact, as has been suggested above, Porphyry was much influenced by their interpretations of Aristotle’s thought. But he also distanced himself from them, because he wrote for a different readership with different expectations and philosophical views. Porphyry’s commentaries were specifically written for Platonists, who were urged to understand that, given a certain interpretation of Aristotle, not only can Aristotle be studied along with Plato, but that this study is in fact so philosophically important as to become indispensable for a Platonist.

If Platonists after Porphyry kept writing commentaries on Aristotle, often drawing extensively on Porphyry’s own work, they did this because they largely accepted Porphyry’s position on Aristotle’s philosophy. This does not mean that they always agreed with him. But it is surely Porphyry who set the agenda for the discussion of Aristotle’s philosophy by the later Platonists. [conclusion p. 118-119]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PKJkoGjXKCovNlB

Positioning Heaven: The Infidelity of a Faithful Aristotelian, 2006
By: McGinnis, Jon

Title	Positioning Heaven: The Infidelity of a Faithful Aristotelian
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2006
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	51
Issue	2
Pages	140-161
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	McGinnis, Jon
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle's account of place in terms of an innermost limit of a containing body was to generate serious discussion and controversy among Aristotle's later commentators, especially when it was applied to the cosmos as a whole. The problem was that since there is nothing outside of the cosmos that could contain it, the cosmos apparently could not have a place according to Aristotle's definition; however, if the cosmos does not have a place, then it is not clear that it could move, but it was thought to move, namely, in its daily revolution, which was viewed as a kind of natural locomotion and so required the cosmos to have a place. The study briefly outlines Aristotle's account of place and then considers its fate, particularly with respect to the cosmos and its motion, at the hands of later commentators. To this end, it begins with Theophrastus' puzzles concerning Aristotle's account of place, and how later Greek commentators, such as Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius and others, attempted to address these problems in what can only be described as ad hoc ways. It then considers Philoponus' exploitation of these problems as a means to replace Aristotle's account of place with his own account of place understood in terms of extension. The study concludes with the Arabic Neoplatonizing Aristotelian Avicenna and his novel intro- duction of a new category of motion, namely, motion in the category of position. Briefly, Avicenna denies that the cosmos has a place, and so claims that it moves not with respect to place, but with respect to position. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EODvwNwP7DcvnBH

Postérité de l’être. Simplicius interprète de Parménide, 1991
By: Stevens, Annick

Title	Postérité de l’être. Simplicius interprète de Parménide
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1991
Publication Place	Bruxelles
Publisher	Ousia
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Stevens, Annick
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

S.'s cahier is much too brief for the subject-matter involved. He has one chapter each on Parmenides' Aletheia and Doxa, sandwiched between a brief introduction and conclusion. Additionally, there is an Appendix, more than half the length of what has preceded, which consists of a translation into French (without the Greek text but with some annotation) of relevant sections from Simplicius' Phys. 28-180, 243-4, and DC 556-60. An Index of the fragments of Parmenides cited in these two works is added, as well as a short bibliography.
Interspersed in the text are tables giving Greek words from Simplicius, their French translation, and a brief justification. The point of these is obscure, and, since they are hard to follow in the absence of a continuous text, the result may appear arbitrary. For example, "teleion" at Phys. 29.10 is translated as "parfait," "telos" in the next line as "accomplissement," but "teleutê" further down as "fin."Translation of Eleatic texts in general looks easier in French than English, with 'il' conveniently ambiguous for Greek masculine, neuter, or impersonal subject, and "l’Étant'" and "l’être'" (with and without capitals) for ontological terminology.
The main problem with S.'s study is the level of scholarship involved and consequently the readership targeted. There are a number of ways of tackling the subject, none of which S. holds to consistently. One is a straightforward introduction to reading Parmenides' lines in their Simplicius context, and sometimes S. is writing in this way. The first chapter, for example, starts with a straightforward narrative of the 'signs' for the Aletheia, and the second with the usual listing of different views on the status of the Doxa. Simplicius' position on both these topics is given, but without any explanation of the Neoplatonic terms (like 'Etant-Un') that are used. Secondly, there is a scholarly monograph struggling to emerge. The reader can suddenly be involved in a sophisticated comparison of Parmenides' concept of "ateleston" with "apeiron" in Melissus, or in textual exegesis, or in studying the relevance of the first two hypotheses of Plato's Parmenides, or the exact meaning of "apatêlon" in B 8.52. But thirdly what is needed, as S. indicates in the subtitle, is a full and detailed discussion of Simplicius as an interpreter of Parmenides. This could usefully tackle Simplicius' reasons for finding Parmenides compatible with both Plato and Aristotle, the particular readings (or re-readings) of all four ancient authors that might be involved in the exercise, what traps might thereby be set in the path of those who are tracking the original Parmenides, and what implications would then arise for Simplicius' treatment of other Presocratics. All this is yet to be done. (Review by M. R. Wright)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/emrqNfIbKqCFiEi

Pour une histoire de l’interprétation de Diogène, 2008
By: Laks, André

Title	Pour une histoire de l’interprétation de Diogène
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2008
Published in
Pages	21-36
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses the interpretation of Diogenes of Apollonia, a philosopher whose work is thought to date back to the 5th century BC. While Diogenes is often referred to as "the last of the physicists," there were other contemporaries who could also claim that title. Despite this, Diogenes' ideas on philosophy represented a culmination of previous philosophies, particularly those of Anaxagoras and Socrates. Diogenes criticized Anaxagoras' perspective and introduced the idea that "intellection" is immanent in the air, constructing a new universe based on this premise. The text notes that while Socratic-Platonic critique overshadowed Diogenes' exegesis, his work remains relevant due to its internal critique of Anaxagoras' ideas. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/uMTvuWxbtSS0NTk

Princeps philosophorum. Platone nell’Occidente tardo-antico, medievale e umanistico, 2016
By: Vitale, Angelo Maria (Ed.), Boriello, Maria (Ed.)

Title	Princeps philosophorum. Platone nell’Occidente tardo-antico, medievale e umanistico
Type	Edited Book
Language	Italian
Date	2016
Publication Place	Rom
Publisher	Città Nuova
Series	Progetto Paradigma Medievale, Institutiones. Saggi, ricerche e sintesi di pensiero tardo-antico, medievale e umanistico
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Vitale, Angelo Maria , Boriello, Maria
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zhlNQUCxw75dmrB

Priscian of Lydia and Pseudo-Simplicius on the Soul, 2010
By: de Haas, F. A. J., Gerson, Lloyd P. (Ed.)

Title	Priscian of Lydia and Pseudo-Simplicius on the Soul
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2010
Published in	The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume II
Pages	756–764
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	de Haas, F. A. J.
Editor(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Translator(s)

The text explores the life of Priscian of Lydia, a little-known philosopher from the late fifth century CE, who accompanied Damascius on a journey to the Sassanian king Chosroes I. Priscian's work "Solutiones ad Chosroem," translated into Latin, addresses various topics in natural history and meteorology. The text delves into questions about the nature of the human soul, the phenomenon of sleep, the connection between vision and dreams, the causes of seasons and climatic zones, the application of drugs with contrary effects, the influence of lunar phases on tides, the properties of air and fire, the diversity of species in different environments, and the purpose of venomous snakes in the world. Priscian's work exhibits a wide range of knowledge from various ancient sources, and it seemingly reinforces Platonic metaphysics through its analysis of physical phenomena. Despite being relatively obscure, the "Solutiones" has been known to some medieval scholars and copied in later centuries. [author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2VbXQkN5q9f6HeT

Priscian of Lydia, Commentator on the "de Anima" in the Tradition of Iamblichus, 2005
By: Perkams, Matthias

Title	Priscian of Lydia, Commentator on the "de Anima" in the Tradition of Iamblichus
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	58
Issue	4
Pages	510-530
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It  has been argued that Priscian of  Lydia (around 530), to  whom the  manuscripts ascribe only two short treatises, is the author of an extended com- 
mentary on the  De  anima,  which is  transmitted under the name of  Simplicius. Our analysis confirms this: Priscian's Metaphrase of Theophrastus' Physics  is the text which the commentator mentions as  his own work. Consequently, its author, Priscian, also wrote the De anima commentary. The parallels between both texts show that the commentator sometimes does not quote Iamblichus directly, but borrowed Iamblichean formulations from the Metaphrase.  As for the dating of his works, a comparison with Damascius' writings makes it probable that his On  principks is a terminus post quem for the De anima  commentary and a terminus ante  quern for the Metaphrase.  It is likely that both works were composed before 529. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/BTWKXjso1hvwiLb

Priscian: On Theophrastus on Sense-Perception with 'Simplicius': On Aristotle On the Soul 2.5-12, 1997
By: Simplicius, Priscianus

Title	Priscian: On Theophrastus on Sense-Perception with 'Simplicius': On Aristotle On the Soul 2.5-12
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius , Priscianus
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Huby, Pamela M.(Huby, Pamela M.) , Steel, Carlos(Steel, Carlos ) ,

Simplicius and Priscian were two of the seven Neoplatonists who left Athens when the Christian Emperor Justinian closed the paganschool there in A.D. 529. The commentaries ascribed to them on works on sense-perception, one by Aristotle and one by his successor Theophrastus, are translated here in this single volume. Both commentaries give a highly Neoplatonic reading to their Aristotelian subjects and tell us much about late Neoplatonist psychology.
This volume is also designed to enable readers to assess a recent major controversy: it has been argued by Carlos Steel and Fernand Bossier that the commentary ascribed to Simplicius is in fact by Priscian, and their article, hitherto only available in Dutch, is here published in revised form and in English for the first time. This book therefore contains all the evidence necessary for readers to judge this intriguing question for themselves. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hL1tgg0HzTg3lxb

Priscianus Lydus en de "In De Anima" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius, 1972
By: Bossier, Fernand, Steel, Carlos

Title	Priscianus Lydus en de "In De Anima" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	Dutch
Date	1972
Journal	Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume	34
Issue	4
Pages	761-822
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bossier, Fernand , Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Dans la première partie, nous démontrons que l'auteur de In D.A. a également écrit la Metaphrasis in Theophrastum, qui nous a été transmise sous le nom de Priscien le Lydien.
1° Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie à une de ses œuvres, qu'il appelle Epitomé de la Physique de Théophraste. En réalité, cette référence se rapporte à un passage de la Metaphrase de Priscien, où la même problématique est exposée dans des termes identiques.
2° Une comparaison détaillée portant sur l'ensemble des deux œuvres nous révèle une telle ressemblance de style et de pensée – il y a même des phrases à peu près identiques – qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer que par l'hypothèse de l'identité de l'auteur.

Dans la deuxième partie, nous essayons d'identifier l'auteur de ces deux œuvres qui, pourtant, nous ont été transmises sous deux noms différents. L'étude de la tradition directe et indirecte n'apporte guère de solution, puisque l'attribution des deux textes, l'un à Simplicius, l'autre à Priscien, y paraît très solide. Ce n'est donc que par une critique interne de In D.A., notamment par la confrontation avec les commentaires de Simplicius, dont l'attribution est certaine, que la question pourra être tranchée.
1° Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie trois fois à son commentaire sur la Physique. Pourtant, il est bien difficile de retrouver dans le grand commentaire de Simplicius trois passages dont le contenu et surtout le vocabulaire prouvent que l'auteur s'y réfère.
2° Dans In D.A., on ne retrouve pas les traits caractéristiques de la méthode de commentaire de Simplicius, ni l'approche du texte par la documentation historique, ni les longues discussions avec les exégètes antérieurs, ni l'exposé prolixe et bien structuré. D'autre part, aucun des commentaires de Simplicius ne témoigne de la phraséologie tortueuse de notre œuvre, ni de ses formules stéréotypées.
3° La différence doctrinale est encore plus importante. Nulle part chez Simplicius n'apparaît la théorie de l'âme comme epistêmê, qui est si fondamentale dans In D.A. (epistêmê y est un concept-clé). Les rares digressions de In D.A. à propos de questions physiques et logiques ne correspondent pas aux exposés de Simplicius sur les mêmes problèmes.

Ainsi, nous avons confronté la doctrine de la physis, de l'âme et de son automotion, et enfin le rapport entre le genre et les différences constitutives et diérétiques. De tout cela se dégage une telle divergence entre In D.A. et les autres commentaires qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer par une évolution chez Simplicius lui-même. In D.A. lui est donc faussement attribué ; et puisque nous avons établi que ce commentaire est du même auteur que la Metaphrase, nous pouvons conclure qu'il a été vraisemblablement écrit par Priscien le Lydien, un philosophe néoplatonicien dont nous savons seulement qu'il a accompagné Damascius et Simplicius en exil en exil en Perse. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/r917awdAL4tkrdc

Priscianus of Ludia, 2008
By: Baltussen, Han, Keyser, Paul T. (Ed.), Irby-Massie, Georgia L. (Ed.)

Title	Priscianus of Ludia
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2008
Published in	The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientist. The Greek tradition and its many heirs
Pages	695-696
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Keyser, Paul T. , Irby-Massie, Georgia L.
Translator(s)

Neo-Platonic philosopher and colleague of Simplicius, active in Athens when Justinian’s new laws forbade pagan philosophers to teach (529 CE). Little is known about his life or his works. His contribution to scientific writing lies solely in the incomplete Metaphrasis [paraphrase] of Theophrastus' On Sense-Perception, which discusses Aristotle’s psychology from a Neo-Platonic perspective and specifically inquires into what Theophrastus contributes to the subject in his Physics (Books 4–5).

Together with Themistius’ summary version of Aristotle’s On the Soul, Priscian’s Metaphrasis is a major source on Theophrastus’ psychology. Steel attributes to Priscian a commentary on Aristotle’s On the Soul, but this is still disputed.

Priscian’s Solutions to King Chosroes' Scientific Questions (Solutiones eorum de quibus dubitavit Chosroes Persarum rex—only in Latin translation, CTGS. 1.2), presumably written in Persia, belongs to the problemata genre, covering—without originality—topics such as the soul, sleep, astronomy, lunar phases, the four elements, animal species, and motion. [whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DUCMT9Wxvvxb3Jq

Priscien de Lydie, 2012
By: Perkams, Matthias, Goulet, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Priscien de Lydie
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2012
Published in	Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol V: de Paccius à Rutilius Rufus - Vb: de Plotina à Rutilius Rufus
Pages	1514-1521
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)	Goulet, Richard
Translator(s)

Au total, l’autocitation du commentateur du De anima à sa propre Épitomé de Théophraste peut facilement être mise en rapport, grâce à des arguments philologiques solides, avec la Métaphrase conservée de Priscien, ce qui est également confirmé par l’utilisation de cet ouvrage en d’autres passages du commentaire.

Les preuves avancées par Steel et Boissier en faveur de cette thèse n’ont jamais été contredites de façon concluante, tandis que les objections faites à leur position peuvent en revanche recevoir une réponse. Finalement, on ne peut opposer à l’attribution du commentaire à Priscien que l’hypothèse fragile d’une Épitomé perdue de Théophraste ; au vu des particularités doctrinales et linguistiques communes aux deux textes conservés, cette hypothèse est en elle-même problématique.

Dans la mesure où il n’existe aucune preuve positive de l’existence d’un auteur distinct de Priscien et de Simplicius, il est recommandé, dès lors qu’avec la majorité des chercheurs on retire la paternité du commentaire à Simplicius, de considérer Priscien comme son auteur.

L’attribution à Priscien du Commentaire sur le De anima, qui est historiquement parfaitement plausible du fait de l’appartenance de ce philosophe au cercle de Damascius, est en tout cas, grâce à ses très solides bases philologiques, beaucoup mieux fondée que celle de nombreux textes antiques (par exemple l’attribution à Porphyre de Ad Gaurum ou du Commentaire anonyme de Turin sur le Parménide).

L’auteur de la présente notice est, pour sa part, persuadé de la justesse de cette attribution.
[conclusion p. 1521]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/e7qG8dZmAxFJDkM

Title	Priskian von Lydien (›Simplikios‹): Kommentar zu De anima III. Ausgewählt, eingeleitet, übersetzt und erläutert von Matthias Perkams
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	2018
Published in	Antike Interpretationen zur aristotelischen Lehre vom Geist
Pages	547-675
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)	Perkams, Matthias , Busche, Hubertus
Translator(s)	Perkams, Matthias(Perkams, Matthias) ,

Der De-anima-Kommentar, der hier dem Lyder Priskian zugeschrieben wird, ist eine der philosophisch anspruchsvollsten und elaboriertesten Darstellungen des neuplatonischen Menschenbildes. Originell und von systematischem Interesse sind besonders zwei Lehren:

Eine ist eine Reformulierung der aristotelischen Entelechie-Lehre mithilfe der Unterscheidung zweier Formen von Entelechie, nämlich einerseits der reinen Formung des lebendigen Leibes und andererseits des Gebrauchs dieses Leibes zum Leben und Überleben durch das leiblich verfasste Lebewesen.

Die zweite, um die es im Folgenden in erster Linie geht, ist eine Reformulierung der neuplatonischen Geistlehre unter Berufung auf Aristoteles’ Lehre vom aktiven Geist.

Diese äußerst knappe Charakterisierung der Stärken des Kommentars als systematischer Schrift lässt seine Schwächen erahnen, die von Aristoteles-Auslegern seit langem beklagt werden: eine gewisse Entstellung der Lehre des Aristoteles bzw. ein Abweichen und Abschweifen von seiner Darstellung.

Priskian beabsichtigt in seinem Kommentar, „die Übereinstimmung des Philosophen [...] mit der Wahrheit [...] zu beschreiben“; anders gesagt, erklärt der Kommentator, was die jeweilige Aristoteles-Stelle mit dem zu tun hat, was er selbst für die Wahrheit hält. Das wichtigste Kriterium für diese Wahrheit ist aber nicht Aristoteles, sondern der neuplatonische Philosoph Jamblich.

Konsequenterweise sehen Priskians Kommentierungen häufig so aus, dass er zuerst sagt, was die fragliche Stelle im Rahmen seiner eigenen Systematik bedeuten könnte, bevor er bestimmte aristotelische Formulierungen in diesem Sinne erklärt.

Trotz dieser Auslegungsarten, die selbst im harmoniefreudigen Kontext neuplatonischer Kommentare sehr eigenmächtig sind, darf man nicht übersehen, dass die Lehren, die Priskians Originalität im neuplatonischen Kontext ausmachen, tief von aristotelischer Terminologie durchdrungen und von dem Versuch geleitet sind, die Gedanken des Stagiriten vor dem Hintergrund der Fragen seiner eigenen Zeit nachzudenken.

Insofern ist Priskian das deutlichste Beispiel für einen aristotelisierenden Neuplatonismus, für den Aristoteles nicht nur „Platons bester Ausleger“ ist, sondern auch eine „weitere Ausarbeitung dessen im Detail“ liefert, „was dieser allgemeiner und zusammenfassender erklärte“.

Auf der Grundlage seiner Auseinandersetzung mit Aristoteles kommt Priskian sogar zu anderen Ergebnissen als sein Vorbild Jamblich, was für ihn Anlass zu einer ausführlichen Rechtfertigung ist. [introduction p. 547-548]

Online Resources

Problems in Aristotle's Theory of Place and Early Peripatetic Reactions, 1995
By: Algra, Keimpe A., Algra, Keimpe A. (Ed.)

Title	Problems in Aristotle's Theory of Place and Early Peripatetic Reactions
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1995
Published in	Concepts of space in Greek thought
Pages	192-260
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Algra, Keimpe A.
Editor(s)	Algra, Keimpe A.
Translator(s)

In section 5.1, it was shown, or so I hope, that it is possible to reconstruct his position by a closer study of the dialectical structure of the discussion of topos in Phys. A and by adducing a number of other relevant passages from elsewhere in the Physics and the De Caelo. In the course of this chapter, it became clear that the resulting picture of the non-dynamic character of Aristotelian place was confirmed by the few remarks on this issue that have come down to us from Theophrastus and Eudemus.

Two other problems left open by Aristotle—viz., the interrelated problems of the immobility of place and its ontological status—seem to have been more difficult to solve, as I have tried to show in section 5.2. They were discussed—together with a number of other problems, such as the problem of the emplacement of the heavens—by both Eudemus and Theophrastus.

It appears—if we are allowed to draw some general conclusions from the scanty fragments that have come down to us—that each of these two pupils of Aristotle continued his master’s work in his own way: Theophrastus by continuing Aristotle’s critical dialectical approach, which involved his feeling free to sometimes add some rather radically alternative suggestions, and Eudemus by mainly filling out Aristotle’s own suggestions by adducing material from elsewhere in his work or by rephrasing Aristotle’s arguments in clearer terms.

But even if Eudemus appears to have been the more ‘orthodox’ of the two, we should not overestimate the strength and the extent of Theophrastus’ dissent from Aristotle. It appears to have consisted mainly in his leaving the aporia of fr. 146 unanswered while putting forward the contents of fr. 149 as hardly more than a suggested alternative. Moreover, it is worth noting that, in a way, the conception of place as a relation between bodies—suggested in fr. 149—may be regarded as constituting a sensible elaboration rather than a complete rejection of the Aristotelian position.

For insofar as it still defines the place of a thing in terms of its surroundings rather than in terms of a SidaxTijxa (whether in the Platonic or in the atomist sense), it remains on the Aristotelian side of the line drawn by Aristotle himself at Phys. A 209b1-7.¹⁴⁴ And unlike the alternative proposed by Strato, this conception of place could, in principle, be taken over ceteris paribus, leaving the rest of the system of Aristotelian physics intact.

At the same time, it should be clear that Theophrastus’ solution, however hesitantly put forward, is far superior from a systematic point of view. It might even be claimed that it transforms Aristotle’s (and Eudemus’) rather naïve theory of place (focusing on the location of individual substances) into what we might call a theory of space (in principle allowing an account of the sum total of spatial relations within the cosmos).¹⁴⁵

This brings us to the curious fact that this novel conception of place did not have a wider appeal. As we saw, we actually have to wait for Damascius to take up Theophrastus’ suggestion. This is probably partly due to the fact that Theophrastus omitted to elaborate his point and that, as a consequence, it did not become widely known. In addition, the relational conception of place suggested by Theophrastus, if worked out properly, was much more technical and much farther removed from everyday usage and ordinary experience than its contemporary rivals.

We need only look at Aristotle’s theory of topos and the way in which it was taken seriously in antiquity (and beyond) to see to what extent lack of technicality and closeness to common thinking and speaking were commonly counted as virtues.

This, in turn, leads us to the question of the influence of (Eudemus and) Theophrastus in general. To some extent, the doubts, criticisms, and refinements of Aristotle’s theory put forward by Eudemus and Theophrastus may have proved seminal. At any rate, later critics of the Aristotelian position, such as Simplicius, found it worthwhile to refer to their ideas or to add quotations from their work.

And the mere fact that Aristotle’s theory of place had come under attack within the Peripatos and that even a relatively faithful pupil like Eudemus had felt obliged to advocate some changes may have encouraged the much bolder dissent of a philosopher like Strato of Lampsacus. Yet, it should be stressed that the precise extent of the influence of these early Peripatetics is impossible to determine.¹⁴⁶

At any rate, there is no positive evidence that any of the later critics of Aristotle was directly influenced by Theophrastus or Eudemus, and it should be kept in mind that these critics probably did not even need their examples. Indeed, Aristotle himself provided enough ammunition—for example, by failing to answer the question of the ontological status of place, by failing to provide a more technical account of immobility,¹⁴⁷ and by attacking the most obvious rival view (place as a three-dimensional extension) with very unsatisfactory arguments. [conclusion p. 258-260]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JNlEob1OVl4sohO

Proceedings of the Cambridge philological society, 1969
By: E. J. Kennery (Ed.), R. D. Dawe (Ed.)

Title	Proceedings of the Cambridge philological society
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1969
Publication Place	Cambridge
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Series	New Series No. 15
Volume	195
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	E. J. Kennery , R. D. Dawe
Translator(s)

The objects of the Society are the furtherance of classical studies, particularly the discussion and publication of critical researches on the literature and civilization of Greece and Rome. Any classical scholar is eligible for membership. The subscription of a resident in Cambridge is £1 10s. annually, and of a member resident elsewhere, 12s. 6d. annually. Members receive notices of all meetings of the Society and of its publications. Any library may subscribe to the Society and receive copies of its publications. The subscription for libraries is £1 10s. annually.

The Society is responsible for two series of publications. Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, containing papers read at the Society and other articles by members, appears annually. Contributions intended for the Proceedings should be addressed to Dr. R. D. Dawe, Trinity College, Cambridge. Supplements to the Proceedings, consisting of monographs, appear occasionally, less frequently, and at irregular intervals. This series is designed to accommodate works of intermediate size, i.e., of about 100 pages.

Members of the Society are invited to submit proposals for monographs to be published in this series. Proposals should be addressed to Mr. H. J. Easterling, Trinity College, Cambridge. Applications for membership, and all other correspondence relating to the Society, should be addressed to Mr. H. J. Easterling, Trinity College, Cambridge. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2Aa8zUMrmYCuniC

Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Thessaloniki August 7-14 1978, 1981
By: Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs Nikolaou (Ed.)

Title	Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Thessaloniki August 7-14 1978
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1981
Publication Place	Athen
Publisher	Athēna : Ministry of Culture and Sciences
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs Nikolaou
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/I0bn1qB2TUZcu8q

Proche-Orient Ancien. Temps vécu, temps pensé, 1998
By: Briquel-Chatonnet, Françoise (Ed.), Lozachmeur, Hélène (Ed.)

Title	Proche-Orient Ancien. Temps vécu, temps pensé
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1998
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Maisonneuve
Series	Antiquités sémitiques
Volume	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Briquel-Chatonnet, Françoise , Lozachmeur, Hélène
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5BD9RWhwMU84oxi

Title	Proclus et la théologie platonicienne. Actes du colloque international de Louvain (13 -16 mai 1998). En l'honneur de H.D. Saffrey et L.G. Westerink
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2000
Publication Place	Leuven - Paris
Publisher	Leuven University Press - Paris Les Belles Lettres
Series	Ancient and medieval philosophy, Series 1
Volume	26
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Segonds, A. Ph. , Steel, Carlos , Luna, Concetta (Coll.) , Mettraux, A. F. (Coll.)
Translator(s)

In his Platonic Theology, Proclus offers a systematic exposition of the theology of Plato. Integrating within the ‘scienti-fic’ framework of the Parmenides all the theological doctrines which are scattered throughout the Plato’s dialogues, Proclus develops the Platonic doctrines on the One, the gods and the hierarchical procession of reality.

The present volume, which celebrates the completion of the critical edition of Proclus’ Platonic Theology by H.-D. Saffrey and L.G. Westerink (+), contains thirty-one contributions by leading scholars in the field of Neoplatonic studies. They present their views on the organisation and principles of Proclus’ theology, on the hermeneutics of Platonic dialogues, on the antecedents of this theological synthesis, and on its posterity, from Proclus’ immediate successors through the Byzantine, Arabic and Latin Middle Ages.

This monumental volume, which is the result of three decades of dedicated scholarly research on the philosophy of Proclus, will stand for many years as an indispensable guide for all those interested in Neoplatonic studies. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/SbKzMkxqkUtsN6U

Proclus on Corporeal Space, 1994
By: Schrenk, Lawrence P.

Title	Proclus on Corporeal Space
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1994
Journal	Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume	76
Pages	151 –167
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schrenk, Lawrence P.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In  his survey of ancient  theories  of space1  the Aristotelian commen-
tator  Simplicius  considers  the  rather  peculiar  account  offered  by  the
Neoplatonic philosopher, Proclus.2 This philosopher's analysis  of
space3  is  unique  in  that  it  contains  the  unusual  claim  that  space  is corporeal.4  In  this  paper,  I  shall  explore this claim  and  argue  that  it is
by  no  means as  absurd  as  might  at  first  appear.  It  results  from  a rea-
soned  attempt  to  develop  a  theory  of  space  which  meets  the  needs  of
Proclus'  ontology  of  emanation.  We  shall  begin  by  seeking  a  precise
understanding of the assertion  that  space  is a body  (through  an  analysis
of  two  detailed proofs  Proclus  offers  in  its  support5)  and  then  investi-
gate  the  philosophical  motives  compelling  him  to  make  the  claim  by
inquiring about  the  function  of space in his comprehensive  ontology. [Introduction, p. 151-152]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/es6VRskBGAHA2p5

Proclus vs Plotinus on Matter ("De mal. subs." 30-7), 2001
By: Opsomer, Jan

Title	Proclus vs Plotinus on Matter ("De mal. subs." 30-7)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	46
Issue	2
Pages	154-188
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Opsomer, Jan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In De malorum subsistentia chapters 30–37, Proclus criticizes the view that evil is to be identified with matter. His main target is Plotinus' account in Enn. 1.8 [51]. Proclus denies that matter is the cause of evil in the soul, and that it is evil or a principle of evil. According to Proclus, matter is good because it is produced by the One.

Plotinus' doctrine of matter as evil is the result of a different conception of emanation, according to which matter does not revert to its principle. Proclus claims that positing a principle of evil either amounts to a coarse dualism or makes the Good ultimately responsible for evil. Plotinus does not seem to escape the latter consequence if he is to remain committed to the Neoplatonic conception of causation.

Plotinus equated matter with privation and said it is a kind of non-being that is the contrary of substance, thus violating fundamental Aristotelian principles. Proclus reinstates Aristotelian orthodoxy, as does Simplicius in his Commentary on the Categories. It is possible that Iamblichus was the source of both Proclus and Simplicius, and that he was the originator of the parhypostasis theory and the inventor of the anti-Plotinian arguments. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Hey5Ym2eaERyB7G

Proclus' Defence of the Timaeus against Aristotle's Objections. A reconstruction of a lost polemical treatise, 2005
By: Steel, Carlos, Leinkauf, Thomas (Ed.), Steel, Carlos (Ed.)

Title	Proclus' Defence of the Timaeus against Aristotle's Objections. A reconstruction of a lost polemical treatise
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2005
Published in	Platons Timaios als Grundtext der Kosmologie in Spätantike, Mittelalter und Renaissance - Plato's Timaeus and the Foundations of Cosmology in Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Renaissance
Pages	163-193
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)	Leinkauf, Thomas , Steel, Carlos
Translator(s)

In this question and in many others, Philoponus believes Plato and Aristotle are radically opposed. Proclus does not dissimulate their disagreement, but, to Philoponus' anger, he does not take distance from Aristotle's interpretation of the Timaeus in the discussion about the eternity of the world. Instead of sincerely accepting with Plato that the world is generated and temporal, he defects to the Aristotelian view and thus comes in contradiction with his earlier work, as Philoponus demonstrates.

Simplicius also read the early treatise of Proclus, and he quotes large extracts from it in his commentary on the De Caelo. Simplicius, who is a great advocate of the harmony of Plato and Aristotle, is often embarrassed with Proclus’ polemics. Whenever Proclus quotes a text from Aristotle to convince the philosopher that he too is “forced” to admit the truth of the Platonic principles, Simplicius makes of it an argument to demonstrate that Aristotle is fundamentally in agreement with Plato.

How different their ultimate goals may have been in this polemic, both ideological opponents, Philoponus and Simplicius, offer us valuable information on a lost work of Proclus, in which he attacked Aristotle with youthful zeal in defense of the Timaeus. The treatise witnesses both his admiration for the Timaeus and his irritation at Aristotle’s unfair treatment. [conclusion p. 193]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kMYAmCjyTBGx2oh

Proclus, lecteur et interprète des anciens. Actes du colloque international du CNRS, Paris (2-4 octobre 1985), 1987
By: Pépin, Jean (Ed.), Saffrey, Henri Dominique (Ed.)

Title	Proclus, lecteur et interprète des anciens. Actes du colloque international du CNRS, Paris (2-4 octobre 1985)
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1987
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Centre national de la recherche scientifique
Series	Colloques internationaux du Centre national de la recherche scientifique
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Pépin, Jean , Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Translator(s)

Du 5e siècle jusqu'au début du 19e siècle, Proclus fut considéré comme l'héritier par excellence de Platon, celui qui avait su tirer des dialogues un exposé systématique et cohérent de la philosophie platonicienne. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QluMshmjYrV5JtV

Proclus: On the Existence of Evils, 2003
By: Opsomer, Jan, Steel, Carlos,

Title	Proclus: On the Existence of Evils
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2003
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury Academic
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Opsomer, Jan , Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Opsomer, Jan() , Steel, Carlos()

Proclus’ On the Existence of Evils is not a commentary, but helps to compensate for the dearth of Neoplatonist ethical commentaries. The central question addressed in the work is: how can there be evil in a providential world? Neoplatonists agree that it cannot be caused by higher and worthier beings. Plotinus had said that evil is matter, which, unlike Aristotle, he collapsed into mere privation or lack, thus reducing its reality. He also protected higher causes from responsibility by saying that evil may result from a combination of goods. Proclus objects: evil is real, and not a privation. Rather, it is a parasite feeding off good. Parasites have no proper cause, and higher beings are thus vindicated as being the causes only of the good off which evil feeds. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/jf422McdNmgpCnP

Proklos und die Form des philosophischen Kommentars, 1985
By: Lamberz, Erich, Pépin, Jean (Ed.), Saffrey, Henri Dominique (Ed.)

Title	Proklos und die Form des philosophischen Kommentars
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1985
Published in	Proclus, lecteur et interprète des anciens. Actes du colloque international du CNRS, Paris (2-4 octobre 1985)
Pages	1-20
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lamberz, Erich
Editor(s)	Pépin, Jean , Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Translator(s)

In  den  bisherigen Untersuchungen  zur  Form  der  Kommentare  des Proklos  und  der  Neuplatoniker  im  allgemeinen  ist  vor  allem  Gewicht darauf gelegt worden,  daß  die  Kommentare  aus  der mündlichen  Exegese der  Texte hervorgegangen  sind  und  die  Formen  dieser  mündlichen 
Exegese  sich  in  den  schriftlich  fixierten  Werken  widerspiegeln.  Neben Spuren  mündlicher  Ausdrucksformen  und  Reflexen  von  Schuldiskussionen  gehört  zu  diesen  Formen  vor  allem  die  Gliederung  der  Exegese  in Abschnitte,  die Vorlesungseinheiten  (praxeis)  entsprechen,  und  die 
Unterteilung  der  einzelnen  Abschnitte  in  Allgemeinerklärung  (theôria) und  Einzelerklärung  (lexis).  Bis  jetzt  blieb  jedoch  weitgehend  die  Frage außer  B etracht,  ob  und  wie  sich  die  von  den  Exegeten  selbst  redigierten 
Kommentare  von  Vorlesungsnachschriften  unterscheiden.  Es  erscheint 
deshalb  sinnvoll,  den  Blickwinkel  einmal  umzukehren  und  zu  fragen, welche  spezifischen  Formelemente  sich  in  den  Kommentaren  des  Proklos 
und  anderer  Neuplatoniker  aufzeigen  lassen,  wenn  man  sie  in  erster Linie  als  literarische  Erzeugnisse  und  nicht  als  Niederschlag  mündlicher Exegese  betrachtet.  Im  folgenden  soll  zu  diesem  Zweck  nach  einigen 
terminologischen Voruntersuchungen  die  Form  der  Lemmata,  deren Einfügung  in  den  Kom m entartext  und  der  Aufbau  der  einzelnen 
Kommentarabschnitte besprochen  werden. [Introduction, p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WFCq8CflnlIPypA

Prolegomena to the Study of Philoponus' contra Aristotelem, 1987
By: Wildberg, Christian, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Prolegomena to the Study of Philoponus' contra Aristotelem
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science
Pages	197-209
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Judging from the number and content of his commentaries, Philoponus was a thinker in the Aristotelian tradition. One of his major achievements lies in
the fact that as a commentator he accepted and developed the heritage of his teacher Ammonius. For that reason alone it is remarkable that he composed a treatise which attacked vital topics of Aristotle’s philosophy with little compromise. Although it is true that throughout Antiquity many philosophers ventured to criticise the great Aristotle, one may agree that Philoponus did so, as Cesare Cremonini put it in 1616, ‘more sharply than anyone’ (acerrime omnium).' Where does this attack fit into the context of Philoponus’doctrinal development? No doubt his outspoken critique of Aristotle in the de Aetemitate Mundi contra Aristotelem somehow swayed Philoponus to desert the philosophical and join the theological camp. But the story is probably more complex. The general point of dissent was, as the title indicates, the doctrine of the eternity of the world. Being a Christian, Philoponus perhaps possessed a
particular motivation for launching his attack - as a feat of praeparatio evangélica. This fact has been sufficiently recognised and appreciated. Less appreciated and studied, however, has been the philosophical side, i.e. the actual argument and structure of the treatise in question. Since it has not survived the content must be reconstructed from a number of substantial fragments found mainly in the commentaries of Philoponus’ adversary Simplicius. An adequate treatment of the double controversy Simplicius v Philoponus v Aristotle would fill a volume on its own and cannot be the subject of this chapter.2 Instead, I will attempt to revise apparently firmly established views about the treatise, in particular its composition and date. This, it is hoped, may lead to a revised view of that treatise and at the same time encourage a more advanced study of Philoponus’ doctrinal development in general. [introduction p. 197-198]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dbFxqr9z9aZi48i

Prolegomena: Questions to Be Settled Before the Study of an Author, or a Text, 1994
By: Mansfeld, Jaap

Title	Prolegomena: Questions to Be Settled Before the Study of an Author, or a Text
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1994
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia Antiqua
Volume	61
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Prolegomena deals with the introductory and hermeuneutic sections of a wide range of commentaries and studies on philosophical, scientific, biblical and other ancient authors.
Special attention is given to unclearness as a stimulus for interpretation. New light is shed on the Life of an author (e.g. Plotinus') as a preliminary to the study of his works, and on the part played by the idea that life and doctrine should agree with each other.
The results obtained by the study of the practices as well as the avowed principles of ancient scholars and commentators among other things further the understanding of the interrelated philosophical, literary, medical and patristic exegetical traditions, of the book of Diogenes Laertius, of Galen's autobibliographies and of Thrasyllus' Before the Reading of the Dialogues of Plato. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/scCA9LVAgPDr4xM

Pseudo-Archytas über die Kategorien, 1972
By: Szlezák, Thomas Alexander

Title	Pseudo-Archytas über die Kategorien
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1972
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Peripatoi
Volume	4
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Szlezák, Thomas Alexander
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/B53kIQ1NXPQYKjd

Pseudo-Simplicius (Review on Simplicius’: On Aristotle On the Soul 3.6–13.), 2014
By: Van Dusen, David

Title	Pseudo-Simplicius (Review on Simplicius’: On Aristotle On the Soul 3.6–13.)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	64
Issue	2
Pages	436-437
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Van Dusen, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Despite the fervor of these sectatores Simplicii, there is now a stable consensus that their De Anima commentary is pseudo-Simplician. S. has long been convinced that the work should be attributed to Priscian of Lydia; in this, he is preceded by Francesco Piccolomini, a sixteenth-century opponent of the simpliciani, who also put Priscian forward as the commentator. I. Hadot fiercely criticized this re-attribution in a 2002 article in Mnemosyne, “Simplicius or Priscianus? On the Author of the Commentary on Aristotle’s De Anima”, and S. refers to the dispute in his introduction. He is sanguine: “As no other scholar apparently shares Hadot’s view, there is no need for further polemics” (p. 32 n. 6). Regardless of attribution, it is agreed that this De Anima commentary originated in Simplicius’ circles, that it represents “an original and personal engagement with Aristotle’s text” (p. 4), and that the commentator “uses various philological strategies to make sense of an obscure text” (p. 7). On this last point, S. is effusive: “Modern commentators could learn with profit from his attempts ‘to set right’ a difficult text ...without intervening with conjectures” (p. 7).

The manuscript basis of S.’s translation is broader than that of M. Hayduck’s semi-critical Greek edition (1882), which has been faulted for collating only a single fourteenth-century manuscript (Laurentianus 85.21) and a single sixteenth-century edition of the commentary (Aldina). In preparing his translation, S. consulted another fourteenth-century manuscript (which shows emendations and annotations by Cardinal Bessarion) and a mid-fifteenth-century manuscript. Nevertheless, he is generous: “Hayduck was basically right: it is indeed possible to constitute a critical text with the Laurentianus and the Aldina” (p. 149). A concise list of S.’s proposed corrections to the Greek and reconstructions of outstanding lacunae is included at the back of the volume.

S.’s is the final volume of the first-ever English translation of this De Anima commentary and gives us ps.-Simplicius on De Anima 3.6–13. The translation is nuanced and reliable, though at places the syntax could be smoothed out (“That also oysters have maturity and decline, all agree ...”, p. 101). The volume’s apparatus, credited to Arnis Ritups, is ample. And while ps.-Simplicius has never had English-speaking sectaries, his De Anima commentary was cited once by Bishop Berkeley and repeatedly by Lord Monboddo in the eighteenth century, while Thomas Taylor incorporated excerpts into the notes to his 1808 English translation of De Anima. In short, ps.-Simplicius’ Greek commentary has a place in the modern British reception of De Anima. The present translation should similarly inform contemporary work on De Anima and the Neoplatonists’ appropriation and transmission of Aristotle.

Ps.-Simplicius’ text is, of course, too dense to reprise here, but there is much of interest in his negotiation of time-statements in the last pages of De Anima, since it is in these pages—not the last paragraphs of Physics 4—that Aristotle investigates the problematic link of “time” to the “soul.” (And when Plotinus takes up the question of time in Enneads 3.7, he—like contemporary philosophers—turns to Physics 4, not De Anima 3.) Those interested in Neoplatonic conceptions of time—and, more generally, in the concept of time in Late Antiquity—would do well to consult this commentary and the other surviving Greek commentaries on De Anima 3.

There is a single, colorful passage that indicates how ps.-Simplicius’ commentary on the soul also opens onto the terrain of the body—sexuality, and so on—in Late Antiquity. In De Anima 3.9, Aristotle writes that “the heart” is moved when we think of menacing things, whereas “if the object is pleasant, some other part” is moved. It is a pleasure, then, to see ps.-Simplicius’ gloss: “The heart, for instance, may be set in movement among fearful things, and the generative organs (γεννητικὰ μόρια) upon the thought of sexual pleasure (ἀφροδισιαστικῶν ἡδονῶν)” (p. 102). This is doubtless the sense of Aristotle’s euphemistic text, and ps.-Simplicius sees the deeper import of sexual excitation with perfect clarity: “The intellect is not wholly master (οὐ τὸ ὅλον κύριος) of the movement of the living being” (p. 102). How far removed are we here from Augustine’s discussion of post-paradisiacal arousal in City of God against the Pagans? Or from Proclus’ refusal of a disciple who was “pursuing philosophy, but at the same time devoting his life to the pleasures below the belly (τὰς ὑπογαστρίους ἡδονάς),” as Damascius reports?

The early modern sectatores Simplicii likely misattributed their De Anima commentary, but in this, they were correct: Averroes is not “the Commentator on Aristotle’s De Anima III.” Ps.-Simplicius’ reading of the book is still challenging and, at places, suddenly illuminating. And it is no small thing for us to now have access—in conscientious English and in full—to this methodical, lexically sensitive commentary on the soul from the immediate circle of the last representatives of a “Platonic succession” in Athens. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PvqFfr47EAUaMIW

Pseudopythagorica Dorica. I trattati di argomento metafisico, logico ed epistemologico attribuiti ad Archita e a Brotino, 2017
By: Ulacco, Angela,

Title	Pseudopythagorica Dorica. I trattati di argomento metafisico, logico ed epistemologico attribuiti ad Archita e a Brotino
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	2017
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Philosophie der Antike
Volume	41
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ulacco, Angela
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Ulacco, Angela()

Puzzles about Identity. Aristotle and his Greek Commentators, 1985
By: Mignucci, Mario, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Puzzles about Identity. Aristotle and his Greek Commentators
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1985
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule
Pages	57-97
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mignucci, Mario
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Aristotle’s conception of identity is too large a subject to be analyzed in a single article. I will try to discuss here just one of the many problems raised by his views on sameness. It is not, perhaps, the most stimulating question one could wish to see treated, but it is a question about logic, where I feel a little more at ease than among the complicated and obscure riddles of metaphysics. My subject will be Aristotle’s references to what is nowadays called ‘Leibniz’s Law’ (LL): if two objects x and y are the same, they both share all the same properties. A formal version of it could be:

    (1) x=y  ⟹  ∀F(F(x)  ⟺  F(y))x=y⟹∀F(F(x)⟺F(y))

It is perhaps worth remembering that (LL) must be distinguished from what is normally called the ‘principle of substitutivity’ (SP), according to which substitution of expressions that are said to be the same is truth-preserving. As has been shown, (LL) does not entail (SP), since there are counterexamples to (SP) that do not falsify (LL). Not only (SP), but also (LL) has been doubted by some modern logicians. The question is far from being settled, and it is perhaps of interest to examine how ancient logicians tried to manage this problem.

First, I will consider Aristotle’s statements about (LL) and the analyses he gives of some supposed counterexamples to this principle. Secondly, the interpretations of his view among his Greek commentators will be taken into account, and their distance from the position of the master evaluated. As Professor Moraux has taught us, the study of the Aristotelian tradition often gives us the opportunity of understanding Aristotle’s own meaning better. [introduction p. 57-58]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VYZdFzrmNGSDth4

Pythagoras Revived: Mathematics and Philosophy in Late Antiquity, 1989
By: Dominic J., O'Meara

Title	Pythagoras Revived: Mathematics and Philosophy in Late Antiquity
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1989
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Clarendon Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dominic J., O'Meara
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The Pythagorean idea that number is the key to understanding reality inspired Neoplatonist philosophers in Late Antiquity to develop theories in physics and metaphysics based on mathematical models. This book examines this theme, describing first the Pythagorean interests of Platonists in the second and third centuries and then Iamblichus's programme to Pythagoreanize Platonism in the fourth century in his work On Pythagoreanism (whose unity of conception is shown and parts of which are reconstructed for the first time). The impact of Iamblichus's programme is examined as regards Hierocles of Alexandria and Syrianus and Proclus in Athens: their conceptions of the figure of Pythagoras and of mathematics and its relation to physics and metaphysics are examined and compared with those of Iamblichus. This provides insight into Iamblichus's contribution to the evolution of Neoplatonism, to the revival of interest in mathematics, and to the development of a philosophy of mathematics and a mathematizing physics and metaphysics. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fuRcbbwhcveVtDt

Qu'est-ce qu'une figure? Une difficulté de la doctrine aristotélicienne de la qualité (Aristote Catégories 8, 10 b 26-11 a 14), 1980
By: Narcy, Michel, Aubenque, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Qu'est-ce qu'une figure? Une difficulté de la doctrine aristotélicienne de la qualité (Aristote Catégories 8, 10 b 26-11 a 14)
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1980
Published in	Concepts et catégories dans la pensée antique
Pages	197-216
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Narcy, Michel
Editor(s)	Aubenque, Pierre
Translator(s)

Au chapitre 8 des Catégories, consacré à la qualité (poiotes), Aristote, comme il l’a fait à propos des catégories précédentes (substance, quantité, relation), fait suivre son exposé de l’examen de deux questions : savoir si, dans l’ordre de la qualité, se trouvent contrariété (enantiótes) et accroissement ou diminution (to mallon kai to héttion). On peut noter d’ailleurs qu’à la réponse à ces deux questions se limiteront, au chapitre 9, les indications fournies au sujet des catégories de l’action et de la passion. Questions dont on a pu reconnaître qu’elles constituent comme l’application aux catégories aristotéliciennes d’un système catégorial plus ancien, provenant de l’Académie et dérivé, à travers le platonisme, du pythagorisme.

Il peut paraître étrange de délimiter ici, en vue d’une étude de la catégorie de qualité, un passage d’allure adventice, où vient pour ainsi dire s’entrecroiser avec le fil de l’exposé d’Aristote, et contredire l’assurance de sa classification, une problématique qui semble d’autant moins lui appartenir en propre qu’elle contribue surtout à jeter le doute sur la cohérence de l’exposé qui précède. À chacune des deux questions, en effet, Aristote donne tout d’abord une réponse affirmative (contrariété : 10 b 12 ; accroissement et diminution : 10 b 26), mais c’est pour noter ensuite, à la règle ainsi posée, des exceptions. Ainsi, donnant comme exemple de contrariété le blanc et le noir (10 b 13), il remarque un peu plus bas que d’autres couleurs, telles que le rouge et le jaune, n’ont pas de contraires (10 b 16-17). De même, dans le passage qui va nous occuper, affirme-t-il qu’à la différence des autres qualités, la figure n’est pas susceptible de plus et de moins : exception de taille, cette fois, puisque c’est ainsi l’une des quatre subdivisions de la qualité qui se voit assigner un statut à part.

Rejoignant là l’objection que fait Plotin au principe même d’une division au sein de la qualité, on ne peut éviter de se demander pourquoi la figure est rangée sous cette catégorie. Soit donc que, dans la rencontre avec le système catégorial académique, Aristote se trouve confronté à une difficulté dont il ne vient pas à bout, soit qu’il souligne ainsi l’inadéquation de la « grille » qu’il abandonne, ce passage peut sembler rien moins que central dans le chapitre. À moins que se révèlent, dans la difficulté précisément, pour autant qu’elle est comme une trace de la cassure opérée, et à moins que, pourquoi pas, dans cette cassure se constituent, la signification et la raison d’être de la catégorie aristotélicienne de la qualité, et avec elle, la doctrine des catégories.

L’exception constituée par la figure, en effet, n’est pas une faiblesse qui se laisse seulement apercevoir : Aristote, au contraire, loin de la masquer ou de la mentionner sans plus, comme il fait du rouge et du jaune à propos de la contrariété, non seulement l’expose avec un soin particulier, mais produit une argumentation à l’appui. Ce qui doit d’autant plus retenir l’attention, qu’il a tout d’abord travaillé à réduire une première exception, celle que constitueraient des dispositions telles que la justice ou la santé (10 b 30-11 a 5). Le soin égal apporté, d’abord à réduire une première exception, puis à en produire une autre, donne à croire qu’à entendre au plus près la difficulté, on a chance d’y saisir une ligne de force de la doctrine.

Examinons donc tout d’abord la première partie de notre passage (10 b 26-11 a 5). C’est l’affirmation que les qualités (tà poià) reçoivent « le plus et le moins » (tà mallon kai tà héttion) : « du blanc, en effet : l’un est dit plus et moins qu’un autre. Et du juste : l’un qu’un autre, plus ». [introduction p. 197-198]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qCqUG7AShSYKtrM

Quelques exemples de scholies dans la tradition arabe des "Éléments" d'Euclide, 2003
By: Djebbar, Ahmed

Title	Quelques exemples de scholies dans la tradition arabe des "Éléments" d'Euclide
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2003
Journal	Revue d'histoire des sciences
Volume	56
Issue	2
Pages	293-321
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Djebbar, Ahmed
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

After describing two important sources of scholia, the manuscripts Teherán Malik 3586 and Leiden Or. 399/1, this article analyzes the different kinds of scholia found in these texts as well as in other mathematical writings of the Arab tradition of Euclid's Elements. The second part of the article provides a modern edition and French translation of some of these previously unpublished scholia. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Gv7BthgX2p0VabW

Quotation in Greco-Roman contexts, 1995
By: Lloyd, Geoffrey

Title	Quotation in Greco-Roman contexts
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1995
Journal	Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident
Volume	17
Pages	141-153
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lloyd, Geoffrey
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The idea that there is a polar opposition between oral and literate societies (as a whole) has long ago been exploded (Jack Goody, The Domestication of the Savage Mind, Cambridge 1977). Rather, there is a wide spectrum of degrees of orality and literacy. But in the comparative absence of writing and of written texts, what passes as a quotation, and the manner in which quotations are used, may well differ very markedly from the norms and uses practiced within communities of listeners and readers who are in a position to refer to written records. The myth of the Bagre, as Goody explained, is represented by the LoDagaa themselves as invariant: it is always, they insist, the same. Yet actual performances vary widely, as Goody's own transcriptions, carried out over a period of several decades and using different methods, prove conclusively. The most recent versions of the myth have been known to incorporate references to Goody and his tape recorder themselves.

The development of literacy in ancient Greece is as controversial as the question of the role of oral performance in or behind the creation of the Homeric epics. The work of Milman Parry and A. B. Lord, comparing Greek and oral Balkan epic, accepted as orthodoxy in the 1960s, is nowadays problematized as often as it is cited as authoritative. For every Greek scholar who accepts that Homeric formulae have a mnemonic function in oral performance, there is another who insists not just on the literary, but the literate, craftsmanship of the Homeric use of repetition.

Again, just how literate were those who lived at Athens in the 5th or 4th centuries BCE—the male citizens, their wives, let alone their slaves? Learning to read and write was represented, often with some pride, it seems, as part of the traditional education of well-born children, but how fluent in those two skills they were expected to become, or normally became, is another matter. The institution of ostracism seemingly implies the assumption that all citizens could write the name of the person they wanted to send into exile. But not everyone "wrote" their own ostrakon, as we can tell from the archaeological record, for some were evidently "mass-produced" for others' use.

Yet while these and other issues are no closer to resolution now than they were when the literacy debate began in earnest, one feature of classical Greek culture that is generally agreed upon, and that is important for our purposes, is that, even when written texts were available for consultation, the usual mode of communication was oral. In Plato's Parmenides 127c-e, when Socrates meets Parmenides and Zeno on a visit to Athens and hears that Zeno has brought his book with him, Socrates asks him not to lend him the text but to read it out.

The relevance of this to quotation is twofold. First, the criteria of accuracy in quotation are affected, and secondly, following on from that, we have to question whether what may look like a report of what someone "says" is indeed that, or merely, at most, an attribution of an idea or an opinion.

Thus, when we find Plato "misquoting" Homer, there may be no fewer than four (by no means all mutually exclusive) reasons for this, over and above the possibility that our text of Plato is "corrupt":
(1) Plato has misremembered: he is quoting from memory, but that is at fault.
(2) He is deliberately misquoting and expects his readers/listeners to spot this immediately and to catch his drift—to understand the game that he, Plato, is playing with Homer.
(3) He is deliberately misquoting but does not expect that to be picked up: he does not expect to be "caught out." I shall return to this third possibility later with the example of Galen.
(4) He has a different text of Homer from ours. [introduction p. 141-142]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nlUVMDS4ArBBIez

Rational Assent and Self-Reversion: A Neoplatonist Response to the Stoics, 2016
By: Coope, Ursula

Title	Rational Assent and Self-Reversion: A Neoplatonist Response to the Stoics
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2016
Journal	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Volume	50
Pages	237-288
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Coope, Ursula
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper, we have seen how ps.-Simplicius draws upon the Neoplatonic notion of self-reversion to explain the nature of rational assent. I have argued that this account of assent provides a basis for explaining a fundamental difference between assenting and having impressions: the fact that we can assent for a reason but cannot (in the same sense) have an impression for a reason.

Ps.-Simplicius' account thus suggests an interesting new view of the nature of assent, a view that combines elements of Aristotelian, Stoic, and Neoplatonist thought. From the Stoics, he inherits the view that believing involves assenting. He draws upon the Neoplatonist notion of self-reversion to explain the essentially self-reflexive nature of assent. This enables him to defend Aristotle's claim that we cannot believe at will.

On this account, though we do not believe at will, we nevertheless have a kind of rational control over our beliefs: beliefs, by their very nature, are such as to be revised or maintained for reasons.

This account thus provides an answer to the question we raised for the Stoics: what is it about the nature of assent that explains why you are responsible for assenting in a way in which you are not responsible for having impressions?

You are responsible for assenting just because you can assent (or withhold assent) for reasons, and you can assent for reasons just because of the essentially self-reflexive nature of the act of assent.
[conclusion p. 286]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EAq0q2QllqJrF4y

Reading Plato in antiquity, 2006
By: Tarrant, Harold (Ed.), Baltzly, Dirk (Ed.)

Title	Reading Plato in antiquity
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2006
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury Academic
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Tarrant, Harold , Baltzly, Dirk
Translator(s)

This important collection of original essays is the first to concentrate at length on how the ancients responded to the challenge of reading and interpreting Plato, primarily between 100 BC and AD, edited by Lloyd Gerson, University of Toronto; 600. It incorporates the fruits of recent research into late antique philosophy, in particular its approach to hermeneutical problems. While a number of prominent figures, including Apuleius, Galen, Plotinus, Porphyry and lamblichus, receive detailed attention, several essays concentrate on the important figure of Proclus, in whom Neoplatonic interpretation of Plato reaches it most impressive, most surprising and most challenging form. The essays appear in chronological of their focal interpreters, giving a sense of the development of Platonist exegesis in this period. Reflecting their devotion to a common theme, the essays have been carefully edited and are presented with a composite bibliography and indices.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PFetB36hpbaF0VD

Received Opinions: Doxography in Antiquity and the Islamic World, 2022
By: Lammer, Andreas (Ed.), Jas, Mareike (Ed.)

Title	Received Opinions: Doxography in Antiquity and the Islamic World
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2022
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia Antiqua
Volume	160
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Lammer, Andreas , Jas, Mareike
Translator(s)

Ever since Hermann Diels tried to collect and reconstruct the doctrines of the Presocratics, Aristotle’s discussions (and those of his collaborator and immediate successor Theophrastus) became associated with the wider pathways of transmission of early Greek philosophy. Subsequently, Diels’ work emphasized Theophrastus’ role as the origin for this network of interconnected texts. Diels’ two pioneering works resulting from these investigations, his Doxographi Graeci (mapping and clarifying the various streams of transmission) and his Vorsokratiker (an authoritative collection of the fragments and testimonia), have both dominated the twentieth-century study of early Greek thought.

In this chapter, I aim to revisit how we should characterize Aristotle’s habit of examining such “received opinions” and how influential it was on his successors, in particular Theophrastus. The nature of these discussions is, I submit, in need of a more precise characterization. For added perspective on the larger timeframe and the continuity in the Aristotelian tradition, I will include comments on the late Platonist Simplicius (ca. 480–ca. 540 CE), who not only still had access to Theophrastus and several works of Aristotle but also seems to echo aspects of the doxai-discussions in his commentaries on Aristotle, with certain important adjustments.

By defining “received opinions” in the sense of “accepted” as well as “transmitted,” we are in a position to distinguish between different kinds of doxai-collections, depending on the context and the questions we ask about the material. In Greek, “received opinions” relates closely to endoxa, which I shall also clarify. The overall aim is to gain more insight into the role of these endoxa in the Aristotelian tradition as well as characterize the method(s) used to frame a scientific discussion with “historical” depth.

This three-step analysis aims to offer an answer to the question implied in my title: is Diels’ label accurate for the method used by Aristotle and his successor, or should we consider an alternative description? I have introduced the term “endoxography” in my title in an attempt to coin a phrase that describes more accurately certain types of doxai-collections in contradistinction to Diels’ notion of doxography and its modern use, which seems to have become wider in scope.

In my study of Theophrastus’ work, I came up with the phrase “critical endoxography” a long time ago. It was meant to characterize the dialectical argument forms in Theophrastus’ De sensibus as a way of specifying how these “well-known views” (endoxa) received critical attention from both Aristotle and Theophrastus. My focus on the terms doxography and endoxography in the earlier part of this paper is not just an exercise in semantics, but one that concerns the very nature of Aristotle’s activity and how it impacted his successor and later commentators.

Diels’ modern term may be more or less appropriate for this wider and later tradition of doxai transmission, but it hardly describes the early Peripatetic habit of retrospective evaluation of previous views related to specific investigations into problems of particular knowledge domains. [introduction p. 151-152]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Gzd2QU7XGDORXfc

Recherches sur la tradition manuscrite du Commentaire de Simplicius au De caelo d'Aristote, 1981
By: Hoffmann, Philippe

Title	Recherches sur la tradition manuscrite du Commentaire de Simplicius au De caelo d'Aristote
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1981
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Université Paris IV-Sorbonne
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FCQ06BefzUIofrf

Recherches sur le néoplatonisme après Plotin, 1990
By: Saffrey, Henri Dominique

Title	Recherches sur le néoplatonisme après Plotin
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1990
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Histoire des doctrines de l’antiquité classique
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Saffrey, Henri Dominique
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Le Néoplatonisme après Plotin rassemble une vingtaine d'études parues depuis 1990, qui illustrent l'histoire de la philosophie platonicienne du IVe au VIe siècle, et au-delà. Depuis l'édition par Porphyre des Ennéades de Plotin jusqu'aux scholies du Corpus Dionysien, le propos de ce travail est de montrer les efforts successifs déployés par les philosophes néoplatoniciens pour intégrer le patrimoine philosophique et religieux de l'Antiquité grecque. Jamblique, sous le pseudonyme d'un prêtre égyptien, dialogue avec Porphyre pour exposer les antiques traditions égyptiennes et chaldéennes, Proclus, à la suite de son maître Syrianus, fait entendre l'accord d'Orphée, Pythagore et Platon avec les Oracles Chaldaïques, et pose le fondement de la théologie comme science. Dans ses hymnes, il livre sa dévotion au Soleil et aux dieux des Oracles Chaldaïques. Deux témoins précieux, le manuscrit alchimique de Venise et le Platon du Parisinus graecus 1807, témoignent de la survie du néoplatonisme que Marsile Ficin révélera à l'Europe par sa traduction latine des Ennéades, parue il y a tout juste 500 ans. Enfin l'hommage rendu à L. G. Westerink s'adresse à l'éditeur scientifique le plus fécond des auteurs néoplatoniciens. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PXWKxSDEtCXXJtb

Recherches sur les fragments du commentaire de Simplicius sur la Métaphysique d’Aristote, 1987
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Recherches sur les fragments du commentaire de Simplicius sur la Métaphysique d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	225-245
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

The text discusses research on the fragments of Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Metaphysics. It focuses on a scholia found in Codex Regius (Paris, gr. 1853) that mentions Simplicius as the author of a commentary on Aristotle's work. The scholia refers to a specific passage in Metaphysics I, 983 b 8, where the interpretation of the term "eidos" creates difficulties. The scholia contrasts the interpretations proposed by Alexandre d'Aphrodise and Simplicius, highlighting their differing views on the meaning of "eidos." The author argues that the scholia indicates familiarity with Simplicius' commentary, suggesting that Simplicius was known and studied in the first half of the 13th century. The scholia also mentions Michel d'Ephese and Jean Italos, providing clues about the context and potential dating of the scholia's composition. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/R2DUCY7PTorhIy2

Reconciling Plato's and Aristotle's Cosmologies. Attempts at Harmonization in Simplicius, 2018
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine

Title	Reconciling Plato's and Aristotle's Cosmologies. Attempts at Harmonization in Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Pages	101-125
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper, I shall address a particular aspect of the disharmony, more precisely how it is interpreted and resolved by Simplicius in his commentary
on Aristotle’s On the Heavens: the question about the being and temporality of the κόσμος. Plato’s and Aristotle’s positions appear to be contrary on this point, since the former, in the Timaeus, insists on the creation of the world by the Demiurge, whereas the latter, in his On the Heavens, asserts the eternity of the heavens. Far from being a triviality, this difference will lead Simplicius to develop hermeneutical strategies designed to restore the harmony between his authorities.
From our perspective, the question about the eternity of the world offers a fruitful case study, insofar as it forces Simplicius to mobilize all the strategies he usually uses in this commentary to restore the harmony between Plato and Aristotle. Also I shall lead here a parallel investigation on two separate fronts. First, I will identify the methodological principles implemented through the attempt at harmonising, so as to contribute to our understanding
of Simplicius’ way of exegesis. Then, I will investigate the conceptual effect, regarding cosmology, reached by this attempt. In other words, I will explore how Simplicius’ interpretative tools lead him to produce some new philosophical theses. [Introduction, pp. 101 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vZVYLur1bCGwnlh

Rediscovered Categories Commentary: Porphyry(?) with Fragments of Boethus, 2016
By: Chiaradonna, Riccardo, Rashed, Marwan, Sedley, David N., Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Rediscovered Categories Commentary: Porphyry(?) with Fragments of Boethus
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	231-262
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chiaradonna, Riccardo , Rashed, Marwan , Sedley, David N.
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Even if it contained nothing else, the citations that this last manuscript preserves from named earlier commentators—Andronicus, Boethus, Nicostratus, and Herminus—would be enough to make it an important addition to our knowledge of the Categories tradition. Its new evidence on the first-century BCE Aristotelian Boethus is especially significant. Two of the three citations from him (3,19–22; 14,4–12) probably embody his words more or less verbatim, to judge from the combination of direct speech and peculiarly crabbed language, very unlike the author’s usual style. In addition, the author mentions a group of anonymous commentators already criticized by Boethus, thus giving further unexpected insights into the early reception of Aristotle’s work.

But the author’s own contributions are rich and fascinating too. If his date and identity could be established, the new text would make an even greater impact on our present state of understanding. In this article, it will be argued that the new fragment is, to all appearances, a remnant of the most important of all the ancient Categories commentaries, Porphyry’s lost Ad Gedalium.

The grounds for such an attribution will be set out in this introduction. There will then follow a translation of the passage, and finally a commentary on the commentary. Our aim is not, in the space of a single article, to settle all the interpretative questions but, on the contrary, to initiate discussion, to develop our proposal regarding authorship, and, above all, to bring the already published text to the attention of interested scholars in the field of ancient philosophy.

The commentary consists of seven consecutive folios, recto and verso, each with thirty lines per side and around forty letters per line. For ease of reference, we have renumbered the sides into a simple consecutive run, 1–14.

Despite its severely damaged state, it has proved possible to decipher much of the greater part of the text on these fourteen pages. In what follows, we start with a brief description, then turn to the question of authorship.

The entire fourteen pages deal, incompletely, with just two consecutive lemmata from the Categories. The passage already under discussion when the text opens is 1a20-b15, a strikingly long lemma, especially given that the same passage is divided into three lemmata by Ammonius and into five by Simplicius. The commentator has by this point already dealt, presumably at some length, with Aristotle’s well-known distinction there between properties that are ‘said of a subject’ and those that are ‘in a subject.’ As the text opens, he is discussing the later part of the lemma, 1b10–15, where Aristotle explains a principle of transitivity according to which when predicate B is said of subject A, and predicate C is said of subject B, then predicate C is said of subject A. Various aspects of this theorem, and problems arising from it, occupy the commentator from 1,1 to 7,8. But he then returns (7,8–9,30) to the opening part of the main lemma, its fourfold division of predicates (1a20-b9), which he presents as applying a neglected Aristotelian method of division, one that can also, as he proceeds to illustrate, be used effectively in the doxographical mapping out of philosophical theories.

At 9,30–10,12, we encounter the transition to a new lemma, Categories 1b16–24, where Aristotle explains his thesis that any two different genera, such as animal and knowledge, which are not subordinated one to the other, will normally be divided by two specifically (tôi eidei) different sets of differentiae. The commentator takes the opportunity here to explain the basic vocabulary of genus, species, and differentia, as befits the opening pages of a work that was itself placed first in the Aristotelian corpus. Otherwise, his discussion, as for the preceding lemma, is largely taken up with the resolution of the exegetical problems raised by his predecessors.

The Categories was the earliest Aristotelian treatise to attract commentaries and critiques from the first century BCE onwards. The numerous exegetes, of whose work only a small proportion has survived, included not only Aristotelians but also Platonists, Stoics, and others of uncertain philosophical allegiance. The surviving commentaries are in fact all the work of Neoplatonists, starting with the short question-and-answer commentary by Porphyry (third century CE), but they contain plentiful reports of the views of earlier commentators and critics.

Since our commentary repeatedly cites previous commentators from the first century BCE to the second century CE but none later than that, we can be confident that it was written in the Roman imperial era, not earlier than the time of Alexander of Aphrodisias (c. 200), whose teacher Herminus is the latest commentator cited, and probably not very much later either. This enables us to set about searching for its author’s identity systematically, since we are fortunate, in the case of this particular Aristotelian treatise, to have from Simplicius (in Cat. 1,9–2,29 Kalbfleisch) a detailed survey of the commentary tradition down to the beginning of the sixth century.
[introduction p. 231-233]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/boTHRcfBsw3NuBU

Relectures néoplatoniciennes de la théologie d’Aristote, 2020
By: Baghdassarian, Fabienne (Ed.), Papachristou, Ioannis (Ed.), Toulouse, Stéphane (Ed.)

Title	Relectures néoplatoniciennes de la théologie d’Aristote
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2020
Publication Place	Baden-Baden
Publisher	Academia
Series	International Aristotle Studies
Volume	9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Baghdassarian, Fabienne , Papachristou, Ioannis , Toulouse, Stéphane
Translator(s)

On the question of the divine, as on others, the Neoplatonic tradition has gradually made the reading of Aristotle a philosophical preriquisite. The contributions gathered in this volume aim at understanding how the Neoplatonic readers of Aristotle’s theology interpreted, commented on and criticized these doctrines in the light of their philosophical orientations, but also how Aristotle’s philosophy was able to influence, in return, their own conceptions and nourish the Neoplatonic approach to the divine. In short, it is a question of specifying both the different hermeunetic uses to which the Aristotelian philosophy of the divine has lent itself and the conceptual effect of this reappropriation. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NRy52L806zUPIxF

Religion et philosophie chez Simplicius, 2004
By: Hadot, Pierre, Hadot, Ilsetraut, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Hadot, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	Religion et philosophie chez Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2004
Published in	Apprendre à philosopher dans l'Antiquité : l'enseignement du Manuel d'Épictète et son commentaire néoplatonicien
Pages	183-211
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Pierre , Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut , Hadot, Pierre
Translator(s)

Nous avons vu, à l’aide de plusieurs exemples, la manière dont le néoplatonicien Simplicius avait commenté un texte stoïcien. Nous avons constaté que Simplicius ne peut s’empêcher de réintroduire dans son commentaire, dans la mesure où ses auditeurs ou lecteurs débutants peuvent les comprendre, des doctrines néoplatoniciennes très complexes, qui n’ont rien à voir avec le texte du Manuel.

Les conclusions que l’on peut tirer de ces exemples au sujet de la méthode exégétique de Simplicius ne sont pas valables seulement pour son commentaire sur Épictète, mais également pour ses commentaires sur Aristote. Certains historiens modernes de la philosophie, notamment Carlos Steel, affirment que ce qui caractérise la méthode exégétique de Simplicius commentant les traités d’Aristote, c’est la simplicité et l’objectivité. Il en conclut que, puisque l’auteur du commentaire du De anima d’Aristote attribué à Simplicius donne libre cours à son interprétation néoplatonicienne, Simplicius ne peut être l’auteur de ce commentaire.

Il est vrai que, dans les commentaires sur les œuvres de logique, le néoplatonicien Simplicius trouve peu d’occasions d’introduire sa philosophie propre. Il en va déjà autrement en ce qui concerne les commentaires sur la Physique et le De caelo. Mais lorsqu'il s’agit du De anima, traité qui se plaçait, dans le cursus néoplatonicien, immédiatement avant la Métaphysique d’Aristote, et qui abordait des problèmes métaphysiques, la situation était toute différente. Sur de tels sujets, les doctrines néoplatoniciennes différaient largement de celles d’Aristote, en sorte que le fait de devoir prouver à chaque pas l’harmonie des philosophies de Platon et d’Aristote revenait à un exercice de haute voltige. Cette apparente différence de méthode provient donc de la divergence entre les doctrines au sujet de l’âme que professaient Aristote et les néoplatoniciens.

Plus généralement, quand on compare la position d’un stoïcien comme Épictète concernant le rapport entre philosophie et religion avec celle d’un néoplatonicien, en l’occurrence Simplicius, on constate une perte d’autonomie à l’égard du divin chez le philosophe néoplatonicien. Le stoïcien, en s’appuyant exclusivement sur la cohérence de son système et sur la force de sa raison, qu’il croit apte à diriger une vie vertueuse s’il est décidé à la suivre, se considère maître autonome de sa relation à Dieu. La question du salut de son âme après sa mort ne se pose pas pour lui.

Il en va autrement du philosophe néoplatonicien (exception faite de Plotin), qui, pour sauver son âme, a besoin, en plus de sa philosophie hautement systématisée et abstraite et d’une vie vertueuse, de l’aide des dieux, en partie obtenue grâce à des rites qu’il croit transmis par des « révélations ». Cette attitude, tout en se fondant sur les traditions religieuses païennes, ressemble finalement à celle du christianisme recourant à des rites et des sacrements. À vrai dire, lorsqu'il s’agit du philosophe néoplatonicien accompli, nous ne savons presque rien du contenu et des formes que prend la théurgie correspondant à son niveau ; elle semble, en tout cas, devoir aboutir alors, comme la philosophie de Plotin, à une union mystique avec l’Un ou l’Ineffable.

Mais tandis que Plotin arrivait à cette union par des moyens autonomes, les néoplatoniciens à partir de Jamblique ne se croyaient plus capables d’y arriver tout à fait par eux-mêmes ni de pouvoir garantir le retour de leurs âmes dans leur patrie sans l’aide d’un certain rituel. Il persiste néanmoins de grandes différences entre la « religion » néoplatonicienne et le christianisme ou d’autres religions qui ont la prétention de posséder seules la vérité. La plus importante de ces différences, à mes yeux, consiste en la tolérance et l’ouverture d’esprit vis-à-vis des religions étrangères.

Nous avons vu comment les néoplatoniciens expliquaient les divergences entre les religions des différents peuples : pour eux, ces divergences étaient des manifestations d’une même divinité, appropriées à la diversité des régions de la terre et des peuples qui les habitent. Ce point de vue garantissait aux différentes religions localement implantées une sorte d’égalité de valeur et impliquait aussi que, lorsqu’on arrivait en qualité d’étranger dans un environnement cultuel et religieux différent, on devait respecter les cultes locaux et même s’y conformer au moins extérieurement.

Cet esprit d’ouverture et de tolérance religieuse s’est largement perdu avec la fin de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine et nous fait tellement défaut actuellement. Simplicius, mais aussi Épictète, auraient certainement approuvé les mots du préfet païen Symmaque, qui protestait en 384 contre la décision de l’empereur chrétien de faire enlever de la salle du Sénat romain l’autel de la Victoire :

    « Nous contemplons les mêmes astres, le ciel nous est commun, le même monde nous enveloppe. Qu’importe la voie de la sagesse dans laquelle chacun cherche la vérité ? À un si grand mystère on ne parvient pas par un seul chemin. » [conclusion p. 208-211]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YIYhnMyXsA6s6Gi

Title	Remarque complémentaire à mon article “Dans quel lieu le néoplatonicien Simplicius a-t-il fondé son école de mathémathiques, et où a pu avoir lieu son entretien avec un manichéen?”
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2007
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	1
Pages	263-269
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Concerning the book by R. Arnzen Abū l-‘Abbās an-Nayrīzīs Exzerpte aus (Ps.-?) Simplicius’  Kommentar  zu  den  Definitionen,  Postulaten  und  Axiomen  in  Euclids Elementa  I,  the  present  paper  off  ers  a  survey  of  the  way  the  late  Neoplatonists  used to conceive and compose their commentaries. Far from trying to be original, each commentary is largely based on the works of predecessors. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MJR57V7OQzq7spB

Repetitions in Empedokles, 1898
By: Fairbanks, Arthur

Title	Repetitions in Empedokles
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1898
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	12
Issue	1
Pages	16-17
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Fairbanks, Arthur
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The reader of Empedokles, as the text is restored by Stein, cannot fail to be struck by the repetition of certain phrases and lines. The recurrent use of convenient phrases is characteristic of the epic style which Empedokles affects, and in this way the repetition of many phrases is accounted for. The phrase all‘ age, ll. 19, 74, 96 (cf. 130, 262), will serve as an example. The first half of ll. 36, 61, 76, and the last half of ll. 112, 239, 140, are other illustrations of what may be expected in an 'epic' writer, and deserve no special consideration here.
A second class of apparent repetitions may be dismissed with a word, namely the repetition of a line for emphasis, with distinct statement of the fact that it is repeated (e.g., ll. 60-62 repeated 75-77). It amounts to the same thing when a thesis is stated, and then repeated at the close of the discussion. In this way, I explain ll. 66 and 72.
Thirdly, there are numerous passages that impress the reader as repetitions because they deal with much the same thought, although there is a studied effort to put this thought in different language. In ll. 173 and 248, the language of 67 and 116 almost reappears. Lines 69, 70 repeat the thought of 61-62 with intentional change of language. The fundamental thought of the poem is that all things on the earth are the product of four elements moved by two forces. The three parts of this thought appear again and again, but with intentional variation in language so as to prevent a sense of monotony.
The list of things on the earth appears in lines 40 f., 105 f. (= 124 f.), 252 f., 383 f., 421 f. The four elements are mentioned in different terms many times: 33 f., 78, 130 f., 187, 197 f., (200), 204 f., 211, 215 f., 265 f., 333 f., 378 f. These repetitions, like those of the last group, are examples of a literary device appropriate to philosophic poetry. By means of it, the poet is able to enforce and bring home his thought without too much wearying his readers.
There remains another class of repetitions which are due, as I believe, to a wrong reconstruction of the text, and it is with the purpose of eliminating the repetitions which belong to this class that I have instituted this study.
105-107 = 124-126. Lines 105-107 appear in Simplicius 7v 33, 15 and 34r 159, 22, and their position in this connection is confirmed by the quotation of 104-107 in Arist. Met. ii. 4, 1000a 29. On the other hand, the same lines after l. 123 are found only in Simplicius 34r 160, 6; the text here is somewhat uncertain, and the link with the preceding by the participle κτίοντε is rather artificial. Simplicius had quoted these lines less than half a page back, and it seems to me probable that the lines were inadvertently repeated here — possibly instead of some similar enumeration of things on the earth.
94(-95) = 108(-109) = 114(-115). Lines 94-95 are the fitting conclusion of the preceding discussion of the elements, but they have no meaning after 107. They stand in Simplicius 34r 159, 3 at the end of a long quotation, and it is not unlikely that they were repeated at the end of the next quotation (34r 159, 25) by the error either of Simplicius or of some copyist. The last half of 109 reads like a gloss that has been incorporated into the text. A negative argument of less weight for the omission of these lines (108-109) is the fact that they are omitted in Simpl. 7v 33, 17.
The same lines appear in Simpl. 8r 33, 21. Here they are intimately connected with the two preceding lines, but their connection with the following lines is forced, and the following lines—as I shall hope to show—belong better in another connection. Accordingly, I propose to identify 114-115 with 94-95 and to insert 112-113 before 94-95. The order will then be 90-93, 112-113, 94-95 (= 114-115). The insertion of 112-113 between 93 and 94 is confirmed by the fact that 112-113 form the natural response to 93 and give a fitting introduction to 94-95.
67-68 = 116-117 (cf. 248). Lines 67-68 appear in this connection several times in Simplicius, and indeed 70-73 appear directly after 118 at Simpl. 8r 33, 26. Stein inserts Simpl. 8r 33, 26 as his line 69. My proposal is to insert both Simpl. 8r 33, 25 and 26 after 68, in which case there is no reason for regarding 116-117 as different from 67-68. So I would read 67-68, 118, 69-73.
These two changes in the text of Simplicius, which cut out several repetitions, rest on the interpretation of Simpl. 8r 33, 19. Stein breaks this passage after 33, 25 and inserts 33, 26 as line 69. I propose to break it at the point where the meaning halts, namely after 33, 22; the first four lines I would place after 93 as I have suggested in the last paragraph but one, and the remainder after 66, as I have suggested in the last paragraph.
134 = 138. Line 134, which consists simply of the word sphairon, has no reason for existence; as the reference in Simpl. 258r may perfectly well apply to line 138.
3 = 228. The close resemblance between these two lines may be due to the restoration of 228. We may notice, however, merimnas (3, 45, 228) and deila (3, 53, 228, 343, 400, 441, 446) are favourite words with Empedokles, so that perhaps there is no reason to discredit line 228.
In conclusion, I should like to suggest a slight emendation of line 85. The text of Simplicius at 34r 158, 24 reads met‘ osoisin (so aE; DE met‘ ossoisin); Preller suggests g‘ ossoisin; Panzerbieter, meth‘ oloisin. What is wanted is a reference to the four elements, with which Love works, though her activity cannot be discerned by mortal men. So I would suggest meta toisin, since tauta, tade, ta are commonly used to refer to the elements in the whole poem. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1EJm8S2SsGJjpTn

Review of ACA translation volumes (Alexander, Simplicius, Philoponus)
By: Gerson, Lloyd P.

Title	Review of ACA translation volumes (Alexander, Simplicius, Philoponus)
Type	Article
Language	English
Journal	Philosophical Quarterly
Volume	45
Issue	1
Pages	260-264
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

There are actually three main divisions of the commentaries contained in the great Berlin Academy edition. The first consists of the extensive and relatively straightforward commentaries up to about the fourth century AD. Among the commentators of this period, Alexander of Aphrodisias, who flourished in the early part of the third century AD, is clearly dominant. His understanding of Aristotle had an authoritative role for subsequent generations. His commentaries are the principal means for the revitalization of Peripatetic philosophy after its long period of desuetude, beginning even in the century after Aristotle himself.

The second and largest part of the corpus contains the Neoplatonic commentaries up to AD 600. The two most important figures in this group are John Philoponus and Simplicius (both of whom flourished in the mid-sixth century AD). The label "Neoplatonism" is far from unambiguous, but here it refers to the view that the philosophy of Aristotle is basically in harmony with that of Plato. A proposition that Sorabji calls "perfectly crazy" was actually, as he says, philosophically fruitful. I do not think that the contention that Aristotle was in harmony with Plato on essential points is quite as crazy as Sorabji thinks, especially if we insist, as we must, that the Neoplatonists were referring to Plato as they understood him, not as we do. I must add that there are many scholars today—mostly in continental Europe rather than in Britain or North America—who think that the Neoplatonic understanding of Plato is itself worthy of serious attention. At any rate, although Alexander's commentaries are still among the most reliable guides to Aristotle's tortuous arguments, the commentaries of Philoponus and Simplicius, above all the others in that group, are the most consistently provocative. They are unique documents in the history of philosophy, full of surprising and challenging arguments.

The third part, outside the purview of this review, contains the works of some of the eleventh- and twelfth-century Byzantine commentators. This is material at the outermost reaches of the empire of Ancient Greek philosophy, but it is not without interest, particularly as a counterbalance to the medieval Latin Christian interpretations of the Greeks. [introduction p. 260-261]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Ekcc0Hmw42Ha5F6

Review of Baltussen 2008: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator, 2009
By: Dillon, John

Title	Review of Baltussen 2008: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2009
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	3
Issue	2
Pages	158 –160
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dillon, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The book consists of six chapters, with an introduction and an epilogue. The introduction sets out the parameters of the problem: what should one expect in the way of philosophical attitudes from a late antique Platonist such as Simplicius, and how B. himself proposes to proceed in evaluating him. He emphasises that there are many ways in which this is something of a "work in progress," but he certainly provides enough material to give us a good idea of what Simplicius is up to. Above all, learned though he is, and copiously though he quotes his predecessors, we should not expect Simplicius to be in any anachronistic way an "objective" scholar. He is a Platonist, and his purpose is to assimilate Aristotle (and indeed the Presocratic philosophers) into the Platonist system.

Ch. 1, ‘The Scholar and his Books’, introduces us to what is known of Simplicius’ life and education (with Ammonius in Alexandria and Damascius in Athens, in the early decades of the sixth century) and addresses the major problem of the location and circumstances in which he composed his vast commentaries—necessarily after the official closing of the Academy in 529, and the return of the philosophers, of whom he was one, from Persia in 531. The Harran hypothesis of Tardieu runs into the great problem of the availability of source materials in such a relatively outlying place, and B. is inclined to reject it. The alternative is a return to Athens, or possibly Alexandria, where at least there were good libraries.

For one salient aspect of Simplicius’ work is his extraordinary range of reading, and his willingness to provide us with verbatim quotations from this, extending from Presocratics such as Parmenides, Melissus, Empedocles, and Anaxagoras, through immediate followers of Aristotle, such as Theophrastus and Eudemus, and then the great second-century A.D. Aristotelian commentator Alexander of Aphrodisias, down to his Neoplatonic predecessors Porphyry, Iamblichus, Syrianus, and Proclus, and his own teacher Damascius. B. devotes separate chapters to each of these categories of predecessor.

Ch. 2, ‘Rethinking Early Greek Philosophy? Origins of Ancient Wisdom’, looks at his use of Parmenides, Empedocles, and Anaxagoras in particular, and makes various suggestions about his overall purposes in this. It is certainly notable that Simplicius favours verbatim quotation even of prose authors—in contrast, for example, to such a figure as Proclus, who prefers to paraphrase prose authors at least—but I think that I would rest content with Simplicius’ own explanation (and apologies for over-quotation!), that he was concerned to preserve as much as he could of sources that were becoming increasingly rare in his day. It does not mean that he is not prepared to distort their meaning in a Neoplatonic direction.

Ch. 3, ‘Towards a Canon: The Early Peripatetics’, turns to a study of Theophrastus and Eudemus, and in particular their comments on, and adaptations of, Aristotle’s Physics. It is here, I fear, that one begins to realise that this is the sort of book that is best appreciated if one has the original works it is discussing at one’s elbow, as one generally does not—in this case, chiefly Simplicius’ vast Commentary on the Physics. However, B. undoubtedly gives a good account of how Simplicius uses Theophrastus, and particularly Eudemus, whom he actually refers to far more (132 references as against 37!), for the clarification of Aristotle’s doctrine.

Ch. 4, ‘Ghost in the Machine? The Role of Alexander of Aphrodisias’, deals with Alexander, who is indeed Simplicius’ chief authority—quoted or mentioned in all fully 1200 times, of which around 700 are in the Physics Commentary. Alexander is, for Simplicius, simply "the commentator," and is of basic importance to him. After giving a useful account of Alexander's own exegetical achievements, B. tries to draw up something of a typology of ways in which he is used by Simplicius (4.3): first, he can be used as simply a helpful source for understanding Aristotle; secondly, he can be quoted and criticised, on a matter of interpretation or doctrine; thirdly, he can be quoted in connection with a variant in the manuscript tradition. Of all these, he gives examples, emphasising how central Alexander is to the whole commentary tradition.

Ch. 5, ‘Platonist Commentators: Sources and Inspiration’, takes us through the later Platonist tradition of commentary, with a glance at the Middle Platonists, but focusing chiefly on Porphyry and Iamblichus, and the establishing of the "harmonising" interpretation of Aristotle of which Simplicius is the heir. The use of these Platonist predecessors is particularly notable in the case of the Categories Commentary, but it affects the others as well.

Lastly, in Ch. 6, ‘Polemic and Exegesis in Simplicius: Defending Pagan Theology’, he deals with Simplicius’ fierce controversy with his Christian contemporary John Philoponus, as well as with his more civil criticisms of Alexander. The bitterness of his assaults on Philoponus does, as B. argues, bring home to us how far Simplicius is a heroic and tragic figure, trying to preserve and synthesise the whole of the Hellenic (I do wish we could give up the term "pagan"!) philosophical tradition in face of the ever more insistent Christian challenge, and composing his vast commentaries for a now largely imaginary coterie of students.

An Epilogue resumes all these findings, and B. appends some useful appendices, including one listing the probable contents of Simplicius’ library, which certainly brings it home to us that these great works of his could not have been composed while wandering about the Syrian desert on the back of a camel. He really must have been back in Athens, with some access to the library of the Platonic School.

At any rate, with this study, B. at last gives Simplicius something of his due as a scholar as well as a commentator. [the entire review p. 158-160]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/p1cPjdejj6J9LSt

Review of Baltussen, H., Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator, 2014
By: Sellars, J. T.

Title	Review of Baltussen, H., Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sellars, J. T.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Who was Simplicius? He was a Neoplatonist working in the first decades of the sixth century AD under whose name five commentaries have come down to us from antiquity. These commentaries are on Aristotle's Physics, Categories, De Caelo, and De Anima, and the Enchiridion of Epictetus, although his authorship of the commentary on the De Anima has been a subject of scholarly debate. In these often lengthy commentaries, Simplicius quotes from a wide range of philosophical texts where he thinks it relevant to his discussion of Aristotle's text and, in the process, preserves fragments from a number of otherwise lost works.

Simplicius' chief claim to fame, then, is that he has become a vital source for our knowledge of Presocratic philosophy. Without Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Physics, our knowledge of early Greek philosophy would be significantly reduced.

This is the standard line. We should all be thankful to Simplicius for his habit of quoting texts in full rather than merely naming them in passing. We are thankful. But is there any more to him? Is Simplicius himself an interesting or significant philosopher? Is there anything more to him beyond his role as a doxographical source? Baltussen, in devoting a monograph to him, thinks there is, but he is conscious many will not share that view. Consequently, his book opens with an apologetic and slightly defensive introduction in which he tries to make the case for reading Simplicius as more than merely a quarry from which to extract quotations. Part of the task includes a defense of Late Platonism (Baltussen deliberately avoids the usual label "Neoplatonism"), to which Simplicius adhered. We are encouraged to put our reservations to one side and reassess Simplicius afresh.

The opening chapter introduces Simplicius' method and practice as a commentator. His commentaries differ from many other examples from late antiquity to the extent that they don't seem to be straightforward records of oral lectures taken "from the voice of" (apo phônês) the author. Instead, they are extended written works, conceived as textbooks for pagan teachers explicitly designed to preserve as much as possible of the pagan philosophical tradition—hence the extensive quotations. In these often lengthy texts, Simplicius explicitly rejects originality, but Baltussen argues that we ought not to take this at face value and that these expressions of modesty are, in part, made out of respect for his teachers.

The second chapter deals with Simplicius' role as a source for the Presocratics. Baltussen welcomes Catherine Osborne's approach of reading fragments of the Presocratics within their doxographical context, as this adds to Simplicius' potential significance. What is important, of course, is to gain a sense of the motive and agenda of the doxographer. According to Baltussen, Simplicius' aim is to locate all of the Presocratics within a Late Platonic framework that emphasizes unity within the pagan philosophical tradition conceived as "a single venerable and ancient message." This may be so up to a point, but to what extent would Simplicius welcome Democritus (or Epicurus) into this unified tradition? It would have been interesting to hear more about those thinkers who don't neatly fit within this syncretized history of philosophy, precisely because the points of disagreement might help to bring Simplicius' own position into sharper focus. Baltussen raises the question of whether Simplicius had access to the works of Presocratics directly or merely to collections of excerpts but doesn't draw any firm conclusions either way.

The third chapter turns to Simplicius' use of early Peripatetics such as Theophrastus and Eudemus. Baltussen argues that Simplicius took the early Peripatetics—and especially Theophrastus—very seriously in his exegeses of Aristotle because Theophrastus would have known Aristotle personally, giving his glosses an added authority. This is a departure from the attitudes of previous Platonic commentators on Aristotle. Although Simplicius shares the wider Late Platonic desire to harmonize Plato and Aristotle, there is also a strong desire to get Aristotle right, and no one is more likely to help in that task than Theophrastus. Baltussen suggests that we conceive Theophrastus himself as part of the Platonic commentary tradition, given his own comments on the Timaeus, but philosophical engagement with a previous author is not quite the same thing as commentary.

The Peripatetic theme continues in the fourth chapter, which is devoted to Alexander of Aphrodisias. Baltussen offers a detailed and slightly labored analysis of the motivations behind Simplicius' regular and extensive quotation from Alexander, but the question seems relatively straightforward. Why did Simplicius make use of Alexander's commentaries on Aristotle in his own commentaries on Aristotle? Because Alexander has lots of interesting things to say about Aristotle. The focus here again is on form rather than content, methodology rather than philosophy.

The fifth chapter examines the Platonic commentary tradition before Simplicius and discusses Simplicius' use of Plotinus and the Post-Plotinian tradition of harmonizing commentaries from Porphyry onwards. Simplicius' immediate teacher Ammonius is discussed briefly but deserves more attention. For instance, we were told in the opening chapter that Simplicius' rejection of originality was mere self-deprecation, but presumably that claim could be tested to some degree via a comparison between his own views and those of his teacher. The same goes for his later mentor Damascius.

The final chapter turns to the theme of polemic and focuses its attention on Simplicius' exchanges with his arch-rival John Philoponus, another Platonic commentator, but also a Christian. Baltussen prefaces his discussion with an account of the tensions and hostilities between Christians and pagans in late antiquity. Once again, Simplicius is presented as the defender of an embattled pagan philosophical tradition, taking Philoponus to task for his attacks against Proclus and Aristotle in De Aeternitate Mundi Contra Proclum. Baltussen highlights the rhetorical aspects of Simplicius' polemics rather than the content of the dispute, so once more methodology is the principal focus. The intensity of Simplicius' personal references to Philoponus ("raving swine") is contrasted with his sober and respectful references to Alexander.

An epilogue sums up the proceedings. One of the central themes to emerge from the book as a whole is the claim that, in order to understand what Simplicius is doing in his commentaries, we must take into account his commitment to pagan religion as well as philosophy. We should see the commentaries not merely as "scholarly schoolbooks" but rather as steps on a long road toward a more existential transformation. This religious dimension of Late Platonism should not be overlooked, Baltussen argues, if we want to understand properly what Simplicius is trying to achieve. The commentaries are his attempt to preserve the entire pagan philosophical and religious tradition within an increasingly hostile Christian world. On this final point, as well as a number of others, Baltussen sketches a broad context within which to think about what Simplicius is
doing but there is much less in the way of detailed analysis of what he actually did do, what he argued for, or what philosophical
positions he himself held. This is in part simply a reflection of the sheer length of the commentaries themselves and no one could
offer a detailed analysis of their contents within the covers of a single volume.
I said at the outset that five commentaries have come down to us under the name of Simplicius. Baltussen discusses only three of
them. He puts to one side the De Anima commentary and he may well be right to do so, but it would have been nice to have seen a
fuller discussion of the text and the question of its authorship.[2] He also more or less ignores the commentary on the Enchiridion of
Epictetus. Although it does get the occasional mention (e.g. p. 43) Baltussen proceeds as if it doesn't exist, at one point writing 'all
three extant commentaries' (p. 34). In his interesting attempt to reconstruct 'the library of Simplicius' (pp. 211-15), neither
Epictetus nor Arrian get a mention. This is a great shame for a number of reasons. The in Ench. is unique as the only surviving
commentary on a Stoic text to come down to us. Moreover, it is a commentary by a Late Platonist, and as a rule Late Platonists only
wrote commentaries on Plato and Aristotle.[3] The way in which Late Platonists brought Aristotle into their curriculum is a
well-worn subject, but the desire to bring in a Stoic text is quite unusual. It complicates Simplicius' activity as a commentator in a
number of interesting and significant ways. Presumably Baltussen would argue that this is part of Simplicius' desire to unite and
then preserve the entire pagan philosophical tradition in an increasingly hostile Christian world, but if that is the case then the in
Ench. would form a potentially significant piece of evidence for Baltussen's thesis, one that has sadly been left out of the account. There is much in Baltussen's book that is of interest, but I'm not sure how far it goes in fleshing out a more rounded portrait of Simplicius. The focus of the volume throughout is squarely on Simplicius' use of other authors—i.e., his quotations—rather than Simplicius as an author or a philosopher in his own right. Baltussen consciously avoids discussing Simplicius qua philosopher on the basis that this has been done by others elsewhere. This is true to an extent, but what would be nice is a more synthetic volume that brings these discussions together in order to give us a complete picture. This book doesn't do that, although, to be fair, it doesn't ever claim to be trying to.

What remains a desideratum, then, is a monograph that might combine Baltussen's methodological researches with an account of what is philosophically valuable in Simplicius. Most of my critical comments above have been asking for more discussion on various points, and no author can do everything in just one volume. I certainly hope that this book will encourage further work on Simplicius by both Baltussen and others that will help us to gain a fuller portrait of this still relatively neglected philosopher. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MiDP9FxKLHavo2S

Review of Baltussen, Han: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator, 2008
By: Todd, Robert B.

Title	Review of Baltussen, Han: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius: The Methodology of a Commentator
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2008
Journal	Aestimatio
Volume	5
Pages	210–224
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Todd, Robert B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In Philosophy and Exegesis in Simpliciusf a preparatory study for a 
history of the ancient philosophical commentary  [224nnl0,  13],  Han 
Baltussen addresses the  ‘methodology’  of pagan antiquity’s last  ma
jor Platonist and its greatest philosophical scholar, Simplicius of Cili
cia  (AD  ca  480- ca  540).  What  ‘methodology’  means  can  be  best 
appreciated if the book’s general conclusions are first summarized. [introduction p. 210]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oXKF0eqANW36ItV

Review of Erwin Sonderegger: Simplikios: Über die Zeit, 1983
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Review of Erwin Sonderegger: Simplikios: Über die Zeit
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1983
Journal	The Classical Review, New Series
Volume	33
Issue	2
Pages	337-338
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Sonderegger's aims have produced a very different book from the little-noticed work of H. Meyer, Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles über die Zeit (Meisenheim am Glan, 1969). Meyer's book is more philosophical and also differs in that his purpose was primarily to understand Aristotle, with no notion of being exoteric. Of this book, Sonderegger takes virtually no account, on the grounds that its presuppositions are very different from his own. What Sonderegger has given us is a very detailed and careful descriptive analysis of CdT, with special attention to the organization of the discussions (pp. 38–139), preceded by an introduction on Simplicius' Physics commentary, his excursuses, and Neoplatonism in general, and followed by some 30 pages of translation and 20 of appendices. These include a table of the uses and contexts of key terms in CdT, examinations of the extent and authenticity of quotations from Ps.-Archytas, Iamblichus, and Damascius, and a translation of Simplicius In Categorias 356.8–25, which contains in nuce much of the thought of CdT.

Sonderegger is clearly aware that Simplicius wrote commentaries to expound his own philosophy, yet he tends to exaggerate the difference in thought rather than merely presentation, which might be expected in CdT and the analogous digressions on chance and place, as opposed to those parts of the commentary that start from specific lemmata. Even if CdT is more connected, it still proceeds largely by discussing quoted texts, and, as Sonderegger reminds us, Simplicius' aim is always to arrive at his own view of time. That, he claims, will help us to understand Aristotle (773.12–14): one recalls uneasily the project of expounding the De anima while following Iamblichus (In De an. 1.18–20). Sonderegger perhaps underestimates the extent to which Simplicius saw himself as engaged in the same enterprise as Aristotle—and Plato.

Though he can cite texts for Simplicius' awareness of the difference between what he and Aristotle say, it does not always follow that Simplicius saw the difference between what he and Aristotle think. The texts Sonderegger quotes at p. 25 n.50 rather point out that Aristotle's intentions are the same, even if his language is not. Thus, 356.31 ff. clearly shows that Simplicius thinks the views on time (chronos) of Aristotle and hoi Neoteroi (the Neoplatonists) are not different. Conversely, in his sketch of the Neoplatonist background, which, as he says, constantly appears in Simplicius' commentary, Sonderegger is inclined to underplay divergences. It is only in the broadest sense true that the outlines of Simplicius' Neoplatonism were determined by Plotinus. The qualification that he liked to attach himself to Iamblichus and used terminology that can be traced back to Proclus is more important.

The extent of Proclus' influence is thoroughly documented by I. Hadot, Le Problème du Néoplatonisme Alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius (Paris, 1978), cited on p. 26 n. 51. I cannot understand the arguments here (29–35) that, for Simplicius, the hypostases are somehow unreal. This is conducted in terms drawn from Husserl and Heidegger, which, to an English-speaking reader, are not immediately illuminating. Incidentally, diakrisis is not an entity. To treat it as if it were is a kind of hyper-Neoplatonic realism: the meaning of "differentiation" is normally adequate.

On time itself, there is a major difference between Plotinus and his post-Iamblichean successors on a point which concerns Sonderegger throughout: the invention of a further type of time that almost becomes a separate hypostasis. This is the psychic time that Simplicius calls protos chronos, as opposed to ordinary physical time on the one hand and aion on the other. The exposition and defense of this first time is the main aim of CdT. It is even more clearly a product of late Neoplatonic triadic thinking than Sonderegger's discussion (69–74) shows.

If there is a triad of things permanent and ungenerated, permanent and generated, impermanent and generated, a mediating time is required for the second member of the triad. That this is Simplicius' thinking is shown by the way he has opposed aion as adiakritos and physical time as ho en ti thesei theôrmenos (784.34 ff.), a relation justifying, if not requiring, a higher time. The most notable recasting of Aristotle in Neoplatonist terms is the transformation of his definition into metron tou kata to einai rhontos (not quite "Mass des Seins des Physischen"), which, for all his concern to show that Simplicius distinguishes between Aristotle's views and his own, Sonderegger seems inclined to accept (cf. esp. 43 f. and 138).

The translation aims at utility rather than elegance. Its value is greater at a time when interest in the thought of late antiquity is spreading among the wholly or nearly Greekless. Translations are increasingly called for. But who would translate the 1,366 pages of Simplicius' Physics commentary, or, indeed, publish the translation? [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ZCYOjLO9LGrxQNt

Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie, 1990
By: Dillon, John

Title	Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1990
Journal	Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume	110
Pages	244–245
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dillon, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It was therefore a happy idea of Mme. Hadot to call together a conference of distinguished Neoplatonists to honor Simplicius and to produce this impressive volume as a result. The work is divided into four (unequal) parts:

A biographical introduction
A series of essays on doctrinal and methodological questions
A shorter section on textual problems
A pair of essays on Simplicius' Nachleben

All are of interest and importance.

First, we have an essay by Ilsetraut Hadot herself (depending in one important respect on the essay of Michel Tardieu, which follows it) on the chronology of Simplicius' life and works. Tardieu, by a fine piece of detective work (Simplicius et les calendriers de Harran), argues with at least great probability that when Simplicius returned with the other philosophers from Persia in 532, it was not to Athens or any other major center but rather to the town of Harran (Carrhae) in Osrhoene. There, a tradition of non-conformist Christianity was tolerant of philosophy, and it is likely where he composed most, if not all, of his commentaries. Certain remarks Simplicius makes in In Phys. 874.23 ff., about the four different calendars "we" use, seem to require his presence at the only known place where four calendars were simultaneously in use, as we know from later Arab sources.

The central part of the collection comprises six essays on aspects of doctrine:

Two by Philippe Hoffmann (Categories et langage selon Simplicius: on the purpose (skopos) of Aristotle's Categories and an analysis of Simplicius’ invective against John Philoponus)
One by Henry Blumenthal on the doctrine of the De Anima commentary of Simplicius (if it is indeed by Simplicius)
One by Concetta Luna on Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary
One by Richard Sorabji on Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension
One by Nestor-Luis Cordero on Simplicius et l'école éléate

Hoffmann's studies frame this central portion of the work. His first examines Simplicius' account of the skopos of Aristotle's Categories, showing how Simplicius, following Porphyry, views the Categories as addressing "utterances" (phonai), "things" (pragmata, onta), "concepts" (noemata), or all of these. Simplicius interprets the study of language, particularly its primary constituents, as a preparation for the soul’s ascent to the noetic world—a higher interpretation inherited from Iamblichus. In his second study, Hoffmann examines Simplicius' strategies of polemic and invective against Philoponus, particularly in the De Caelo, and Simplicius' view of the higher purpose of studying celestial matters. For Simplicius, even prosaic texts like the Categories could become an elevating and prayerful experience.

Sorabji, in an elegant contribution, shows how Simplicius solves a problem bequeathed by Aristotle by identifying prime matter with extension, which Aristotle did not do. Cordero challenges the idea of an Eleatic "school" while listing Simplicius’ quotations of Parmenides, Zeno, and Melissus. Blumenthal discusses Simplicius’ doctrine of the soul, though his uncertainty about the authorship of the De Anima commentary (potentially by Priscian) limits the analysis. Luna traces Iamblichean roots in Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary.

The final sections include discussions of the manuscript tradition of Simplicius, with contributions by Ilsetraut Hadot, Leonardo Taran, and Dieter Harlfinger. Taran critiques Diels’ edition of Simplicius' Physics commentary, showing its deficiencies due to reliance on unreliable collations and limited understanding of Neoplatonic doctrine. Harlfinger analyzes contamination in the manuscript tradition of the commentary on Books I-IV.

The collection concludes with two papers on Simplicius’ influence in the medieval West, one by Fernand Boissier on Latin translations and the influence of the In De Caelo commentary and another by Pierre Hadot on the survival of the Manuel d'Épictète commentary in the 15th to 17th centuries.

Overall, this collection has given Simplicius much of his due as a major commentator and preserver of earlier Greek philosophy. While only three papers—those by Blumenthal, Luna, and Sorabji—discuss any distinctive doctrines of Simplicius, this is perhaps reasonable given that he does not claim originality. Most of what seems distinctive likely goes back to Iamblichus or Syrianus/Proclus. Yet, it might one day be possible to produce a focused volume on his doctrinal innovations. [the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hje0CYeAY915LhU

Review of Hadot, I.: Simplicius. Commentaire sur le Manuel d'Épictète, Tome I, 2002
By: Sheppard, Anne D.

Title	Review of Hadot, I.: Simplicius. Commentaire sur le Manuel d'Épictète, Tome I
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2002
Journal	The Classical Review, New Series
Volume	52
Issue	2
Pages	377-378
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sheppard, Anne D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

All Neoplatonic commentaries are discursive, and those of Simplicius are among the most discursive. It takes 130 pages of this volume for Simplicius to reach Chapter 20 of Epictetus' short work. However, as with many Neoplatonic commentaries, the interest of this one does not lie in what it tells us about Epictetus—whose philosophy Simplicius misunderstood in some important respects, as Hadot points out in her introduction (pp. ci–cxvii). Rather, it is worth reading for what it tells us about Simplicius' own philosophical views. It is unusual among Neoplatonic commentaries in dealing with an ethical text, and the discussions of τὰ Ἐφ' ἡμῖν (what is within our power) and the spiritual exercises recommended by Epictetus are of considerable interest.

Hadot's introduction offers an updated version of her views on Simplicius' life, work, and philosophical system; a chapter on the Commentary's place in Neoplatonic teaching; an account of Simplicius' reception of Stoic doctrines; and a short history of the text. Finally, there is an appendix on Fate, Providence, and human freedom in Neoplatonism, which covers Porphyry, Iamblichus, Hierocles, and Proclus, as well as Simplicius. Of these, the account of Simplicius' reception of Stoic doctrines and the appendix are entirely new, while the chapter on the Commentary's place in Neoplatonic teaching is an updated and lightly revised version of a chapter from her book, Le problème du néoplatonisme alexandrin. Hiéroclès et Simplicius (Paris, 1978).

The first two chapters of the introduction repeat, in a clear and accessible form, views she has already published elsewhere and is well known for. She reiterates her now largely accepted demonstration that Simplicius' philosophical system is essentially the same as that of Damascius—not, as Praechter thought, a simplified Alexandrian system—and, more controversially, continues to maintain, with Tardieu, that his commentaries were written in Harran after 532. The chapter on the history of the text abbreviates the longer account in the editio maior and explains the principles of the editio minor, acknowledging the help of Concetta Luna in simplifying the apparatus. A small number of readings that differ from those of the editio maior are indicated in a footnote on p. cxxvi.

Hadot's translation is divided into sections with helpful headings and subheadings, and, together with her full notes, provides a great deal of assistance in understanding Simplicius' text. This volume deserves a warm welcome as a further installment in the enormous contribution Hadot has made to the understanding of Simplicius over many years. It is to be hoped that it will not be too long before the second volume appears to complement it. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lwxAqvhdfMDm8ss

Review of Hagen, C. (tr.): Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 7, 1995
By: Smith, Andrew

Title	Review of Hagen, C. (tr.): Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 7
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1995
Journal	The Classical Review, New Series
Volume	45
Issue	2
Pages	464-465
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Smith, Andrew
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

None of this is simplified by the existence of two versions for at least the first three chapters. Nevertheless, Simplicius took the book seriously enough to write an 85-page commentary on it. Simplicius, in fact, frequently suggests the important contribution of the arguments in Book Seven to their continuation in Book Eight (cf. H., p. 103 n. 16, who also notes how Simplicius elsewhere refers to Book Seven rather than to Book Eight for the important theme of the mover). In this, Simplicius anticipates, in a way, the important recent work of Robert Wardy (The Chain of Change: A Study of Aristotle's Physics VII, Cambridge, 1990), who has reinstated the independent value of Book Seven as a preparation for the later book and not infrequently alludes to Simplicius.

Not the least merit of H.'s notes is the full use he makes of Wardy's work. H.'s translation is marked by the care and clarity we have come to expect from this series. There are frequent pointers in the text to clarify the occurrence of Greek technical terms. This is aided by a full English-Greek glossary and a Greek-English index, in addition to a 16-page subject index. The notes, which are gathered in some 30 pages at the end rather than printed at the foot of the page as in earlier volumes, seem more extensive, while the new format allows for longer individual notes. Space is not squandered, and much useful material and insightful commentary can be found in these pages.

In addition to helping relate Simplicius' interpretations to the text of Aristotle, H. is also attentive to Simplicius' Neoplatonic concerns. Simplicius, for example, is clearly puzzled as to what entities in the Neoplatonic world Aristotle's concepts might apply. Initially, he interprets Aristotle's analysis of "internal movement" as soul moving body, where something is seen to move but we cannot point to the mover (1038, 1f.). Later, he restricts this to the soul alone, citing Phaedrus 245c8, but finally decides to use the common Neoplatonic strategy of restricting Aristotle's analysis to the sublunar world.

In fact, Simplicius is groping toward an understanding of the contribution of the argument in Book Seven to the unmoved mover of Book Eight. He points to the connection by narrowing the meaning of Aristotle's "first moved mover" to "something first imparting motion which is no longer being moved itself by another" (1047, 15). (Aristotle's first mover in Book Seven, though not moved by another, is nevertheless in motion.) At the same time, Simplicius is quite clear that Aristotle is not referring to a cosmic mover here. Thus, at 1048, 15f., he distinguishes "the very first, unmoved cause of motion" and the "proximate mover," which he thinks Aristotle is referring to in Book Seven.

H.'s notes not only clarify Simplicius' interpretation of the Aristotelian text but also aid our understanding of Simplicius' creative philosophical concerns. This translation, therefore, will be of use to those with Neoplatonic as well as Aristotelian interests. [the entire text]

Online Resources

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Review of Huby, Taylor 2011: Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 1.3–4, 2012
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine

Title	Review of Huby, Taylor 2011: Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 1.3–4
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	62
Issue	2
Pages	465-467
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Thanks to the Ancient Commentators project, almost all of Simplicius' commentaries are now translated. This volume completes the gigantic On Aristotle's Physics. Within this monument, Book 1 must be the most read by scholars today because Aristotle's criticism of several physical theories leads Simplicius to multiply quotations of his forerunners and to preserve for his contemporaries (as well as for us) much Presocratic material (by Simplicius' time much of this had already become very rare: see In Phys. 144.25-9 on Parmenides).
In Chapter 1.3, Aristotle discusses the unity of Being he ascribes to the Eleatic philosophers. Simplicius comments abundantly. Citing Theophrastus, Alexander, and Porphyry, he reproduces the 'Eleatic syllogism,' which affirms Being and excludes not-Being, so as to prove Parmenides' thesis that Being is one and to assert, via Plato's Sophist, that Parmenides recognizes the existence of not-Being. Moreover, he assigns this reading to Aristotle himself, considering his criticism as an expression of later conceptual and linguistic refinements.
In Chapter 1.4, Aristotle discusses Anaximander, Anaxagoras, and Empedocles. Here again, Simplicius contributes to the debate by his numerous quotations and by his analysis of rival commentators (Theophrastus, Alexander, Porphyry, and Nicolaus of Damascus). He considers how Anaxagoras and Empedocles can say that their principles are both one and many. Then, confronted with Aristotle's criticism of homoiomeria and nous, he gives a non-physical reading of Anaxagoras' account, explaining that it talks figuratively about a level of reality exceeding our mental capacities. In other words, in both these chapters, he attempts to reconcile Aristotle's physics with Presocratic philosophy so as to build a coherent system from the whole pagan tradition.
This volume could be said to consist of two books. Each translation is due to a different author; there are two introductions, two translations, and two selections of notes, and only the index and bibliography are in common. There are only minor differences in the style of the translations, but greater ones occur elsewhere. I shall discuss them separately.
As to H.'s introduction, two things must be noted. First, she contributes to the fierce debate by proposing a stimulating hypothesis about the place where such a large commentary could have been written: discrepancies, sometimes substantial, occurring in Simplicius' treatment of his sources are the result of his having written in various places. However, they could also be explained by the difficulty at that time of keeping every useful book constantly at hand: scholars were often compelled to write from memory. Second, H. summarizes the treatment Simplicius gives of Melissus and Parmenides, moving abruptly from one episode to the other. She perfectly communicates the sometimes confusing character of Simplicius' text. Her notes provide useful documentation rather than an explanatory commentary: she mentions parallels and justifies her translation but avoids going into detail about the philosophical issues.
T. opts to draw a clear map of the text, insisting on its structure and summing up its main arguments. Moreover, most of the references are given within the translation (in brackets), while end-notes (fewer but longer) are devoted to explaining the contents of and issues in Simplicius' commentary (i.e., his reading of the Presocratic fragments).
The translation is remarkably successful in rendering the stylistic variations in Simplicius' text, which constantly moves from paraphrase to quotation or philosophical commentary. The Greek text largely follows H. Diels' edition (1882), sometimes as emended by later editors of the Presocratic fragments (DK inter alios).
Now for some points of detail. In this Neoplatonic context, H. first suggests translating noeros as 'thinker' (and related words), 'because neither "mental" nor "intellectual" have the grammatical flexibility required' (p. 100 on In Phys. 143.18-19). Nevertheless, a little further on (p. 57 = In Phys. 147.26) she translates en tois noerois as 'in the mental area.' Another point concerns T.'s translation of Anaxagoras' vovs as 'Mind' (pp. 81-4). My intention here is not to contest this translation for interpreting Anaxagoras but to remind the reader that Simplicius must have connected this concept with his Neoplatonic vocabulary so that 'Intellect' seems a better translation. Otherwise, it becomes very problematic to translate the following: kai diakekritai oun kai hênôtai kata Anaxagoran ta eidê kai amphô dia ton noun echei. T. writes: 'In Anaxagoras' view, the kinds owe both their separation and their unity to Mind' (p. 84 = In Phys. 176.31-2); but it is difficult to exclude the likelihood that Simplicius, with his Neoplatonic background, was reading these words with reference to Intellect and Forms.
H. translates to on hen men esti, polla de ouk estin as 'Being is one and not many' (p. 37 = In Phys. 126.8). Since Simplicius has just referred to the Sophist and next opposes Being to rest and motion, it would be preferable to translate as 'is not many things.' Further (p. 46 = In Phys. 135.24), H. emends a quotation from the Sophist, turning tou ontos into tou mê ontos, following Plato's manuscripts. However, the text given by Simplicius makes sense and ought not to be altered (see my Simplicius lecteur du Sophiste (2007), pp. 140-1).
One could wonder why both authors have chosen, as is often done in this collection, to give the full lemmas from Aristotle's Physics, while Simplicius' manuscripts and Diels' edition give only a shortened version (i.e., 'from ... to ...'). Although it is risky to translate a text that possibly was not the one read by Simplicius, the decision should at least have been made explicit.
Finally, the bibliography. On Simplicius, H. and T. refer only to two recent books: H. Baltussen, Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius (2008), and P. Golitsis, Les Commentaires de Simplicius et de Jean Philopon à la Physique d'Aristote (2008). The remainder of the short bibliography concerns the Presocratics and Aristotle. One would expect at least to find reference to a book and a paper written by A. Stevens: Postérité de l'Être. Simplicius interprète de Parménide (1989) and 'La Physique d'Empédocle selon Simplicius,' RBPh (1989), 65-74. They provide commentaries on and (partial) translations of the chapters studied here.
With its English-Greek glossary, Greek-English index, subject index, and index of passages, this book is an extraordinarily useful tool for scholars. It provides an up-to-date translation of some of the richest pages about Presocratic philosophy. Now we can dream about a new edition of this commentary to replace the often misleading version of Diels.
[author's abstract]

Online Resources

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Review of Rescigno, A. 2004: Alessandro di Afrodisia: Commentario al De Caelo di Aristotele, Frammenti del Primo Libro, 2005
By: Todd, Robert B.

Title	Review of Rescigno, A. 2004: Alessandro di Afrodisia: Commentario al De Caelo di Aristotele, Frammenti del Primo Libro
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Bryn Mawr Classical Review
Volume	10
Issue	38
Pages	750
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Todd, Robert B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

It is a sure sign that a field in classical studies is maturing when the fragments of its 
authors come in for close scrutiny. Where the Greek Aristotelian commentators are 
concerned, the way was pointed, in this as in so many other areas, by the late Paul 
Moraux, who in his early and epochal study of Alexander of Aphrodisias's 
psychological works included an appendix of selected fragments of this 
commentator's lost exegesis of Aristotle's De animaJ Later he reconstructed thefragments of the same philosopher's treatment of the Posterior Analytics.2 More 
recently, Arabists in particular have worked on fragments of Alexander's 
commentaries on the Physics and De generatione et corruptione, while Moraux in 
the posthumously published third volume of his Aristotelismus surveyed the 
fragments of several of the lost commentaries.3 One of these was the commentary 
on the De caelo, the first part of which Andrea Rescigno, in the first of two 
projected volumes, has now treated exhaustively in his edition of the fragments of 
the commentary on Book 1. [introduction p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4vzysjSHY0mmOvC

Review of Stevens: Postérité de l'être: Simplicius interprète de Parménide, 1992
By: Wright, M.R.

Title	Review of Stevens: Postérité de l'être: Simplicius interprète de Parménide
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1992
Journal	The Classical Review
Volume	42
Issue	2
Pages	454
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wright, M.R.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A further complication is that the order imposed by Aristotle's Physics and De Caelo is at variance with the sequence of Eleatic argument. S.'s cahier is much too brief for the subject matter involved. He has one chapter each on Parmenides' Aletheia and Doxa, sandwiched between a brief introduction and conclusion. There is an Appendix, more than half the length of what has preceded, which consists of a translation into French (without the Greek text but with some annotation) of relevant sections from Simplicius' Phys. 28-180, 243-244, and DC 556-560. An Index of the fragments of Parmenides cited in these two works is added, along with a short bibliography. Interspersed in the text are tables giving Greek words from Simplicius, their French translation, and a brief justification. The point of these is obscure, and, since they are hard to follow in the absence of a continuous text, the result may appear arbitrary, e.g., τελέον at Phys. 29.10 as "parfait," τέλος in the next line as "accomplissement," but τέλειον further down as "fin."

Translation of Eleatic texts in general looks easier in French than English, with "il" conveniently ambiguous for Greek masculine, neuter, or impersonal subjects, and "l’Etant" and "l’être" (with and without capitals) for ontological terminology.

The main problem with S.'s study is the level of scholarship involved and consequently the readership targeted. There are a number of ways of tackling the subject, none of which S. holds to consistently. One is a straightforward introduction to reading Parmenides' lines in their Simplicius context, and sometimes S. is writing in this way. The first chapter, for example, starts with a straightforward narrative of the "signs" for the Aletheia, and the second with the usual listing of different views on the status of the Doxa. Simplicius' position on both these topics is given, but without any explanation of the Neoplatonic terms (like "Étante-Un") that are used.

Secondly, there is a scholarly monograph struggling to emerge. The reader can suddenly be involved in a sophisticated comparison of Parmenides' concept of τελέον with ἄπειρον in Melissus, or in textual exegesis, or in studying the relevance of the first two hypotheses of Plato's Parmenides, or the exact meaning of ἀπατήλων in B 8.52. But thirdly, what is needed, as S. indicates in the subtitle, is a full and detailed discussion of Simplicius as an interpreter of Parmenides. This could usefully tackle Simplicius' reasons for finding Parmenides compatible with both Plato and Aristotle, the particular readings (or re-readings) of all four ancient authors that might be involved in the exercise, what traps might thereby be set in the path of those who are tracking the original Parmenides, and what implications would then arise for Simplicius' treatment of other Presocratics. All this is yet to be done.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6R2tnf8PGMB9Dbj

Title	Review of: Ammonius, On Aristotle On Interpretation 1-8. Translated by David Blank. Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 2. Translated by Barrie Fleet. Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 5. Translated by J. O. Urmson, notes by Peter Lautner
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2000
Journal	Revue Philosophique de Louvain Année
Volume	98
Issue	2
Pages	358-359
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Solère, Jean-Luc
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

On remarquera spécialement, dans le commentaire du livre II de la Physique, les discussions sur la différence entre nature et âme, sur l'intelligence des animaux ; dans le commentaire du livre V, celle sur le changement dans les catégories autres que substance, qualité, quantité et lieu.

Quant à Ammonius, nous possédons nombre de reflets de son enseignement oral (apo phônês) dans les transcriptions effectuées par ses élèves des explications d'autres ouvrages d'Aristote, mais celle du Péri Hermeneias est le seul des commentaires du maître alexandrin, à nous parvenu, qui soit de sa propre main. Il n'a donc pas les caractères un peu mécaniques de la lecture scolaire (skholia), mais possède une élaboration littéraire plus poussée (celle qui convient aux hupomnêmata).

Cependant, Ammonius, fils d'Hermeias, doit sans doute le fond de son interprétation à l'enseignement qu'il a reçu à Athènes de son propre professeur, Proclus, dont il aurait rédigé les leçons comme feront ses disciples pour les siennes. Cette transmission scolaire était aussi une affaire de famille, car la mère d'Ammonius, Aedesia, était une parente de Syrianus, le maître de Proclus et d'Hermeias. Cela n'empêche pas une distance critique, puisque les vues de Syrianus sur la négation indéterminée sont réfutées.

Néanmoins, son commentaire est directement utile pour l'explication du chapitre 14, généralement omis parce que considéré comme inauthentique, au moins depuis Porphyre. Le commentaire de ce dernier, justement, a joué aussi un grand rôle dans l'exégèse des néoplatoniciens tardifs. Bien que perdu, des passages peuvent être reconstitués par recoupement avec le commentaire de Boèce, qui en dépend aussi.

Étant donné que Porphyre citait non seulement des interprètes d'Aristote comme Alexandre d'Aphrodise, mais aussi des traités stoïciens, l'entreprise est d'importance pour l'histoire de la sémantique et de la logique. Le commentaire d'Ammonius est conduit du point de vue néoplatonicien, qui postule une harmonie entre les philosophies d'Aristote et de Platon. C'est ici aussi une gageure, puisque pour le Stagirite les noms sont imposés par convention, alors que d'après le Cratyle, le fondement de leur signification est naturel.

Conformément aux règles de la collection, on trouve dans chaque volume des glossaires grec-anglais et anglais-grec, un index des passages cités et un index verborum. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CoYcyNe9f3pbpI7

Review of: Baltussen: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius. The Methodology of a Commentator, 2010
By: Menn, Stephen

Title	Review of: Baltussen: Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius. The Methodology of a Commentator
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	The Classical World
Volume	104
Issue	1
Pages	117-118
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Menn, Stephen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius, however, is not so neglected or undervalued as this might suggest: his projects of harmonizing Plato and Aristotle (and sometimes other philosophers), and of defending pagan philosophy against Christian attacks (leading to his polemics against Philoponus), have been much studied both by Anglophone scholars around Richard Sorabji and by Francophone scholars around Ilsetraut Hadot and Philippe Hoffmann. "Neoplatonist" is no longer an insult, and it now seems normal that in later antiquity reading and commenting on Plato and Aristotle should also be a way of doing philosophy. If Simplicius' religious and harmonistic aims, and his scholarly methods, are not ours, we are interested in alternatives to our own way of doing things. But we have lacked a systematic study of Simplicius' methods in his commentaries, and of his strategies for using authors besides Plato and Aristotle (not just the pre-Socratics, but also Theophrastus and Eudemus, Alexander of Aphrodisias, Porphyry, and Proclus and his school, whom Baltussen discusses in turn).

Baltussen's aims are laudable, but his book is not a safe guide; Golitsis, while not comprehensive, is much better. Baltussen pursues some good questions: why does Simplicius quote so much (just to save the texts from the wave of Christian barbarism?), what are his sources, and how does he handle so much information? (Actually, Simplicius discusses no more writers than Proclus, but he cites verbatim much more, and tries to go beyond secondary sources.) Baltussen needlessly defends Simplicius against the bizarre idea that he knew the pre-Socratics only through Alexander of Aphrodisias. However, it is true that Simplicius sometimes uses secondary sources, and also that Alexander was very important for him. Baltussen says that "overall Simplicius considered [Alexander a] reliable guide and interpreter... Disagreement is expressed in muted form and head-on confrontation is rare" (192). This both understates and overstates Simplicius' relation to Alexander and misses his method as a commentator.

Simplicius' Physics and De Caelo commentaries are in effect metacommentaries on Alexander's lost commentaries (his Categories commentary starts instead from Porphyry and Iamblichus). One important hermeneutic principle for Simplicius is that each treatise must have a single primary object (skopos), such that everything else it discusses is discussed on account of some relation to that object. Baltussen discusses this principle but misleadingly. On p. 117, he has Simplicius attribute to Alexander (top of the page) the view that the skopos of the De Caelo is the world, and (lower down) the view that it is the four elements; attribute to Iamblichus the view that it is the universe; and Simplicius himself endorse the view that it is "both the universe... and the four elements."

In fact, Simplicius attributes to Iamblichus the view that it is only the fifth (heavenly) body, and to Alexander the view that it is both the world and the five simple bodies. Simplicius himself says that the skopos is just the five simple bodies. The mistake is particularly serious because Baltussen suggests that Simplicius does not really make up his mind and opts for plural skopoi, when Simplicius emphatically insists that each treatise must have a single skopos and criticizes Alexander for breaking that rule. (On p. 36, Baltussen seems to suggest that Simplicius took the single-skopos rule from Alexander, but in the passage he cites Simplicius is criticizing Alexander.)

On p. 23 and 158, Syrianus (died ca. 437 A.D.) is listed among Simplicius' teachers. On p. 81, the inset translation of In Physica 161.23-162.2 turns the text into nonsense, taking proéchthēsan (from proagō) as if it were from a compound of achthomai ("am grieved") and misunderstanding Simplicius' term proéchthēsan ("charitable interpretation"). (Baltussen doesn't usually quote the Greek, so the reader must be on guard.)

On p. 190 (and 175), he turns Simplicius' comments on constructing an equilateral triangle into a discussion of the first postulate, to draw a straight line. He notes skeptically that Simplicius "mentions a work 'On Prayer' by Aristotle... in which he claims that Aristotle knew of a transcendent intellect" (182), but On Prayer is well-attested, and of course Aristotle believed in a transcendent intellect; Simplicius' audacious claim in this passage is that Aristotle, like Plato, believed in a divine first principle above intellect and being.

Baltussen's discussions of Philoponus and Christianity are particularly misleading. On p. 185, he cites Leslie MacCoull as putting some of Philoponus' arguments in the context of "the theological debate among Arrianists [sic]", but Philoponus was a Monophysite, the Arians had nothing to do with it, and MacCoull does not say they did. Baltussen also speaks here of Philoponus' aims in his "polemic with Simplicius," but there seems to be no evidence that Philoponus knew of Simplicius' existence. [the entire review]

Online Resources

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Title	Review of: Dorotheus, Guilelmus (trans.), Simplicius Commentarium in decem Categorias Aristotelis (Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca. Versiones Latinae temporis resuscitatarum litterarum, Bd. 8)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Bochumer philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter
Volume	5
Issue	1
Pages	262-263
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Summerell, Orrin Finn
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lxHRful4FTiSy2L

Review of: Han Baltussen, Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius. The Methodology of a Commentator. London, Duckworth, 2008, 2010
By: Janssens, Jules L.

Title	Review of: Han Baltussen, Philosophy and Exegesis in Simplicius. The Methodology of a Commentator. London, Duckworth, 2008
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume	72
Issue	1
Pages	193
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Janssens, Jules L.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Deze basiskenmerken worden grondig uitgewerkt in het boek. Een goed idee van de uitzonderlijke rijkdom aan geciteerde bronnen in Simplicius' diverse werken krijgt de lezer dankzij een overzichtstabel (p. 30). De vijf beginselen van Simplicius' exegetische methode (zoals door hemzelf verwoord in zijn commentaar op de Categorieën) worden nader toegelicht (met onder meer aandacht voor het kritisch vergelijken van handschriften en voor de diverse wijzen van citeren). In Simplicius' opvatting is de studie van Aristoteles duidelijk propedeutisch aan die van Plato (enkel deze laatste laat toe de goddelijke waarheid te bereiken). Tot slot verschijnt Simplicius als de laatste verwoorder van een heidense theologie; in die zin is zijn verwerping van Philoponus niet zozeer het resultaat van een polemische ingesteldheid, maar veeleer de uitdrukking van een godsdienstige motivatie. Van groot belang is ook dat Simplicius' werken losstaan van enige onderwijsopdracht en dat de synthese tussen de verschillende bronnen die hij opstelt, gevoerd wordt in propria voce, niet apo phonis.

Deze grondideeën worden rijkelijk geïllustreerd via een overzicht van Simplicius' interpretatie van de Griekse filosofie vóór hem (hoofdstukken 2-5). Achtereenvolgens worden de presocratici, de peripatetici, Alexander van Afrodisias en de platonische commentatoren behandeld. Van de vele belangwekkende gedachten die Baltussen formuleert, vermeld ik graag de volgende: het Griekse denken wordt volgens Simplicius gekenmerkt door één grote eenheid (betekenisvol hiervoor is zijn karakterisering van de presocratici als platonici avant la lettre); Simplicius vertoont duidelijk syncretistische neigingen; Alexander van Afrodisias is een belangrijke externe stem voor het uitdiepen van het harmonisatieproces tussen Aristoteles' en Plato's denken, dat zo kenmerkend is voor het latere platonisme; filosoferen betekent voor Simplicius geen zoektocht naar originaliteit, maar het beantwoorden van teksten, waaraan een autoriteitswaarde werd toegekend; de mogelijkheid dat Simplicius rechtstreeks toegang had tot Plotinus' Enneaden, maar waarschijnlijk niet tot Syrianus' werk.

Het lijdt geen twijfel dat Baltussen met zijn studie baanbrekend werk heeft geleverd. Hij toont op overtuigende wijze aan dat Simplicius meer was dan een 'archivaris'. Hij was daadwerkelijk een 'filosoof met een project'. De grote lijnen hiervan worden in dit boek meesterlijk uitgetekend.
[the entire review]

Online Resources

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Review of: I. Hadot, Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines, 2015
By: Chemi, Germana

Title	Review of: I. Hadot, Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2015
Journal	Studia graeco-arabica
Volume	5
Pages	385-388
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chemi, Germana
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

L’A. présente en ce volume un bilan raisonné des recherches contemporaines concernant la vie et l’œuvre du néoplatonicien Simplicius, ainsi que des études sur sa réception dans le monde arabe. Le volume contient aussi deux contributions de Ph. Vallat portant respectivement sur la biographie de Simplicius (p. 102-129) et sur la réception arabe de son commentaire aux Catégories d’Aristote (p. 241-264).

La première section (Biographie, p. 13-134), qui fait suite à la préface (p. 11-12), concerne la biographie de Simplicius. Cette partie du volume aborde les sujets suivants : le nom de Simplicius (p. 13-14), son origine et sa formation (p. 14-16), le milieu culturel d’Alexandrie à l’époque de ses études avec Ammonius (p. 16-17), le départ d’Athènes (p. 17-19), l’exil en Perse (p. 23-24) et la question du lieu où Simplicius et ses collègues se seraient rendus après avoir quitté la cour de Chosroès Ier (p. 25-129). Cette section s’achève par un sommaire général (p. 130-133) et trois épigrammes que l’A. attribue à Simplicius (p. 133-134).

La deuxième section (Les œuvres conservées sauf In Phys. et In De Caelo, p. 135-266) concerne les commentaires de Simplicius sur le Manuel d’Épictète (p. 148-181), sur le De Anima (p. 182-228) et sur les Catégories d’Aristote (p. 228-266). L’A. introduit son analyse de ces trois ouvrages par un aperçu général sur la datation des commentaires de Simplicius (p. 135-148) : conformément à la thèse déjà avancée dans ses travaux antérieurs, elle considère les commentaires de Simplicius comme ayant tous été écrits après l’exil en Perse.

La troisième section (Les œuvres partiellement ou entièrement perdues, p. 267-283) a pour objet les textes suivants, que l’A. attribue à Simplicius : un commentaire aux Éléments d’Euclide, un commentaire sur le Phédon (p. 267-269), un épitomé de la Physique de Théophraste (p. 269), un commentaire sur la Métaphysique d’Aristote (p. 269-277), un commentaire sur La secte pythagoricienne de Jamblique (p. 277-278), un commentaire sur les Météorologiques d’Aristote (p. 279-280), un commentaire sur l’Ars oratoria d’Hermogène (p. 280-282) et un traité sur les syllogismes (p. 282).

Suivent enfin un Épilogue (p. 285-288) et une bibliographie (p. 289-311).
[introduction p. 385]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dB50Tmjq5TVAe1v

Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le problème du néoplatonisme Alexandrin, Hiéroclès et Simplicius, 1980
By: Steel, Carlos

Title	Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le problème du néoplatonisme Alexandrin, Hiéroclès et Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	Dutch
Date	1980
Journal	Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume	42
Issue	3
Pages	606-608
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Het Neoplatonisme vertoont hier niet de complexe structuur die kenmerkend is voor het Atheense speculatieve denken (cf. de hiërarchie van de goddelijke principes zoals die door Proclus ontwikkeld is); het geeft een eenvoudiger verklaring van de leer waarbij dikwijls teruggegrepen wordt naar het Midden-Platonisme (vóór Plotinus); op sommige gebieden (zoals de scheppingsleer) benadert het christelijke standpunten. Deze originaliteit van het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme komt het duidelijkst tot uiting in het œuvre van Hierocles (eerste helft 5de eeuw) en in de commentaar van Simplicius (eerste helft 6de eeuw) op Epictetus.

Deze visie van Praechter werd kritiekloos overgenomen in talrijke studies over deze periode. Zo verscheen in 1976 nog een boek over Hierocles (Th. Kobusch, Studien zur Philosophie des Hierokles von Alexandrien, München) waarin de thesis verdedigd wordt dat Hierocles' filosofie „vermittelt“ tussen het Christendom en het „excessieve“ Neoplatonisme zoals het vooral door Proclus uitgewerkt is. „Die Interpretation ergab dass die Hierokleische Philosophie im wesentlichen auf vorneuplatonischer Basis beruht“ (Besluit, p. 193).

Het boek van Mme Hadot, die sinds jaren een uitgave voorbereidt van Simplicius' commentaar op Epictetus, komt tot een conclusie die precies het tegenovergestelde beweert. Op grond van een nieuwe lectuur van Hierocles en Simplicius toont zij aan dat de hypothese van Praechter over het latere Neoplatonisme totaal ongegrond is; er bestaat geen enkel doctrineel verschil tussen het Atheense en het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme: „l'évolution du néoplatonisme s'est poursuivie d'une manière homogène“.

Het is verkeerd Hierocles of Simplicius vanuit het Midden-Platonisme te willen interpreteren: hun uiteenzetting veronderstelt de ontwikkeling van het latere Neoplatonisme, wat kan geïllustreerd worden door talrijke parallelle passages met Iamblichus en Proclus, en zelfs – voor Simplicius – met Damascius.

In het eerste deel van dit boek worden de historische gegevens over beide filosofen onderzocht. Het tweede deel onderzoekt in welke mate zij kunnen beschouwd worden als vertegenwoordigers van een originele Alexandrijnse traditie. Achtereenvolgens worden bestudeerd: de theologie van Simplicius in het Epictetus-commentaar, de opvattingen van Hierocles over de ontwikkeling van het Platonisme, over de materie, over de demiurg en de schepping, over de voorzienigheid en het noodlot. In het derde deel volgen enige capita selecta betreffende de commentaar van Simplicius (o.a. zijn leer over de ziel).

Uit al deze analyses komt de auteur tot het besluit dat er geen enkele doctrinaire divergentie aan te wijzen is ten opzichte van de Atheense school. Wel geven beide werken – de commentaar van Hierocles op Pythagoras en die van Simplicius op Epictetus – een eenvoudiger en minder complexe versie van het Neoplatonisme. Dit kan echter verklaard worden door het feit dat beide commentaren bedoeld waren als inleidingen en gericht tot beginnelingen in de school.

In een appendix gaat de auteur uitvoerig in op een artikel dat ik zelf samen met F. Bossier in dit tijdschrift gepubliceerd heb (1972, 761-822) over de authenticiteit van de De Anima-commentaar die aan Simplicius wordt toegeschreven. Alhoewel zij onze conclusie aanvaardt – het werk is waarschijnlijk door Priscianus Lydus geschreven – toch meent zij dat er geen enkel doctrineel verschil met de authentieke Simplicius kan aangewezen worden.

Haar argumenten lijken ons soms erg zwak: het is echter niet mogelijk om hierover in deze recensie polemiek te voeren. Slechts één ding: indien men aanvaardt dat de In de Anima door iemand anders geschreven is dan Simplicius, waarom is het dan zo nodig te beklemtonen dat zijn opvattingen over de ziel in niets van die van Simplicius verschillen?

Dit bezwaar geldt ook voor het gehele werk. Terecht wijst de auteur op de continuïteit die er bestond tussen de school van Athene en die van Alexandrië (zoals dit o.m. tot uiting komt in de veelvuldige persoonlijke relaties van docenten en studenten). Het lijkt ons echter overdreven elk doctrineel verschil tussen beide scholen te ontkennen.

De ontwikkeling binnen het latere Neoplatonisme was zeker niet zo homogeen als mevrouw Hadot beweert. Reeds ten tijde van Plotinus bestonden er belangrijke controversen over de doctrine, en die discussies werden verder gezet in de latere school. Indien men de originaliteit van de Alexandrijnse school in vraag stelt, dan volstaat het niet Hierocles en één werk van Simplicius te onderzoeken. Men zou er ook de andere filosofen uit de school moeten bij betrekken, voornamelijk Ammonius.

Men kan moeilijk betwisten dat het Neoplatonisme dat door Ammonius uiteengezet werd nogal verschillend is van het systeem van Damascius. En is het ook niet opvallend dat Simplicius, die zowel bij Ammonius als Damascius studeerde, dikwijls afstand neemt van de al te speculatieve beschouwingen van Iamblichus en Damascius?

Het boek van mevrouw Hadot is, zoals de auteur zelf toegeeft, vooral polemisch van aard: zij weerlegt hypothesen en interpretaties die niet op de teksten gegrond zijn. Door een nauwkeurige analyse van de teksten ontmaskert zij het stereotiepe beeld dat men over het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme geeft. Haar studie is zo een waardevolle bijdrage tot beter inzicht in deze laatste ontwikkeling van het antieke denken. [p. 606-608]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lIWBQQ2Q5dbWMLm

Review of: Ph. Soulier, Simplicius et l'infini, préface par Ph. Hoffmann, 2015
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine

Title	Review of: Ph. Soulier, Simplicius et l'infini, préface par Ph. Hoffmann
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2015
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	33
Pages	115-128
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius n’a ni le prestige d’un Proclus ni l’audace philosophique d’un Damascius. Sans doute son rôle de Commentateur d’Aristote est à la fois la cause de sa relégation et le cœur de son originalité. Contraint de suivre la logique d’un texte différent de celle du système qui lui sert de grille d’analyse, il tire de cette lecture systématique des éléments qu’il doit harmoniser avec l’orthodoxie néoplatonicienne.

À cet égard, la question de l’infini est symptomatique de sa méthode, puisqu’elle montre de quelle façon se construit une doctrine originale sur la base du texte aristotélicien et de la toile de fond néoplatonicienne : Simplicius évince l’ἄπειρον du sensible, pour le réserver à l’intelligible, mais il retient un procès à l’infini, τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἄπειρον, et lui attribue une assise ontologique. Autrement dit, il n’admet pas simplement un « bon » et un « mauvais » infini, l’un qui vaudrait dans l’intelligible, l’autre qui en serait l’image sensible et dégradée. Il pose plutôt une forme positive de l’infinité dans le sensible même.

On peut dès lors remercier Ph. Soulier d’avoir fait la pleine lumière sur la revalorisation du sensible dans les dernières pages du néoplatonisme tardo-antique, c’est-à-dire d’avoir exposé avec une telle minutie comment l’analyse de la Physique permettait de déployer les propriétés de l’infini qui étaient caractéristiques du sensible, en accord avec la thèse néoplatonicienne la plus autorisée.
[conclusion p. 127-128]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/5DpQiBfHF99tVXi

Review of: Place, Void, and Eternity. Philoponus: Corollaries on Place and Void. Simplicius: Against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World. By Philoponus and Simplicius, 1993
By: Ide, Harry A.

Title	Review of: Place, Void, and Eternity. Philoponus: Corollaries on Place and Void. Simplicius: Against Philoponus on the Eternity of the World. By Philoponus and Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	The Philosophical Review
Volume	102
Issue	1
Pages	89-91
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ide, Harry A.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

John Philoponus, a sixth-century Christian, may be the best known of these authors among the general philosophical community. For more than a century, historians of science have known that he was an important influence on Galileo. This volume makes some of his important texts available in English.

The first part comprises two selections from Philoponus's commentary on Aristotle's Physics, which are self-contained essays on place and void. The second part consists of selections from an attack against Philoponus by Simplicius, a non-Christian Neoplatonist contemporary with Philoponus. In these selections, Simplicius reports and responds to Philoponus's arguments that the world can perish. Simplicius took these arguments from a treatise of Philoponus's that no longer exists. The volume includes the extensive subject and word indices that are standard in this series, and brief introductions to each of the parts.

In Physics 4, Aristotle argues that a body's place cannot be the three-dimensional extension within its boundaries, but must be the two-dimensional boundaries. Philoponus argues against Aristotle that place must be three-dimensional. He argues, for example, from wine's bursting a wineskin when it ferments: if there were no three-dimensional extension, it would not need a larger one. This is connected to the existence of void, since Aristotle argues against void because it relies on three-dimensional place. Philoponus correspondingly claims that void is in some sense possible (although it can't occur). His Corollary on Void attempts to prove against Aristotle that motion is possible even if there is a void, and that motion in fact requires void. Aristotle suggests that an object moving in a void would move instantaneously, which is impossible. Philoponus responds that bodies' speed is determined not only by external resistance, but also by their internal impetus. Even in an actually existing vacuum, the internal impetus would still cause only a finite speed. And void is required for motion, since bodies can move only if they have a three-dimensional extension to move into. So, although a three-dimensional extension without any body never actually occurs, there must be a three-dimensional extension separate from body.

In the arguments of Simplicius translated in the second part, Philoponus is represented as first arguing for the Aristotelian conclusion that no finite body has an infinite capacity (dunamis), and then inferring that no finite body, including the universe, can exist forever. Simplicius responds that Philoponus overlooks an option—the universe might be able to be moved forever without having an infinite capacity to move itself—and that Philoponus wrongly assumes that something must have an infinite capacity to be infinite, while infinity simply involves a never-ending series of finite steps.

In a further series of arguments, Simplicius has Philoponus argue that the capacity of the world must be finite in its own nature, although God apparently could keep the world in existence forever. Sorabji argues in his introduction that Simplicius misses the point of the qualification and thereby misdirects his criticisms. Philoponus, Sorabji suggests, rightly insists that the world's own nature would still be finite.

This volume is well translated and well produced. It contains material that is historically important. Anyone interested in the history of science or the development of our understanding of place, void, and eternity will find it interesting and useful. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6Z4EGDinHRCTNE1

Review of: Simplicius, On Aristotle's Physics 5, translated by J.O.Urmson, notes by Peter Lautner. The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle, 1998
By: Hankey, Wayne J.

Title	Review of: Simplicius, On Aristotle's Physics 5, translated by J.O.Urmson, notes by Peter Lautner. The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1998
Journal	Bryn Mawr Classical Review
Volume	3
Issue	19
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hankey, Wayne J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Uniformly with the series, there are, as well as the translation (here in 110 pages), a short introduction (here in two parts: one by Peter Lautner, who did the notes, and the other by J.O. Urmson, who translated the text), a list of textual emendations, extensive notes (305 in fact, compensating for the shortness of the introduction), an English-Greek glossary, a Greek-English index, and indices of names and subjects.

Other compensations for the regrettable shortness of the introduction are the affiliated publications from the Cornell University Press: Sorabji's Time, Creation and the Continuum (1983), his Matter, Space and Motion (1988), and the collections of articles Sorabji has edited: Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science (1987), Aristotle Transformed: The Ancient Commentators and Their Influence (1990). These are indispensable for negotiating Lautner’s notes. Also useful on the Aristotelian tradition and the place of Simplicius in it is a new collection of articles edited by Sorabji but published by the Institute of Classical Studies of the University of London in 1997: Aristotle and After.

Understanding the character and significance of what Simplicius is doing here, especially of his very consequential modifications of Aristotle, requires consultation with excellent but inconvenient endnotes and with their references to this and other, less accessible, literature. As a result, In Physics 5 and its companion volumes are for well-formed scholars with first-class university libraries at their disposal.

With this volume, we near the completion within this series of the translation of Simplicius' enormous commentary on the Physics. It joins, of Simplicius, the Corollaries on Place and Time, On Aristotle On the Soul 1.1-2.4, and On Aristotle's Physics 2, 4, 6, 7; all of which have appeared since 1989. They manifest in the English-speaking world a renewed scholarly and philosophical interest in Simplicius, which has produced translations, editions, and research by American, Belgian, English, French, German, and Italian scholars. Their work and projects were collected in Simplicius: sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie (1987), edited by Ilsetraut Hadot. Indeed, a contributor to that collection, Leonardo Tarán, promises us a new edition of the Greek text of the commentary on the Physics as well as another translation of it. Another contributor, Philippe Hoffmann, is reediting the commentary on the De Caelo.

The renewed labor on the commentaries is justified by those who undertake it. The first place to find this is in Sorabji's General Introduction, which, beyond indicating the influence of the Neoplatonic commentaries, calls them "incomparable guides to Aristotle" (p. 159). A claim he supports by reference to the "minutely detailed knowledge of the entire Aristotelian corpus" possessed and conveyed by the commentators.

In his article for the French colloque, Tarán maintained that Simplicius' commentary on the Physics remains the best commentary on that work "even today" (p. 247). Since her Le Problème du Néoplatonisme Alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius (1978), Ilsetraut Hadot has defended Simplicius and the commentators of the Athenian Neoplatonic school from denigrating comparisons with the production of the Alexandrines. She demonstrates that Praechter was wrong in supposing the Alexandrian commentaries to have been more devoted to the vrai sens of Aristotle in contrast to their own Neoplatonic philosophical projects. In fact, the commentaries of both schools were produced within a tradition initiated by Porphyry and were required by the essential role Aristotle's writings played in teaching. The value of the commentary may be diminished by the service given to such Neoplatonic scholastic projects as the reconciliation of Plato and Aristotle, but Hadot’s demonstrations elevate Simplicius by diminishing the preeminence given to the Alexandrines.

In a review in this journal (BMCR 97.9.24), Richard Todd produced good reasons for choosing, as the place to begin among the older scholarship on Aristotle, the Renaissance commentaries of Jacobus Zabarella or Julius Pacius, but still, he would have these Renaissance humanists bring readers back to Simplicius. By the Renaissance, his commentaries, lost to the Latins until the 13th century, were well known and highly respected.

So none will deny the enormous importance of Simplicius' commentary. Beyond its illumination of Aristotle, its application and defense of the Neoplatonic interpretative framework is skillful and creative. Moreover, it is the great treasury for our knowledge of previous Greek physics from the Pre-Socratics onward and of the commentaries before his own. Both of these he preserves by quotation, often at greater length than his argument requires, as if Simplicius, like Boethius, saw himself preserving a disappearing heritage in a darkening age. Much of In Physics 5 is a dialogue with Alexander of Aphrodisias, and enormous passages of his commentary are reproduced. They remind us of one of the essential tasks of scholarship that has only begun and will be assisted by this translation. Since so much of what we know about natural philosophy before Simplicius is dependent on him, we need to deepen our understanding of his thinking to consider how his selection and reproduction shape our knowledge of ancient philosophy.

The conservative labor was successful; evidently, the commentary of Simplicius survived and carried his past with it. In consequence, another reason for the great importance of this work is its influence. His understanding of Aristotle constituted an essential element in the thinking of the Arabic Neoplatonists and, from the 13th century on, his comments were communicated to the Latin West in their treatises and in their own commentaries on Aristotle's texts, as well as through direct translations from the Greek by Latins like William of Moerbeke. Thus, he reached the scholastics of the medieval West.

The conscientious continuation by Simplicius of the great Neoplatonic enterprise of reconciling Plato and Aristotle helped determine the Latin understanding of Aristotle. Moreover, ideas of his own, developed in that context, became fruitful again as Aristotelian physics was transformed in the construction of modern natural philosophies.

Simplicius was with Damascius and the other pagan philosophers who headed east after Justinian closed the Academy in Athens. He probably composed this, and his other Aristotelian commentaries, in the remote city of Harran (Carrhae). Whatever the activity of the philosophers gathered there, as distinct from his predecessors like Themistius or contemporaries like Philoponus the Christian, Simplicius' commentaries no longer show characteristics marking them as having been developed as lectures. Evidence points to composition after 538, and Peter Lautner shows that at least part of the commentary on the Physics was written before the commentary on the Categories.

Simplicius assiduously carries forward the reconciliation of Aristotle with Plato. Whether, with Sorabji, we call this project "perfectly crazy" (p. 156), we will agree it stimulates Simplicius to his greatest creativity. Here the philosophical commentator is moved by his religion. Since Porphyry, and fervently with Iamblichus, Proclus, and their successors, piety in respect to the old gods demanded that the unity of that by which they revealed themselves and their cosmos be exhibited. Further, defending the Hellenic spiritual tradition against its critics and effectively marshaling its forces against the Christian enemy required this unification.

Simplicius helps work through completely what the Neoplatonic reconciliations and unifications require. He assists with its momentous move from substance to subjectivity. For what it furthers and transmits in this greatest of Western transformations, his commentary is philosophically important. Those who have made it more accessible are to be thanked. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gUxdRzi2BGcl9jH

Review of: Tardieu 1990: Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore à Simplicius, 1993
By: Mansfeld, Jaap

Title	Review of: Tardieu 1990: Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore à Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	Mnemosyne
Volume	46
Issue	4
Pages	572–575
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In the second chapter, T. offers a marvelous history of navigation on the Tigris, from Assyrian times until just before World War II, by means of the so-called kālek, a wooden construction kept afloat by inflated animal skins (e.g., sheep skins). He does so because an absolutely unique reference to this means of transport is found in Simplicius’ In De Caelo 525.10–3 Heiberg, who, explaining a point made by Aristotle, tells us that inflated skins are capable of supporting heavy loads (... ?? ?pe?????? ?a? ??? ?at? t?? ????a? p?ta???). This is the Habur, a tributary of the Euphrates. In chapter 3, T. attempts to ferret out the implications of this statement. Several of the numerous sources of this river, mentioned by the elder Pliny and Aelianus, were believed to be sacred to the Syrian goddess and venerated by the local population; the Syrian goddess, in turn, was supposed to be the equivalent of Hera. T. also reproduces descriptions of these sites by later visitors who wrote in Arabic. In antiquity, travel on the Habur was possible by means of small kāleks. T. hypothesizes (without direct evidence) that Simplicius visited these sources for religious and philosophical reasons and that, in fact, his trip was a pilgrimage comparable to that of Isidorus and Damascius one century earlier. After his visit to the sources, Simplicius could have traveled downstream by kālek himself.

T. argues (pp. 130 ff.) that this journey has nothing to do with the famous story of the sojourn of the seven philosophers in Persia after the closing of the Academy by Julian. He assumes that not the whole group of seven philosophers mentioned by Agathias (Hist. II c. 30–31 Keydell), but only Damascius, "métaphysicien globe-trotter au service du paganisme," went to Persia in 531, was received by the king of kings, and secured the inclusion of the famous clause in the peace treaty permitting pagan philosophers to live according to their own ways. T.’s argument seems to be that Agathias (our only source, however) was biased and that Simplicius would have mentioned the kāleks of the Tigris if he had made the journey downriver to the Persian capital himself.

The sources of the Habur are three days by foot to the east of Harran (better known to classicists as Carrhae), an important city near the Persian frontier and perhaps the last stronghold of paganism in the Greco-Roman world. In a paper published in 1986, T. convincingly argued that the so-called Sabians of Harran, who were visited by al-Mas‘udi around 940 and whose main doctrine is described in a fragment of al-Kindi, were (Neo-)Platonists. He assumed that Harran was the safe haven granted to the philosophers after the treaty of 532 and that it was there, not in Athens, that Simplicius wrote his great commentaries on Aristotle. In a second paper published the following year, T. proved that of the four calendars mentioned in Simpl. In Phys. 875.19 ff. Diels, three were actually used simultaneously in Harran and only there, whereas the first listed (the Athenian) must have been observed in the Platonic school.

In chapter 4 of the present book ("D'un commentaire à l'autre"), T. is able to add to the circumstantial evidence supporting the hypothesis that Simplicius lived and wrote in Harran after 532. First, at In Phys. 684.35 ff., he points out that many people crossed rivers using inflated animal skins, as indeed they did in the regions of the Habur and the Tigris (typically one skin per person). Secondly, at In Cat. 358.12 ff. Busse, his examples of compound nouns with a single meaning are Hierapolis and Agathodaimon; these are unparalleled elsewhere. T. plausibly argues (pp. 153 ff.) that the city in question is Hierapolis in Syria, two days by foot west of Harran. Agathodaimon is Hermes' divine teacher in the Corpus Hermeticum. T. points out (pp. 158 ff.) that the pagans of Harran, according to a fragment of al-Kindi, possessed Hermetic writings. Al-Sarahsi, who transmits this information, adds that they venerated Agathodaimon. Thirdly, a passage at In Phys. 641.33 ff. allows T. to argue that Simplicius refers here to a Hermetic identification of the Syrian goddess Atargatis with Isis.

T.'s main argument, presented with admirable clarity, is on the whole convincing. That we are now much better informed about the ways in which Greek philosophy reached the Arabs is a major step forward. Yet one should keep in mind that nothing so far is known of a Neoplatonist school or tradition at Harran before Simplicius, and that there is a considerable gap between him and the Platonists visited by al-Mas‘udi several centuries later. Though continuity is plausible, evidence is lacking. Perhaps T. could have said more about Hermetism at Harran, which was presumably incorporated into Neoplatonism. M. Grignaschi has argued that what he calls a late Greek "epistolary novel" (5th century), containing an exchange of letters between Alexander and Aristotle, was amplified and revised by what he terms (on what appears to be thin evidence) a follower of Hermes who wrote in Arabic in the 7th–8th century at Harran. An investigation by a qualified Orientalist (why not T. himself?) into the relation between the traditions studied by Grignaschi and the facts unearthed by T. may produce surprising results—or so one surmises. [the entire review]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fu8N5kakur5o7NI

Review of: Thiel 1999: Simplikios und das Ende der neuplatonischen Schule in Athen, 2001
By: Luna, Concetta

Title	Review of: Thiel 1999: Simplikios und das Ende der neuplatonischen Schule in Athen
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Mnemosyne
Volume	54
Issue	4
Pages	482–500
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Luna, Concetta
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This is an extensive review of R. Thiel’s monograph Simplikios und das Ende der neuplatonischen Schule in Athen. The author of the review, C. Luna, reproduces the book’s discussion of the location where Neoplatonic philosophers settled after leaving Athens due to the ban on pagan philosophy in 529 AD. They went to Persia and later returned to the Byzantine Empire after the peace treaty was signed. The only known historical account of their location is from Agathias, who states that they were attracted to the wisdom of King Chosroes and stayed at his court. However, they eventually left and, using a clause in the peace treaty, returned to the Byzantine Empire without having to renounce their philosophical or religious beliefs. The text examines two hypotheses as to where they went: Athens or Alexandria, but a new hypothesis is presented based on Simplicius' texts that the philosophers settled in Harran, a city close to the Persian border. The text also discusses the possibility of Simplicius returning to Athens, Alexandria, or Harran. Thiel, believes it is unlikely the philosophers went to Alexandria because the patriarch of the city would not have allowed them to continue their philosophical and anti-Christian activities. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MDj448FZ9whVcZN

Review: Bowen, A.C., Simplicius on the Planets and Their Motions. In Defense of a Heresy, 2016
By: D'Ancona Costa, Cristina

Title	Review: Bowen, A.C., Simplicius on the Planets and Their Motions. In Defense of a Heresy
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2016
Journal	Studia graeco-arabica
Volume	6
Pages	294-301
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

For Bowen, the answer lies in the well-known debate on the nature of the heavens that arose in the first half of the 6th century between Simplicius and Philoponus. Challenged by Philoponus in a lost work—whose main, though not exclusive, source of knowledge for us is Simplicius himself—the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity and divinity of the heavens was defended by Simplicius in his commentary on De Caelo, where he also directed harsh criticisms at Philoponus.

In Bowen’s book, four introductory chapters (pp. 27-93) precede the translation of Simplicius’ In De Caelo II, 10-12 (= pp. 470.29-510.35 Heiberg), followed by a series of comments on selected topics (pp. 201-98). Figures and tables are provided at the end of the introduction (pp. 22-25) and between the translation and the comments (pp. 181-97). Bowen frames much of his discussion against the backdrop of Simplicius’ struggle against Philoponus. Chapter One opens with the claim:

“The great digression at the end of Simplicius’ In De Caelo 2.12 [492.25-510.35] is an apologia precipitated by Philoponus, the renegade Platonist, and his attack on Aristotle’s arguments for a fifth simple body, aether” (p. 27).

Even though Philoponus’ rejection of Aristotelian cosmology is not explicitly mentioned in Simplicius’ commentary on De Caelo II, 10-12, Bowen considers it Simplicius’ real target. Philoponus’ attack on the theory of the aether and its movement lies in the background of what, at first glance, appears to be a highly specialized discussion of the difficulties in the homocentric theory and an excursus on their solutions.

Bowen’s interpretation centers on the idea that Simplicius was well aware of the limitations of the homocentric theory. Faced with Philoponus’ objections, he sought a solution that was compatible with his own assumption of the circular and, consequently, eternal motion of the heavens. Philoponus’ main objection is as follows: if it were true that the entire cosmos rotates about its center, then the planets should not exhibit rotations about their own axes, nor should they have apogees and perigees—an argument that, according to Bowen, Simplicius could only agree with. In fact, this was precisely the reason he sided with Ptolemy. However, Simplicius could by no means endorse the general conclusion Philoponus drew from this, namely that there is no aether endowed with circular, eternal motion.

Bowen argues that Philoponus’ criticism “brings to the fore two points against Aristotle,” namely the rotation of the planets about their axes and their apogees and perigees, “in which he sides with Philoponus.” The danger here is heresy: Simplicius is now obliged to show that his agreement with Philoponus does not lead to Philoponus’ blasphemous conclusion (p. 28), hence the subtitle of Bowen’s book, In Defense of a Heresy.

This reconstruction hinges on linking Simplicius’ statements in his commentary on De Caelo II, 10-12—especially in the section labeled “digression”—to Philoponus. As Bowen puts it, “The digression is the apologia in full” (p. 64). As noted earlier, this long passage, which concludes Simplicius’ commentary on De Caelo II, 12, addresses difficulties in the cosmic model presented in Metaphysics XII 8, where all the spheres rotate around the Earth, the center of the universe (pp. 14, 92). However, Bowen maintains that, beyond its explicit content, the “digression” is in reality a response to Philoponus. The latter is not mentioned directly; instead, Simplicius presents Xenarchus’ objections and counters them with the arguments developed by Alexander of Aphrodisias.

Only after addressing these objections, “long after Philoponus’ objections to the Aristotelian aether have been answered, does Simplicius again take up, without mentioning Philoponus, the question of the homocentric planetary theory (...). So the astronomical digression (παρέκβασις) at the close of In De Caelo 2.12 is, logically speaking, a part of Simplicius’ attempt to deal with Philoponus” (p. 15). [introduction p. 294-295]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PxYyMRyYuxV6BPl

Review: Urmson, trans. Simplicius: On Aristotle's Physics 4.1-5,10-14, 1993
By: Keyser, Paul T.

Title	Review: Urmson, trans. Simplicius: On Aristotle's Physics 4.1-5,10-14
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1993
Journal	Canadian Philosophical Reviews
Volume	13
Issue	5
Pages	277-279
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Keyser, Paul T.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

J. O. Urmson, trans.
Simplicius: On Aristotle's Physics 4.1-5, 10-14.
Ithaca: Cornell University Press 1992. Pp. 225,US $47.95 (cloth: ISBN 0-8014-2817-3).This latest addition to the series of translations of Late Antique philosophy 
edited  by  Sorabji  is  a companion  to Urmson’s translation of Simplicius’ 
Corollaries on Place and Time and so includes only Simplicius on Aristotle 
on Place and Time. Thus, an important gap, Simplicius on Aristotle’s Physics 
4.6-9 (the void), which one hopes will soon be filled. Urmson departs rarely 
and moderately from the text of H. Diels CAG 9 (1882) and supplies few notes 
(some by Sorabji), in keeping with the aim of the series to make the philoso
phy accessible in a modem language (191-200). A brief bibliography (188-90) 
is provided, an English-Greek glossary (201-3), and a more useful Greek-Eng- 
lish glossary and index (204-220), though unfonmately the Greek is tran
scribed. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/98eQM267fD6P4f9

Richtungen und Schulen im Neuplatonismus, 1910
By: Praechter, Karl, Robert, Carl (Ed.)

Title	Richtungen und Schulen im Neuplatonismus
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1910
Published in	Genethliakon
Pages	105-156
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Praechter, Karl
Editor(s)	Robert, Carl
Translator(s)

Karl Praechter deals at some length with the tendencies and schools of Neoplatonism. His classification differs materially from that of Zeller, who divided the Neoplatonists into three schools according to their order of progress, viz. the school of Plotinus, the Syrian school of Iamblichus, and the school of Athens, whose foremost representative was Proclus. Praechter maintains that the system was founded by Plotinus and Porphyrius; that Iamblichus then developed the doctrines in a speculative and mystic direction, the result being seen in two schools, the Syrian and the Athenian. A separate and distinctively religious tendency is manifested in the Pergamene school of Aidesios and Chrysanthios. Neoplatonism ends with the learned schools of Alexandria and the West, of which Hypatia and Macrobius were representative. Neoplatonism undoubtedly derives much of its interest from the fact that it forms a kind of connecting link between Ancient Philosophy and Christianity. [from the notices of the book]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ZUNcPDq2qaf1DRB

Ritual, Religion and Reason: Studies in the Ancient World in Honour of Paolo Xella, 2013
By: Watson, Wilfred G. E. (Ed.), Ribichini, Sergio (Ed.), Loretz, Oswald (Ed.), Zamora, José Antonio (Ed.)

Title	Ritual, Religion and Reason: Studies in the Ancient World in Honour of Paolo Xella
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	Münster
Publisher	Ugarit
Series	Alter Orient und Altes Testament
Volume	404
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Watson, Wilfred G. E. , Ribichini, Sergio , Loretz, Oswald , Zamora, José Antonio
Translator(s)

Anlässlich eines besonderen Geburtstag von Paolo Xella widmen ihm seine Kollegen und Freunde eine Festschrift. Den Interessen des bekannten Gelehrten folgend ist das Buch in drei Abschnitte unterteilt, in "Archäologie - Kunstgeschichte - Numismatik", "Philologie - Epigraphik" und "History - Die Geschichte der Religionen - Historiographie". Mehr als 50 Artikel liegen den Fokus vor allem auf die Welt der phönizischen Levante bis nach Spanien. Neben einer großen Zahl von Aufsätzen in italienischen Sprache sind Forschungsergebnisse in Englisch, Deutsch und Französisch zu verzeichnen. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iUTyM3hPAwKbnMb

Roman Aristotle, 1997
By: Barnes, Jonathan (Ed.), Griffin, Miriam (Ed.), Barnes, Jonathan

Title	Roman Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1997
Published in	Philosophia togata II: Plato and Aristotle at Rome
Pages	1-69
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Barnes, Jonathan
Editor(s)	Barnes, Jonathan , Griffin, Miriam
Translator(s)

Andronicus’ Roman edition caused a sensation. It revitalized the languishing Peripatetics. It set off an explosion of Aristotelian studies. It laid the foundation for all subsequent editions of Aristotle’s works, including our modern texts. When we read Aristotle, we should pour a libation to Andronicus—and to Sulla.

That story is the main subject of the following pages. It is familiar enough; my argument will be laborious; I have nothing new to say about it; and my general conclusions are dispiritingly skeptical. But recent scholarship on the topic has taken to the bottle of fantasy and stumbled drunkenly from one dogmatism to the next. Another look at the pertinent texts may be forgiven—and in any event, the story is a peach.

My concern (let me stress at the start) is the way in which Aristotle’s texts reached Rome—and us. I am not concerned with the general influence of Peripatetic ideas on the Roman intelligentsia—that is a vast and complex question; nor am I concerned with the specific influence of Aristotle’s ideas on the Roman intelligentsia—that is a different question, less vast and more complex. Indeed, I deal neither with the history of ideas nor with the history of philosophy: my subject is an episode in the history of books and the book trade. [introduction p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/u9wKWex3PBO13aQ

Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 8), 1998
By: Craig, Edward (Ed.)

Title	Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 8)
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1998
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Routledge
Series	Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Craig, Edward
Translator(s)

The Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy Online (REP Online) is the largest and most comprehensive resource available for all those involved in the study of philosophy. It is a trusted source of quality information, providing access to over 2,800 articles that have been edited for level and consistency by a team of renowned subject experts. 
Regularly updated with new and revised articles it is the ideal entry point for further discovery and research, clearly organised and with over 25,000 cross-references linking themes, concepts and philosophers. It is also an ideal reference source for those in subjects related to philosophy, such as politics, psychology, economics, anthropology, religion and literature. [publisher's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hd71FhU5RvTpqmA

Rummaging in the Recycling Bins of Upper Egypt. A Discussion of A. Martin and O. Primavesi, L’Empédocle de Strasbourg, 2000
By: Osborne, Catherine

Title	Rummaging in the Recycling Bins of Upper Egypt. A Discussion of A. Martin and O. Primavesi, L’Empédocle de Strasbourg
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2000
Journal	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Volume	18
Pages	320-356
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Osborne, Catherine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Few interested parties in the scholarly world of ancient philosophy will,  by this stage,  be unaware  of the story behind Alain  Martin and Oliver Primavesi’s publication.  It has been hot news, and the publication eagerly awaited, ever since the announcement in 1994 
that  a  papyrus  on  which  Alain  Martin  was  working,  under  the 
auspices of the Bibliothèque Nationale and University of Strasburg, had been  identified  as  containing verses of Empedocles, some  of them  almost  certainly  previously unknown.  Nevertheless—-since there seems no better opening for a reflection on the significance of this discovery and on the value of its elegant publication—1 propose 
to begin by summarizing what I take to be most important among 
the undisputed facts before proceeding to ask how they affect our understanding of Empedocles and of what we are doing with texts when we study the Presocratics. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QrDNAw4eAA3LZ35

Réceptions de la théologie aristotélicienne: D'Aristote à Michel d'Ephèse, 2017
By: Baghdassarian, Fabienne (Ed.), Guyomarc'h, Gweltaz (Ed.)

Title	Réceptions de la théologie aristotélicienne: D'Aristote à Michel d'Ephèse
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2017
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Peeters Publishers
Series	Aristote. Traductions Et Etudes
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Baghdassarian, Fabienne , Guyomarc'h, Gweltaz
Translator(s)

La conception aristotélicienne des principes divins est parcourue de tensions épistémologiques, archéologiques et proprement théologiques, qui constituent à la fois un défi pour Aristote lui-même et un ensemble de problèmes qu'il lègue à la tradition, qu'elle se revendique de lui, ou se fasse critique à son égard. Restituée au mouvement de la tradition, aux vicissitudes de ses relectures, la théologie aristotélicienne voit s'actualiser les potentialités qu'elle portait en son sein, et qu'Aristote lui-même, déjà, commençait d'explorer. Ce volume, sans prétendre à l'exhaustivité, souhaite, par la diversité de ses contributions, donner à lire quelques-unes de ces actualisations, qu'elles soient exégétiques ou polémiques, et tracer quelques linéaments de leurs effets historiques. [Editor's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QiCqTTrNNH1upWZ

Saggi Sull'Aristotelismo Padovano Dal Secolo XIV Al XVI, 1958
By: Bruno Nardi

Title	Saggi Sull'Aristotelismo Padovano Dal Secolo XIV Al XVI
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	1958
Publication Place	Florence
Publisher	G. G. Sansone
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bruno Nardi
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Saggi sull'aristotelismo padovano: dal secolo XIV al XVI, 1958
By: Nardi, Bruno

Title	Saggi sull'aristotelismo padovano: dal secolo XIV al XVI
Type	Monograph
Language	Italian
Date	1958
Publication Place	Firenze
Publisher	Sansoni
Series	Studi sulla tradizione aristotelica nel Veneto
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Nardi, Bruno
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Excerpt from Saggi sull'Aristotelismo Padovano: Dal Secolo XIV al XVI

Altrettanto si dica della distinzione fra ciò che è vivo e ciò che è morto del pensiero del passato, quasi che potesse morire quel che non e' mai stato vivo, e che vivere non fosse un correre alla morte, cioe' un continuo rinnovarsi.

About the Publisher

Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com

This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Kw4s0OFXuuzryqO

Science théologique et foi selon le commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo d’Aristote, 2014
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Coda, Elisa (Ed.), Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia (Ed.)

Title	Science théologique et foi selon le commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo d’Aristote
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2014
Published in	De l'Antiquité tardive au Moyen Âge. Études de logique aristotélicienne et de philosophie grecque, syriaque, arabe et latine offertes à Henri Hugonnard-Roche
Pages	277-363
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Coda, Elisa , Martini Bonadeo, Cecilia
Translator(s)

En hommage aux recherches de Henri Hugonnard-Roche sur la philosophie naturelle dans le Moyen Âge latin, sur l’astronomie et la cosmologie, mais aussi sur les commentaires arabes au De Caelo d’Aristote, et plus généralement sur la postérité syriaque et arabe de la pensée aristotélicienne, cette étude générale portera sur un texte grec de l’Antiquité tardive : le commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo.

Son propos est de considérer la nature de la religion philosophique néoplatonicienne dans le commentaire de Simplicius et d’en proposer une interprétation d’ensemble, en nouant les fils d’une recherche engagée dans trois publications antérieures : un article ancien consacré à la polémique de Simplicius contre Jean Philopon et à la question de la structure physique de la substance céleste, et deux autres études, plus récentes, consacrées à la triade chaldaïque Amour - Vérité - Foi (Érōs, Alêtheia, Pistis), qui a été formalisée par Proclus comme principe dynamique de la prière, et sur laquelle les commentaires à la Physique et au De Caelo offrent de précieux témoignages.

Cette triade de puissances anagogiques est à l’œuvre notamment dans cet « hymne » au Démiurge que constitue le Commentaire au De Caelo. Au cours de la présente enquête, consacrée à une interprétation globale de l’œuvre de Simplicius, on complétera le dossier déjà rassemblé au sujet de la triade chaldaïque, en produisant notamment deux textes supplémentaires de Simplicius qui confirment explicitement que l’élaboration d’une pistis philosophique, à l’extrême fin de l’Antiquité, doit se comprendre dans le contexte de la controverse païenne contre l’« athéisme » chrétien.

La traduction commentée d’un long extrait du commentaire, en annexe, permettra enfin d’étudier de près les présupposés spécifiquement néoplatoniciens qui guident l’exégète dans sa lecture d’Aristote, et les enjeux théologiques qui dominent son interprétation du De Caelo et préparent, dans l’expérience de la Foi, une union de « sympathie » avec la substance même du Ciel et avec le Démiurge.

L’étude des œuvres philosophiques de l’Antiquité tardive, principalement des textes néoplatoniciens grecs, favorisée par un nombre impressionnant d’éditions critiques d’importance majeure, a connu ces dernières décennies un profond renouvellement herméneutique, grâce à une compréhension toujours approfondie des doctrines elles-mêmes, mais aussi à une attention accrue portée aux dimensions rhétoriques de ces textes, comme aux enjeux historiques, politiques, religieux, qui sont inséparables du très complexe système philosophique en devenir, forgé pendant près de quatre siècles, de Porphyre jusqu’aux derniers professeurs d’Alexandrie.

L’étude du néoplatonisme ne peut être séparée de l’histoire générale, politique et religieuse, de l’Antiquité tardive. La théologie savante et la philosophie sont intimement liées, soit que la théologie apparaisse comme une « partie » de la philosophie, soit que l’ensemble du système philosophique se désigne lui-même comme une théologie, ainsi que le montrent les ouvrages majeurs de Proclus, intitulés Peri tôn kata Platōna Theologias (Théologie Platonicienne) ou Stoicheiosis Theologikê (Éléments de théologie), qui présentent selon des modes d’exposition très différents le déploiement de l’ensemble du système.

La théologie savante s’enrichit et s’accompagne d’autres dimensions relevant du mode de vie même des philosophes néoplatoniciens et de leurs pratiques : rituels théurgiques, formes diverses de la piété à l’égard des dieux (eusebeia), mais aussi religion personnelle ou encore engagement dans la polémique anti-chrétienne.

L’interprétation des textes eux-mêmes a été renouvelée par une attention accrue portée aux genres littéraires philosophiques et à la dimension pragmatique des œuvres. Les analyses de Pierre Hadot, en particulier, nourries d’une réflexion sur les « jeux de langage » de Wittgenstein, ont contribué à renouveler l’interprétation des commentaires néoplatoniciens, ceux de Simplicius notamment, envisagés comme des œuvres littéraires à part entière, avec leur régime spécifique de systématicité, leurs règles, leurs codes, leurs finalités pragmatiques propres.

Au-delà de l’érudition scientifique et de la puissance conceptuelle qui caractérise le discours philosophique – nourri à la fois de la tradition péripatéticienne et des recherches des exégètes néoplatoniciens depuis Plotin et Porphyre – ces commentaires doivent se comprendre aussi comme des exercices de méditation spirituelle à finalité anagogique, que l’auteur pratique à la fois pour lui-même et pour ses destinataires, auditeurs ou lecteurs. Par leur dimension pragmatique, ils relèvent de la vie philosophique (bios) et ne sont plus seulement des éléments du discours philosophique (logos). [introduction p. 277-279]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Ns8nL2OGXc4Xj6K

Selbstbewusstsein in der Spätantike: Die neuplatonischen Kommentare zu Aristoteles' De anima, 2008
By: Perkams, Matthias

Title	Selbstbewusstsein in der Spätantike: Die neuplatonischen Kommentare zu Aristoteles' De anima
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2008
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Quellen und Studien zur Philosophie
Volume	85
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Während Aristoteles’ De anima Seele als Lebensprinzip des körperlichen Wesens definiert, ist sie für die neuplatonischen Kommentatoren dieser Schrift eine geistige, vom Körper trennbare Größe, die sich auf sich selbst zurückwenden kann. Die Studie untersucht, wie die Ausleger Johannes Philoponos, Priskian von Lydien (Pseudo-Simplikios) und Stephanos von Alexandrien (Pseudo-Philoponos) mit dieser Problematik umgingen. In einem ersten Teil werden die philosophischen Konzeptionen der einzelnen Kommentare je für sich dargestellt und historisch eingeordnet. Deren Wert für die De anima-Interpretation wird ebenso diskutiert wie die Identität ihrer Autoren und das Verhältnis des Philoponos zu seinem Lehrer Ammonios. Der zweite Teil ist die erste philosophische Rekonstruktion von Priskians Konzeption des Selbstbezugs der Seele, die als detaillierteste antike Darstellung des menschlichen Selbstbewusstseins gelten kann. Plotins Überlegungen zur Selbsterkenntnis des Geistes werden so auf die menschliche Person übertragen, dass diese sich konstituiert, indem sie um die Wiedergewinnung ihrer ursprünglichen Identität als geistiges Wesen ringt. Um dies zu erläutern unterscheidet Priskian mehrere Formen des Selbstbezugs und setzt sie in Beziehung zueinander. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

Selbstbewusstsein in der Spätantike: Die neuplatonischen Kommentare zu Aristoteles' “De anima”, 2008
By: Perkams, Matthias

Title	Selbstbewusstsein in der Spätantike: Die neuplatonischen Kommentare zu Aristoteles' “De anima”
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2008
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	de Gruyter
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perkams, Matthias
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Während Aristoteles’ De anima Seele als Lebensprinzip des körperlichen Wesens definiert, ist sie für die neuplatonischen Kommentatoren dieser Schrift eine geistige, vom Körper trennbare Größe, die sich auf sich selbst zurückwenden kann. Die Studie untersucht, wie die Ausleger Johannes Philoponos, Priskian von Lydien (Pseudo-Simplikios) und Stephanos von Alexandrien (Pseudo-Philoponos) mit dieser Problematik umgingen. In einem ersten Teil werden die philosophischen Konzeptionen der einzelnen Kommentare je für sich dargestellt und historisch eingeordnet. Deren Wert für die De anima-Interpretation wird ebenso diskutiert wie die Identität ihrer Autoren und das Verhältnis des Philoponos zu seinem Lehrer Ammonios. Der zweite Teil ist die erste philosophische Rekonstruktion von Priskians Konzeption des Selbstbezugs der Seele, die als detaillierteste antike Darstellung des menschlichen Selbstbewusstseins gelten kann. Plotins Überlegungen zur Selbsterkenntnis des Geistes werden so auf die menschliche Person übertragen, dass diese sich konstituiert, indem sie um die Wiedergewinnung ihrer ursprünglichen Identität als geistiges Wesen ringt. Um dies zu erläutern unterscheidet Priskian mehrere Formen des Selbstbezugs und setzt sie in Beziehung zueinander. [authors abstract]

Online Resources

Self-motion according to Iamblichus, 2012
By: Opsomer, Jan

Title	Self-motion according to Iamblichus
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Elenchos
Volume	33
Issue	2
Pages	259-290
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Opsomer, Jan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Iamblichus' theory of self-motion has to be pieced together from various texts and passing remarks. Ever since Aristotle's critique, Plato's concept of the self-motive soul was felt to be problematic. Taking his lead from Plotinus, Iamblichus counters Aristotle's criticism by claiming that true self-motion transcends the opposition between activity and passivity. He moreover argues that it does not involve motion that is spatially extended. Hence it is non-physical. Primary self-motion is the reversion of the soul to itself, by which the soul constitutes itself, i.e. imparts life to itself. This motion is located at the level of essence or substance. The bestowal of life upon the body derives from this fundamental motion. As a result, animals are derivatively self-motive. Secondary self-motions are acts of thought in the broad sense. Contrary to the unmoved motion of intellect, the self-motion of the soul is not beyond time. This somehow fits Iamblichus' theory of the “changing self”. Iamblichus anticipates much of the later Platonic accounts of self-motion. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1Kioea09D5a6jXo

Self-motion and reflection: Hermias and Proclus on the harmony of Plato and Aristotle on the soul, 2012
By: Menn, Stephen, Horn, Christoph (Ed.), Wilberding, James (Ed.)

Title	Self-motion and reflection: Hermias and Proclus on the harmony of Plato and Aristotle on the soul
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2012
Published in	Neoplatonism and the Philosophy of Nature
Pages	44-67
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Menn, Stephen
Editor(s)	Horn, Christoph , Wilberding, James
Translator(s)

A central puzzle of recent scholarship on late Neoplatonism has been to understand how  what  Richard Sorabji  has called a ‘perfectly  crazy  position', the thesis of die harmony  of  Plato  and  Aristode,  nonetheless  ‘proved  philosophically  fruitful' — 
whereas, for instance, the same philosophers' perfectly crazy thesis of the harmony of Plato and Homer did not. In this chapter, starting from Hermias' commentary on a passage of the Phaedrus which poses a difficulty for harmonization, I hope to shed some light on what the late Neoplatonists were asserting when they asserted the harmony 
of Plato and Aristotle, in general or on some particular issue (here the immortality of soul); on why they were inclined to make such assertions o f harmony, and what they saw themselves as needing to do in order to defend them: and on why,in the process of defending them, they were led to conceptual clarifications which were in some cases of longstanding benefit to the conceptual stoic of philosophy. I  will point to a sur
prising case of such a conceptual benefit resulting from Neoplatonic interpretations of this Pimdtus passage and its parallels in the Timaeus. While my central example will be from Hermias, the themes I am interested in ate not peculiar to him, and I will also 
make use of other late Neoplatonic authors, especially Proclus. Hermias, and Produs, to recall, were both students of Syrianus;at one point in Hermias' commentary 'our companion Proclus' raises an aporia, and ‘the philosopher'— that is, ‘the professor — replies (92,6-10 Couvrcur), which seems to imply that the commentary in general was drawn by Hermias from Syrianus lectures. [Introduction, pp. 44 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EgP6g0IaubwrLcL

Semence, vertu formatrice et intellect agent chez Nicolò Leoniceno entre la tradition arabo-latine et la renaissance des commentateurs grecs, 2007
By: Hiro, Harai

Title	Semence, vertu formatrice et intellect agent chez Nicolò Leoniceno entre la tradition arabo-latine et la renaissance des commentateurs grecs
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2007
Journal	Early Science and Medicine
Volume	12
Issue	2
Pages	134-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hiro, Harai
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The treatise On Formative Power (Venice, 1506) of Ferrara's emblematic medical humanist, Nicolo Leoniceno (1428-1524), is the one of the first embryological monographs of the Renaissance. It shows, at the same time, the continuity of medi eval Arabo-Latin tradition and the new elements brought by Renaissance medical humanism, namely through the use of the ancient Greek commentators of Aristotle like Simplicius. Thus this treatise stands at the crossroad of these two currents. The present study analyses the range of Leoniceno's philosophical discussion, determines its exact sources and brings to light premises for the early modern development of the concept of formative force, which will end up in the theory of "plastic nature" at the heart of the Scientific Revolution. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Bqb94gvDLPcl42S

Simpl. in Aristot. de Caelo p. 370, 29 ff. H, 1924
By: Praechter, Karl

Title	Simpl. in Aristot. de Caelo p. 370, 29 ff. H
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1924
Journal	Hermes
Volume	59
Issue	1
Pages	118-119
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Praechter, Karl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Dieser Beitrag untersucht einen zentralen Passus aus den Schriften des Neuplatonikers Simplikios, der für seine polemische Auseinandersetzung mit dem Christentum von besonderem Interesse ist. Anhand der Überlieferung bei Heiberg wird die Bedeutung der Formulierung διαβεβλαμμένοι („verwirrt“ oder „zerfallen“) im Kontext der Darstellung christlicher Vorstellungen von Himmel und Gottheit analysiert. Es zeigt sich, dass Simplikios die Christen als unter dem Einfluss falscher metaphysischer Annahmen stehend betrachtet, was ihn dazu veranlasst, ihre Auffassung vom Himmel als Sitz Gottes zu kritisieren.

Darüber hinaus wird ein intertextueller Bezug zu Heraklit (fr. 96 Diels) aufgezeigt, der für das Verständnis der Stelle essenziell ist. Die Argumentation von Simplikios reiht sich in die breitere neuplatonische Kritik an der christlichen Theologie ein, insbesondere in Bezug auf die Verehrung des toten Christus und den Gräberkult. Diese Analyse trägt zur Erhellung der spätantiken Debatten zwischen Neuplatonikern und Christen bei und verdeutlicht zugleich die methodischen Herausforderungen bei der Interpretation antiker philosophischer Texte. [derived from the whole text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GHLXvIo8dgtPSpy

Title	Simplicii Commentaria in tres libros Aristotelis De anima: Alexandri Aphridisiei comentaria in librum de sensu & sensibili. Michaelis Ephesii annotationes in librum de memoria & librum reminiscentia
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1527
Publication Place	Venedig
Publisher	Aldus & Andreas Asulanus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Alexander Aphrodisiensis , Michael von Ephesos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yHbyGGtkVLTzBVT

Simplicii Commentarii in libros De anima Aristotelis, 1543
By: Simplicius ,

Title	Simplicii Commentarii in libros De anima Aristotelis
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1543
Publication Place	Venetiis
Publisher	Apud Octauianum Scotum
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Faseolus, Joannes(Faseolus, Joannes)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/usiqG94NoM344Zb

Simplicii Commentarius in Epicteti Encheiridion, accedit Enchiridii paraphrasis christiana et Nili Encheiridion, tomus posterior, 1800
By: Schweighäuser, Johann (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicii Commentarius in Epicteti Encheiridion, accedit Enchiridii paraphrasis christiana et Nili Encheiridion, tomus posterior
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1800
Publication Place	Lipsiae
Publisher	Weidmann
Series	Epicteteae Philosophiae Monumenta
Volume	4-5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Schweighäuser, Johann
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/unmDLxiD9xFG0vc

Simplicii Commentarius in Epicteti Enchiridion, 1778
By: Simplicius, Schulthess, Johann Georg,

Title	Simplicii Commentarius in Epicteti Enchiridion
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1778
Publication Place	Zürich
Publisher	Orell, Füssli und Co
Series	Bibliothek der griechischen Philosophen
Volume	1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Schulthess, Johann Georg
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Schulthess, Johann Georg()

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/J2pSqquEihu2i7D

Simplicii comentarii in octo Aristotelis physicae auscultationis libros. Com ipso Aristotelis contextu, 1526
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicii comentarii in octo Aristotelis physicae auscultationis libros. Com ipso Aristotelis contextu
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1526
Publication Place	Venezia
Publisher	Aldo Manuzio il vecchio e Andrea Torresano
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Access	https://echo.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/ECHOdocuView?url=/permanent/library/8S605Z1D/index.meta&pn=1
Online Resources	https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JCf2JVkJz82n8Vx

Simplicii commentarius in IV libros Aristotelis de caelo, 1865
By: Karsten, Simon (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicii commentarius in IV libros Aristotelis de caelo
Type	Monograph
Language	undefined
Date	1865
Publication Place	Trajecti ad Rhenum
Publisher	Apud Kemink et Filium
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Karsten, Simon
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Dbnvw5qT6230wFc

Simplicii in Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium, 1907
By: Kalbfleisch, Karl (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicii in Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1907
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Reimer
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Kalbfleisch, Karl
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/px7OssXSSM7x2DG

Simplicii in Aristotelis De caelo Commentaria, 1894
By: Heiberg, Johan Ludvig (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicii in Aristotelis De caelo Commentaria
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1894
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Reimer
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca
Volume	7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Heiberg, Johan Ludvig
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/uhpQIRcFwoFdVHF

Simplicii in Aristotelis Physicorum libros quattuor priores commentaria, 1882
By: Diels, Hermann (Ed.), Simplicius, Diels, Hermann

Title	Simplicii in Aristotelis Physicorum libros quattuor priores commentaria
Type	Monograph
Language	Greek
Date	1882
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Reimer
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem graeca
Volume	9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius , Diels, Hermann
Editor(s)	Diels, Hermann
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/71VqaL4eRrEvyGk

Simplicii in Aristotelis physicorum libros quattuor posteriores commentaria, 1895
By: Diels, Hermann (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicii in Aristotelis physicorum libros quattuor posteriores commentaria
Type	Monograph
Language	undefined
Date	1895
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Reimers
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca
Volume	10
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Diels, Hermann
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6WQLy8FVouLd2Ad

Simplicii in libros Aristotelis De anima Commentaria, 1882
By: Hayduck, Michael (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicii in libros Aristotelis De anima Commentaria
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1882
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	Reimer
Series	Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca
Volume	11
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Hayduck, Michael
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1B6GoaZKyfTpbO6

Title	Simplicii magni doctoris cognomento Commentationes accuratissimae in Praedicamenta Aristotelis. Quibus postrema etiam sex illa fusius praedicamenta explicantur quae strictim nobis Aristoteles velut per transennam præteriens ostendit: nuper diligentius in latinam linguam translatæ, opus Sebastiano Foscareno
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1543
Publication Place	Venetiis
Publisher	apud Hieronymum Scotum
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Foscareno, Sebastiano(Foscareno, Sebastiano)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Dhl6DfAvfK8bSeZ

Simplicii peripatetici acutissimi Commentaria in octo libros Aristotelis de physico audito. Nunquam antae excusa. Lucillo Philaltheo interprete, 1544
By: Philalteo, Lucillo, Simplicius

Title	Simplicii peripatetici acutissimi Commentaria in octo libros Aristotelis de physico audito. Nunquam antae excusa. Lucillo Philaltheo interprete
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1544
Publication Place	Parisiis
Publisher	Apud Ioannem Roigny
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Philalteo, Lucillo , Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Mut1oY8q5W4dVup

Simplicii philosophi acutissimi Commentaria in quatuor libros Aristotelis De caelo, 1544
By: Simplicius , von Moerbeke, Wilhelm

Title	Simplicii philosophi acutissimi Commentaria in quatuor libros Aristotelis De caelo
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1544
Publication Place	Venetiis
Publisher	Apud Hieronymum Scotum
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , von Moerbeke, Wilhelm
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/t63tyqyP31yFPxj

Simplicio, Isnardi, la logica e il contesto, 1991
By: Mignucci, Mario

Title	Simplicio, Isnardi, la logica e il contesto
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1991
Journal	Rivista di storia della filosofia
Volume	46
Issue	4
Pages	737-751
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mignucci, Mario
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Dalla semplice presenza di espressioni quali pros ti pôs echonta e hyparxis non si può inferire che il contenuto delle proposizioni in cui compaiono sia da attribuire agli Stoici. Ciò non tanto perché non è escluso che queste espressioni si trovassero già nella letteratura precedente, ma perché ai tempi di Sesto esse erano probabilmente entrate nella koine terminologica delle scuole e costituivano un patrimonio comune del linguaggio della filosofia.

In effetti, Sesto non esita in [a] ad usare la contrapposizione stoica mentale-esistente per esprimere la sua tesi sulla natura della dimostrazione, una tesi che nessuno Stoico avrebbe potuto condividere. La stessa definizione di relativo attribuita da Sesto ai dogmatici potrebbe essere stata una versione della definizione peripatetica più o meno accettata da tutti.

Quello che forse fa pensare che i dogmatici siano gli Stoici è che l’argomentazione di Sesto contro la dimostrazione di cui il passo che stiamo discutendo è una parte sembra essere prevalentemente diretta contro questa scuola. Ma anche se riconosciamo che i dogmatici in questione sono gli Stoici, ben poco si può ricavare dal testo di Sesto e non certo tutto quello che M.I.P. crede di scorgervi.

Che cosa devo dire a conclusione? M.I.P. è una seria e profonda studiosa della filosofia antica. Dai suoi libri ho imparato moltissimo e le sono sinceramente grato per quei tesori di sapere che ella vi ha profuso e dei quali io e molti altri abbiamo potuto approfittare. Come tutti gli studiosi che lavorano e si impegnano attivamente nella ricerca, ella commette talvolta errori interpretativi. Perché si ostina a difenderli quando sono insostenibili? [conclusion p. 750-751]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YEvGYWS60aSUdHT

Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie, 1986
By: Isnardi Parente, Margherita

Title	Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1986
Journal	Rivista di storia della filosofia
Volume	41
Issue	1
Pages	3-18
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Isnardi Parente, Margherita
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius, In Arist. Categ.,165, 32 sqq. Kalbfleisch, give us an example of the Stoic theory of the categories which seems to be inconsistent with the better known chrysippean theory of the ‘quadri¬partite division’. In Simplicius’ statement we find a first diaeresis (kath’hautá/prós ti) and a second division or hypodiaeresis (‘differentiated relations’ and ‘simple dispositions’ or correlations). Such a division follows a rather platonic-academic schematisms, and — as in Xenocratean or Hermodorean classification of being — the concept of relation occupies in it a privilegiate place. Instead of speaking simply of a continuity between Academy and Stoa, we can more probably hypothize a change in the development of the Stoic theory. The concept of ‘relation’ has an increas¬ing importance after Chrysippus, with the elaboration, by Antipater of Tarsus, of the concept of héxis and hektón; whereas the concept of quality — which is regarded, from Zeno to Chrysippus, as a corporeal entity, substratum, pneuma — is profoundly altered by the introduction of the new concept of ‘incorporeal qualities’. Perhaps later Stoics approached Academic thought in their attempt of a new kind of division, in order to find a better ontological status for ‘relation’ and ‘incorporeity’. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zjhuwrqRYr6pD6m

Title	Simplicio, in Cael. 556, 3-560, 10, a margine di Platone, Prm. 135b8-c1. Prolegomeni a una genealogia del parallelism onto-epistemologico
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	2022
Published in	Plato’s Parmenides: Selected Papers of the XIIth Symposium Platonicum
Pages	517-526
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)	Brisson, Luc , Macé, Arnaud , Renaut, Olivier
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/47OwUW41KSmtjb0

Simplicios, commentateur représentatif d’Aristote dans le néoplatonisme tardif, 1981
By: Vamvoukakis, Nicolas, Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs N. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicios, commentateur représentatif d’Aristote dans le néoplatonisme tardif
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1981
Published in	Proceedings of the World Congress on Aristotle, Thessaloniki August 7-14 1978
Pages	250
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Vamvoukakis, Nicolas
Editor(s)	Theodōrakopulos, Iōannēs N.
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UItMYMORGj0gHKz

Simplicius, 1992
By: Caujolle-Zaslawsky, Françoise , Jacob, André (Ed.), Mattéi, Jean-François (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1992
Published in	Encyclopédie philosophique universelle: Les oeuvres philosophiques
Pages	319-321
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Caujolle-Zaslawsky, Françoise
Editor(s)	Jacob, André , Mattéi, Jean-François
Translator(s)

Des recherches récentes ont montré que, contrairement à ce que pensait encore K. Praechter, Simplicius est, dans l’ensemble de son œuvre, largement tributaire des doctrines philosophiques de son maître Damascius. Ce dernier, en critiquant Proclus, avait développé le plus riche des systèmes néoplatoniciens, marqué par une différenciation ontologique poussée à l’extrême.

Simplicius ne nous a laissé aucune indication concernant sa patrie, le lieu ou la date de sa naissance. Il nous informe seulement qu’il a suivi à Alexandrie l’enseignement d’Ammonius, fils d’Hermias et disciple de Proclus, et, à un lieu ou des lieux non spécifiés, l’enseignement de Damascius. Grâce à un ensemble d’autres sources, grecques et arabes, ainsi qu’à quelques indices contenus dans ses propres œuvres, nous pouvons compléter sa biographie comme suit : Simplicius est né en Cilicie, en Asie Mineure. Il a été élève d’Ammonius à Alexandrie avant 517 de notre ère et s’est retrouvé en Perse en 532 avec les philosophes Damascius (son maître), Eulamios, Priscien, Hermias, Diogène et Isidore de Gaza, à une date difficile à déterminer.

On peut supposer un lien entre le séjour des philosophes grecs en Perse et l’interdiction, édictée par Justinien en 529, d’enseigner la philosophie et le droit à Athènes, bien qu’aucune source ne le précise. Simplicius quitta la Perse en 532, en compagnie des autres philosophes, pour s’installer à Harrân (Carrhae) et y enseigner dans l’école néoplatonicienne de cette ville, située en territoire byzantin. C’est là qu’il composa tous ses commentaires.

Notons enfin que l’authenticité du Commentaire sur le traité De l'âme d’Aristote a été mise en doute par F. Bossier et C. Steel (cf. compte rendu de P. Hadot). Le Commentaire sur le traité de Jamblique « Sur la secte de Pythagore » est perdu, et il ne reste que quelques fragments des commentaires sur la Métaphysique d’Aristote et sur le premier livre des Éléments d’Euclide.

Œuvres principales de Simplicius :

Commentaire sur le traité Du ciel d'Aristote (Eis to proton tou Aristotelous Peri ouranou), vers 533.
Commentaire sur la Physique d'Aristote (Eis to proton tes Aristotelous Phusikes akroaseos), vers 538.
Commentaire aux Catégories d'Aristote (Hupomnema eis tas Kategorias tou Aristotelous), vers 538.
Commentaire sur le traité De l'âme d'Aristote (Eis to proton tou Peri psuches Aristotelous hupomnema), vers 538.

Étant impossible de donner, en quelques lignes, un résumé pertinent pour chacun de ces volumineux commentaires, il est instructif de fournir quelques explications générales sur leur fonction, leur structure et leur tendance philosophique. Ces commentaires combinent des applications concrètes de la sképsis aux thèses de la logique, de la physique et de l’éthique. [the entire article]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QFpZ6wLm1XbKKRr

Simplicius, 1967
By: Lloyd, Antony C., Edwards, Paul (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1967
Published in	The Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Pages	448-449
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lloyd, Antony C.
Editor(s)	Edwards, Paul
Translator(s)

"SIMPLICIUS,  sixth-century  Neoplatonist and  commen
tator on Aristotle, studied in Alexandria under Ammonius 
and in Athens under Damascius. The School at Athens was 
closed in 529, and Simplicius withdrew to Persia. When he 
returned,  his  paganism  barred  him  from  lecturing.  His 
surviving commentaries (on Aristotle’s Categories, Physics, 
De Caelo, and De Anima) are both more learned and more 
polemic than  would  have been  suitable for students.  His 
chief importance in the history of philosophy probably lies 
in  his  being  a  source  of our knowledge of other ancient 
philosophers, notably the pre-Socratics.Simplicius takes for granted the metaphysics of Neopla
tonism as it had been systematized in the Athenian School 
of the fifth century. He accepts the usual three hypostases 
but follows Iamblichus and Damascius in making much of 
the distinction  between  each  hypostasis and, indeed, be
tween  each  self-subsistent reality as it is undifferentiated 
(remaining in the One) and as it is differentiated or plural- 
ized (proceeding). (See, for example, In De Caelo, pp. 93- 
94,  Heiberg.)  It  is  one  of  the  concepts  or  devices  by 
which  he carries out the task that dominates his work, to 
reconcile Plato and Aristotle. They appear to disagree, for 
instance,  about  motion:  a  self-moving  or  an  unmoved 
mover,  the  motion  or  immobility  of reason,  and  so  on. 
According  to  Simplicius,  Plato  is  usually  writing  of the 
primary kind of motion, and Aristotle of the secondary, or 
proceeding,  kind.  Simplicius’  interpretation  of  the  De 
Anima is  based  on that of Iamblichus,  which took it as a 
valid description of the embodied soul, to be supplemented 
by a metaphysical account of the “separate” intellectIn natural  philosophy, Simplicius, like other Neoplaton- 
ists,  is  more  ready to criticize Aristotle, so that the result
is  more  often  a compromise, rather than  a reconciliation, 
with  Plato.  Aristotelian  matter  had  long  been  identi
fied with Plato's not-being; Simplicius has little to add here 
to  Plotinus and  Porphyry.  But the  problems of space, mo
tion,  place,  and  allied  concepts  had repeatedly  been  ex
amined  and  were  already  beginning  to suggest relational 
definitions  foreign  to  Aristotle's  physics.  In  an  excursus 
on  the  notion of place (In  Physica, VoL XI, pp.  601-645, 
Diels)  Simplicius  describes  some  interesting and original 
views  of  Darnascius,  which  he  reconciles  with  Aristotle 
only by implying, implausibly, that the two are complemen
tary, A similar but less scientific treatment of time as a kind 
of metaphysical cause of the existence of motion and things 
in motion depends on the distinction already referred to be
tween  remaining  in  the  One  and  proceeding;  the  latter 
aspect accounts for flowing time, which  is  the  measure of 
succession,Simplicius also wrote an extant commentary on the Stoic 
Epictetus'  Enchiridion  (or  handbook  of ethics).  In  moral 
philosophy  the  Neoplafconists  borrowed  much  from  Stoi
cism, and while well expressed, most of the commentary is 
commonplace  for  the  period.  However,  it  does  contain  a 
semipopular  presentation  of  Neoplatonic  theology  or 
metaphysics  (pp.  95-101,  Diibner),  and  this  has  been 
claimed as a survival of Alexandrian Platonism in which (as 
in  the  Middle  Academy)  the  highest hypostasis  is  not the 
One,  but  Intellect,  The  text  i%  not  unambiguous  but 
dubiously supports the claim." [the whole entry]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EDqpmOHmXAWfsyj

Simplicius, 1996
By: Sorabji, Richard, Spawforth, Antony (Ed.), Hornblower, Simon (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1996
Published in	The Oxford Classical Dictionary
Pages	1409-1410
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Spawforth, Antony , Hornblower, Simon
Translator(s)

Simplicius, 6th-cent. AD Neoplatonist (see Neoplatonism) and one of seven philosophers who left Athens for Ctesiphon after Justinian closed the Athenian Neoplatonist school in 529. He probably wrote all his commentaries after 532, when it was safe for the philosophers to leave Ctesiphon. Recent evidence suggests that he may have settled at Harran (ancient Carrhae) in present-day Turkey, from where Platonism was brought back in the 9th cent. to Baghdad.

Simplicius was taught by Ammonius (2) in Alexandria and by Damascius, head of the Athenian school. He wrote commentaries, all extant, on Aristotle's De caelo, Physics, and Categories (in that order), and on Epictetus' Manual, among other works. A commentary on Aristotle’s De anima is of disputed authorship. His are the fullest of all Aristotle commentaries, recording debates on Aristotle from the preceding 850 years and embedding many fragments from the entire millennium.

At the same time, Simplicius gave his own views on many topics, including place, time, and matter. His commentaries express the revulsion of a devout Neoplatonist for Christianity and for its arch-philosophical defender, Philoponus.

Commentary in Aristotelium Graeca 7-11 (1882-1907), partly trans. in R. Sorabji (ed.), The Ancient Commentators on Aristotle (1987- ); In Ench. Epict., ed. Dübner (1840), trans. G. Stanhope (1694). I. Hadot (ed.), Simplicius, sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie (1987); M. Tardieu, Coutumes mésopotamiennes (1991); RE3A 1 (1927). R. R. K. S. [the entire entry]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vzddeyFIMrhk1Ab

Simplicius, 1975
By: Verbeke, Gérard, Gillispie, Charles Coulston (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1975
Published in	Dictionary of Scientific Biography. Volume XII: IBN RUSHD - JEAN-SERVAIS STAS
Pages	440-443
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verbeke, Gérard
Editor(s)	Gillispie, Charles Coulston
Translator(s)

Very little is known of his life. According to Agathias (History, 11,30,3), he was born in Cilicia. He received his first philosophical education in Alexandria at the school of Ammonius Hermiae, the author of a large commentary on the Peri Hermeneias and on some other logical, physical, and metaphysical treatises of Aristotle. These works strongly influenced not only the commentaries of Simplicius but also those written by the philosophers of the Alexandrian School: Asclepius, Philoponus, and Olympiodorus.

Simplicius also studied philosophy at Athens in the school of Damascius, the author of Problems and Solutions About the First Principles, known for his doctrine of the Ineffable First Principle. According to Damascius, no name is capable of expressing adequately the nature of that Principle, not even the Plotinian name of "the One." Damascius was the last pagan Neoplatonist in the unbroken succession of the Athenian school, where he was teaching when Justinian closed it in 529. Simplicius, who at that time was a member of Damascius’ circle, left Athens with him and five other philosophers and moved to Persia (531-532). Their exile was only temporary, for they returned to the empire after the treaty of peace between the Byzantines and the Persians (533). According to Agathias (History, 11,31,4), the terms of the treaty would have guaranteed to the philosophers full security in their own environment: they were not to be compelled to accept anything against their personal conviction, and they were never to be prevented from living according to their own philosophical doctrine.

There are grounds for supposing that Simplicius settled in Athens after returning from Persia. Presumably, he was not allowed to deliver public lectures and thus could devote all his time to research and writing. Hence his commentaries are not related to any teaching activity; rather, they show the character of written expositions that carefully analyze the Aristotelian text and interpret it in the light of the whole history of Greek philosophy. Simplicius always endeavored to harmonize and reconcile Plato and Aristotle by reducing the differences between them to a question of vocabulary, point of view, or even misunderstanding of some Platonic theories by the Stagirite.

Simplicius was not the first to take this approach. According to W. Jaeger, this trend can be traced to Posidonius and to Neoplatonic philosophy in general. The same method was certainly used by Ammonius, who always attempted to reduce the opposition between Plato and Aristotle to different viewpoints. For example, in dealing with Aristotle’s criticism of the theory of Ideas, Ammonius believed this criticism to concern not the authentic doctrine of Plato, but rather the opinion of some philosophers who attributed to the Ideas an independent subsistence, separate from the Intellect of the Demiurge (Asclepius, In Metaphysicorum, 69,24-27; 73,27).

Apparently, Simplicius was persuaded that this approach was in agreement with the attitude of the philopatheis and that it uncovered the true meaning of philosophical doctrines. At first glance, he said, some theories seem to be quite contradictory, but a more accurate inquiry shows them to be reconcilable (In de Caelo, 159,3-9). Moreover, in explaining a philosophical text, one should not be biased for or against its author. Hence Simplicius opposed the method of Alexander, who from the beginning is suspicious of Plato in the same way that others are inspired with prejudice against Aristotle (In de Caelo, 297,1-4). Since agreement on an opinion, even a prephilosophical one, has often been considered a criterion of truth, Aristotle and the Stoics frequently used the argument of universal agreement. Therefore, having to cope with the increasing influence of Christianity, late Neoplatonic philosophers wanted to argue against the presumed disaccord between the main representatives of Greek philosophy, Plato and Aristotle, in order to enhance their own doctrine. As a Christian, Philoponus did not have the same motives for harmonizing Plato and Aristotle; he firmly opposed attempts to reconcile them and called this interpretation a kind of mythology. Aristotle, he held, did not argue against those who misunderstood Plato but against the authentic Platonic doctrine.

As a commentator, Simplicius did not overestimate his own contributions but was quite aware of his debt to other philosophers, especially to Alexander, Iamblichus, and Porphyry (In Categorias, 3,10-13). He did not hesitate to call his own commentaries a mere introduction to the writings of these famous masters (In Categorias, 3,13-17), nor did he cling fanatically to his own interpretations; he was happy to exchange them for better explanations (In Categorias, 350,8-9). On the other hand, the work of a commentator is far from being a neutral undertaking or a question of mere erudition; it is chiefly an opportunity to become more familiar with the text under consideration and to elucidate some intricate passages (In Enchiridion, Praefatio, 2,24-29; In de Caelo, 102,15; 166,14-16; In Categorias, 3,4-6). Hence Simplicius’ constant concern to obtain reliable documents and to check the historical value of this information, as when he verified the information provided by Alexander about the squaring of the circle according to Hippocrates of Chios (In Physicorum, 60,22-68, 32).

Simplicius adhered to the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of the world, as a theory that fits perfectly into the Neoplatonic ontology insofar as the eternal movement of the heavens is a necessary link between the pure eternity of the intelligible reality and the temporal character of material beings. With respect to this question, Simplicius strongly opposed Philoponus, who asserted the beginning of the world through divine creation. Philoponus, however, did not argue as a Christian, nor did he base his refutation of the Aristotelian doctrine on arguments drawn from his Christian faith. According to him, God is the principle of whatever exists: if time is infinite, nothing may ever come to be, because an infinite number of conditions of possibility are to be fulfilled before anything could begin to exist—which is clearly impossible. Simplicius’ notion of “infinite” is different; it does not mean an infinity existing at once, but a possibility of transcending any boundary. Consequently, the conception of time exposed by both authors is not the same. Simplicius professed a cyclical conception; Philoponus adhered to a linear view without regular return of the same events. Philoponus also substantiated divine creation in time, without preexisting matter; whereas Simplicius maintained that although heaven, the first and highest corporeal reality, is totally dependent upon God, it has never come to exist; it must be eternal because it springs immediately from God. [introduction p. 440-441]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dKqS8TkSYL9fWNO

Simplicius, 1963
By: Zeller, Eduard

Title	Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1963
Published in	Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung
Pages	909-915
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zeller, Eduard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Cilicier | Simplicius, welcher zuerst den Ammonius, dann den Damascius zum Lehrer gehabt hatte. Die Kommentare dieses Philosophen sind das Werk eines großen Fleißes und einer umfassenden Gelehrsamkeit; sie bilden nicht allein für uns eine unschätzbare Fundgrube von Bruchstücken älterer Philosophen und von Nachrichten über dieselben, sondern sie geben auch, trotz der Umdeutungen, von denen kein neuplatonischer Kommentar frei ist, eine sorgfältige und meist verständige Erklärung des Textes.

Aber als Philosoph hält sich Simplicius ganz an seine Lehrer, ohne dass er zur Berichtigung oder Fortbildung ihrer Ergebnisse einen erheblichen Versuch machte. Ein unbedingter Bewunderer Platos, ein gläubiger Verehrer der chaldäischen Göttersprache und des Orpheus, hat er zugleich von Aristoteles eine viel zu hohe Meinung, als dass er irgendeinen erheblichen Widerspruch zwischen ihm und Plato zugeben möchte. In der Sache müssen ja beide in allem Wesentlichen übereinstimmen, wenn sie auch in den Worten sich dann und wann widersprechen.

Von dieser Voraussetzung aus weiß Simplicius das Einverständnis des Aristoteles mit Plato auch da noch zu entdecken, wo jener gegen diesen in Wahrheit laute Einrede erhoben hat. So soll z. B. in Betreff der allgemeinen Begriffe zwischen beiden vollkommene Übereinstimmung bestehen: Plato, sagt Simplicius, unterscheide zwar die allgemeinen Begriffe von den Einzelwesen, aber er lege ihnen kein abgesondertes Dasein bei; Aristoteles andererseits komme es nicht in den Sinn, zu bestreiten, dass das Einzelne durch das Allgemeine (koinaí phýseis) bedingt sei.

Der Ideenlehre soll Aristoteles nur scheinbar widersprechen: Er nehme ja auch Ursachen aller Dinge in Gott an, er wolle nur nicht, dass diese mit denselben Namen bezeichnet werden wie die Dinge. Ebenso wenig sollen die beiden Philosophen hinsichtlich der Materie verschiedener Ansicht sein, und die Stelle, in der Aristoteles den Unterschied seiner Bestimmungen von den platonischen auseinandersetzt, soll nicht auf die platonische Lehre selbst gehen, weil sie dieser, wie Simplicius glaubt, Unrecht tun würde.

Auch Aristoteles’ Einwendungen gegen die Annahme, dass der Himmel durch die Seele in Bewegung gesetzt werde, sollen nicht auf Plato gemünzt sein; dass die Seele nach Aristoteles unbewegt ist, nach Plato sich selbst bewegt, soll das Gleiche bedeuten; dass Plato die Welt geworden nennt, Aristoteles ungeworden, verträgt sich ganz gut miteinander: Jener behauptet, sie sei aus einer höheren Ursache hervorgegangen, dieser leugnet, dass sie in der Zeit entstanden sei.

Ähnlich verfährt Simplicius überhaupt, um den Widerstreit seiner zwei großen philosophischen Autoritäten zu beseitigen: Wo ein solcher vorzuliegen scheint, darf Aristoteles immer nur eine unrichtige und fassbare Auffassung Platos, nicht seine eigentliche Meinung angreifen. Selbst der aristotelischen Kritik pythagoreischer und parmenideischer Lehren lässt er die gleiche Entschuldigung zugutekommen; und wurden einmal die alten Philosophen in solchem Maße ins Neuplatonische umgedeutet, wie er es gewohnt ist, so konnte er allerdings den Einwürfen des Aristoteles gegen sie nicht Recht geben.

Er folgt hier durchaus der Richtung, welche ihm seine Vorgänger bezeichnet hatten, und auch im Einzelnen wohl großenteils den Annahmen seiner Lehrer. Auch sonst ist kaum etwas Eigentümliches bei ihm zu finden. Er wiederholt und verteidigt die Lehren seiner Schule, aber er hat für ihre Weiterbildung nichts Erhebliches geleistet, wie diese auch bei einem schon so lange bestehenden und nach allen Seiten hin ausgeführten System ohne Umbau des Ganzen nicht wohl möglich war.

Auch seine ausführliche Erörterung über den Raum ergibt nur unerhebliche Zusätze zu den Bestimmungen des Damascius; und wenn er hinsichtlich der Zeit der von diesem versuchten Annahme einer in jedem Augenblick ganz gegenwärtigen Zeit mit Recht widerspricht, so nähert er sich ihr doch wieder durch eine kaum weniger unklare Unterscheidung zwischen der urbildlichen und der aus ihr abgeleiteten Zeit: Jene soll den Dingen, die in der Zeit sind, als die Ursache ihres Zeitlebens vorangehen, welche den Verlauf desselben messe und ordne und ihn ebendamit zu einem zeitlichen mache.

Um schließlich noch seine Ansicht über den Nous zu erwähnen, so bemüht er sich zwar, die verschiedenen Beziehungen, in denen dieser bei Aristoteles vorkommt, mittels der neuplatonischen Lehre vom Verhältnis des Niedrigeren zum Höheren begreiflich zu machen; doch gelingt es ihm nicht, über die an sich dunkle Sache dadurch ein neues Licht zu verbreiten.

Er ist ein höchst achtungswerter Gelehrter, er ist auch als Philosoph kein bloßer Nachtreter der Früheren, aber er ist doch nicht mehr als der denkende Bearbeiter einer gegebenen und in allen wesentlichen Beziehungen zu ihrem Abschluss gekommenen Lehre. [the entire entry p. 910-914]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/c2H67ey2uKL9hou

Simplicius, 2020
By: Helmig, Christoph, Zalta, Edward N. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2020
Published in	The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Helmig, Christoph
Editor(s)	Zalta, Edward N.
Translator(s)

Simplicius’ commentaries have only recently been studied with an eye to his own philosophical views. He was long considered a mere source for Greek philosophy, and, as noted by Baltussen (2010: 714),

Simplicius’ importance as a source for ancient Greek philosophy and science has long overshadowed his contributions as an independent thinker.

Nineteenth-century Quellenforschung was especially interested in his Commentary on the Physics, which was edited in two volumes (Simplicii in Aristotelis Physicorum libros quattuor priores/quattuor posteriores, comprising almost 1500 pages) by Hermann Diels; this commentary served as the basis for Diels’ edition of the Doxographi Graeci (Greek Doxographers), which includes the main doctrines on natural philosophy according to ancient doxographical compendia.

One of the aims of this entry is to emphasise that Simplicius’ writings have much more to offer than a mere doxography of his predecessors—but always bearing in mind that it is only possible to appreciate how Simplicius arranges and interprets the material at his disposal by duly attending to his Neoplatonic agenda. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/sum2020/entries/simplicius/

Simplicius (fl. first half of 6th century AD), 1998
By: Wildberg, Christian, Craig, Edward (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius (fl. first half of 6th century AD)
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1998
Published in	Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 8)
Pages	788-791
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)	Craig, Edward
Translator(s)

Simplicius of Cilicia, a Greek Neoplatonic philosopher and polymath, lived in the eastern part of the Roman Empire. He is the author of the most learned commentaries on Aristotle produced in antiquity, works which rest upon the accumulated accomplishments of ancient Greek philosophy and science. In them he gives numerous illuminating references and explanations that not only lead to a fuller understanding of Aristotle, but also allow one to reconstruct the history of the interpretation and criticism of Aristotelian doctrines in antiquity.  The main principle that guides Simplicius’ exegesis is the conviction that most Greek philosophers, including some Presocratics, can be brought into agreement with Neoplatonism. Simplicius adduces copious quotations to prove his point, thereby supplying us with substantial fragments from lost works of thinkers like Parmenides, Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Eudemus and the Stoics. A devout pagan, Simplicius sought to defend traditional Greek religion and philosophy against the oppressive dominance of Christianity. His commentaries have influenced the reception and interpretation of Aristotle’s philosophy ever since. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XZqDDiQkn8uEw2C

Simplicius - Commentaire sur le "Manuel" d'Épictète, 1995
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius - Commentaire sur le "Manuel" d'Épictète
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1995
Publication Place	Leiden – New York – Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua
Volume	66
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

The significance of Simplicius' commentary lies in the fact that it is a Neoplatonist interpretation of a Stoic text. This volume presents the first critical edition based on all the known manuscripts of this work and offers, in contrast to the edition of Schweighäuser (1800) and the recapitulation of this edition by Dübner (1840), a text which is more complete and improved. A long introduction places the work in the philosophical and historical context of its time and characterises it as a spiritual exercise. The edition is preceded by a summary of the history of the text. [authors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EkcAbzO7PVRNnwx

Simplicius and Aristotle's Dialectic, 2023
By: Baltussen, Han, Muzala, Melina (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius and Aristotle's Dialectic
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2023
Published in	Ancient Greek Dialectic and Its Reception
Pages	441-456
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Muzala, Melina
Translator(s)

The focus of this chapter is one aspect of Aristotle’s dialectic which has been
under-explored until recently and may throw some light on the approach of the
late Platonist philosopher and scholar Simplicius (c. 480–c. 540 CE), in particular
his Aristotelian tendencies when it comes to constructing his huge commentaries.
I am referring to one of the possible applications of the dialectical method as
sketched by Aristotle in his first and eighth books of the Topics. In my previous
work I have been studying this aspect of Aristotle’s methodology, emphasizing
the important distinction between propaedeutic and applied dialectic. At the core of those efforts was an attempt to show how one can take Aristotle’s claims
for a scientific use of dialectic seriously, so long as we have a proper understanding of the status of propaedeutic dialectic as it is expounded in his Topics (school practice and exercises) against the applied form of (evolved) dialectic which goes far beyond this early form, debating skills which have become transformed into an internalized form of dialectic. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qrKKk0yO57h5GCh

Simplicius and Avicenna on the Essential Corporeity of Material Substance, 2001
By: Stone, Abraham D., Wisnovsky, Robert (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius and Avicenna on the Essential Corporeity of Material Substance
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2001
Published in	Aspects of Avicenna
Pages	73-130
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Stone, Abraham D.
Editor(s)	Wisnovsky, Robert
Translator(s)

Both Avicenna and Simplicius, moreover, introduce terminology—“corporeal form,” “indeterminate dimensions,” “deviation”—that is neither Aristotelian nor even Plotinian. The conceptual radicalness can be summed up by saying that both of these solutions reduce corporeity, in the relevant sense, to something extremely abstract. Both refuse to identify it with any of the familiar and easily picturable properties of bodies (extension, volume, surface, three-dimensionality, rigidity, resistance, inertia, weight).

This resort to a high degree of conceptual abstraction and interpretative independence reflects both the extreme difficulty of the metaphysical problems and the strong pressure to achieve systematically maintainable solutions where such fundamental issues are at stake. The two solutions agree to a great extent in detail.

The abstract property with which both Simplicius and Avicenna wish to identify corporeity is divisibility or partibility: the potency or aptitude by which a material substance, one in actu, is at the same time potentially many. The difference between them is subtle. Avicenna thinks of corporeity, roughly speaking, as the kind of unity (ultimately: substantial unity) that possesses such divisibility. He therefore identifies corporeity with a certain substantial form.

Simplicius, on the other hand, thinks of corporeity as the privation by which an enmattered substantial form “deviates” from its intelligible archetype—i.e., by which it deviates from true unity and true being. He therefore identifies corporeity with matter.

Both solutions are relatively tenable within their own systematic contexts; neither, however, could likely survive transplantation to the other system. Simplicius’ solution ultimately relies on a full-blown Neoplatonic theory of emanation that Avicenna does not share, while Avicenna’s depends on his non-Neoplatonic views about essential and accidental properties and about the coexistence of multiple substantial forms in a single composite substance.
[conclusion p. 113-114]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GJWf1yj79pw3EdQ

Simplicius and Iamblichus on Shape (μορφή), 2018
By: Schwark, Marina

Title	Simplicius and Iamblichus on Shape (μορφή)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2018
Journal	Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale
Volume	29
Pages	59
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schwark, Marina
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The present article examines how Simplicius and Iamblichus conceive of the quality shape  (μορφή) and its relation to other qualities. As Simplicius’ commentary on Categories 8 shows, Simplicius follows Iamblichus in almost all aspects of his analysis. In particular,Simplicius shares Iamblichus’ assumption that shape is ultimately caused by intelligibleprinciples. Yet, Simplicius departs from Iamblichus’ position by asserting that shape isconstituted by figure, color, and perhaps even other qualities. Iamblichus opposes thisview, presumably because he takes it to interfere with his own metaphysical explanationof shape.  Simplicius,  however,  suggests  that  his  claim  is  in  accord  with  Iamblichus’assumptions.  In  his  attempt  to  harmonize  the  ’constitution  thesis with  Iamblichus’theory of intelligible principles, Simplicius relies on the notion of  σύλληψισς. He argues that shape  as  a common conjunction (κοινὴ σύλληψις)  includes, the other qualities  inquestion, albeit as its parts or elements different from itself. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vLFTw1MUlOcJyPx

Simplicius and James of Viterbo on Propensities, 2009
By: Côté, Antoine

Title	Simplicius and James of Viterbo on Propensities
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2009
Journal	Vivarium
Volume	47
Issue	1
Pages	24-53
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Côté, Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The paper examines Simplicius's doctrine of propensities (epitedeioteis ) in his commen- 
tary on Aristotles Categories and follows its application by the late thirteenth century theologian and philosopher James of Viterbo to problems relating to the causes of 
volition, intellection and natural change. Although he uses Aristotelian terminology and means his doctrine to conflict minimally with those of Aristode, James s doctrine of propensities really constitutes an attempt to provide a technically rigorous dressing to his Augustinián and Boethian convictions. Central to Jamess procedure is his rejection, following Henry of Ghent, of the principle that "everything that is moved is moved by another". James uses Simplicius' doctrine of propensities as a means of extending the rejection of that principle, which Henry had limited to the case of the will, to cognitive operations and natural change. The result is a theory of cognition and volition that sees the soul as the principal cause of its own acts, and a theory of natural change that minimizes the causal impact of external agents. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/B1zH6E24s1mChA1

Simplicius and Philoponus on the Authority of Aristotle, 2016
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Falcon, Andrea (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius and Philoponus on the Authority of Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Brill’ Companion to the Reception of Aristotle in Antiquity
Pages	419-438
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Falcon, Andrea
Translator(s)

Simplicius of Cilicia and John Philoponus of Alexandria share many common features but differ in one most important respect: their interpretation of Aristotle. They were contemporaries and both attended the seminars of Ammonius, son of Hermias, in Alexandria. Ammonius (died shortly before AD 517) was a Neoplatonist who focused his teaching more on Aristotle than on Plato, and it was presumably under his influence that both Simplicius and Philoponus commented on Aristotle and not on Plato. Throughout their commentaries, however, one is guided to radically opposing interpretations of Aristotle’s philosophy.

Simplicius endeavored to establish Aristotle not only as an unshakable authority in philosophy of language and natural philosophy but also as a philosopher who fully shared with Plato knowledge of the divine truth (i.e., the truth about the first realities of the cosmos: the Soul, the Intelligence, and the One). Philoponus, on the other hand, rejected Aristotle as an authority, countered many of his arguments in his Aristotelian commentaries, and openly opposed Aristotle in his treatise On the Eternity of the World against Aristotle. One should abstain, however, from thinking in a simplistic manner of Simplicius as the “traditionalist” and of Philoponus as the “modernist.”

Philoponus seems to have fully accepted the authority of Moses while commenting on Genesis, and the fully equal rank that Simplicius granted to Aristotle and Plato was a novelty within the Neoplatonic tradition. Both philosophers, we might say, served a religious purpose by using a philosophical method; they both had recourse to philosophical exegesis, the former in order to demolish Hellenic authorities and establish the truth of Christianity, mainly its doctrine of creationism, the latter in order to defend Hellenism as a unitary and perennial system of thought. [introduction p. 419-420]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TO7oBHK7aGfz4Zy

Simplicius and others on Aristotle’s discussions of reason, 1988
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Duffy, John (Ed.), Peradotto, John J. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius and others on Aristotle’s discussions of reason
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1988
Published in	Gonimos: Neoplatonic and Byzantine Studies presented to Leendert G. Westerink at 75
Pages	103-119
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Duffy, John , Peradotto, John J.
Translator(s)

What  I  want to  do  in  this paper is to look at how Aristotle’s 
successors  treated  some  points  in  his  discussions  of reason,  and  in 
particular  the  discussion  in  the  De anima. bout  their  handling  of 
relevant  parts  of the  Nichomachaean Ethics we  know very little, for 
unlike the De anima that treatise was not a major subject of study in 
the  philosophical  lectures  and  seminars  of late  antiquity.  Though a 
commentary on some of it had been written by Aspasius, and notes by 
other,  probably  pre-Neoplatonic,  hands  survive,8  exposition  of the 
Nicomachean Ethics seems to have been one of the gaps that the group 
of Aristotelians around Anna Comnena in twelfth-century Constantinople felt that they needed to fill. [pp. 104 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fYDdU8vNuJj4BJd

Simplicius and the Commentator's Task: Clarifying Exegeses and Exegetical Techniques, 2019
By: Baltussen, Han, Strobel, Benedikt (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius and the Commentator's Task: Clarifying Exegeses and Exegetical Techniques
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2019
Published in	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Pages	159-183
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Strobel, Benedikt
Translator(s)

Simplicius’ exegetical strategies are explicitly and implicitly formed by what he was reading. What we still have shows him reading Aristotle and
his interpreters. His isolation resulting from Justinian’s prohibition on pagan teaching activity may have contributed to the length of his expositions – which makes it plausible, therefore, that both historical and ideological reasons help to explain the size and approach of his works. In broad terms, we can characterise his method as close reading of texts, the use of multiple texts
and authors, based on lemmata and an overall mixed agenda (pedagogy, philosophy, ideology). At a more detailed level we saw that he is capable of
handling text variations and different manuscripts, speaks in a self-effacing way (a personal voice is rare), and uses advanced exegetical strategies (majority views important; letter vs. spirit; technical terminology). All these features
justify the conclusion that his work was a synthesis of both philosophical views and their exegetical clarifications. Overall, Simplicius’ aim to annotate Aristotle’s work and preserve Greek philosophy with its exegetical tradition makes for a truly polymathic program driven by different, and sometimes competing, agendas. [conclusion, p. 180]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/A73Tqj9a5m6hmAe

Simplicius and the Early History of Greek Planetary Theory , 2002
By: Bowen, Alan C.

Title	Simplicius and the Early History of Greek Planetary Theory
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Perspectives on Science
Volume	10
Issue	2
Pages	155–167
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bowen, Alan C.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In earlier work, Bernard R. Goldstein and the present author have introduced a procedural rule for historical inquiry, which requires that one take pains to establish the credibility of any citation of ancient thought by later writers in antiquity through a process of verification. In this paper, I shall apply what I call the Rule of Ancient Citations to Simplicius’ interpretation of Aristotle’s remarks in Metaphysics Λ.8, which is the primary point of departure for the modern understanding of Greek planetary theory. I first sketch several lines of argument that lead me to conclude that Simplicius’ interpretation should not be accepted because it assumes a concern with planetary phenomena unknown to the Greeks before the late 2nd and early 1st centuries BC. Then, after showing that there is a fairly well-defined range of readings of Aristotle’s remarks more in keeping with what we actually know of astronomy in the 5th and 4th centuries BC, I conclude that neither Aristotle’s report about the Eudoxan and Callippan accounts of the celestial motions nor Simplicius’ interpretation of this report is a good starting point for our understanding of early Greek planetary theory.
[author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nWG5h8vz9dCXgZc

Simplicius and the Subversion of Authority, 2010
By: Baltussen, Han

Title	Simplicius and the Subversion of Authority
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	Antiquorum Philosophial
Volume	3
Pages	121-136
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

That this was not always done by head-on confrontation may be explained by the historical situation he found himself in: firstly, he had to cope with an immensely learned and copious tradition, a task which he took on with considerable courage and resourcefulness; secondly, he was forced to choose a defensive line of argument with respect to the presentation of pagan philosophy in a world that had been taken over by Christianity. This circumstance contributed importantly to his predicament and the ensuing strategy. As I concluded in my summing up of his methodology: "In trying to defend the Platonist point of view in contradistinction to the Christian outlook, he uses polemic to persuade and refute, and comprehensive exegesis to clarify and proselytize."

The extent to which he is seen to dissent would need further confirmation, but the preliminary evidence suggests that it is in proportion to the difficult balancing act forced upon him by his historical position. Philosophically, he is a seventh-generation Platonist since Plotinus taught his new doctrine, and ideologically, he finds himself "surrounded" by an increasingly hostile world. Given the sheer amount of material canvassed and processed, it is a miracle he managed to express a personal view at all. As the works stand, he does so cautiously and judiciously. In his modus operandi, he comes close to the ideal commentator outlined in In Cat. 7.23–32, with the added bonus that he offers quotations to support his arguments.

A partial explanation for his "cautious" comments, offered as muted disagreement, could be that criticizing fellow Platonists too strongly might weaken one’s overall position. A final peculiarity also hints at his ability to take a more objective stance: Simplicius occasionally adopts a detached view of the Platonists, referring to them as "the Platonists do this or that," as if he were not to be counted among them. This coincides with his unusually comprehensive scope of source analysis, an approach which was bound to produce tensions and hence difficulties in presenting a unified picture of the philosophical tradition, whether it was meant to be Greek (a wide perspective) or Platonist (a narrow perspective).

It can be concluded, therefore, that respect for authority can go hand in hand with criticism and dissent in Simplicius, without jeopardizing the fundamental tenets of Platonism. [conclusion p. 133]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YpEQGyC0xI7815g

Simplicius as a Source for and an Interpreter of Parmenides, 1983
By: Perry, Bruce M.

Title	Simplicius as a Source for and an Interpreter of Parmenides
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1983
Publication Place	University of Washington
Series	Ph.D. Dissertation
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Perry, Bruce M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius, a Neoplatonist of the sixth century, wrote extensive commentaries on Aristotle's works, with his commentary on Physics I being of particular significance for the history of ancient philosophy. In this commentary, Simplicius aimed to demonstrate the harmony of doctrines presented by the Presocratic philosophers, both in the physical and metaphysical realms. However, his work has been largely overlooked, partly due to the dominance of the Vorsokratiker collection as the standard source for Presocratic material. This neglect is also attributed to Simplicius being a late Neoplatonist and a commentator, which led to simplistic assessments of his interpretations. Despite being dismissed as derivative and his interpretations considered anachronistic, Simplicius' commentaries and quotations of the Presocratic authors are valuable sources for understanding their philosophies. His work cannot be separated from his interpretations, and their examination can provide important insights into the context and focus of the Presocratics' ideas. While Simplicius employs Neoplatonic concepts in his interpretations, dismissing them solely on this basis overlooks the depth and philological rigor present in his work. Rejecting his interpretations on these grounds may hinder a comprehensive understanding of the Presocratic philosophers and their contributions to ancient philosophy. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/oMg5HcpRdXBRWKI

Simplicius de Cilicie, 2016
By: Goulet, Richard, Coda, Elisa, Goulet, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius de Cilicie
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2016
Published in	Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol. VI: de Sabinillus à Tyrsénos
Pages	341-394
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Goulet, Richard , Coda, Elisa
Editor(s)	Goulet, Richard
Translator(s)

Philosophe et commentateur néoplatonicien, disciple d’Ammonius à Alexandrie, puis de Damascius à Athènes.

La notice a été rédigée par Richard Goulet (informations biographiques et œuvres) et Elisa Coda (In De caelo et In Physica : Simplicius dans la tradition arabe). Par souci de cohérence, la numérotation des références propre à chacune de ces deux parties a été conservée.

Simplicius fait depuis quelques dizaines d’années l’objet de vifs débats. Des contributions importantes, faites notamment dans des colloques dont les actes n’ont pas encore été publiés, n’ont pu être prises en compte dans la présente notice. Mme I. Hadot, en collaboration avec Ph. Vallat, a rédigé une longue mise au point (de plus de 160 pages) sur l’ensemble des problèmes soulevés par Simplicius : il est apparu que cette importante contribution ne pouvait pas être publiée sous la forme d’une notice de ce dictionnaire et qu’il était préférable de la faire paraître ailleurs, dans son intégralité et sous son format originel.

Son riche contenu ne sera donc malheureusement pas pris en compte dans la rédaction de la présente notice. L’ouvrage est maintenant paru : Ilsetraut Hadot, Le néoplatonicien Simplicius à la lumière des recherches contemporaines. Un bilan critique. Avec deux contributions de Philippe Vallat, coll. « Academia Philosophical Studies » 48, Sankt Augustin, 2014, 309 p.

Des astérisques dans le texte annoncent des ajouts ponctuels dans les compléments du présent tome. [introduction p. 341]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0VMZHkLRvtbfenF

Simplicius de anima 146. 21, 1922
By: Shorey, Paul

Title	Simplicius de anima 146. 21
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1922
Journal	Classical Philology
Volume	17
Issue	2
Pages	143-144
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Shorey, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Note on Simplicius de anima 146. 21

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pOLcHui33vJaEz1

Simplicius et l'Infini, 2014
By: Soulier, Philippe

Title	Simplicius et l'Infini
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2014
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Les Belles Lettres
Series	Anagoge
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Soulier, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Comment penser la presence de l'infini dans la phenomenalite du monde fini? Comment articuler l'affirmation de la finitude du monde et celle de l'infinie puissance de son principe, en dehors de toute cosmogonie creationniste? Redige a la fin de l'Antiquite, le Commentaire a la Physique d'Aristote du au philosophe neoplatonicien Simplicius offre une reponse a ces questions. Il montre comment l'analyse du monde fini, tel qu'il est donne dans l'experience phenomenale, permet d'y decouvrir l'inscription d'une puissance d'un autre ordre. Il fait meme de la reconnaissance de cette puissance une condition d'acces a l'intelligibilite du devenir. Le present ouvrage propose une mise en perspective de l'histoire du probleme de l'infini (apeiron) dans la philosophie grecque antique, a travers l'etude de la mutation du sens et de la valeur accordes a ce concept dans le Commentaire de Simplicius (In Physicam, III, 4-8). Toutefois, ce texte n'est pas simplement situe comme un document d'etape. Certes, on y dechiffre le symptome d'un puissant mouvement historique de transition spirituelle: a partir d'un illimite negativement connote depuis le tournant parmenidien, celle-ci debouchera, par le relais de la philosophie medievale, sur l'idee moderne d'une infinite positive. Mais le passage de l'illimite a l'infini designe encore un mouvement anagogique interne a la demarche meme de l'exegese de Simplicius. De fait, la critique aristotelicienne du faux infini engendre par la representation y est interpretee comme une preparation a la celebration d'une infinite expressive de la puissance de l'Un, laquelle deploie sa fecondite depuis l'ordre intelligible jusqu'au devenir sublunaire. Appuyee sur des traductions inedites de textes de Simplicius, mais aussi de Jamblique, de Syrianus et de Proclus, cette enquete excede le seul spectre doctrinal du platonisme depuis Plotin. Outre le destin de pensees presocratiques comme celles d'Anaxagore et des Pythagoriciens, elle interroge egalement le statut problematique de la doctrine orale attribuee a Platon, le moyen platonisme, le pythagorisme hellenistique - et au premier chef la philosophie aristotelicienne elle-meme. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JrD8HJm6kzr3RyC

Simplicius et l'école' éléate, 1987
By: Cordero, Néstor-Luis, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius et l'école' éléate
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	166-182
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cordero, Néstor-Luis
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

This text discusses the concept of the Eleatic school of philosophy, which is attributed to the philosophers Parmenides and Xenophanes. The author argues that the school may not have actually existed as a unified movement, but rather was an invention to help classify the philosophical systems of ancient Greece. The author discusses the historical development of the Eleatic school from Plato to Simplicius and analyzes the presentation of the four Eleatic philosophers by Simplicius. The author concludes that Simplicius, like Plato and Aristotle before him, considers Parmenides to be the central figure of the Eleatic school. The text also examines the reasons why the Eleatic school has been characterized as monistic, and argues that this may be due to a misinterpretation of the works of Parmenides and Melissus. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TmkANfK25JZ4wfH

Simplicius et le “lieu”. À propos d’une nouvelle édition du Corollarium de loco, 2014
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Hoffmann, Philippe

Title	Simplicius et le “lieu”. À propos d’une nouvelle édition du Corollarium de loco
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2014
Journal	Revue des Études Grecques
Volume	127
Issue	1
Pages	119-175
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis , Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The digression labelled “Corollarium de loco” by Hermann Diels in his edition of Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics (Commentaria  in Aristotelem  Graeca, IX, Berlin  1882) is a key text in the debate - often referred to by specialists as magna quaestio -  generated by an apparent lack of consistency between Aristotle’s definition of ‘place’ (topos) as “the first unmoved boundary 
of the surrounding body”  (Phys. IV, 4, 212 a 20-21) and his assertion that the Heaven moves in a circle while not being ‘somewhere’, since it is not surrounded by  any  body that  would be  exterior to it.  Following the  steps of his  master Damascius, and at the end of a long discussion initiated by Neoplatonists after Plotinus (principally by Iamblichus, Proclus and Syrianus), Simplicius replaces Aristotle’s definition with a new definition of place as a “gathering (or uniting) measure” (metron sunagôgon), which is one of the four “measures” (number, size, place, time) or gathering powers that protect the intelligible and sensible 
entities against the dangers of the dispersion related to the procession of reality. This doctrine places physics in a decidedly theological perspective since, in last analysis, these uniting powers derive from the One or Good per  se. Our understanding of this crucial text for our knowledge of the Neoplatonic philosophy of 
Nature will be improved thanks to a new critical edition (with French translation and notes), to be published soon in the collection “Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca and Byzantina” (by Walter de Gruyter) under the auspices of the Academy 
of Sciences of Bcrlin-Brandenburg. The new edition is based not only on a fresh collation of the two manuscripts used by Diels (Marciani  graeci 227 and 229) but also on a Moscow manuscript (Mosquensis Muz. 3649) unknown to the German scholar, since it belonged during the nineteenth century to a private Russian 
collection. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CopNdLIRs5QEoZb

Simplicius in Thirteenth-Century Paris: A Question, 2015
By: Bowen, Alan C., Holmes, Brooke (Ed.), Fischer, Klaus-Dietrich (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius in Thirteenth-Century Paris: A Question
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2015
Published in	The Frontiers of Ancient Science: Essays in Honor of Heinrich von Staden
Pages	67-73
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bowen, Alan C.
Editor(s)	Holmes, Brooke , Fischer, Klaus-Dietrich
Translator(s)

The debate in the sixth century between the Christian philosopher JohnPhiloponus and the Platonist philosopher Simplicius about whether the cosmos was created or eternal was of momentous importance not only to their understanding of the world and of the means to salvation from its trials but also to their views of what astronomical science was and how it should proceed in making its arguments. This brief chapter outlines this debate and then explores the main lines of attack to be taken in determining how Thomas Aquinas, who was supplied by William of Moerbeke with a translation of the text in which Simplicius responds to Philoponus, dealt with Simplicius’ reading of Aristotle in advancing a vigorous polemic against his Christian faith. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rIm87BQ2FbfPk81

Simplicius lecteur du Sophiste. Contribution à l’étude de l’exégèse néoplatonicienne, 2007
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine

Title	Simplicius lecteur du Sophiste. Contribution à l’étude de l’exégèse néoplatonicienne
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2007
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Klincksieck
Series	Etudes & commentaires
Volume	108
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Ce livre explore la methode et l'interpretation du Sophiste par Simplicius, en tant qu'elles illustrent l'exegese neoplatonicienne tardive et entrainent une restauration de la lettre du texte. A partir d'un corpus issu des commentaires (largement inedit en francais), Marc-Antoine Gavray reconstruit la lecture de Simplicius et la met en regard avec celles de Plotin, de Proclus et de Damascius. Il en ressort une exegese attentive, digne d'accompagner le lecteur moderne dans sa comprehension de Platon. [a.a]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/L6skhmRNm3vvMA0

Simplicius of Cilicia, 2011
By: Baltussen, Han, Gerson, Lloyd P. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius of Cilicia
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2011
Published in	The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume II
Pages	711-732
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Translator(s)

The expulsion of Platonists from Athens in 532 CE after Justinian’s ban on pagan teaching ended school activities in 529 CE (Malalas Chronicle 18.47), the cross-references between the extant works, and the lack of evidence after 540 CE suggest that his lifespan roughly spans 480–560 CE. Allusive comments in a discussion of the role of the philosopher in the city in his commentary on Epictetus (In Epict. 32.65.30–9 D., with reference to Plato Rep. 496d) make it probable that he wrote that commentary before the others, while still in Athens, as does his mention of the oppressive situation in Athens (ibid., epilogue). His personal note on friendship (In Epict. 87.39–44/354 Hadot) indicates that he experienced help from friends who looked after his family while he was away, but we cannot establish the nature and date of this event.

There has been much debate and speculation about where he might have gone after the trip to Persia with Damascius and other colleagues (531 CE), when the hope of an ideal state under a "philosopher-king," the enlightened ruler Chosroes I (Khusrau), was not fulfilled. However, the issue has not been resolved so far. The treaty of 532 with Justinian apparently had a clause added to guarantee the safety of the pagan philosophers, but it is not easy to see how guarantees could have been given. Simplicius may have stayed in Harran (i.e., Carrhae) in Syria near the border of, and inside, the Persian Empire as a safe haven for non-Christians. Tardieu (1987) has made a strong case to this effect on the basis of references to local features (rafts made of inflated animal skins typical for the Euphrates and different types of calendars found in Harran). The Harranians certainly received special treatment from Chosroes for retaining their paganism (Procopius Wars 2.13.7).

Others have suggested he may have returned to Athens and worked there in isolation (Alexandria has been ruled out because of its volatile political conditions). Wherever he was, his richly sourced works suggest he had access to a sizeable library. Tardieu’s further thesis, argued with great ingenuity, that Harran had a continuing presence of a Platonic school into Arabic and medieval times cannot be proven fully beyond the seventh century and has met with objections. The account of their travels by Agathias is clearly biased, and some details of the Persia episode have raised suspicion about this tale of Greek missionary zeal and Persian enlightenment.

There are also three epigrams in praise of Simplicius confirming his reputation as rhetor and philosopher (180), acknowledging his elucidations of the Categories (181) and the Physics (182) of Aristotle. Finally, a distich found in a manuscript (codex Ambrosianus 306) confirms his authorship of the In Cat. and seems to have been added by a scribe as an apotropaic since he had accused the "divine Iamblichus" of inconsistency. [introduction p. 711-712]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PftkJOubxPYtz2C

Simplicius of Cilicia: Plato's last interpreter, 2018
By: Gabor, Gary, Tarrant, Harold (Ed.), Renaud, François (Ed.), Baltzly, Dirk (Ed.), Layne, Danielle A. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius of Cilicia: Plato's last interpreter
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	Brill's Companion to the Reception of Plato in Antiquity
Pages	569-579
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gabor, Gary
Editor(s)	Tarrant, Harold , Renaud, François , Baltzly, Dirk , Layne, Danielle A.
Translator(s)

But I hope to have given some considerations as to why close attention to how Simplicius reads Plato repays the effort, and why the last Platonist of antiquity should be seen at least as an important partner in our interpretation of Plato today—as he is also seen to be when it comes to Plato's student, Aristotle. [conclusion p. 579]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/y0tbmepvoUs8Xf5

Simplicius of Kilikia, 2008
By: Baltussen, Han, Keyser, Paul T. (Ed.), Irby-Massie, Georgia L. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius of Kilikia
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2008
Published in	The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientist. The Greek tradition and its many heirs
Pages	743-745
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Keyser, Paul T. , Irby-Massie, Georgia L.
Translator(s)

He preserves important material from early sources on astronomy and mathematics (Eudemus, Eudoxus) and meteorology (Poseidonius, from Geminus’ summary) and enhances our understanding of ancient physics through Aristotle and other thinkers.

With Plotinus, the focus of Platonists became increasingly otherworldly, though without fully rejecting nature. While the physical world was of secondary importance, their analysis of physics remained highly relevant. Their perspective was both religious and philosophical: a deeper understanding of, and respect for, creation was seen as a form of worshiping God and an aid to achieving their ultimate goal, the “return” to God.

In explicating Aristotle’s philosophy, Neo-Platonists used commentaries as a vehicle for philosophical and scientific thought, and studying Aristotle served as preparation for studying the works of Plato within the Neo-Platonic curriculum. Simplicius paraphrases and clarifies Aristotle’s dense prose, further developing problems and themes from his own Neo-Platonic perspective, harmonizing Plato and Aristotle whenever possible. His claim that he adds little is partly a topos, partly an expression of respect and acknowledgment of belonging to a tradition; however, this does not exclude originality.

On scientific issues, Simplicius believed that advances were being made (e.g., Physics Commentary, Corollary on Place: CAG 9 [1882] 625.2, cf. 795.33-35). He himself significantly altered Aristotle’s cosmological account, incorporating post-Aristotelian reactions both inside and outside the Peripatetic tradition. The rotation of the sphere of fire, for instance, is called “supernatural.” Starting from criticisms by the Peripatetic Xenarchus and a suggestion by Origen (the 3rd-century Platonizing Christian), he reinterprets Aristotle’s theory, making the fifth element (aither) influence the motion of fire, whereas Aristotle considered fire to rotate according to its natural inclination.

Simplicius also refers to an objection, found in Alexander of Aphrodisias, that the rotation of transparent spheres could not explain the occasional proximity of some planets. Like his teacher Ammonius, he transformed Aristotle’s thinking-god into a creator-god (following Plato’s Timaeus). He famously polemicized against Philoponus on the eternity of the world.
Contributions to the Concepts of Time and Place

His most original contributions concern time and place. On place, which Aristotle regarded as a two-dimensional surface, Simplicius follows Theophrastus’ criticism, arguing for a dynamic rather than a static concept. Together with Damascius, he ascribes to place the power to arrange the parts of the world, which is viewed as an “organism” with “members.” Iamblichus had already postulated that place holds things together, giving each thing a unique position that moves with it. Simplicius and Damascius maintain that place organizes the world’s members (e.g., Corollary on Place, pp. 636.8-13, 637.25-30), but Simplicius rejects Damascius’ idea that measure—a kind of mold (tupos) into which the organism should fit—determines size and arrangement. Instead, Simplicius argues that each thing has a unique place (idios topos) that moves along with it (Corollary on Place p. 629.8-12).

A second excursus (in Book 4 of the Physics Commentary: CAG 9, pp. 773-800) addresses the problem of time. Aristotle had dismissed the paradoxes regarding time’s existence, arguing that since its parts do not exist independently, time itself cannot exist. The Neo-Platonists, however, distinguished between higher and lower time, with the former being “above change” (Iamblichus). The higher kind is immune to paradox, while the lower kind is a stretch of time between two instants. Simplicius reports Damascius’ solution but only agrees that time exists as something that continuously comes into being and is divisible only in thought.

In his discussion on the continuum (Physics 6), he adds his own argument: time is infinite, without beginning or end, if viewed as a cycle.
Possible Medical Writings

Some evidence suggests that Simplicius wrote a commentary on a Hippocratic work. The Fihrist (an Arabic bibliography) mentions a lost work, and Abu Bakr al-Razi (al-Hawi, v. 13, p. 159.9) names Simplicius as a commentator on On Fractures (Peri Agmon), known in Arabic as Kitab al-Kasr or Kitab al-Jabr (“On Setting [Bones]”). [the entire text p. 743-745]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0UokyY5QmcTIDJB

Simplicius on Aristotle Physics 1-8: General Introduction to the 12 Volumes of Translations, 2022
By: Menn, Stephen Philip

Title	Simplicius on Aristotle Physics 1-8: General Introduction to the 12 Volumes of Translations
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2022
Publication Place	London; New York
Publisher	Bloomsbury Publishing
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Menn, Stephen Philip
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

 Supporting the twelve volumes of translation of Simplicius' great commentary on Aristotle's Physics, all published by Bloomsbury in the Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series, between 1992 and 2021, this volume presents a general introduction to the commentary. It covers the philosophical aims of Simplicius' commentaries on the Physics and the related text On the Heaven; Simplicius' methods and his use of earlier sources; and key themes and comparison with Philoponus' commentary on the same text. Simplicius treats the Physics as a universal study of the principles of all natural things underlying the account of the cosmos in On the Heaven. In both treatises, he responds at every stage to the now lost Peripatetic commentaries of Alexander of Aphrodisias, which set Aristotle in opposition to Plato and to earlier thinkers such as Parmenides, Empedocles and Anaxagoras. On each passage, Simplicius after going through Alexander's commentary raises difficulties for the text of Aristotle as interpreted by Alexander. Then, after making observations about details of the text, and often going back to a direct reading of the older philosophers (for whom he is now often our main source, as he is for Alexander's commentary), he proposes his own solution to the difficulties, introduced with a modest 'perhaps', which reads Aristotle as in harmony with Plato and earlier thinkers. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kaEI6zadYuqduKC

Simplicius on Categories 1a16–17 and 1b25–27: An Examination of the Interests of Ancient and Modern Commentary on the Categories, 2014
By: Almeida, Joseph

Title	Simplicius on Categories 1a16–17 and 1b25–27: An Examination of the Interests of Ancient and Modern Commentary on the Categories
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Quaestiones Disputatae
Volume	4
Issue	2
Pages	73-99
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Almeida, Joseph
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

We may gather these observations into several points.

First, Simplicius’s commentary on the Categories shows, not surprisingly, the influence of the great Neoplatonic spiritual odyssey of return to first principles. The final prayer offered at the termination of his commentary is a stunning testimony to the power which this spiritual program exerted on the ancient commentators:

"I stop my discourse, invoking the Guardians of the Logoi to grant me a more accurate understanding of these matters and to favor me with this understanding as a viaticum toward higher contemplations and to provide me leisure from the distractions of life."

For Simplicius, commentary on Aristotle could never be wholly separated from this overarching spiritual purpose. In at least one of the passages considered above, this influence manifested itself in an attempt to elucidate Aristotle’s text as the lesser mysteries on route to the higher. As this program and its consequences are central to the business of Neoplatonic commentary on the Categories, so it is, in its central impetus, irrelevant to the interests of the modern program of solving the problem of the Categories.

Second, Simplicius was a happy heir of a long tradition, part of which conditioned commentators to see the Categories as a text for beginners in philosophy. Embracing this teaching, Simplicius does not hesitate to deflect certain difficulties presented by the text with appeal to the elementary nature of the Categories, content to leave a real solution to more advanced speculations elsewhere. When modern interest is focused on just such a problem, such a treatment is of little value.

Third, the same tradition obligates Simplicius to harmonize Aristotle with Plato. At least in the example considered above, the reconciliation can involve certain abstruse points of Neoplatonic philosophy. Such commentary is no doubt of great value to students of Neoplatonism but will generally miss the mark set by the interests of modern inquiry.

These three points appear relatively secure and of universal application to the body of ancient commentary on the Categories. There is, however, a fourth point, to be stated cautiously because of the limited data examined. When Simplicius spoke directly to the passages in question in Cat. 1a16–17 and 1b25–27, he did not seem to appreciate the issues which interested modern readers of the Categories—namely, that the doctrine of simple expressions presents a philosophical theory in need of expansion and illumination, a problem to be solved in relation to a theory of categories in general rather than a solution to be applied to questions concerning the identity and nature of the Aristotelian categories in particular.

This is not to say that a modern reader will never find anywhere in Simplicius a discussion corresponding to his interest, but that in all likelihood it would be serendipitous and peripheral to Simplicius’s own primary interest in the Categories.

These observations warrant the conclusion that there is indeed a separation between the interests of the ancient and modern commentators on the Categories. In its strong form, the conclusion is that the separation is absolute. This is in accord with Praechter’s position in his classic review of the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca (i.e., that the commentaries will prove to be essentially of historic value):

“[They will be] invaluable for the history of the Greek language, for the lexicon as well as for the grammar”;
“[They will be invaluable] for understanding how ancient philosophy was able to fulfill the vast cultural mission which befell it in antiquity as sovereign in the realm of Weltanschauung, and in the Middle Ages as the ‘handmaiden of theology.’”

Even Sorabji, who seems to regard the independent philosophical value of the commentaries more highly than Praechter, recommends them to students of Aristotle with a note of caution:

“The distorting Neoplatonist context... does not prevent the commentaries from being incomparable guides to Aristotle. The commentators... have minutely detailed knowledge of the entire Aristotelian corpus... Moreover, commentators are enjoined neither to accept nor to reject what Aristotle says too readily, but to consider it in depth and without partiality. The commentaries draw one’s attention to hundreds of phrases, sentences, and ideas in Aristotle which one could easily have passed over... The scholar who makes the right allowance for the distorting context will learn far more about Aristotle than he would on his own.”

Although this is a more positive view of the substantive content of the commentaries, the illumination of sentences and ideas still does not address the needs of the kind of modern inquiry exemplified in our discussion.

Because the conclusion is drawn from limited data—namely, a close reading of about sixty pages of the Berlin text of Simplicius on the Categories—it must remain tentative and provisional. However, truth to be told, the tremendous effort involved in reading even cursorily just one of the ancient commentaries on the Categories, let alone with an eye to the intersection between Neoplatonic and modern interest, may leave the matter open for quite some time.
[conclusion p. 97-99]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OzmApALBY8ZdgnX

Simplicius on Continuous and Instantaneous Change: Neoplatonic Elements in Simplicius’ Interpretation of Aristotelian Physics, 1998
By: Croese, Irma Maria

Title	Simplicius on Continuous and Instantaneous Change: Neoplatonic Elements in Simplicius’ Interpretation of Aristotelian Physics
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1998
Publication Place	Utrecht
Publisher	Zeno Institute of Philosophy
Series	Quaestiones Infinita
Volume	23
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Croese, Irma Maria
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ekkOJpUfdE4ldNh

Simplicius on De Anima 407b23-408a29 , 2019
By: Sanchez, Liliana Carolina, Finamore, John F. (Ed.), Nejeschleba, Tomáš (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius on De Anima 407b23-408a29
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2019
Published in	Platonism and Its Legacy: Selected Papers from the Fifteenth Annual Conference of the International Society for Neoplatonic Studies
Pages	141-158
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sanchez, Liliana Carolina
Editor(s)	Finamore, John F. , Nejeschleba, Tomáš
Translator(s)

The task of the Neoplatonic commentators of Aristotle’s works, mostly in what has to do with dialectical passages, is usually “taken for granted instead of explained” (Baltussen 2008, 22). I’m borrowing these words employed by Han Baltussen in a different context to talk about the appreciation that the commentaries on the first book of the De Anima, in general, but ‘Simplicius’ in particular, have received from contemporary scholarship.

The reason I feel entitled to make such an amplification of the scope of Baltussen’s judgment has to do, in fact, with the traditional way in which the commentator’s exegetical effort is seen. Their role is often considered in light of their doctrinal commitment to Neoplatonic doctrine and, notably, with their “harmonization” project of Plato’s and Aristotle’s thought. Because of that, these readings are held to distort Aristotle’s philosophical aims more than explain them.

In the following lines, I aim to study one of those cases in which the exegetical labor of a Neoplatonic commentator is seen as carrying a doctrinal element that entails a certain distortion of Aristotle’s thought. The case that I propose to analyze is ‘Simplicius’’ commentary on the soul-harmony theory, for the commentator runs his interpretation with the aid of certain Neoplatonic theories that are alien to Aristotle’s thought.

My aim is to track how the hermeneutical device that the commentator applies to the Aristotelian text is built up from the elements provided in the text itself, how the foreign doctrine is introduced, and how this elicits a global comprehension and a philosophical appropriation of the text.

In order to do so, I will first present the passage and the alien theory that is being employed by ‘Simplicius’ to perform his exegesis; then, I will show how the commentator chains two passages of the text and produces an explanation for the refutation of the soul-harmony theory. Finally, I will describe what kind of interpretation is produced and how it serves to explain Aristotle’s challenge in using the hylomorphic model applied to psychology.

By doing this, I hope that I can explain how the commentator feels authorized to introduce the alien theory, how he builds up his exegesis around a problem that he needs to solve, and consequently, what the philosophical product of such an interpretation is.
[introduction p. 141-142]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tdfaeVFtEPFwy1s

Simplicius on Empedocles: A note on his Commentary in Phys. 157.25–161.20, 2024
By: Anna Afonasina

Title	Simplicius on Empedocles: A note on his Commentary in Phys. 157.25–161.20
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2024
Journal	Shagi/Steps
Volume	10
Issue	2
Pages	183-196
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Anna Afonasina
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The present study attempts to show what influence a
commentary can have on the formation of ideas about a preceding
philosophical tradition. A case in point is Simplicius’ commentary
on Aristotle’s “Physics” and on fragments of Empedocles’ poem.
The selected passage, though small in size, is quite remarkable in
terms of content and the way Simplicius deals with it. With regard
to content, we are dealing here with one of the fundamental problematic
plots of Empedocles’ philosophy about the alternate rule of
Love and Strife. But Simplicius adds to this his own view of Empedocles’
philosophy, dictated by his desire to harmonize the views of
all the pagan philosophers and place them within a single consistent
scheme. Simplicius wanted to counterpose something to Christianity,
which was gaining in strength, and to show that all Greek
philosophy developed along a certain path and contains no internal
disagreements. On the one hand, Simplicius has preserved for us
very valuable material — fairly lengthy sections of the text of Empedocles’
poem. On the other hand, wishing to implement his program,
Simplicius chose those fragments of the poem that fit well
into it. Therefore, the question arises whether we should take into
account the context in which the fragments are quoted, or simply
extract from the general body of the commentary those fragments
of Empedocles’ poem that we need and consider them independently? [author's abstrac]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GQwsce7zWyeDLxe

Simplicius on Predication, 2015
By: Hauer, Mareike

Title	Simplicius on Predication
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2015
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	33
Issue	2
Pages	173-200
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper deals with Simplicius’ discussion of Aristotle’s account of predication in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories. Of particular interest is the relation between synonymous predication and essential predication. In Aristotle, as well as in Simplicius, both kinds of predication are closely connected. It has been argued in Aristotelian scholarship that, for Aristotle, synonymous predication yields essential predication. It has been equally argued that this assumption is compatible with Aristotle’s theoretical framework, but if applied to Plato, would pose a problem for Plato. Simplicius’ extensive discussion of both synonymous predication and essential predication suggests that he was aware of the deeper problem raised by the assumption that synonymous predication yields essential predication. In this paper, I will argue that Simplicius, by means of an original interpretation of the predicate, not only turns the assumption that synonymous predication yields essential predication into a supposition that is less problematic for Plato, but also creates a framework for a possible harmonization of Plato and Aristotle. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yxvHetwfUgsPb6f

Simplicius on Tekmeriodic Proofs, 2012
By: Harari, Orna

Title	Simplicius on Tekmeriodic Proofs
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Studies in History and Philosophy of Science
Volume	43
Pages	366-375
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Harari, Orna
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this study I examine the sole detailed evidence we have for Simplicius’ view of sign-based, i.e. tekmeriodic proofs, thereby questing the widespread assumption that he espouses Phiioponus' account of these proofs. Specifically. I argue that (1) it is more plausible to understand the signs on which Simplicius bases his tekmeriodic proofs as refutable, (2) he grounds the epistemic worth of these proofs in the evidential strength of their premises rather than in their validity, (3) unlike Phiioponus, he conceives of the argument that leads to the principles of natural  philosophy, which tekmeriodic proofs are aimed to prove, as inductive, and  (4) he evaluates these proofs against Plato’s  un-hypothetical  science, hence denying natural  philosophy  the  autonomy  from  metaphysics  that  Phiioponus’  account  of tekmeriodic  proofs grants. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kTidRDQtummkQxv

Simplicius on elements and causes in Greek philosophy: critical appraisal or philosophical synthesis?, 2015
By: Baltussen, Han, Marmodoro, Anna (Ed.), Prince, Brian (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius on elements and causes in Greek philosophy: critical appraisal or philosophical synthesis?
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2015
Published in	Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity
Pages	111-128
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Marmodoro, Anna , Prince, Brian
Translator(s)

My aim in this chapter is to examine Simplicius’ technique of composition and how it helps structure his evaluative comments. Such an investigation will clarify how his remarkably inclusive selection procedure seeks to draw on whatever sources he thinks useful for his purpose. In past studies, some of Simplicius’ own views on principles and causes in natural philosophy have been stated with considerable clarity and acumen. In response to Aristotle’s text, he will, directly or indirectly, declare his own position regarding the nature and knowledge of principles and causes. He analyzes Aristotle’s ideas on elements, matter, and their relationship with reference to Aristotle’s corpus, to Plato, or by applying Neoplatonic ideas. These analyses are often based on his famous essays on place and time (In phys. 4), where Simplicius’ own views are clearly stated. By contrast, it is not so easy to separate out views from his discursive evaluations, and scholars often make assumptions about the relative value of the materials encountered—the different ‘sources,’ so to speak, which he selected and gave a place in his account. [introduction p. 111-112]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/g1SyUqDyUcBATre

Simplicius on the "Theaetetus" ("In Physica" 17,38-18,23 Diels), 2010
By: Menn, Stephen

Title	Simplicius on the "Theaetetus" ("In Physica" 17,38-18,23 Diels)
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2010
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	55
Issue	3
Pages	255-270
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Menn, Stephen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Aristotle in Physics 1,1 says some strange-sounding things about how we come to know wholes and parts, universals and particulars. In explicating these, Simplicius distinguishes an initial rough cognition of a thing as a whole, an intermediate "cognition according to the definition and through the elements," and a final cognition of how the thing's many elements are united: only this last is ἐπιστήμη. Simplicius refers to the Theaetetus for the point about what is needed for ἐπιστήμη and the ways that cognition according to the definition and through the elements falls short. By unpacking this reference I try to recon struct Simplicius' reading of "Socrates' Dream," its place in the Theaetetus larger argument, and its harmony with other Platonic and Aristotelian texts. But this reconstruction depends on undoing some catastrophic emendations in Diels's text of Simplicius. Diels's emendations arise from his assumptions about definitions and elements, in Socrates' Dream and elsewhere, and rethinking the Simplicius passage may help us rethink those assumptions. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dEWYys9PQqr0WtF

Simplicius on the Individuation of Material Substances, 2019
By: Schwark, Marina

Title	Simplicius on the Individuation of Material Substances
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2019
Journal	Elenchos
Volume	40
Issue	2
Pages	401-429
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schwark, Marina
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In his commentary on Physics I 9, Simplicius claims that individual forms individuate matter. Given that in the same text he calls the immanent form ‘universal,’it seems reasonable to conclude that the individual forms are individual instances of one universal species–form. However, Simplicius also mentions accidental properties that are peculiar to form rather than to matter. On the basis of Simplicius’ commentaries on the Categories and on the Physics, I argue that the individuating
accidents are not part of the individual forms, but that each individual’s form coordinates the individual’s accidental features. By belonging to a certain species, the individual form sets limits as to which accidents a matter–form compound can
assume. This approach enables Simplicius to combine hylomorphism with a theory
of individuation through properties. Furthermore, in his commentary on De Caelo I 9 Simplicius explains the uniqueness of each individual’s conglomeration of properties in light of his Neoplatonic cosmology: each individual corresponds to an individual cosmic disposition that determines its characteristic features. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cpvCFatZj4VcLdC

Simplicius on the Meaning of Sentences: A Commentary on "In Cat." 396,30-397,28, 1998
By: Gaskin, Richard

Title	Simplicius on the Meaning of Sentences: A Commentary on "In Cat." 396,30-397,28
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1998
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	43
Issue	1
Pages	42–62
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gaskin, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

At Categories 12b5-16 Aristotle appears to regard the referents of declarative sentences, such as "Socrates is sitting," as what later writers were to call com- plexe significabilia, i.e., items such as that Socrates is sitting. Simplicius' dis- cussion of this passage in his commentary on the Categories clearly shows the influence of Stoic philosophy of language; but, if we follow the text printed by Kalbfleisch, Simplicius' commentary is seen to be a muddle of Stoic and Aristotelian elements, neither properly understood. It is possible, however, by making a crucial emendation to the text, to preserve the Aristotelian integrity of Simplicius' theory of meaning. On that line Simplicius would be adopting the view that a declarative sentence refers to a thought in the first instance and a complexe significabile in the second instance. This view is plausibly the upshot of combining the Categories text with the first chapter of De Interpretatione. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kZ57g1oWG2ekeHe

Simplicius on the Place of the Philosopher in the City (In Epictetum chap. 32), 2004
By: O’Meara, Dominic J., Gannagé, Emma (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius on the Place of the Philosopher in the City (In Epictetum chap. 32)
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2004
Published in	The Greek strand in Islamic political thought. Proceedings of the conference held at the Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton, 16 - 27 June 2003
Pages	89-98
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	O’Meara, Dominic J.
Editor(s)	Gannagé, Emma
Translator(s)

The purpose of this paper is to propose some discussion of a passage in which a pagan Neoplatonist philosopher of the first half of the sixth century A. D. speaks of the function of the philosopher in political  and  social  life. The Neoplatonist is Simplicius and the passage is found in chapter 32 of his commentary on the Manual 
of Epictetus. The date of this commentary is uncertain, but it has been argued that Simplicius refers in it to the anti-pagan measures taken by the Emperor Justinian in 529 which put an end to the activities of the Neoplatonist school at Athens and led to the exile in Persia of the school’s head, Damascius, accompanied by his pupil Simplicius and by other philosophers. My translation, given below (II), of the passage in Simplicius’ commentary is preceded (I) by some indications concerning the context in which the passage occurs and will be followed  (III) by comments on themes present in the passage. [introduction, p. 89]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/q9F64Dfl9UaGBE7

Simplicius on the Planets and their Motions: In Defense of a Heresy, 2013
By: Bowen, Alan C.

Title	Simplicius on the Planets and their Motions: In Defense of a Heresy
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	Leiden
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia Antiqua
Volume	133
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bowen, Alan C.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Though the digression closing Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s De caelo 2.12 has long been misread as a history of early Greek planetary theory, it is in fact a creative reading of Aristotle to maintain the authority of the De caelo as a sacred text in Late Platonism and to refute the polemic mounted by the Christian, John Philoponus. This book shows that the critical question forced on Simplicius was whether his school’s acceptance of Ptolemy’s planetary hypotheses entailed a rejection of Aristotle’s argument that the heavens are made of a special matter that moves by nature in a circle about the center of the cosmos and, thus, a repudiation of the thesis that the cosmos is uncreated and everlasting.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/j5dIQfTR7cyHeCV

Simplicius on the Principal Meaning of Physis in Aristotle's Physics II. 1-3, 2019
By: Mouzala, Melina G.

Title	Simplicius on the Principal Meaning of Physis in Aristotle's Physics II. 1-3
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2019
Journal	Analogia
Volume	7
Issue	Byzantine Aristotle
Pages	43-82
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mouzala, Melina G.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

At the beginning of his Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics II.2, Simplicius attempts to reveal the principal meaning of physis, that which in his view is preeminent above all others presented by Aristotle in Physics II.1. Through the arguments he uses to show what the principal meaning of physis is, we are also able to better understand the other meanings. These other meanings are, on the one hand, those which are discovered in the light of Simplicius’ insightful reading of it. Simplicius appears to recognize—or at least to be conscious of the fact—that this part of his Commentary constitutes an autonomous analysis and explanation of the different meanings of physis, which sets out to reveal its concealed principal meaning.

My aim in this paper is to show that in his comments on Physics II.1, Simplicius is trying to offer an exegesis of the Aristotelian arguments, while in his comments regarding the beginning of Physics II.2, he proceeds to a bold reading of what Aristotle has said in chapter one. He does this by giving his own interpretation of the meaning of physis, within the frame which Aristotle had already sketched out in the previous chapter, but also by deviating to some extent from Aristotle. For Simplicius, the principal, albeit concealed, meaning of physis, within the Aristotelian philosophical framework, lies in the idea that nature is a sort of propensity for being moved and a sort of life, to wit, the lowest sort of life (eschatê zôê). [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/BnCCI5k1m32XM47

Simplicius on the Reality of Relations and Relational Change, 2009
By: Harari, Orna, Brad Inwood (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius on the Reality of Relations and Relational Change
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2009
Published in	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy
Pages	245-274
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Harari, Orna
Editor(s)	Brad Inwood
Translator(s)

In the opening paragraph of his discussion of relatives in Categories 7, Aristotle presents two lists of examples; the first contains greater and double, the second contains states, conditions, perception, knowledge, and position (6a38-b3). Although Aristotle does not explicitly distinguish these lists, they seem to exemplify two different notions of relatives. The first list seems to contain relational attributes whose bearers possess them merely due to their mutual dependence, whereas the second list seems to contain attributes which, in addition to arising from their bearers’ mutual dependence, are internal qualitative states thereof.

Corresponding to this distinction, Plotinus in Ennead 6.1.9 distinguishes two types of relational attributes: those that come about by participation and those that result from an activity. In so doing, he associates Aristotle’s account of relatives with the question of the reality of relations, which does not appear in Categories 7 but arises from the Stoic notion of relatives. Consequently, Plotinus’ distinction of these types of relatives leads to two different accounts of the reality of relations.

The first account, in which relational attributes are acquired by participation, secures the reality of relations by preventing their reduction to their substrates. By this account, relational attributes are not mere dispositions of their substrates, as the Stoics hold, but exist over and above their substrates. The second account, in which relational attributes are activities of their substrates, secures the reality of relations by grounding them in the inner nature of their substrates. It thereby confronts the contention found in Aristotle’s Metaphysics N 1 (1088u29-35) and in Sextus Empiricus (M. 8.455-8) that relational attributes are ontologically inferior because their substrates do not undergo an intrinsic change when they acquire and lose their relational attributes.

Plotinus’ Ennead 6.1.6-9 leaves this dilemma unsettled. On the one hand, he considers active relations less problematic than relations by participation (6.1.6.13-18); on the other hand, he argues that the unity of the category of relatives is secured if relations are considered to be forms acquired by participation (6.1.9.25-7).

How to distinguish relations from their relata without jeopardizing the subject-attribute scheme remains an open question. In substantiating my interpretation, I analyze in the first section Simplicius’ and the other late commentators’ discussions of the reality of relations. I show that Simplicius’ discussion gives rise to the formulation of a precise distinction between relations and their substrates, whereas the other late commentators stress the dependence of relations on their substrates.

In the second section, I turn to Simplicius’ criticism of the Stoic distinction between relatives and relatively disposed attributes, showing that, despite the distinction between relations and their substrates, Simplicius follows the other commentators in stressing the dependence of relational attributes on the inner nature of their substrates.

In light of these conclusions, in the third section I seek to show how Simplicius succeeds in accommodating the distinction between relations and their substrates with his view that relations depend on their substrates. Here, I analyze Simplicius’ discussion of relational change and show that it facilitates the integration of these two accounts and that it underlies the notion of inclination.

In conclusion, I show that Simplicius’ conception of relations originates in Proclus’ commentary on Plato’s Parmenides and in Damascius’ account of the relation between the higher and lower grades of reality in Neoplatonic metaphysics. This discussion lends further support to my attempt to articulate the notion of inclination and offers a possible explanation of Simplicius’ motivation for deviating from the stance of the other late commentators. [introduction p. 245-248]

Online Resources

Simplicius on the Relation between Quality and Qualified, 2016
By: Hauer, Mareike

Title	Simplicius on the Relation between Quality and Qualified
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2016
Journal	Méthexis
Volume	28
Pages	111-140
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius claims in his Commentary on Aristotle’s  Categoriesthat quality is prior to the qualified according to nature. However, in an interesting passage in the same commentary, Simplicius describes the relation between quality and qualified in such a way that it strongly suggests an ontological simultaneity. The aim of this paper is to clarify Simplicius'  notion of natural priority and to  investigate the  extent to which the assumption of a natural priority of the quality over the qualified is compatible with the assumption of a co-existence of quality and qualified. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DTcssHAheWWZmpg

Simplicius on the Void, 2020
By: Nikulin, Dmitri, Horn, Christoph (Ed.), Taormina, Daniela Patrizia (Ed.), Walter, Denis (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius on the Void
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2020
Published in	Körperlichkeit in der Philosophie der Spätantike. Corporeità nella filosofia tardoantica
Pages	231-255
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Nikulin, Dmitri
Editor(s)	Horn, Christoph , Taormina, Daniela Patrizia , Walter, Denis
Translator(s)

The essay discusses the treatment of the void in Simplicius’ Commentary on the cenrtral chapters of Book 4 of Aristotle’s Physics. In a close reading and explanation of Aristotle’s  arguments,  which  abound  in  subtle  observations,  Simplicius  comes  up with several original interpretations regarding the nature of the negativity attributed  to  the  void,  demonstrating  the  impossible consequences  of  its  acceptance.  Following Aristotle, Simplicius distinguishes two kinds of the void, that between and outside bodies, and that interspersed with bodies. Locomotion through the void as an imputed place of motion is impossible, because there is no sufficient reason either for motion in a particular direction or for rest, since the void in its negativity allows for no distinctions, and thus for no natural places. A number of absurdities also follow from the acceptance of the void as scattered in bodies. The void is therefore out of place in the cosmos ontologically, mathematically, and physically. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kdYRjbp22O1ftpX

Simplicius or Priscianus? On the Author of the Commentary on Aristotle's "De Anima" (CAG XI) : A Methodological Study, 2002
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Simplicius or Priscianus? On the Author of the Commentary on Aristotle's "De Anima" (CAG XI) : A Methodological Study
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	55
Issue	2
Pages	159–199
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In the present article, it is argued (1) that the alleged stylistic differences between the In DA and Simplicius' other commentaries can be explained by other considerations: in particular, the vocabulary and style of the Neoplatonist commentators is largely determined by the text commented upon, as well as the level of studies of the audience for whom each commentary is intended. (2) The alleged doctrinal differences between the In DA and Simplicius' other commentaries simply do not exist.

Careful examination of Steel's arguments shows that they suffer from serious methodological flaws, including the failure to take into consideration Simplicius' Commentary on the Manual of Epictetus, and the ambiguity of Neoplatonic philosophical terminology. It is concluded that in the whole of Steel's argumentation, there is not one decisive argument which would allow us to conclude that the commentary on the De Anima, attributed by direct and indirect tradition to Simplicius, is inauthentic. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/BFVk6vhtz2ul08p

Simplicius the Neoplatonist in light of contemporary research: a critical review, 2020
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut,

Title	Simplicius the Neoplatonist in light of contemporary research: a critical review
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2020
Publication Place	Baden-Baden
Publisher	Academia Verlag
Series	Academia Philosophical Studies, 67
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Drummond , Ian()

This book, translated from the French, offers a synthesis of modern research devoted to Simplicius's life and to three of his five commentaries: On Epictetus' Handbook, On Aristotle's De anima, On Aristotle's Categories. Its biographical part brings to light the historical role played by this Neoplatonic philosopher. Born in Cilicia, Asia Minor, he studied in Alexandria and Athens and apparently ended his life teaching in Syria on the frontier between the Byzantine and Sassanide Empires.

His role was that of a mediator between the Greco-Roman world and philosophy and Syriac philosophy, which would feed Arabic philosophy at its beginning.

The second part of the book, devoted to doctrinal and authorship issues, also deals with the underlying pedagogical curriculum and methods proper to Neoplatonic commentaries, which modern interpretation all too often tends to neglect in studies on Simplicius and other Neoplatonists. [autor's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DcBrrXbvDC3iJTF

Title	Simplicius und das Zitat. Zur Überlieferung des Anführungszeichens
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1993
Published in	Symbolae Berolinenses. Für Dieter Harlfinger
Pages	187-199
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)	Berger, Friederike , Brockmann, Christian , De Gregorio, Giuseppe , Ghisu, Maria Irene , Kotzabassi, Sofia , Noack, Beate
Translator(s)

Gewiss, ein lückenloser Beweis der Ursprünglichkeit der Anführungszeichen im Mardanus 226, geschweige denn für die Zeichensetzung im Allgemeinen, ist hiermit nicht gelungen und war in Anbetracht der Quellenlage auch gar nicht möglich. Dennoch, die aus diesen Beobachtungen zu ziehende Schlussfolgerung ist, dass die in mittelalterlichen Handschriften so häufigen und eindeutigen Anführungszeichen keineswegs im Namen der Textkritik ignoriert werden sollten. Möglicherweise ließe sich dieselbe Forderung mit ähnlicher Berechtigung auch für andere Zeichen geltend machen.

Jedenfalls sollte man ernsthaft in Betracht ziehen, dass gerade in Abschriften aus Texten spätantiker Zeit Zeichen überliefert sein können, die nicht nur für das korrekte Verständnis eines Textes unverzichtbar sind, sondern auch dem Autor selbst, und nicht irgendeinem gelehrten Schreiber viel späterer Zeit, zu verdanken sind. Es sei daher abschließend an dieser Stelle und achtzig Jahre nach dem Erscheinen der Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde an einen ganz ähnlichen Hinweis Ulrich Wilckens erinnert:

"Einige Interpunktionszeichen wird man in den Urkunden selten finden ... Dagegen war es von den frühesten Zeiten an eine weitverbreitete Sitte, Sätze oder Satzteile oder gar Wörter durch größere oder kleinere Spatien zu trennen. Auf diese in den Editionen noch viel zu wenig zum Ausdruck kommende Interpunktion möchte ich die Papyrusleser ganz besonders aufmerksam machen, da durch sie uns oft die authentische Interpretation des Schreibers an die Hand gegeben wird." [conclusion p. 196-197]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cjMqjU5dghJg6Mi

Simplicius ’ Commentary on the Categories in the Medieval West, 2008
By: Michael Chase, Lloyd A. Newton (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius ’ Commentary on the Categories in the Medieval West
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2008
Published in	Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Categories
Pages	9-30
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Michael Chase
Editor(s)	Lloyd A. Newton
Translator(s)

Michael Chase begins the volume by demonstrating the importance
of Simplicius ’ commentary for two key medieval thinkers, Aquinas
and al Fārābī. Due in part to Simplicius’ infl uence, and particularly his commentary on the Categories, both fi gures adopt the Neoplatonic
project of reconciling Plato and Aristotle, in spite of the apparent differences
between them. Interestingly, though, while both al-Fārābī and
Aquinas ultimately agree on the harmony between Plato and Aristotle,
they differ in that Aquinas follows Iamblichus, who makes philosophy
subordinate to theology, while al-Fārābī follows Porphyry, who views
philosophy as alone suffi cient for beatitude. [Introduction, by Newton]

Online Resources

Simplicius' Testimony Concerning Anaxagoras, 1989
By: Sylvestre, Maria Luisa, Boudouris, Konstantin, J. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius' Testimony Concerning Anaxagoras
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1989
Published in	Ionian Philosophy
Pages	369-374
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sylvestre, Maria Luisa
Editor(s)	Boudouris, Konstantin, J.
Translator(s)

This text discusses Simplicius' testimony concerning Anaxagoras and the authenticity of the fragments attributed to Anaxagoras, which are mostly preserved by Simplicius. While scholars have debated the authenticity of Simplicius' fragments, the author believes in Simplicius' faithfulness to the true doctrine of Anaxagoras. However, the author notes that Simplicius wrote about a thousand years after Anaxagoras, was a pupil of Proclus, and a neo-Platonist himself. The text highlights the importance of comparing Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle with the corresponding text of Aristotle to understand his personal interpretation of Anaxagoras. Finally, the text briefly discusses Anaxagoras' concept of nous and its interpretation by Plato, Aristotle, and Simplicius. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/gJ3DXudfcNprrxr

Title	Simplicius' polemics. Some aspects of Simplicius‘ polemical writings against John Philoponus: From invective to a reaffirmation of the transcendence of the heavens
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian Science. Second Edition
Pages	97-123
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

My aim will be to show how this theory can be seen as a reaction to the theories of John Philoponus. Philoponus had turned to the Timaeus for support in his Contra Aristotelem and had attacked the Aristotelian doctrine that the heavens are made of a fifth element and that the world is eternal. Well before Copernicus, Philoponus denied that there was any substantial difference between the heavens and the sublunary world. In his reply to the Contra Aristotelem, Simplicius reaffirms the divinity, the transcendence, and the eternal nature of the heavens. His exegesis aims to connect, rather than contrast, Plato’s Timaeus and Aristotle’s De caelo.

It is, moreover, a religious act, a spiritual exercise designed to turn the soul (both Simplicius’ and his reader’s) towards the Demiurge. This conversion is our initiation into the grandeur of the universe and of the heavens, and his description of the physical nature of the heavens is one of the most valuable aspects of the revelation. Those readers still under Philoponus’ spell cannot achieve this revelation until they have undergone a preliminary act of purification, which is the refutation of the arguments of Philoponus’ Contra Aristotelem. In this way, Simplicius’ attack is directed at a target that is simultaneously philosophical and religious.

A correct reading and interpretation of Aristotle’s De caelo leads not only to the acquisition of intellectual knowledge but also, and above all, to our elevation through thought (a thought that we live) to the whole universe and to the Demiurge. It is a form of prayer addressed to them. The sacrilegious blasphemy of the Christian Philoponus is countered by the Neoplatonist liturgy, a rightful celebration of their God. [introduction p. 97-98]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RJi3pyBneebP54s

Simplicius(?) on the first book of Aristotle’s De Anima, 1993
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius(?) on the first book of Aristotle’s De Anima
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1993
Published in	Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism
Pages	91-112
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Translator(s)

Neoplatonic  exposition  of  classical  Greek  philosophy  includes 
two  kinds of reinterpretation. The  first  and  most basic  is,  of course, 
the reading of Plato himself as a Neoplatonist. This is, it goes without 
saying, to be found primarily in all the independent works of Neopla
tonism,  as  well  as  in  commentaries  on  works  of  Plato.  The  other, 
with which  readers of the Aristotelian commentators  are  more often 
concerned,  is  the  Platonization  of Aristotle.  The  latter  is  crucial  to 
our understanding of any Neoplatonist commentator, both in himself 
and also as an authority on Aristotle. And since we are dealing with a 
text at least superficially based on Aristotle, I shall devote most of this 
paper  to  some  of the  somewhat  strange  interpretations  of  him  to  be 
found in Book  1  of the De anima commentary. At the same time this 
particular book also offers an opportunity, which the commentary on 
what will  have seemed to  him the  more obviously philosophically in
teresting  parts  of  the  De  anima  does  not1,  to  see  how  Simplicius 
works  in  the  area  of  Plato  interpretation,  and  we  shall  look  at  the 
way  in  which  Plato  and  Aristotle  are  both  subjected  to  similar tech
niques of interpretation. [p. 91]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/b0MGk7ACSQL6CCE

Simplicius, Commentaire sur le Manuel d’Epictète. I : Chapitres I–XXIX, 2001
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, Commentaire sur le Manuel d’Epictète. I : Chapitres I–XXIX
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2001
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Les Belles Lettres
Series	Collection des universités de France: Série grecque
Volume	411
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iMCK5bee0rBbYff

Simplicius, Commentaire sur le Traité du ciel d'Aristote (In Aristotelis De caelo commentaria), Traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke, 2004
By: Simplicius, Bossier, Fernand (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, Commentaire sur le Traité du ciel d'Aristote (In Aristotelis De caelo commentaria), Traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2004
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	Leuven University Press
Series	Corpus Latinum commentariorum in Aristotelem Graecorum
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Bossier, Fernand
Translator(s)	von Moerbeke, Wilhelm(von Moerbeke, Wilhelm) ,

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/aIBKcwHm8NsOefI

Title	Simplicius, Commentaire sur les Catégories d'Aristote (In Aristotelis Categorias commentarium), Traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke. Édition critique par A. Pattin, vol. 1
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1971
Publication Place	Louvain
Publisher	Publ. Universitaires
Series	Corpus Latinum Commentariorum in Aristotelem Graecorum
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Wilhelm von Moerbeke
Editor(s)	Pattin, Adriaan
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/u7BTxg00aLdP0lX

Title	Simplicius, Commentaire sur les Catégories d'Aristote (In Aristotelis Categorias commentarium), Traduction de Guillaume de Moerbeke. Édition critique par A. Pattin, vol. 2
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	1975
Publication Place	Louvain
Publisher	Publ. Universitaires
Series	Corpus Latinum Commentariorum in Aristotelem Graecorum
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius , Wilhelm von Moerbeke
Editor(s)	Pattin, Adriaan
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PGdGZZDu1qnuLcl

Simplicius, Commentaire sur la Physique d’Aristote. Livre ii, ch. 1-3. Introduction, traduction, notes et bibliographie par Alain Lernould, 2019
By: Simplicius, Lernould, Alain (Ed.),

Title	Simplicius, Commentaire sur la Physique d’Aristote. Livre ii, ch. 1-3. Introduction, traduction, notes et bibliographie par Alain Lernould
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2019
Publication Place	Villeneuve d'Ascq
Publisher	Presses universitaires du Septentrion
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Lernould, Alain
Translator(s)	Lernould, Alain(Lernould, Alain)

Le Livre ii de la Physique d’Aristote est une « véritable introduction à la philosophie de la nature » (Mansion). Après avoir dans le chapitre 1 donné sa fameuse définition de la nature comme « principe et cause de mouvement et de repos pour la chose en laquelle elle réside à titre premier par soi et non par accident », le Stagirite dans le chapitre 2 traite de la différence entre mathématiques et physique. Le chapitre 3, qui constitue « l’exposé le plus complet de l’étiologie aristotélicienne » (Crubellier-Pellegrin), livre la doctrine des quatre causes. Les chapitres 4 à 6 portent sur le hasard et la spontanéité. Dans le chapitre 8 est défendue la thèse du finalisme dans la nature et le chapitre 9 établit la distinction entre nécessité absolue et nécessité hypothétique.
Simplicius de Cilicie, le dernier philosophe de l’École néoplatonicienne d’Athènes, a rédigé son commentaire sur la Physique vers 540, après son exil temporaire chez le roi de Perse Chosroès, et le commentaire au seul Livre ii de la Phusikê Akroasis d’Aristote constitue une somme de la philosophie de la nature de l’Antiquité tardive. Il n’existe pas à ce jour de traduction française intégrale du commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique.
Le présent volume contient la traduction annotée du commentaire au Livre ii, chap. 1-3, accompagnée par un résumé analytique du commentaire à Phys. ii, 1-3, la liste des modifications apportées aux texte grec établi par Diels (1882), un index des termes grecs, un index des noms anciens, une bibliographie. Il sera suivi de deux autres qui contiendront la traduction du commentaire aux, respectivement, chapitres 4-6 et 7-9 du Livre ii de la Physique. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3MfXV87nCOjNogF

Title	Simplicius, Commentarii in Aristotelis Categorias sive Praedicamenta, graecè: Σιμπλικίου διδασκάλου τοῦ μεγάλου σχόλια ἀπὸ φωνῆς αὐτοῦ, εἰς τὰς Ἀριστοτέλους κατηγορίας
Type	Monograph
Language	Greek
Date	1551
Publication Place	Basel
Publisher	Isingrinius
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qwmfBMRpJ3bAomd

Title	Simplicius, Commentarii in octo Aristotelis Physicae auscultationis libros, graecè, cum ipso Aristotelis textu: Σιμπλικίου ὑπομνήματα εἰς τὰ ὄκτω Ἀριστοτέλου Φυσικῆς Ἀκροάσεως βιβλία μετὰ τοῦ ὑποκειμένου τοῦ Ἀριστοτέλους
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1526
Publication Place	Venedig
Publisher	Aldus & A. Asulanus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PvTI4FMzIGGRGhe

Simplicius, Commentationes in Praedicamenta Aristotelis, 1550
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, Commentationes in Praedicamenta Aristotelis
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1550
Publication Place	Venedig
Publisher	Scotus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/I4iM9XRCFClqipi

Simplicius, Corollaries on place and time, 2013
By: Simplicius, Cilicius, Urmson, L., James O. (Ed.), Siorvanes, Lucas (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, Corollaries on place and time
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)	Urmson, L., James O. , Siorvanes, Lucas
Translator(s)	Urmson, L., James O.(Urmson, James O.) , Siorvanes, Lucas(Siorvanes, Lucas) ,

Is there such a thing as three-dimensional space? Is space inert or dynamic? Is the division of time into past, present and future real? Does the whole of time exist all at once? Does it progress smoothly or by discontinuous leaps?
Simplicius surveys ideas about place and time from the preceding thousand years of Greek Philosophy and reveals the extraordinary ingenuity of the late Neoplatonist theories, which he regards as marking a substantial advance on all previous ideas.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XcqDgDAa6w30tGz

Simplicius, On Aristotle 'On the Soul 2.5–12', 1997
By: Simplicius,

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle 'On the Soul 2.5–12'
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Steel, Carlos(Steel, Carlos )

This is the fourth and last volume of the translation in this series of the commentary on Aristotle On the Soul, wrongly attributed to Simplicius. Its real author, most probably Priscian of Lydia, proves in this work to be an original philosopher who deserves to be studied, not only because of his detailed explanation of an often difficult Aristotelian text, but also because of his own psychological doctrines. In chapter six the author discusses the objects of the intellect. In chapters seven to eight he sees Aristotle as moving towards practical intellect, thus preparing the way for discussing what initiates movement in chapters nine to 11. His interpretation offers a brilliant investigation of practical reasoning and of the interaction between desire and cognition from the level of perception to the intellect. In the commentator's view, Aristotle in the last chapters (12-13) investigates the different type of organic bodies corresponding to the different forms of life (vegetative and sensory, from the most basic, touch, to the most complex). [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RDdJthQ7ArOSLv5

Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 1.3–4, 2011
By: Simplicius Cilicius, Huby, Pamela M. (Ed.), Taylor, Christopher C. W. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 1.3–4
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2011
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius Cilicius
Editor(s)	Huby, Pamela M. , Taylor, Christopher C. W.
Translator(s)	Huby, Pamela M.(Huby, Pamela M.) , Taylor, Christopher C. W.(Taylor, Christopher C. W.) ,

In this volume Simplicius deals with Aristotle's account of the Presocratics, and for many of them he is our chief or even sole authority. He quotes at length from Melissus, Parmenides and Zeno, sometimes from their original works but also from later writers from Plato onwards, drawing particularly on Alexander's lost commentary on Aristotle's Physics and on Porphyry. Much of his approach is just scholarly, but in places he reveals his Neoplatonist affiliation and attempts to show the basic agreement among his predecessors in spite of their apparent differences.

This volume, part of the groundbreaking Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series, translates into English for the first time Simplicius' commentary, and includes a detailed introduction, extensive explanatory notes and a bibliography. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6GpvV97ruLyfIbX

Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 2, 1997
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 2
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Fleet, Barrie(Fleet, Barrie) ,

Book 2 of the Physics is arguably the best introduction to Aristotle's ideas, as well as being the most interesting and representative book in the whole of his corpus. It defines nature and distinguishes natural science from mathematics. It introduces the seminal idea of four causes, or four modes of explanation. It defines chance, but rejects a theory of chance and natural selection in favour of purpose in nature.
Simplicius, writing in the sixth century Ad, adds his own considerable contribution to this work. Seeing Aristotle's God as a Creator, he discusses how nature relates to soul, adds Stoic and Neoplatonist causes to Aristotle's list of four, and questions the likeness of cause to effect. He discusses missing a great evil or a great good by a hairsbreadth and considers whether animals act from reason or natural instinct. He also preserves a Posidonian discussion of mathematical astronomy. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/BqOloMedFhOyYDG

Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 7, 1994
By: Simplicius, Cilicius,

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle Physics 7
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1994
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Hagen, Charles(Hagen, Charles)

There has recently been considerable renewed interest in Book 7 of the Physics of Aristotle, once regarded as merely an undeveloped forerunner to Book 8. The debate surrounding the importance of the text is not new to modern scholarship: for example, in the fourth century BC Eudemus, the Peripatetic philosopher associate of Aristotle, left it out of his treatment of the Physics. Now, for the first time, Charles Hagen's lucid translation gives the English reader access to Simplicius' commentary on Book 7, an indispensable tool for the understanding of the text. Its particular interest lies in its explanation of how the chapters of Book 7 fit together and its reference to a more extensive second version of Aristotle's text than the one which survives today. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/v97a503Zq1Rl8yr

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Categories 1–4’, 2003
By: Chase, Michael (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Categories 1–4’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2003
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Chase, Michael
Translator(s)	Chase, Michael(Chase, Michael ) ,

Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Categories is the most comprehensive philosophical critique of the work ever written, representing 600 years of criticism. In his Categories, Aristotle divides what exists in the sensible world into ten categories of Substance, Quantity, Relative, Quality and so on. Simplicius starts with a survey of previous commentators, and an introductory set of questions about Aristotle's philosophy and about the Categories in particular. The commentator, he says, needs to present Plato and Aristotle as in harmony on most things. Why are precisely ten categories named, given that Plato did with fewer distinctions? We have a survey of views on this. And where in the scheme of categories would one fit a quality that defines a substance - under substance or under quality? In his own commentary, Porphyry suggested classifying a defining quality as something distinct, a substantial quality, but others objected that this would constitute an eleventh. The most persistent question dealt with here is whether the categories classify words, concepts, or things. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/cfS7TDdDAkqTAAq

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Categories 5-6’, 2001
By: Haas, Frans A. J. de (Ed.), Fleet, Barrie (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Categories 5-6’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2001
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de , Fleet, Barrie
Translator(s)	Haas, Frans A. J. de(de Haas, Frans A. J.) , Fleet, Barrie(Fleet, Barrie) ,

Chapters 5 and 6 of Aristotle's Categories describe his first two categories, Substance and Quantity. It is usually taken that Plotinus attacked Aristotle's Categories, but that Porphyry and Iamblichus restored it to the curriculum once and for all. Nonetheless, the introduction to this text stresses how much of the defence of Aristotle Porphyry was able to draw out of Plotinus' critical discussion. Simplicius' commentary is our most comprehensive account of the debate on the validity of Aristotle's Categories. One subject discussed by Simplicius in these chapters is where the differentia of a species (eg the rationality of humans) fits into the scheme of categories. Another is why Aristotle elevates the category of Quantity to second place, above the category of Quality. Further, de Haas shows how Simplicius distinguishes different kinds of universal order to solve some of the problems. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/w7oLwHhAgbvNtH9

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.1-4’, 2014
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.1-4’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2014
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bristol Classical Press
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Hankinson, R. J.(Hankinson, Robert J.) ,

In chapter 1 of On the Heavens Aristotle defines body, and then notoriously ruptures dynamics by introducing a fifth element, beyond Plato's four, to explain the rotation of the heavens, which, like nearly all Greeks, Aristotle took to be real, not apparent. Even a member of his school, Xenarchus, we are told, rejected his fifth element. The Neoplatonist Simplicius seeks to harmonise Plato and Aristotle. Plato, he says, thought that the heavens were composed of all four elements but with the purest kind of fire, namely light, predominating. That Plato would not mind this being called a fifth element is shown by his associating with the heavens the fifth of the five convex regular solids recognised by geometry.
Simplicius follows Aristotle's view that one of the lower elements, fire, also rotates, as shown by the behaviour of comets. But such motion, though natural for the fifth elements, is super-natural for fire. Simplicius reveals that the Aristotelian Alexander of Aphrodisias recognised the need to supplement Aristotle and account for the annual approach and retreat of planets by means of Ptolemy's epicycles or eccentrics.
Aristotle's philosopher-god is turned by Simplicius, following his teacher Ammonius, into a creator-god, like Plato's. But the creation is beginningless, as shown by the argument that, if you try to imagine a time when it began, you cannot answer the question, 'Why not sooner?' In explaining the creation, Simplicius follows the Neoplatonist expansion of Aristotle's four 'causes' to six. The final result gives us a cosmology very considerably removed from Aristotle's. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dj0TQS2KoG08Skq

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.10-12’, 2006
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.10-12’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2006
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Hankinson, R. J.(Hankinson, Robert J.) ,

Here is a battle royal between the Neoplatonist Simplicius and the Aristotelian Alexander on the origins, if any, of the universe. A parallel battle had already been conducted by Philoponus and Proclus, arguing that Plato's "Timaeus" gives a beginning to the universe. Simplicius denies this.
In the three chapters of On the Heavens dealt with in this volume, Aristotle argues that the universe is ungenerated and indestructible. In Simplicius' commentary, translated here, we see a battle royal between the Neoplatonist Simplicius and the Aristotelian Alexander, whose lost commentary on Aristotle's On the Heavens Simplicius partly preserves. Simplicius' rival, the Christian Philoponus, had conducted a parallel battle in his Against Proclus but had taken the side of Alexander against Proclus and other Platonists, arguing that Plato's Timaeus gives a beginning to the universe. Simplicius takes the Platonist side, denying that Plato intended a beginning. The origin to which Plato refers is, according to Simplicius, not a temporal origin, but the divine cause that produces the world without beginning. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nf0tApGwuiAkDmf

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.2–3’, 2011
By: Mueller, Ian (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.2–3’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2011
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

One of the arguments in Aristotle's On the Heavens propounds that the world neither came to be nor will perish. This volume contains the pagan Neoplatonist Simplicius of Cilicia's commentary on the first part of this this important work. The commentary is notable and unusual because Simplicius includes in his discussion lengthy representations of the Christian John Philoponus' criticisms of Aristotle along with his own, frequently sarcastic, responses.

This is the first complete translation into a modern language of Simplicius' commentary, and is accompanied by a detailed introduction, extensive explanatory notes and a bibliography. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rY9ULws8UGvf5gU

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.3–4’, 2011
By: Mueller, Ian (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.3–4’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2011
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

This is the first English translation of Simplicius' responses to Philoponus' Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World. The commentary is published in two volumes: Ian Mueller's previous book in the series, Simplicius: On Aristotle On the Heavens 1.2-3, and this book on 1.3-4.

Philoponus, the Christian, had argued that Aristotle's arguments do not succeed. For all they show to the contrary, Christianity may be right that the heavens were brought into existence by the only divine being and one moment in time, and will cease to exist at some future moment. Simplicius upholds the pagan view that the heavens are eternal and divine, and argues that their eternity is shown by their astronomical movements coupled with certain principles of Aristotle.

The English translation in this volume is accompanied by a detailed introduction, extensive commentary notes and a bibliography. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tNzmkPu2sTOT3n5

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.5-9’, 2004
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 1.5-9’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2004
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Hankinson, R. J.(Hankinson, Robert J.) ,

A discourse between Simplicius and Aristotle on whether there is more than one physical world and whether the universe exists beyond the outermost stars. Here, Simplicius tells of the different theories of acceleration in Greek philosophy.
Aristotle argues in On the Heavens 1.5-7 that there can be no infinitely large body, and in 1.8-9 that there cannot be more than one physical world. As a corollary in 1.9, he infers that there is no place, vacuum or time beyond the outermost stars. As one argument in favour of a single world, he argues that his four elements: earth, air, fire and water, have only one natural destination apiece. Moreover they accelerate as they approach it and acceleration cannot be unlimited. However, the Neoplatonist Simplicius, who wrote the commentary in the sixth century AD (here translated into English), tells us that this whole world view was to be rejected by Strato, the third head of Aristotle's school. At the same time, he tells us the different theories of acceleration in Greek philosophy. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6Ua20q85giOX0BF

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 2.10–14’, 2005
By: Mueller, Ian (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 2.10–14’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

Aristotle believed that the outermost stars are carried round us on a transparent sphere. There are directions in the universe and a preferred direction of rotation. The sun, moon and planets are carried on different revolving spheres. The spheres and celestial bodies are composed of an everlasting fifth element, which has none of the ordinary contrary properties like heat and cold which could destroy it, but only the facility for uniform rotation. But this creates problems as to how the heavenly bodies create light, and, in the case of the sun, heat. The topics covered in this part of Simplicius' commentary are: the speeds and distances of the stars; that the stars are spherical; why the sun and moon have fewer motions than the other five planets; why the sphere of the fixed stars contains so many stars whereas the other heavenly spheres contain no more than one (Simplicius has a long excursus on planetary theory in his commentary on this chapter); discussion of people's views on the position, motion or rest, shape, and size of the earth; that the earth is a relatively small sphere at rest in the centre of the cosmos. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1psbLZBEMCHX0LV

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 2.1–9’, 2004
By: Mueller, Ian (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 2.1–9’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2004
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Durckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

Aristotle believed that the outermost stars are carried round us on a transparent sphere. There are directions in the universe and a preferred direction of rotation. The sun moon and planets are carried on different revolving spheres. The spheres and celestial bodies are composed of an everlasting fifth element, which has none of the ordinary contrary properties like heat and cold which could destroy it, but only the facility for uniform rotation. But this creates problems as to how the heavenly bodies create light, and, in the case of the sun, heat. The value of Simplicius' commentary on On the Heavens 2,1-9 lies both in its preservation of the lost comments of Alexander and in Simplicius' controversy with him. The two of them discuss not only the problem mentioned, but also whether soul and nature move the spheres as two distinct forces or as one. Alexander appears to have simplified Aristotle's system of 55 spheres down to seven, and some hints may be gleaned as to whether, simplifying further, he thinks there are seven ultimate movers, or only one. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RgaRgqo4soBSmOr

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 3.1-7’, 2009
By: Mueller, Ian (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 3.1-7’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2009
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

The subject of Aristotle's On the Heavens, Books 3-4, is the four elements of earth, air, fire and water, which exist below the heavens. Book 3, in chapters 1 to 7, frequently criticizes the Presocratic philosophers. Because of this, Simplicius' commentary is one of our main sources of quotations of the Presocratics. Ian Mueller's translation of this commentary gains added importance by enabling us to see the context which guided Simplicius' selection of Presocratic texts to quote. Simplicius also criticizes the lost commentary of the leading Aristotelian commentator, Alexander, and thereby gives us important information about that work. The English translation in this volume is accompanied by a detailed introduction, extensive commentary notes and a bibliography. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Tp4gKVaseyADwcc

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 3.7-4.6’, 2009
By: Simplicius , Mueller, Ian (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Heavens 3.7-4.6’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2009
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

Commenting on the end of Aristotle's On the Heavens Book 3, Simplicius examines Aristotle's criticisms of Plato's theory of elemental chemistry in the Timaeus. Plato makes the characteristics of the four elements depend on the shapes of component corpuscles and ultimately on the arrangement of the triangles which compose them. Simplicius preserves and criticizes the contributions made to the debate in lost works by two other major commentators, Alexander the Aristotelian, and Proclus the Platonist.

In Book 4, Simplicius identifies fifteen objections by Aristotle to Plato's views on weight in the four elements. He finishes Book 4 by elaborating Aristotle's criticisms of Democritus' theory of weight in the atoms, including Democritus' suggestions about the influence of atomic shape on certain atomic motions.

This volume includes an English translation of Simplicius' commentary, a detailed introduction, extensive commentary notes and a bibliography.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9DVMcEiwlRjT1eG

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Soul 1.1-2.4’, 2013
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘On the Soul 1.1-2.4’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Urmson, J. O.(Urmson, James O.) , Lautner, P.(Lautner, Peter) ,

The commentary attributed to Simplicius on Aristotle's On the Soul appears in this series in three volumes, of which this is the first. The translation provides the first opportunity for a wider readership to assess the disputed question of authorship. Is the work by Simplicius, or by his colleague Priscian, or by another commentator? In the second volume, Priscian's Paraphrase of Theophrastus on Sense Perception, which covers the same subject, will also be translated for comparison.
Whatever its authorship, the commentary is a major source for late Neoplatonist theories of thought and sense perception and provides considerable insight into this important area of Aristotle's thought. In this first volume, the Neoplatonist commentator covers the first half of Aristotle's On the Soul, comprising Aristotle's survey of his predecessors and his own rival account of the nature of the soul. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WG1WMmw3qeawVVc

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 1.5–9’, 2012
By: Simplicius , Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Atkinson, Michael (Ed.), Share, Michael (Ed.), Mueller, Ian (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 1.5–9’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2012
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Baltussen, Han , Atkinson, Michael , Share, Michael , Mueller, Ian
Translator(s)	Baltussen, Han(Baltussen, Han) , Atkinson, M.(Atkinson, Michael ) , Share, Michael (Share, Michael ) , Mueller, Ian(Mueller, Ian) ,

Simplicius' greatest contribution in his commentary on Aristotle on Physics 1.5-9 lies in his treatment of matter. The sixth-century philosopher starts with a valuable elucidation of what Aristotle means by 'principle' and 'element' in Physics. Simplicius' own conception of matter is of a quantity that is utterly diffuse because of its extreme distance from its source, the Neoplatonic One, and he tries to find this conception both in Plato's account of space and in a stray remark of Aristotle's. Finally, Simplicius rejects the Manichaean view that matter is evil and answers a Christian objection that to make matter imperishable is to put it on a level with God. This is the first translation of Simplicius' important work into English. [official abstact]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Pv4w4aOCf88Ez2l

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 3’, 2002
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 3’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Urmson, J. O.(Urmson, James O.) , Lautner, P.(Lautner, Peter) ,

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3NicGfYii3TzfK7

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 4.1-5 and 10-14’, 1992
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 4.1-5 and 10-14’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1992
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Urmson, J. O.() ,

This companion to J. O. Urmson's translation in the same series of Simplicius' Corollaries on Place and Time contains Simplicius' commentary on the chapters on place and time in Aristotle's Physics book 4. It is a rich source for the preceding 800 years' discussion of Aristotle's views. Simplicius records attacks on Aristotle's claim that time requires change, or consciousness. He reports a rebuttal of the Pythagorean theory that history will repeat itself exactly. He evaluates Aristotle's treatment of Zeno's paradox concerning place. Throughout he elucidates the structure and meaning of Aristotle's argument, and all the more clearly for having separated off his own views into the Corollaries.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bA4EW9K8tgaBezs

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 6’, 1989
By: Konstan, David (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 6’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1989
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Konstan, David
Translator(s)	Konstan, David(Konstan, David) ,

Book Six of Aristotle's Physics, which concerns the continuum, shows Aristotle at his best. It contains his attack on atomism which forced subsequent Greek and Islamic atomists to reshape their views entirely. It also elaborates Zeno's paradoxes of motion and the famous paradoxes of stopping and starting.
This is the first translation into any modern language of Simplicius' commentary on Book Six. Simplicius, the greatest ancient authority on Aristotle's Physics whose works have survived to the present, lived in the sixth century A.D. He produced detailed commentaries on several of Aristotle's works. Those on the Physics, which alone come to over 1300 pages in the original Greek, preserve not only a centuries-old tradition of ancient scholarship on Aristotle but also fragments of lost works by other thinkers, including both the Presocratic philosophers and such Aristotalians as Eudemus, Theophrastus and Alexander.
The Physics contains some of Aristotle's best and most enduring work, and Simplicius' commentaries are essential to an understanding of it. This volume makes the commentary on Book Six accessible at last to all scholars, whether or not they know classical Greek. It will be indispensible for students of classical philosophy, and especially of Aristotle, as well as for those interested in philosophical thought of late antiquity. It will also be welcomed by students of the history of ideas and philosophers interested in problem mathematics and motion. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2A29TJYaiV3J3QH

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 8.1-5’, 2012
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 8.1-5’
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2012
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Bodnár, István M.(Bodnár, István M.) , Chase, Michael(Chase, Michael ) , Share, Michael (Share, Michael ) ,

In this commentary on Aristotle Physics book eight, chapters one to five, the sixth-century philosopher Simplicius quotes and explains important fragments of the Presocratic philosophers, provides the fragments of his Christian opponent Philoponus' Against Aristotle On the Eternity of the World, and makes extensive use of the lost commentary of Aristotle's leading defender, Alexander of Aphrodisias.

This volume contains an English translation of Simplicius' important commentary, as well as a detailed introduction, explanatory notes and a bibliography.  [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/LJFtY7RnI5jMqhW

Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 8.6–10’, 2001
By: Simplicius , McKirahan, Richard D. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 8.6–10’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2001
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	McKirahan, Richard D.
Translator(s)	McKirahan, Richard D.(McKirahan, Richard D.) ,

Aristotle's Physics is about the causes of motion and culminates in a proof that God is needed as the ultimate cause of motion. Aristotle argues that things in motion need to be moved by something other than themselves - he rejects Plato's self-movers. On pain of regress, there must be an unmoved mover. If this unmoved mover is to cause motion eternally, it needs infinite power. It cannot, then, be a body, since bodies, being of finite size, cannot house infinite power. The unmoved mover is therefore an incorporeal God. Simplicius reveals that his teacher, Ammonius, harmonised Aristotle with Plato to counter Christian charges of pagan disagreement, by making Aristotle's God a cause of beginningless movement, but of beginningless existence of the universe. Eternal existence, not less than eternal motion, calls for an infinite, and hence incorporeal, force. By an irony, this anti-Christian interpretation turned Aristotle's God from a thinker into a certain kind of Creator, and so helped to make Aristotle's God acceptable to St Thomas Aquinas in the thirteenth century. This text provides a translation of Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's work. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/T8coa6uOHoikcaC

Simplicius, On Aristotle's Categories 9-15, 2013
By: Simplicius, Gaskin, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle's Categories 9-15
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2013
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Gaskin, Richard
Translator(s)	Gaskin, Richard(Gaskin, Richard ) ,

Aristotle classified the things in the world into ten categories: substance, quantity, quality, relative, etc. Plotinus, the founder of Neoplatonism, attacked the classification, accepting only these first four categories, rejecting the other six, and adding one of this own: change. He preferred Plato’s classification into five kinds which included change.

In this part of his commentary, Simplicius records the controversy on the six categories which Plotinus rejected: acting, being acted upon, being in a position, when, where, and having on. Plotinus’ pupil and editor, Porphyry, defended all six categories as applicable to the physical world, even if not to the world of Platonic Forms to which Platonist studies must eventually progress. Porphyry’s pupil, lamblichus, went further: taken in a suitable sense, Aristotle’s categories apply also to the world of Forms, although they require Pythagorean reinterpretation. Simplicius may be closer to Porphyry that to lamblichus, and indeed Porphyry’s defence established Aristotle’s categories once and for all in Western thought. But the probing controversy of this period none the less revealed more effectively than any discussion of modern times the profound difficulties in Aristotle’s categorical scheme. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OOD3JZhq2VbNbHJ

Simplicius, On Aristotle's ‘Physics 5’, 1997
By: Simplicius, Cilicius

Title	Simplicius, On Aristotle's ‘Physics 5’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius, Cilicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Urmson, James O.(Urmson, James O.) ,

Simplicius, the greatest surviving ancient authority on Aristotle's Physics, lived in the sixth century A.D. He produced detailed commentaries on several of Aristotle's works. Those on the Physics, which alone come to over 1,300 pages in the original Greek, preserve a centuries-old tradition of ancient scholarship on Aristotle.
In Physics Book 5 Aristotle lays down some of the principles of his dynamics and theory of change. What does not count as a change: change of relation? the flux of time? There is no change of change, yet acceleration is recognised. Aristotle defines 'continuous', 'contact', and 'next', and uses these definitions in discussing when we can claim that the same change or event is still going on.
This volume is complemented by David Konstan's translation of Simplicius' commentary on Physics Book 6, which has already appeared in this series. It is Book 6 that gives spatial application to the terms defined in Book 5, and uses them to mount a celebrated attack on atomism. Simplicius' commentaries enrich our understanding of the Physics and of its interpretation in the ancient world.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pubEMTCazQ2ADZR

Simplicius, On Epictetus’ Handbook 1–26, 2002
By: Brennan, Tad (Ed.), Brittain, Charles (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Epictetus’ Handbook 1–26
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Brennan, Tad , Brittain, Charles
Translator(s)	Brennan, Tad(Brennan, Tad) , Brittain, Charles(Brittain, Charles) ,

[Simplicius'] moral interpretation of Epictetus is preserved in the library of nations, as a classic book, most excellently adapted to direct the will, to purify the heart, and to confirm the understanding, by a just confidence in the nature both of God and man.'
Edward Gibbon

'This book, written by a "pagan" philosopher, makes the most Christian impression conceivable. The betrayal of all reality through morality is here present in its fullest splendour - pitiful psychology, the philosopher is reduced to a country parson. And Plato is to blame for all of it! He remains Europe's greatest misfortune!'
Fredrich Nietzsche

Of these two rival reactions the favourable one was most common. Epictetus' Handbook on ethics was used in Christian monasteries, and Simplicius' commentary on it was widely available up to the nineteenth century.
The commentary gives us a fascinating chance to see how a pagan Neoplatonist transformed Stoic ideas, adding Neoplatonist accounts of theology, theodicy, providence, free will and the problem of evil.
This translation of the Commentary on the Handbook is published in two volumes. This is the first, covering chapters 1-26; the second covers chapters 27-53. [offical abstact]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mbLTAePveC0nKEm

Simplicius, On Epictetus’ Handbook 27–53, 2002
By: Brennan, Tad (Ed.), Brittain, Charles (Ed.), Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, On Epictetus’ Handbook 27–53
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient Commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Brennan, Tad , Brittain, Charles
Translator(s)	Brennan, Tad(Brennan, Tad) , Brittain, Charles(Brittain, Charles) ,

The Enchiridion or Handbook of the first-century Ad Stoic Epictetus was used as an ethical treatise both in Christian monasteries and by the sixth-century pagan Neoplatonist Simplicius. Simplicius chose it for beginners, rather than Aristotle's Ethics, because it presupposed no knowledge of logic. We thus get a fascinating chance to see how a pagan Neoplatonist transformed Stoic ideas. The text was relevant to Simplicius because he too, like Epictetus, was teaching beginners how to take the first steps towards eradicating emotion, although he is unlike Epictetus in thinking that they should give up public life rather than acquiesce, if public office is denied them. Simplicius starts from a Platonic definition of the person as rational soul, not body, ignoring Epictetus' further whittling down of himself to just his will or policy decisions. He selects certain topics for special attention in chapters 1, 8, 27 and 31. Things are up to us, despite Fate. Our sufferings are not evil, but providential attempts to turn us from the body. Evil is found only in the human soul. But evil is parasitic (Proclus' term) on good. The gods exist, are provident, and cannot be bought off.With nearly all of this the Stoics would agree, but for quite different reasons, and their own distinctions and definitions are to a large extent ignored. This translation of the Handbook is published in two volumes. This is the second volume, covering chapters 27-53; the first covers chapters 1-26. [offical abstact]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2rHivWnOIN8JwX2

Simplicius, Syrianus and the Harmony of Ancient Philosophers, 2019
By: Golitsis, Pantelis, Strobel, Benedikt (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius, Syrianus and the Harmony of Ancient Philosophers
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2019
Published in	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Pages	69-99
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Strobel, Benedikt
Translator(s)

This study explores the idea of harmonizing philosophical discourse, which aims to reconcile philosophical texts that contain seemingly incompatible ideas. Contrary to the assumption in scholarly literature, this discourse was not widely accepted in the philosophical Schools of Late Antiquity. The author examines the reactions of Syrianus, the Head of the Platonic School at Athens, to Aristotle's criticisms of Plato's philosophy, and how Syrianus accepted parts of Aristotle's philosophy but rejected others. The article also discusses the absence of a philosophical curriculum at the time of Simplicius' Aristotelian Commentaries, which led to his concern about the innate unity of ancient Greek philosophy being broken apart. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QL5VZHREOe1cXap

Simplicius, in Cat., p. 1,3-3,17 Kalbfleisch: An Important Contribution to the History of the Ancient, 2004
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut

Title	Simplicius, in Cat., p. 1,3-3,17 Kalbfleisch: An Important Contribution to the History of the Ancient
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2004
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	147
Issue	3/4
Pages	408-420
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In the first place, the survey  of  the  commentaries  on  the  Categories with  which  Simplicius  provides  us,  as  well  as  the  examination  undertaken  by J. M. Dillon of the fragments of Iamblichus’ commentaries on Plato’s dialogues, show as clearly as possible that the form of the continuous commentary was utilized by the Neoplatonists right from the start, and that it therefore was not introduced by Syrianus. Secondly,  an  attentive  comparison  between  those  Neoplatonic  commentaries on the Categories that have come down to us proves that a  genuine  doctrinal  continuity  existed  from  Porphyry  to  Simplicius. In addition, I consider it likely that an analogous continuity with regard to the tendency to harmonize the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle also existed in the Neoplatonic commentaries on the Metaphysics, of which only that of Syrianus (partial), and that of Asclepius-Ammonius (partial) have come down to us, whereas those of Porphyry and Iamblichus are lost, but attested, and that Syrianus’ attitude,  which  he  manifests  in  the  introduction  to  his commentary on book My the Metaphysics, is therefore no more original than his use of the form of the continuous commentary. In conclusion, Syrianus was certainly a great philosopher, but, as far as the precise points dealt with in this article are concerned, he was not the innovator he has been made out to be. [conclusion, p. 419-420]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iOqb6gj8D2LqZxB

Simplicius, Σιμπλικίου μεγάλου διδασκάλου ὑπόμνημα εἰς τὰς δέκα κατηγορίας τοῦ Ἀριστοτέλους, 1499
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicius, Σιμπλικίου μεγάλου διδασκάλου ὑπόμνημα εἰς τὰς δέκα κατηγορίας τοῦ Ἀριστοτέλους
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1499
Publication Place	Venedig
Publisher	Aldus & A. Asulanus
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2n20SyesE2MJExh

Simplicius. Commentaire sur la Physique d'Aristote - Livre II, ch. 4-6, 2022
By: Lernould, Alain

Title	Simplicius. Commentaire sur la Physique d'Aristote - Livre II, ch. 4-6
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2022
Publication Place	Villeneuve d’Ascq
Publisher	Presses Universitaires du Septentrion
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lernould, Alain
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Les chapitres 4-6 du Livre II de la Physique d'Aristote constituent le premier essai dans notre littérature philosophique occidentale consacré au hasard et à la fortune. On y trouve l'exemple de la pierre qui en tombant d'une hauteur sur le crâne de quelqu'un le tue, repris par Spinoza dans son Éthique. Aristote et Spinoza s'accordent pour dire que la pierre n'est pas tombée pour tuer. Mais le rejet du finalisme et en même temps de toute forme de contingence chez Spinoza est aux antipodes du finalisme dans lequel Aristote peut inscrire le hasard.
Le commentaire de Simplicius apporte sur la doctrine d'Aristote des éclaircissements et des prolongements substantiels, encore peu connus, auxquels la présente traduction, la première en français, donne un accès direct. Simplicius permet en particulier de trancher sur la question de la traduction des termes t??? et a?t?µat?? en Phys. II, 4-6, à savoir, respectivement, « fortune » et « hasard » (plutôt que « hasard » et « spontanéité »).
En bon néoplatonicien, il couronne son commentaire par un hymne à la déesse Fortune. Ce livre vient à la suite de la traduction du commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique, Livre II, chap. 1-3, publiée par A. Lernould aux Presses universitaires du Septentrion en 2019. Il sera suivi d'un troisième volume qui contiendra la traduction du commentaire aux trois derniers chapitres (7-9) du Livre II de la Physique, qui portent sur la finalité naturelle et la nécessité. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/m7RF2NiZPJdZBFC

Title	Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Catégories. Traduction commentée sous la direction de Ilsetraut Hadot. Fascicule I: Introduction, Première partie (p. 1-9, 3 Kalbfleisch)
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1990
Publication Place	Leiden - New York - København - Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua. A Series of studies on ancient Philosophy
Volume	50.1
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe (Hoffmann, Philippe ) , Hadot, Pierre(Hadot, Pierre)

The French translation with commentary, the first in a modern language, allows historians of philosophy access to a fundamental work for the understanding of medieval and modern thought. They could also explore more easily the great variety of information contained in the commentary of Simplicius on the history of the exegis of the Catégories of Aristotle, and more generally on the history of comparative philosophy of Simplicius. They will discover some important aspects in the actual thought of Simplicius, which so far has hardly been explored. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

Title	Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Catégories. Traduction commentée sous la direction de Ilsetraut Hadot. Fascicule III: Préambule aux catégories; Commentaire au premier chapitre des catégories (p. 21 - 40, 13 Kalbfleisch)
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1990
Publication Place	Leiden - New York - København - Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia antiqua. A Series of studies on ancient Philosophy
Volume	51
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe(Hoffmann, Philippe )

The French translation with commentary, the first in a modern language, allows historians of philosophy access to a fundamental work for the understanding of medieval and modern thought. They could also explore more easily the great variety of information contained in the commentary of Simplicius on the history of the exegis of the Catégories of Aristotle, and more generally on the history of comparative philosophy of Simplicius. They will discover some important aspects in the actual thought of Simplicius, which so far has hardly been explored. [official abstract]

Online Resources

Simplicius. Commentaire sur les ‹Catégories› d’Aristote, Chapitres 2–4, 2001
By: Simplicius

Title	Simplicius. Commentaire sur les ‹Catégories› d’Aristote, Chapitres 2–4
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	2001
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Les Belles Lettres
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Hoffmann, Philipe(Hoffmann, Philippe ) ,

Ce volume prend la suite des deux fascicules publies dans la serie Philosophia antiqua (Simplicius. Commentaire sur les Categories, fasc. I: Proeme, trad. de Ph. Hoffmann, commentaire par I. Hadot [vol. 50], et fasc. III: Premier chapitre, trad. de Ph. Hoffmann, commentaire par C. Luna, Leiden-Kobenhavn-Koln 1990 [vol. 51]). Il sera suivi d'autres volumes qui, nous l'esperons, permettront de donner une traduction francaise integrale du commentaire de Simplicius sur les Categories. Ce volume, consacre aux chapitres 2 a 4 des Categories, par lesquels se termine le preambule a l'expose des categories proprement dit, a pris une ampleur considerable a cause de la comparaison analytique avec les sept autres commentaires neoplatonciens sur les Categories: Porphyre, Dexippe, Ammonius, Philopon, Olympiodore, Elias, Boece. Cela nous a permis d'etablir les rapports entre ces textes et de decrire la technique exegetique propre a chacun d'entre eux. Ces resultats une fois acquis, il sera possible de reduire considerablement la taille des volumes qui vont suivre. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ZUh8fz6yg7aXHBr

Simplicius. On Aristotle Physics 1.1-2 (Ancient commentators on Aristotle), 2022
By: Menn, Stephen Philip

Title	Simplicius. On Aristotle Physics 1.1-2 (Ancient commentators on Aristotle)
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2022
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Bloomsbury Publishing
Series	Ancient commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Menn, Stephen Philip
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

With this translation, all 12 volumes of translation of Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics have been published (full list below). In Physics 1.1–2, Aristotle raises the question of the number and character of the first principles of nature and feels the need to oppose the challenge of the paradoxical Eleatic philosophers who had denied that there could be more than one unchanging thing.

This volume, part of the groundbreaking Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series, translates into English for the first time Simplicius' commentary on this selected text, and includes a brief introduction, extensive explanatory notes, indexes and a bibliography. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rvwnWaF9gp9DQtr

Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985, 1987
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1987
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Series	Peripatoi. Philologisch-historische Studien zum Aristotelismus
Volume	15
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Pour permettre aux différents membres de la R.C.P., dont plusieurs habitent à l'étranger, ainsi qu'à d'autres savants intéressés par les études sur Simplicius, d'entrer en contact personnel, de résoudre oralement des questions diverses se rapportant à l'organisation du travail, d'échanger entre eux les tout derniers résultats de leurs recherches et d'engager une discussion sur des problèmes difficiles, j'ai organisé, dans le cadre de la R.C.P. 739, un colloque international qui s'est tenu à Paris, à la Fondation Hugot, du 28 septembre au 1er octobre 1985. Ce colloque a été entièrement financé par la Fondation Hugot du Collège de France, à laquelle j'exprime toute ma gratitude. Je tiens aussi à remercier M. et Mme de Morant pour la sollicitude et la bienveillance avec laquelle ils ont accueilli les membres du colloque et veillé à leur procurer un merveilleux confort.

Le Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique a subventionné la parution des Actes du Colloque, et je remercie le professeur Dr. H. Wenzel d'avoir rendu possible leur parution dans la série prestigieuse des Peripatoi de la maison d'édition De Gruyter. [Préface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/45BIqsODQJTdHmt

Simplicius. Sur le temps. Commentaire sur la Physique d’Aristote et Corollaire sur le temps, 2021
By: Simplicius ,

Title	Simplicius. Sur le temps. Commentaire sur la Physique d’Aristote et Corollaire sur le temps
Type	Monograph
Language	French
Date	2021
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Vrin
Series	Bibliothèque des Textes Philosophiques
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Stevens, Annick(Stevens, Annick)

Comment comprendre la thèse d’Aristote que le temps est un nombre? Est-il une durée ou un ordre de succession, un simple aspect du devenir ou le responsable de sa régularité? Quel est son rapport avec l’espace? Existe-t-il un temps unique pour les divers changements dans l’univers? Des repères comme l’instant, le présent, la simultanéité, ont-ils un sens indépendamment de notre esprit? De toutes ces questions ardemment débattues parmi les commentateurs grecs d’Aristote, Simplicius, le dernier d’entre eux et certainement le plus perspicace, se fait l’écho autant que l’arbitre. Ses propositions, étonnamment modernes, sont autant d’occasions pour nous de repenser ce concept qui défie encore physiciens et philosophes.
Traduit pour la première fois en français, le texte est accompagné d’une présentation détaillée et de notes explicatives qui en facilitent la compréhension.

Traduction, introduction et notes par A. Stevens. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JRtqfd3KmUBPEU1

Simplicius: Commentary, Harmony, and Authority, 2009
By: Barney, Rachel

Title	Simplicius: Commentary, Harmony, and Authority
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2009
Journal	Antiquorum Philosophia
Volume	3
Pages	101-119
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Barney, Rachel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Second, I have tried to bring out that projects of harmonization in philosophy have a perennial attraction for philosophers and interpreters alike, and not only for those who are antecedently committed to a canon of conflicting authorities. Projects of harmonization come in many guises and range across a spectrum from the primarily philosophical to the purely exegetical. Simplicius comes close to the latter extreme: his persona and methods are, in fact, strikingly close to those of a familiar sort of modern scholar, notwithstanding the strong philosophical commitments that inform his project. Finally, I would suggest that this self-appointed role as exegete is, more than anything else, an expression of Simplicius’ self-conscious belatedness. With a few exceptions, such as the residual puzzles about place and time addressed in the Corollaries, Simplicius’ work shows us what it is like to do philosophy after all the philosophical problems have been solved. All that remains open to him is the essentially interpretive work of showing how the correct solutions fit together. [conclusion p. 117-118]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bBLV4U0YGAzXs7u

Simplicius: Corollarium de loco, 1979
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Aujac, Germaine (Ed.), Soubiran, Jean (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius: Corollarium de loco
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1979
Published in	L'Astronomie dans l'antiquité classique. Actes du Colloque tenu à l'Université de Toulouse-le-Mirail, 21–23 Octobre, 1977
Pages	143-161
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Aujac, Germaine , Soubiran, Jean
Translator(s)

En conclusion : La définition aristotélicienne du lieu comme « première limite immobile de l'enveloppant » tente de concilier deux exigences contradictoires : le lieu est une enveloppe et il est immobile. Aristote est contraint de dire que le Monde n'est pas en un lieu, puisqu'il n'est enveloppé par rien : s'il n'est nulle part, il ne peut non plus se mouvoir localement, ce qui est en contradiction avec l'« expérience » et avec d’autres exigences du système (la dignité du mouvement circulaire uniforme et éternel convient à la substance céleste).

    Proclus, sur la base de la problématique aristotélicienne, interprète l'enveloppement par le lieu du corps situé en lui comme une compénétration totale de l’un et de l'autre. Sa solution est plus physique et plus cosmologique que celle de Damascius : le lieu est une sphère corporelle de lumière pure en coïncidence parfaite avec la sphère cosmique. Le lieu est immobile, tandis que l'Univers se meut en lui.

    Damascius propose une solution plus métaphysique : le lieu est la mesure (incorporelle, quoique sensible) de la position. L'Univers a un lieu fixe, son lieu essentiel, d'où procèdent les lieux successifs qui sont les siens au cours de son mouvement.

Proclus et Damascius, chacun à leur manière, établissent donc :

    que le Monde a un lieu (fixe) ;
    que le Monde se meut localement.

Ils triomphent ainsi des apories dans lesquelles s'engageait la pensée d'Aristote. [conclusion p. 161]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2CpsO1R1mVMqjay

Simplicius: On Aristotle ‘On the Soul 3.1–5’, 2000
By: Simplicius , Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius: On Aristotle ‘On the Soul 3.1–5’
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2000
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Series	Ancient commentators on Aristotle
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Translator(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. (Blumenthal, Henry J.) ,

In On the Soul 3.1-5, Aristotle goes beyond the five sense to the general functions of sense perception, the imagination and the so-called active intellect, the of which was still a matter of controversy in the time of Thomas Aquinas.
In his commentary on Aristotle's text, 'Simplicius' insists that the intellect in question is not something transcendental but the human rational soul. He denies both Plotinus' view that a part of the soul has never descended from uninterrupted contemplation of the Platonic Forms, and Proclus' view that the soul cannot be changed in its substance through embodiment.
He also denies that imagination sees things as true or false, which requires awareness of one's own cognitions. He thinks that imagination works by projecting imprints. In the case of mathematics, it can make the imprints more like shapes taken on during sense perception or more like concepts, which calls for lines without breadth. He acknowledges that Aristotle would not agree to reify these concepts as substances, but thinks of mathematical entities as mere abstractions.
Addressing the vexed question of authorship, H. J. Blumenthal concludes that the commentary was written neither by Simplicius nor Priscian. In a novel interpretation, he suggests that if Priscian had any hand in this commentary, it might have been as editor of notes from Simplicius' lectures. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3B0pZxic5793Qw5

Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension, 1987
By: Sorabji, Richard, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	148-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

The diffuseness of extension will have seemed important to Simplicius because it puts prime matter where it should be, at the opposite extreme from the unity of the One. He knew that Plato had been taken as identifying prime matter with space or with other kinds of extension, and, although he disagreed, he thought he found the justification for such an interpretation of Aristotle at least in Phys. 4,2, if not in the Metaphysics as well.

But even if Simplicius' interpretation does not represent Aristotle's conscious thought, it opens new vistas. For one thing, I believe that extension would fit with Aristotle's conception of prime matter, and fit better than anything else that has been proposed. Furthermore, in considering how it would fit, we have been forced to consider a network of interlocking parts of Aristotle's philosophy.

Some of the parts would require modification if extension were to be openly acknowledged as playing the role of prime matter, but the resulting modifications would yield a coherent view. Finally, views of the same general sort, which treat body as some kind of extension endowed with properties, have recurred through the ages, for example in Descartes, in Newton, and in twentieth-century physics. [conclusion p. 162-163]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/h6HONd1UnE1D8Vw

Simplicius’ Categorial Analysis of 'differentiae', 2024
By: Hauer, Mareike, Brockmann, Christian (Ed.), Deckers, Daniel (Ed.), Valente, Stefano (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius’ Categorial Analysis of 'differentiae'
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2024
Published in	Aristoteles-Kommentare und ihre Überlieferung. Wichtige Etappen von der Antike bis in die frühe Neuzeit
Pages	269-291
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)	Brockmann, Christian , Deckers, Daniel , Valente, Stefano
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/jsGhr81iLqtnRuC

Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle, De Caelo 2.10-12: An Annotated Translation, Part 1, 2003
By: Bowen, Alan C., Simplicius

Title	Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle, De Caelo 2.10-12: An Annotated Translation, Part 1
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2003
Journal	SCIAMVS: Sources and Commentaries in Exact Sciences
Volume	4
Pages	23-58
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bowen, Alan C. , Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Indeed, the main challenge scholars perceive in Simplicius’ commentary is to tease out and reconstruct the underlying mathematical theory that would make it all ‘true.’ Such naïveté is breathtaking. Few who read Simplicius and understand his historiographical project—a search for a truth that Aristotle’s text is supposed to embody rather than a study of the text itself on its own terms—would elevate him to a position of such unquestioned authority. And those who have reflected on the often intractable problems in assessing the truth of ancient reports or testimonia in the sciences will quite naturally decline to take Simplicius at his word in this matter.

I recognize, of course, that it is customary to detect errors in Simplicius’ account and to attribute them either to Aristotle or to Simplicius; but this, I fear, typically amounts to little more than a demonstration that we moderns can be speciously clever while taking what Simplicius writes for granted.

I have written at length elsewhere that Simplicius’ comments on De caelo 2.12 do not constitute an account of what Aristotle meant in Metaphysics Λ 8 that we should accept today as properly historical. There is, after all, no extant Greek or Latin text written before the late second century BCE that shows any knowledge of the planetary phenomena of station and retrogradation, which are so central to Simplicius’ commentary. There are also ample signs that Simplicius’ remarks about the history of early astronomy are not a report but a reconstruction occasioned by what Aristotle writes in Metaphysics Λ 8 and the need to explain why the homocentric planetary theory outlined there was later abandoned by Aristotelians. Moreover, Metaphysics Λ 8 is itself underdetermined so far as its presentation of this homocentric theory goes. Indeed, there are other interpretations of this presentation that fit far better than Simplicius’ with what we can find elsewhere in Aristotle’s writings and in documents by other writers of the fourth century.

That scholars today persist in reading Metaphysics Λ 8 and other early texts as indicating knowledge of the planetary stations and retrogradations is a puzzle. One only wishes, when these scholars have elaborated their interpretations of Metaphysics Λ 8 and of the other related texts written before the late second century that concern planetary motions, that they would not stop here as if their work as historians were done. Obviously, it will not be enough if they simply adduce relevant testimonia by later ancient writers. Not only are these testimonia few in number and dated to a time after the characteristic planetary motions were duly understood, they typically prove on critical examination to be either ambiguous or anachronistic in the same way as Simplicius’ account is. Consequently, any appeal to such testimonia without critical argument in defense of their historical validity is pointless.

Indeed, the burden must fall on these scholars to demonstrate that Metaphysics Λ 8 and the other early texts must be read in this way. For, absent such proof, all one has is the fallacy of imputing to a writer the perceived consequences of what he writes. Of course, making such a proof will be hard work. Even those sharing the general view that the Greeks of the fourth century were aware of planetary stations and retrogradations do not agree about how these phenomena were understood or explained. In addition, there are my own arguments not only that these texts may be read without supposing such knowledge but also that they should be read without such a supposition, given the contemporaneous evidence of astronomical theory.

And finally, there is the largely unrecognized problem that, even if Simplicius’ history of astronomy in Aristotle’s time is anachronistic, it has a simpler interpretation than the one first propounded in the 19th century by Schiaparelli and elaborated to this day. Granted, these scholars may wish to excuse themselves from the charge of wrongly imputing to Simplicius what they perceive as the real meaning of his text, by claiming that Simplicius is preserving material from earlier sources that he does not understand. But should historians today assent to reading an ancient commentary in a way that makes the commentator irrelevant, and should they do this in the expectation that the interpretation offered reflects the thought of some putative source from whom nothing survives for confirmation?

My own view is that compounding such a misreading of an ancient literary genre with such untestable faith—or, if you will, unassailable credulity—may have numerous outcomes, but historical knowledge will not be one of them.

Few modern historians have examined what Simplicius actually writes—the great tendency is to rely on some learned summary such as that supplied by Heath, who makes accessible in English the pioneering work of Schiaparelli. Accordingly, I here present Simplicius’ account of Metaphysics Λ 8 so that readers may begin to get their own sense of what is at issue.

To this end, I have translated Heiberg’s edition of Simplicius’ commentary on the three narrowly astronomical chapters of the De caelo and have supplied my translation with annotation intended primarily to clarify the technical, scientific meaning.

Given the exigencies of publication, this annotated translation will come in two parts. The first, presented here, is devoted to Simplicius’ commentary on De caelo 2.10–11. These chapters in the De caelo raise stock issues in astronomy; and it is valuable, I think, for readers interested in Simplicius’ account of planetary theory in 2.12 to see and assess just how he deals with them. Indeed, not only does Simplicius’ commentary on 2.10–11 show him drawing on a tradition of technical writing for novices and philosophers that goes back to Geminus and Cleomedes, it also shows him going astray on fundamental points in elementary mathematics. And this is surely important for our interpretation of his commentary on 2.12.

The annotation itself is, as I have said, intended to assist the reader with information that may be needed to make sense of the text. My main aim is to allow access to Simplicius that is as little encumbered by my interpretative intrusion as is feasible, since my hope in this publication is that the reader will confront Simplicius for himself, by himself, so far as this is possible in a translation.

Thus, I do not engage in the details of the interpretations offered by those who assume that the early Greeks were aware of the planetary phenomena so central to Simplicius’ account of Metaphysics Λ 8. Still, there is a question about just how much annotation is needed by readers of this journal, and I hope that I have not erred too much in following my natural disposition to say less.

Simplicius’ Greek is typical of scholastic commentary: elliptical, crabbed, and technical. I have tried to deal with this by supplying in square brackets what is missing whenever this seemed necessary or likely to make the meaning easier for the reader to grasp. At the same time, I have tried, so far as is reasonable and within my ability, to capture Simplicius’ technical vocabulary and to preserve the logical structure of his sentences.

This translation has benefited greatly from the generous criticism of earlier versions offered by Bernard R. Goldstein and Robert B. Todd: they have saved me from numerous mistakes and infelicities, and I am most pleased to acknowledge this.

Finally, I am very pleased to record my gratitude to Ken Saito, the Managing Editor of SCIAMVS, for his unflagging interest in this project and his encouragement as I pursued it. That my annotated translation appears in SCIAMVS is ample proof of his very kind support and his patience with a historian whose sense of time seems limited to the past. [introduction p. 23-26]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/skKbEWtOO6LigIs

Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle, De Caelo 2.10-12: An Annotated Translation, Part 2, 2008
By: Bowen, Alan C., Simplicius

Title	Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle, De Caelo 2.10-12: An Annotated Translation, Part 2
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2008
Journal	SCIAMVS: Sources and Commentaries in Exact Sciences
Volume	9
Pages	25-131
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bowen, Alan C. , Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In completing this project, I have relied strictly on modern editions of Aristotle’s De caelo in presenting the lemmata in full and have relegated comments about any differences with Simplicius’ abbreviated lemmata to footnotes. After all, given that we have only Simplicius’ lemmata and not the full text of the De caelo that he used, there seems little sense in presenting Aristotle’s text in full while combining it with readings from Simplicius’ text, thereby implying a text that does not exist. At the same time, I have preserved the fact that the text quoted or paraphrased in the commentary proper sometimes differs from the text found in the lemmata. Thus, the lemmata presented here differ from those offered by Ian Mueller (2005), since he revises the received text of the De caelo in light of Simplicius’ text and removes any differences between Simplicius’ lemmata and his quotations and paraphrases.

For the modern text of Aristotle’s De caelo, my primary source is Paul Moraux’s edition, as it makes extensive use of the indirect tradition in establishing Aristotle’s text. Moreover, as before, I have used Heiberg’s 1894 edition for the text of Simplicius’ commentary. However, caveat lector: this edition has recently been criticized for its reliance on the 1540 edition of the Latin translation of In De caelo made by William of Moerbeke in the 13th century. Additionally, arguments have been made for the importance of the recently discovered translation of De caelo 2 and related passages from Simplicius by Robert Grosseteste in establishing Simplicius’ text. Regrettably, there is only a proper edition thus far of Moerbeke’s translation of Simplicius’ commentary on De caelo 1; and, though it has certainly proved useful, we must all await the publication of the edition of Moerbeke’s version of Simplicius’ In De caelo 2. This forthcoming edition, as I understand, will account for both of Moerbeke’s translations of Simplicius’ astronomical digression in his commentary on 2.12.

As for Grosseteste’s translation, though there is apparently a typescript edition by the late Fernand Bossier, it seems to be privately circulated, and so far, I have been unable to obtain a copy.

Next, in interpreting the syntax and meaning of Simplicius’ Greek, I have used terminology that remains faithful to our ancient sources while also being familiar to historians of science, ensuring an accurate rendering of the technical language that Simplicius employs (and sometimes misuses) in the course of his philosophical and astronomical interpretations. As before, the line numbers in the margins of the translation indicate the line in which the first word of the corresponding line in Heiberg’s text appears. The result is not exact in terms of the actual line count, but it should suffice to allow readers to move between my translation and Simplicius’ text if they so wish.

Finally, I have supplied extensive footnotes and comments to explicate the many issues that readers should understand in order to assess the nature of Simplicius’ commentary on De caelo 2.12. Readers may well disagree with my claims and arguments; however, I trust that this annotation will at least help them avoid missteps—mine included. What I have not done, however, is address the voluminous literature offering reconstructions of the system of homocentric spheres that Simplicius describes in the great astronomical digression concluding his commentary on 2.12.

As in Part 1, my overriding aim is to provide only such annotation as allows readers to engage with Simplicius’ testimony directly, without obscuring it beneath layers of learned interpretation and speculation. My hope is that this approach will encourage readers to assess such reconstructions critically. Admittedly, this aim aligns with my own conclusion that such reconstructions, which trace back to Schiaparelli in the 19th century and were largely codified by Heath (1913), must today be seen as an egregious example of how scholars and their communities project their own perspectives onto the past.

Moreover, this approach fits with my conviction that Simplicius’ commentary on De caelo 2.10–12 is historically significant in its own right as a witness to concerns in late antiquity about the nature and foundations of astronomical knowledge. Accordingly, I have limited my remarks on these reconstructions to instances where proponents make claims about the meaning of Simplicius’ Greek or critique his interpretations. For the most part, I have set aside alternative reconstructions proposed by Maula (1974), Heglmeier (1996), Mendell (1998, 2000), and Yavetz (1998, 2001, 2003).

For further details on the principles underlying this translation and the format of its presentation, I urge the reader to consult Part 1, especially pages 25–26. [introduction p. 25-27]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/bK5nxtsNqCbstdI

Simplicius’ Corollary on Place: Method of Philosophising and Doctrines, 2016
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Golitsis, Pantelis, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius’ Corollary on Place: Method of Philosophising and Doctrines
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	531–540
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe , Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Simplicius’ Corollary on Place (Corollarium de loco) is not a doxographic text but a strictly Neoplatonic philosophical work, with its own philosophical method. It takes the form of a digression interrupting the continuity of Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics (itself a written work intended for readers, hoi entugkhanontes, hoi enteuxomenoi), and its literary genre is that of a monograph treatise using dialectic and exegesis as its principal methods. The dialectical method consists in discussing the opinions of Simplicius’ predecessors, ancient and modern, mainly Aristotle and Proclus, to pave the way for the exposition of the truth, following the method inaugurated by Aristotle in the Topics and still very much alive. It also proceeds by puzzles and solutions (aporiai kai luseis). Th e exegetic method reappears even within a digression which breaks with the continuous commentary and Simplicius devotes sometimes long passages to quoting and commenting on texts from Aristotle, Theophrastus, Proclus, and Damascius, but also from the Chaldaean Oracles, Iamblichus, or Syrianus. Throughout this piece Simplicius maintains complete control over his material which includes the art of rhetoric, dialectical technique, and his philosophic intention. In it, he replaces the Aristotelian defi nition of place (‘the first unmoved boundary of the surrounding body’ (to tou periekhontos peras akinêton prôton), Phys . 4.4, 212a20–1) with a new defi nition taken from his master Damascius (place is the measure of the intrinsic positioning (metron tês theseôs) of the parts of a body, and of its right position in a greater surrounding whole), and he departs from Aristotle’s thought with a radical innovation which progressively works its way in. [introduction p. 531-532]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nyFqYhK3Z7baSF2

Simplicius’ response to Philoponus’ attacks on Aristotle’s Physics 8.1., 2012
By: Chase, Michael, Bodnár, István M. (Ed.), Chase, Michael (Ed.), Share, Michael (Ed.)

Title	Simplicius’ response to Philoponus’ attacks on Aristotle’s Physics 8.1.
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2012
Published in	Simplicius, On Aristotle ‘Physics 8.1-5’
Pages	1-16
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)	Bodnár, István M. , Chase, Michael , Share, Michael
Translator(s)

The section devoted to Physics 8.1 is one of the most extensive and interesting in Simplicius’ commentary on Physics 8. On the one hand, it contains Simplicius’ usual meticulous comments on the text of Aristotle, who here begins his demonstration of the eternity of motion. As is his wont, the Stagirite starts out with a critical survey of the views of his predecessors, which gives Simplicius the opportunity to quote and explain a number of important fragments of Presocratic philosophers (Anaximander, Anaximenes, Heraclitus, the Atomists, Diogenes of Apollonia, and especially Empedocles). But the bulk of Simplicius’ commentary on Physics 8.1 consists of one of his famous digressions, in which he quotes and attempts to refute several fragments from Book 6 of "Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World," written by his Christian rival, John Philoponus, sometime in the 530s. Many of the arguments of both Philoponus and Simplicius concerning time, eternity, and the nature of the infinite are of considerable philosophical importance, as a number of recent studies have shown. Quite apart from the intrinsic interest of the various arguments mobilized by both interlocutors, however, Book 8.1 of Simplicius’ "Commentary on Physics," together with his "Commentary on the de Caelo," provide us with vitally important documents concerning the conflict between pagans and Christians in the second quarter of the sixth century AD. [p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4tkAKmiX8jOeqAf

Simplicius’s Proof of Euclid’s Parallels Postulate, 1969
By: Sabra, A. I.

Title	Simplicius’s Proof of Euclid’s Parallels Postulate
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1969
Journal	Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
Volume	32
Pages	1-24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sabra, A. I.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

A commentary by Simplicius on the premises to Book I of Euclid’s Elements survives in an Arabic translation, of which the author and the exact date of execution are unknown. The translation is reproduced by the ninth-century mathematician al-Fadl ibn Hâtim al-Nayrîzî in the course of his own commentary on the Elements. Of Nayrîzî’s commentary, which is based on the earlier translation of the Elements by al-Hajjâj ibn Yûsuf ibn Matar, we have only one manuscript copy at Leiden and Gerard of Cremona’s Latin translation, both of which have been published.

The passages quoted by Nayrîzî, owing to their extensiveness and consecutive order, would strongly lead one to assume that they together make up the whole of Simplicius’s text. In what follows, however, I shall argue that they suffer from at least one important omission: a proof by Simplicius himself of Euclid’s parallels postulate. Since the omission occurs both in the Leiden manuscript and in Gerard’s translation, it cannot simply be an accidental feature of the former. My argument will consist in (i) citing evidence (Document I) to the effect that such a proof was known to some Arabic mathematicians, and (ii) producing a hitherto unnoticed text (Document II), which, in the light of the evidence cited, may well be taken to be the missing proof. In addition, I shall show how Simplicius’s proof entered Arabic discussions on parallels, first, by being made subject to criticism (Document I), and then by being incorporated into a new proof, which was designed to take that criticism into account (Document III).

The title of Simplicius’s work in question appears in the Arabic sources in slightly different forms. Nayrîzî concludes the last citation from that work with the following words: “There end the matters which Simplicius has put forward in the commentary to the musädara of Euclid for the first part of the book of Elements.” The word musädara has here something a little unexpected about it. Usually, as in translations of Euclid and Aristotle, it corresponds to the Greek αἴτημα (aitêma), and it is used in this sense in the body of Simplicius’s commentary itself. (The Arabic verb sädara appropriately means “to demand.” Musädara: demanding, or that [proposition] which is demanded.) But the commentary is not restricted to the αἰτήματα (postulates) at the beginning of the Elements, but also treats of the common notions (κοιναί ἔννοιαι: 'ulüm muta‘ärafa) and the definitions (ὅροι: hudüd). Could musädara be used here in a general sense that covers all three groups of Euclid’s premises?

Such a hypothesis would derive at least partial support from a statement in Proclus that some ancient writers applied the term αἴτημα to axioms (or common notions) as well as to postulates. Proclus quotes Archimedes as an example. In agreement with this usage, the titles of at least two Arabic works on geometry employ the plural musädarät as a collective term for the axioms, definitions, and postulates. It was probably this sense that the eleventh-century scholar Abü cAbd Allah al-Khwarizmï had in mind when he gave the following explanation in his Keys of the Sciences: “al-musädara are those premises of the question which are put at the beginning of a book or chapter of geometry.”

The tenth-century bibliographer Ibn al-Nadïm gives a somewhat different version of the title of Simplicius’s book: “A commentary on the sadr of the book of Euclid, which is the introduction to geometry.” Sadr means fore-part or front and is frequently used to refer to the introductory part of a book; it might have rendered the Greek προοίμιον (prooimion). The latter part in this version, “which is the introduction to geometry,” looks like a description of the book supplied, perhaps, by Ibn al-Nadïm himself, but it may also have been an alternative title of the book. Nayrîzî’s version of the title agrees with Khwarizmï’s definition in applying the singular musädara to a multitude of premises, but we shall see that the thirteenth-century author of Document I cites the same title with musädarät in the plural.

Simplicius prefaces his comments on the individual postulates of Euclid with a long passage on the meaning and function of postulates in general. It will be useful to quote this passage here in full, since it is one of the channels through which Greek discussions of mathematical methodology were transmitted to the Islamic world—particularly discussions connected with the question of parallels. [introduction p. 1-2]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DNibNx7ADIjjT3W

Simplikios in der arabischen Überlieferung, 1982
By: Gätje, Helmut

Title	Simplikios in der arabischen Überlieferung
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1982
Journal	Der Islam; Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients
Volume	59
Pages	6-31
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gätje, Helmut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Wenn Simplikios in der philosophischen Tradition des Islams nicht zu einer so festen  Größe  geworden  ist  wie  Alexander  von  Aphrodisias  oder  Themistios, so hängt das mit der historischen Stellung dieser Exegeten innerhalb der peripatetischen Schule zusammen. Ihnen gegenüber ist Simplikios nachgeboren.  Auf der anderen  Seite  hat aber offenbar sein  Zeitgenosse Johannes Philoponos, dem freilich im islamischen Bereich zu Unrecht eine Reihe medizinischer Werke zugeschrieben wurden, einen größeren Widerhall gefunden, was wiederum mit Ausgangspunkt und Wegen der Überlieferung  zusammenhängt.  Wenn  man  dem  Urteil  Praechters  folgt  und  in Simplikios einen der bedeutendsten Kommentatoren des Altertums sieht, so  stehen diese Bewertung  des  Simplikios  und  seine Wirkung  im Islam nicht im  rechten Verhältnis  zueinander. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nULzjIVmZSFqXQi

Simplikios und das Ende der neuplatonischen Schule in Athen, 1999
By: Thiel, Rainer

Title	Simplikios und das Ende der neuplatonischen Schule in Athen
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1999
Publication Place	Stuttgart
Publisher	Franz Steiner Verlag
Series	Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur. Abhandlungen der geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Thiel, Rainer
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplikios aus Kilikien (6. Jhd. n. Chr.) gehört zu den bedeutendsten und neben Alexander von Aphrodisias (2.13. Jhd. n. Chr.) auch in der Moderne am höchsten geschätzten antiken Aristoteles-Kommentatoren. Er ist mit seinem Mitschüler Priskian zusammen der letzte der heidnischen Philosophen der spätantiken platonischen Schule in Athen, von dem uns Werke erhalten sind, ausschließlich Kommentare, und zwar zu Aristoteles’ Kategorienschrift, de caeb, ,Physik' und de anima sowie zu Epiktets Enchiridion.1 Um Missverständnissen vorzubeugen, sei vorab erwähnt, dass, wenn hier von einer platonischen „Schule“ die Rede ist, dies in dem von J. Glucker2 herausgearbeiteten Sinne gemeint ist. Diese Schule war unabhängig von jeder staatlichen Förderung und stand in einer ununterbrochenen institutioneilen Kontinuität weder zur platonischen Akademie (wie schon Olympiodor fälschlich glaubte), noch zu dem unter Mark Aurel eingerichteten3 Athener Lehrstuhl für platonische Philosophie. Sie stand zwar, und sah sich selbst, in der geistigen Nachfolge der von Platon gegründeten Akademie, institutionell handelte es sich jedoch um eine neue Einrichtung, die sich durch ihr privates Vermögen selbst trug. 1927 hatte Karl Praechter in seinem RE-Artikel ‘Simplikios’ die erste zusammenhängende Würdigung dieses platonischen Philosophen und Kom-mentators gegeben, die dessen Bild auf Jahrzehnte bestimmte. 1967 und 1969
hat dann Alan Cameron mit seinen in verschiedenen Fassungen erschienenen Artikeln über das Ende der spätantiken platonischen Schule in Athen eine lebhafte Diskussion über dieses Thema und dabei insbesondere über die Frage angestoßen, wo man sich Simplikios’ Verbleib nach der Rückkehr vom persi¬schen Hof ins Römische Reich und mithin den Entstehungsort aller oder der meisten seiner Kommentare denken darf.7 Wenn dieses Thema hier noch ein¬mal aufgegriffen wird, so in der Überzeugung, dass eine zusammenfassende Würdigung der bislang vorgebrachten Argumente und die Erörterung einiger wichtiger Umstände, die in der bisherigen Diskussion keine oder nur eine ge¬ringe Rolle gespielt haben, zu einem ausgewogeneren Bild führen werden. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2N5qVcVUEwtK2L2

Simplikios' Commentar zu Epiktetos Handbuch, 1867
By: Simplicius, Enk, K. (Ed.)

Title	Simplikios' Commentar zu Epiktetos Handbuch
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1867
Publication Place	Wien
Publisher	Beck
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Simplicius
Editor(s)	Enk, K.
Translator(s)	Enk, K.(Enk, K.) ,

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wQrDndzStcjmgWc

Simplikios, Neplatoniker, 1927
By: Praechter, Karl, Wissowa, Georg (Ed.), Kroll, Wilhelm (Ed.), Mittelhaus, Karl (Ed.)

Title	Simplikios, Neplatoniker
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1927
Published in	Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neue Bearbeitung begonnen von Georg Wissowa unter Mitwirkung zahlreicher Fachgenossen, herausgegeben von Wilhelm Kroll und Karl Mittelhaus. Zweite Reihe, Fünfter Halbband: Silacenis bis Sparsus
Pages	204-213
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Praechter, Karl
Editor(s)	Wissowa, Georg , Kroll, Wilhelm , Mittelhaus, Karl
Translator(s)

Eintrag zu Simplikios in der Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/MKvSYjVl9KIu03S

Simplikios, czytelnik Epikteta, 2014
By: Łapiński, Krzysztof

Title	Simplikios, czytelnik Epikteta
Type	Article
Language	Polish
Date	2014
Journal	Przegląd Filozoficzno-Literacki
Volume	40
Issue	3-4
Pages	35-43
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Łapiński, Krzysztof
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius, the Neoplatonic philosopher, and commentator from late antiquity, devoted one of his commentaries to Epictetus’ Enchiridion. In the article, the author posed the question about the place of the text by the Stoic writer within the whole Neoplatonic education system. In addition, he asked to what extent the act of commenting on Epictetus’ work could be conceived by Simplicius as a kind of spiritual exercise. In the second part of the article, the hypothesis by M. Tardieu and I. Hadot is presented, suggesting that the city of Harran could be regarded as the possible place of exile where the group of philosophers settled after the Platonic Academy had been closed. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VGw8HfmmOi2CqbW

Simplikios: Wstęp do Komentarza do Encheiridionu Epikteta (wybór), 2014
By: Łapiński, Krzysztof

Title	Simplikios: Wstęp do Komentarza do Encheiridionu Epikteta (wybór)
Type	Article
Language	Polish
Date	2014
Journal	Przegląd Filozoficzno-Literacki
Volume	40
Issue	3-4
Pages	45-49
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Łapiński, Krzysztof
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The  translation  includes  an  introduction  to  the  Simplicius’  commentary 
on Epictetus’ Enchiridion. The author of the commentary explains to whom 
is  the work  of Epictetus  addressed,  what is  the scope  o f the  Enchiridion, 
the  meaning  of  the  title  and  the  literary  genre  to  which  it  belongs. 
The  supposed  audience  is  the  reader  who  wants  to  live  in  accordance 
with  reason  on  the  level  of ethical  and  political  virtues.  Such  a  reader 
ought to internalize Epictetus’ teaching and appeal to it in the challenging 
moments  of life.  The  Stoic  content  has  been  enriched with  the  Platonic 
teaching  drawn  from  Alcibiades  I   about  relationship  between  the  soul 
and the body. The first Polish translation of Simplicius’ text has been based 
on the Ilsetraut Hadot’s edition. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PcngrYGo5jPGQtC

Simplikios: Über die Zeit. Ein Kommentar zum Corollarium de tempore, 1982
By: Sonderegger, Erwin, Simplicius

Title	Simplikios: Über die Zeit. Ein Kommentar zum Corollarium de tempore
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	1982
Publication Place	Göttingen
Publisher	Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht
Series	Hypomnemata
Volume	70
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sonderegger, Erwin , Simplicius
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In dieser Arbeit sollen die Gedanken des Simplikios zum Thema ,Zeit‘ nachgedacht und dadurch einem weiteren Kreis zugänglich gemacht wer¬den. Als Bezugstext dieses Nachdenkens wird das sogenannte ,Corollarium de tempore gewählt. Dieser Text am Ende der ersten Hälfte des Physik¬kommentars von Simplikios bildet eine Art Anhang zum Kommentar der Zeitabhandlung. An dieser Stelle trägt Simplikios ausdrücklich seine
eigenen Gedanken zum Thema Zeit vor. In dem hier geübten Nach¬denken soll der Gedanke des Simplikios in seiner ganzen Entfaltung wiederholt werden. Wenn die vorliegende Arbeit dem Verständnis dieses Textes geholfen und dadurch einen Einblick in die Sache möglich ge¬
macht hat, dann hat sie ihren Zweck erfüllt.Das Hauptinteresse gilt also dem Gedanken des Simplikios in seinem eigenen Wert und Gehalt, weniger seiner philosophiegeschichtlichen Ein¬ordnung. Denn um sagen zu können, wo und wie dieser Gedanke einzu¬ordnen ist, müßte schon klar sein, was in ihm gedacht ist. Da dies nicht der Fall ist, ist die verlangte Einordnung noch gar nicht möglich. Ebenso unmöglich aber ist es, einen Gedanken ohne alle Voraussetzungen zu verstehen. Jedes Verstehen geht von zum Teil jedem menschlichen Tun, zum Teil dem Denken spezifischen Voraussetzungen aus. Auch diese Ar¬beit enthält deshalb mannigfache Voraussetzungen allgemeinster Art, auf die hier nicht eingegangen werden kann, dann aber auch Voraussetzungen spezieller Art, besonders aus dem Gebiet der Literatur- und der Geistes¬geschichte. Da diese weder selbstverständlich noch für alle, die an ähnliehen Themen arbeiten, gleich sind, sollen die Voraussetzungen dieser Arbeit in einer Einführung vorgestellt werden. Dies geschieht in der Hoffnung, daß dadurch die einzelnen Äußerungen des Kommentars leichter verständlich werden.Die Themen dieser Einführung ergeben sich aus folgenden Überlegungen.
Das Werk des Simplikios hat die literarische Form eines Kommentars.Es handelt sich dabei aber nicht um einen Kommentar im modernen Sinne des Wortes, denn es ist nicht sein Zweck, in der Form gesammel¬ter Anmerkungen ein .technisches Hilfsmittel zu sein, sondern Kom¬mentieren heißt für Simplikios Philosophieren. Auf dieses Kommentar¬verständnis ist also in der Einführung näher einzugehen. [Introduction p. 13-14]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/dkf2hbbbbjfRfuu

Sinfonia dei Presocratici. Su due παρεκβάσεις in Simplicio (in PHYS. 6.31–8.15 e 28.32–37.9), 2019
By: Licciardi, Ivan Adriano

Title	Sinfonia dei Presocratici. Su due παρεκβάσεις in Simplicio (in PHYS. 6.31–8.15 e 28.32–37.9)
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2019
Journal	Epekeina. International Journal of Ontology History and Critics
Volume	10
Issue	1
Pages	1-32
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Osserviamo, a bilancio finale, quanto segue: Simplicio affida a due digressioni di In Physica I la sua veduta complessiva sui Presocratici. Mentre Aristotele, nella sua ricostruzione storico-dialettica, inserisce i predecessori dentro griglie concettuali nelle quali le posizioni vengono poste come contraddittorie fra di loro, Simplicio muove invece dal presupposto che la filosofia dei Presocratici nel suo complesso sia in realtà unitaria, armonica e coerente. Ma Simplicio, a differenza dello Stagirita, opera alla fine del mondo antico, e la sua necessità fu innanzitutto quella di tramandare ai posteri la tradizione antica affinché tale patrimonio non andasse disperso.

Trattasi, qui, non di una necessità archeologica o erudita, bensì filosofica e ideologica a un tempo. Occorreva, peraltro, tramandare questo patrimonio come un che di armonico, unitario e intimamente coerente a un grado almeno paritetico rispetto a un’altra tradizione, quella cristiana, che dopo le incertezze e le transizioni che avevano caratterizzato il suo affacciarsi alla storia mondiale, aveva ormai consolidato il suo apparato dogmatico (specialmente dopo i concili di Efeso, Nicea e Calcedonia) e aveva dato concretezza strategica al suo piano di espansione e diffusione per il tramite di adeguati strumenti politici (editti di Milano e Tessalonica) atti a imporsi definitivamente quale visione dominante nell’Occidente alla fine del mondo antico.

Lo strumentario di cui si serve Simplicio è un ampio ricorso alla citazione diretta dei predecessori, congiuntamente a un trattamento mirante a “limare” le differenze che intercorrono fra loro e ad accentuarne i tratti comuni. La cornice teorica che accoglie questo tipo di operazione, in buona sostanza una “platonizzazione” di tutti i Presocratici, è il neoplatonismo, della cui tradizione Simplicio è l’ultimo erede pagano. Vale la pena, a tal proposito, sottolineare un ultimo fatto: quando Simplicio fa riferimento a una tradizione filosofica unitaria e coerente, che dalle origini giunge fino al suo tempo, egli non qualifica siffatta tradizione come platonica, bensì come antica.

Si tratta di un fatto che solo apparentemente contraddice quanto abbiamo asserito, e cioè che la teoria della συμφωνία dei Presocratici scaturisca da un’interpretazione, fondamentalmente, neoplatonica. Il riferirsi, da parte di Simplicio, a una tradizione indeterminata di veteres non andrà interpretato come uno sbiadimento della consapevolezza di possedere un’identità e un’eredità storica e filosofica ben determinata (che, fondamentalmente, è quella del neoplatonismo ateniese), bensì come testimonianza di un passaggio storico ormai avvenuto.

Questo passaggio storico consiste in questo: Simplicio non opera in un contesto quale quello dell’età classica, in cui l’Accademia e il Peripato si contendevano l’egemonia filosofica e culturale ateniese, e non opera nemmeno, a seguire, in un contesto paragonabile al periodo successivo alla morte di Alessandro Magno, in cui il pensiero greco si trova disperso nei rivoli delle αἱρέσεις ellenistiche e in cui una delle cifre dominanti è costituita da un agonismo che non sembra avere mai fine.

Il contesto storico in cui opera Simplicio è, diversamente, quello della fine di un mondo, quello pagano, a cui ne sta per subentrare un altro, quello della Christianitas. Non si tratta più, in sostanza, di affermare il primato di una scuola o di una tradizione di pensiero rispetto ad altre tradizioni che non appartengono a quella platonica, perché le priorità, adesso, sono mutate.

In questo passaggio epocale, la proposta filosofica e culturale di Simplicio sembra consistere, in altre parole, in una sorta di panellenismo filosofico. Come Isocrate, al fine di proseguire la lotta contro i Persiani, aveva cercato di superare i contrasti fra le varie πόλεις, cercando di radunare le loro energie e di riunirle politicamente sotto l’egemonia ateniese, così Simplicio, al fine di proseguire la lotta contro i Cristiani, mira a superare i contrasti e le divergenze fra le varie tradizioni di pensiero, dichiarandoli apparenti, e teorizza, appunto, la loro συμφωνία, sotto l’egemonia platonica.

L’ermeneutica che caratterizza il procedere di Simplicio è segnata, in particolare, dalla coppia concettuale “enigma/chiarezza”. Secondo il Commentatore, il secondo modulo espressivo appartiene in modo eminente a Platone (e in parte anche ad Aristotele), mentre il primo ai Presocratici, e in particolare a Parmenide, Empedocle e i Pitagorici.

Sarebbe proprio la modalità espressiva enigmatica, per Simplicio, la causa principale dei fraintendimenti che avrebbero condotto alcuni a concepire i Presocratici in agonismo fra di loro, proprio come vorrebbe lasciar intendere certa dossografia cristiana. La classificazione simpliciana dei Presocratici (che, come si è visto, è una tripartizione) è funzionale, però, solo a una migliore comprensione delle ragioni della loro profonda unità.

Conformemente all’uso tecnico e tardo settecentesco del termine «sinfonia», possiamo dire che nell’ottica di Simplicio la filosofia dei Presocratici fu una sinfonia nel senso di un brano composto da più movimenti – più propriamente una “sonata per orchestra”: ἡ παλαιὰ φιλοσοφία μένει ἀνέλεγκτος.
[conclusion p. 29-32]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/d1OxzfD4Xu8EZnr

Smoothing over the Differences: Proclus and Ammonius on Plato’s Cratylus and Aristotle’s De Interpretatione, 2016
By: van den Berg, Robbert Maarten , Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Smoothing over the Differences: Proclus and Ammonius on Plato’s Cratylus and Aristotle’s De Interpretatione
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	353-366
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	van den Berg, Robbert Maarten
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

How much did the god of eloquence allow Ammonius to add? No other sources of Proclus’ course on the Int. survive. Yet in one case we are able to study Ammonius’ originality or the lack of it: his discussion of Aristotle’s views on onomata, a group of words that corresponds roughly speaking to our nouns and which I shall refer to as ‘names’ in this paper.

One of the major issues in Greek linguistic thought throughout Antiquity was the relation between names and their objects. Does there exist some sort of natural relation between names and their objects, or are names just a matter of convention? Plato had discussed the question in his Cratylus, in which he had made a certain Hermogenes the spokesman of the conventionalist position and the eponymous character Cratylus an adherent of the naturalist position. In the end, Socrates forces both Hermogenes and Cratylus to admit that names are partly by nature and partly by convention, hence that they are both right and wrong. Many scholars, both ancient and modern, believe that in the first chapters of Int. Aristotle responded at least in part to the views expressed in the Cratylus. As it so happens, an excerpt of Proclus’ lecture notes on that Platonic dialogue has survived. A first reading of the two commentaries seems indeed to suggest that there is a substantial overlap between them on the relevant issue, even though Proclus may at times be critical of Aristotle. As we shall see, this apparent correspondence has even inspired an attempt to emend Proclus’ text at one point on the basis of Ammonius’ commentary.

In this paper, I will argue that in fact Ammonius’ concept of onoma is significantly different from that of Proclus. As Proclus had observed, but as Ammonius tried to downplay, Aristotle had been arguing against Plato. For Proclus, this did not pose any particular problem. Like all Neoplatonists, Ammonius included, he was convinced that the divinely inspired Plato had to be right. If Aristotle chose to deviate from Plato and the truth, that was his problem. Proclus sets Socrates up as a judge (in Crat. §10, p. 4,12) between the conventionalist Hermogenes and the naturalist Cratylus, a judge who shows that they are both right and wrong. Aristotle is explicitly counted among the partisans of Hermogenes. On the whole, one can say that Proclus is very critical of Aristotle in in Crat.

Ammonius, on the other hand, wanted to show that Plato and Aristotle were in complete harmony with each other, even where this is not evident. He too presents Socrates as a mediator between Hermogenes and Cratylus (in Int. 37,1), but this time Aristotle is not grouped together with Hermogenes but presented as being of the same mind as Socrates. As we shall see, Ammonius, when discussing the nature of names, takes his point of departure from Aristotle. Since Aristotle’s idea of what a name is differs from Plato’s, Ammonius will arrive at a concept of name that is fundamentally different from that of Proclus, who takes Plato as his starting point. On the assumption that Proclus, who for the most part appears to be quite consistent throughout his enormous œuvre, did not radically change his views when lecturing on Int., we may thus infer from this that Ammonius was not slavishly following Proclus. This becomes all the more apparent in the case of Ammonius’ interpretation of Cratylus’ position in the dialogue. In order to harmonize Plato with Aristotle, Ammonius offers a rather original, albeit not very convincing, reading of that position.

Once we have established the fundamental difference between the two of them, we will be better able to explain a phenomenon to which Richard Sorabji has recently drawn attention: the absence of any interest in divine names in Ammonius’ commentary. Finally, this case study will allow us to make a more general observation about the relation between the Athenian and Alexandrian commentators. [introduction p. 353-355]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/U7I3LYIXJL83A4Y

Some Concepts in Physical Theory in John Philoponus' Aristotelian Commentaries, 1980
By: Todd, Robert B.

Title	Some Concepts in Physical Theory in John Philoponus' Aristotelian Commentaries
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1980
Journal	Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume	24
Issue	2
Pages	151-170
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Todd, Robert B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I have tried, then, to establish the significance of some ideas in Philoponus' commentaries that, in different ways, reveal this commentator's individuality. Individuality is not, of course, the same as originality, and indeed both my examples have shown how dependent Philoponus was on the many philosophical sources that converge in his commentaries. But this very complexity, at times reaching an eclectic inconsistency, is what makes the Aristotelian exegetical tradition in antiquity worth continued study.

At their best, these commentaries involve the interaction between, on the one hand, an inventive commentator with prejudices of his own and, on the other hand, a mass of inherited material. The result may not always illuminate Aristotle, but it will invariably shed light on the continuity of the Greek philosophical tradition in late antiquity. [conclusion p. 170]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6cdjUb25vOM63SC

Some Later Neoplatonic Views on Divine Creation and the Eternity of the World, 1981
By: Verbeke, Gérard, O'Meara, Dominic J. (Ed.)

Title	Some Later Neoplatonic Views on Divine Creation and the Eternity of the World
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1981
Published in	Neoplatonism and Christian thought
Pages	45-53
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verbeke, Gérard
Editor(s)	O'Meara, Dominic J.
Translator(s)

The commentary of Simplicius on Aristotle’s Physics is particularly inter
esting thanks to the rich information it provides concerning the doctrines of pre
vious philosophers. His interpretation shows a great erudition, but it is not always
faithful to the authentic thought of Aristotle. The first cause of Aristotle is not
that of Simplicius and this is not the only case in which Simplicius gave to
Aristotelian thought a turn that does not correspond to its original content. A similar
distortion may be found in the interpretation of the intricate question of chance
and fortune. It is more difficult to formulate a judgment about the commentary
of Philoponus: to what extent does it reflect the teaching of Ammonius? In any
case, the interpretation is very penetrating, especially in those passages where
the author criticizes the doctrine of Aristotle and expresses manifestly his own
ideas. Alfarabi takes Philoponus to task for settling a philosophical question with
the help of religious doctrines:60 nothing is less true, as W. Wieland has already
noticed. Philoponus, rather, uses Aristotelian philosophy in order to refute
Aristotle.61 On the other hand he appeals to the concept of creation against the eternity of the world: he very sharply notices, perhaps also under the influence of
Ammonius, that creation as an integral causation is not a movement and does not
belong to the continuous process of coming-to-be and passing away. Thanks mainly
to the concept of creation, the author escapes from the eternity of movement
and time. [conclusion p. 52-53]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QSUX1JffS4trd4H

Some Notes on the Text of Pseudo-Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's De Anima , III. 1-5, 1997
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Joyal, Mark (Ed.)

Title	Some Notes on the Text of Pseudo-Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's De Anima , III. 1-5
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1997
Published in	Studies in Plato and the Platonic Tradition. Essays Presented to John Whittaker
Pages	213-228
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Joyal, Mark
Translator(s)

As often, the title of this paper needs a word of explanation, since some readers, though not our dedicatee, might wonder who the author I call Ps-Simplicius might be. Those whose interests lie in Aristotle rather than his Neoplatonic commentators may not all be aware that there is a serious problem about the authorship of the De Anima commentary, which they know as the work of Simplicius.

This is not the place to discuss this problem, which I and others have discussed elsewhere,¹ but the fact, as I think one must now take it to be, that our author is not the real Simplicius has an important implication for any study on the text of this work. That is, the substantial corpus of work by Simplicius himself cannot be used to corroborate—or undermine—readings in our work, and one cannot appeal to it for support for a conjecture. This is all the more so since one of the stronger arguments for denying authorship to the real Simplicius is that the language of the De Anima commentary is so different from his as to put it beyond the bounds of possibility that we are dealing with two different kinds of writing from one and the same hand.*²

If, as some think, the author was Priscian of Lydia, author of the Metaphrasis in Theophrastum, we could occasionally appeal to that work, though it is short—a mere thirty-seven pages of Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca.³ But I think there are difficulties about that identification which are sufficient to require at least a degree of caution, and that all one can safely say is that this commentary comes from the same intellectual area as the works of Simplicius, Priscian, and Damascius, all Neoplatonists who worked in Athens at the end of the fifth century and the beginning of the sixth.

Hence the label Ps-Simplicius—a counsel of prudence, if not quite despair: not quite, because a solution is possible in principle, though I suspect that we may never arrive at it.
[introduction p. 213-214]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/SafBRE6SrgivoG5

Some Problems in Anaximander, 1955
By: Kirk, G.S.

Title	Some Problems in Anaximander
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1955
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	5
Issue	1/2
Pages	21-38
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kirk, G.S.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

These considerations indicate that we are not entitled to automatically assume that prose works written in Ionia in the sixth or early fifth century were still available in their entirety to Theophrastus. In the case of Anaximander, I would suggest that what Theophrastus might have had in front of him was not a complete book but a collection of extracts, in which emphasis was laid upon astronomy, meteorology, and anthropogony rather than upon the nature and significance of to apeiron, which might always have seemed confusing.

In respect to his arche, indeed, Anaximander must assuredly have been considered obsolete and unimportant by the end of the fifth century. The extant fragment could be quoted by Theophrastus, of course, because it really came among the cosmological-meteorological extracts. [introduction p. 38]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2A18YiMysdkpynh

Soul Vehicles in Simplicius, 1993
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.)

Title	Soul Vehicles in Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1993
Published in	Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism
Pages	173-188
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Translator(s)

There has been a not inconsiderable amount of discussion of the nature and function of the ochêma—or ochêmata—the body or bodies made of not quite bodily substance, which served as an intermediary between body and soul in various Neoplatonisms from Porphyry, or even arguably Plotinus, down to and including Proclus. Rather less attention, and in Simplicius’ case virtually none, has been paid to the nature and role of such intermediary vehicles in the Neoplatonist commentators on Aristotle.

The purpose of the following pages will be to examine the use of the concept in Simplicius. In particular, it will seek to establish:

    How many such vehicles there were.
    What they were made of.
    What was their function, and, related to this:
    What was their life expectancy.
    Were they simply such as one would expect to find in the work of a Neoplatonist at this time, or are they in some way modified by the commentary context?

In considering these matters, special attention will be paid to the vocabulary used to discuss them. It should not, however, come as a surprise to discover that it is not significantly, if at all, different from that of those Neoplatonists who did not concentrate their endeavors on the exposition of Aristotle. [introduction p. 173]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iFGbdffl8v5SpA9

Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism, 1993
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Soul and intellect: Studies in Plotinus and later Neoplatonism
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1993
Publication Place	Aldershot (Hampshire)
Publisher	Variorum
Series	Variorum collected studies series
Volume	426
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This book presents a series of Dr. Blumenthal’s studies on the history of Neoplatonism, from its founder Plotinus to the end of Classical Antiquity, relating especially to the Neoplatonists’ doctrines about the soul. The work falls into two parts. The first deals with Plotinus and considers the soul both as part of the structure of the universe and in its capacity as the basis of the individual’s vital and cognitive functions. The second part is concerned with the later history of Neoplatonism, including its end. Its main focus is the investigation of how Neoplatonic psychology was modified and developed by later philosophers, in particular the commentators on Aristotle, and used as the starting point for their Platonizing interpretations of his philosophy.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Hj2vOznXoMqSzco

Title	Soul and the structure of being in late Neoplatonism : Syrianus, Proclus, and Simplicius ; Papers and discussions of a colloquium held at Liverpool, 15-16 April 1982
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1982
Publication Place	Liverpool
Publisher	Liverpool University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Lloyd, Antony C.
Translator(s)

This short and not inexpensive book contains the papers and discussions of a colloquium held at Liverpool on 15-16 April 1982. There are four papers dealing in turn with 'Monad and Dyad as Cosmic Principles in Syrianus' by A. D. R. Sheppard; 'Procession and Division in Proclus' by A. C. Lloyd; 'La doctrine de Simplicius sur l'âme raisonnable humaine dans le Commentaire sur le manuel d'Epictète' by I. Hadot, and fourthly 'The Psychology of (?) Simplicius' Commentary on the De anima' by H. J. Blumenthal. The other participants in the colloquium must have made it a memorable and worthwhile, though rather short-lived occasion. The foremost living experts in the field of later Platonism were present, including A. H. Armstrong, P. Hadot, J. Rist, and A. Smith.
Arguably the most interesting feature of the collection is the difference of opinion among at least two of the participants about the validity of C. G. Steel's 'The changing self: a study of the soul in later Neoplatonism; Iamblichus, Damascius, and Priscianus' (cf. the review by A. Smith in JHS 100 [1980]). There, it is argued that the three authors mentioned were the only later Platonists to teach the mutability as distinct from the fall of the soul. So it is well enough known that Proclus dissented from Plotinus in his assertion at e.g. Elements 211 that the soul completely falls. But it is also argued that Proclus dissented from Iamblichus in denying the changeableness of the fallen soul. With Steel's hypothesis, Blumenthal is in a large measure of agreement, whereas Ilsetraut Hadot feels that such a view is oversimplified. She suggests that even Plotinus is prepared to admit a greater degree of alteration in the soul than some exegetes allow for. It must be said in defense of her position that despite the evidence of Ennead 4.8.8 and 4.1, there are disturbing passages at 4.4.3 and 5.1.1 which challenge a too simple evaluation of Plotinus. In this particular collection, the issue is rather over the interpretation of Simplicius, De Anima 220.2-4 (cf. p. 91). Blumenthal argues that Simplicius' language need only mean that the soul has a temporary change. Against such an interpretation, Hadot argues that it overlooks the fact that Simplicius was a pupil of Damascius and he certainly believed in the change of the human soul. Perhaps, though, the views are not as far apart as the foregoing remarks may suggest. After all, it is hard to be supposed that the change in the soul argued for by Iamblichus and his followers was in itself irreversible. The whole Platonist school had to offer some sort of rationale for the obvious fact of the weakness and sinfulness of the human being. Whether one talks of 'fall', 'change', or 'weakness' seems hardly to matter. Nor is the problem restricted to pagans. A few apt quotations from St. Augustine illustrate the universal nature of the problem which faces any thinker who is prepared to take seriously both the goodness of the human soul and the existence of evil. (Review by Anthony Meredith)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lObq1J6nadR8CdJ

Speculating about Diogenes, 2008
By: Laks, André, Curd, Patricia (Ed.), Graham, Daniel W. (Ed.)

Title	Speculating about Diogenes
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2008
Published in	The Oxford Handbook of Presocratic Philosophy
Pages	353-364
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Laks, André
Editor(s)	Curd, Patricia , Graham, Daniel W.
Translator(s)

Twenty-five years ago, I made an attempt (in my book Diogène d’Apollonie, 1983) to take Diogenes somewhat more seriously than he had usually been taken, at least since Diels’s devastating 1881 article in which he portrayed Diogenes as a second-rate eclectic thinker. Diogenes’ popularity in the last third of the fifth century, which Diels greatly contributed to establishing through an analysis of Diogenian echoes in Aristophanes’ Clouds and was confirmed by the discovery in 1962 of the Derveni Papyrus, went along with Diogenes’ depreciated intellectual status: Are not serious thinkers ignored by the vulgar?

Has this attempt been successful? The fact that some collections and translations of Presocratic philosophers leave him out may or may not be significant: some publishers obviously think the corpus is too bulky. But Diogenes is certainly still lacking general recognition. Histories of archaic philosophy tend to overlook him and often offer little more than an implicit justification for his exclusion, the core of which is encapsulated in the term “eclecticism.” What makes him visible is his absence, rather than any discussion about him. One complaint made by a reviewer of the Cambridge Companion to Early Greek Philosophy was that it nowhere happens even to mention the one achievement Diogenes is credited with, namely his alleged role in the history of teleology, for which he is occasionally praised. It is all the more noteworthy that Graham, in his recent book, has made of Diogenes a landmark in the history of Presocratic philosophy by making him, rather than the older Anaximenes, the real promoter of the doctrine of “material monism.”

I personally tend to think that Diogenes’ contribution, on this point, is rather to have explicitly stated the implications of Anaximenes’ monism, rather than substituting a material monism to an Anaximenean pluralism (Graham’s paradoxical point); but Graham’s book came out after this contribution was submitted and could not be taken into account. I shall consequently restate in a rather perfunctory manner, without adding much to what I have written before, what seem to be two basic points about Diogenes. The first one concerns what I take to be the center of Diogenes’ own thought, namely the relation between his noetics (so I shall call his doctrine of Intelligence) and his teleology; the second is about the reception of Diogenes’ thought and the origin of his reputation as an eclectic. [introduction p. 353-354]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/438sP1InUW9fsIE

Speusippus and Aristotle on Homonymy and Synonymy, 1978
By: Tarán, Leonardo

Title	Speusippus and Aristotle on Homonymy and Synonymy
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1978
Journal	Hermes
Volume	106
Issue	1
Pages	73-99
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarán, Leonardo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Modern scholarship since the middle of the last century has generally accepted it as an established fact that Speusippus made an exhaustive classification of words or names (onomata) in relation to the concepts they express and that he gave definitions of homonyma and synonyma only in reference to words and their meanings. That is to say, for him, homonyma and synonyma are properties of linguistic terms and not of things, whereas for Aristotle, especially in the first chapter of the Categories, they are properties of things.

In 1904, E. Hambruch attempted to show that sometimes Aristotle himself uses synonyma in the Speusippean sense just outlined and that in so doing, he was influenced by Speusippus. This thesis of Hambruch has been accepted by several scholars, including Lang, Stenzel, and Cherniss. Although some doubts about its soundness were expressed from different perspectives, it was only in 1971 that Mr. Jonathan Barnes made a systematic assault on it. Barnes contends, first, that Speusippus’s conception of homonyma and synonyma is essentially the same as that of Aristotle, with the slight differences between their respective definitions being trivial, and second, that even though Aristotle occasionally uses homonyma and synonyma as properties of linguistic terms, this is because Aristotle's use of these words is not as rigid as the Categories might suggest. Barnes argues that Aristotle could not have been influenced by Speusippus, because Speusippus conceived homonymy and synonymy as properties of things, and, in any case, if influence were assumed, it could as well have been Aristotle influencing Speusippus.

Though I believe Barnes’ two main contentions are mistaken, I am here mainly concerned with the first part of his thesis. If he were right in believing that, for Speusippus, homonyma and synonyma are properties of things and not of names or linguistic terms, then Hambruch’s notion that Speusippus influenced Aristotle when the latter uses synonymon as a property of names would be wrong, even if Barnes were mistaken in his analysis of the Aristotelian passages he reviews in the second part of his paper.

On the other hand, if Speusippus's classification is truly of onomata, then, since Barnes himself admits that Aristotle sometimes uses homonyma and synonyma as properties of names, the influence of Speusippus on Aristotle is at least possible. It becomes plausible and probable—regardless of the relative chronology of their respective works—when it is seen, as I shall try to show, that in some cases, Aristotle is in fact attacking doctrines that presuppose a use of homonyma and synonyma such as can be ascribed to Speusippus or is using synonymon in the Speusippean sense, different from Aristotle's own notion of synonymous words. [introduction p. 73-75]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DXL3umbA2JfHxYC

Stoici e Peripatetici su agire, patire e movimento: la testimonianza di Simplicio, 2023
By: Giuseppe Nastasi

Title	Stoici e Peripatetici su agire, patire e movimento: la testimonianza di Simplicio
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2023
Journal	Elenchos: Rivista di Studi Sul Pensiero Antico
Volume	44
Issue	2
Pages	333-365
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Giuseppe Nastasi
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories contains the most extended testimony about the Stoic conception of acting (ποιεῖν) and undergoing (πάσχειν). Simplicius ascribed to the Stoics the idea that acting and undergoing are to be reduced to the movement. To this opinion Simplicius opposed the Aristotelian view according to which acting and undergoing are two different categories. In this paper I intend to outline the original Stoic position comparing the reportage of Simplicius with other Stoic sources. Later, I will deal with Boethus’ defense of the distinction between the categories of acting and undergoing. I will argue that Boethus directly reacted against the Stoic opinion reformulating it in Aristotelian language. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8cin65Qpb0Uymcj

Stoicism and Byzantine philosophy: Proairesis in Epictetus and Nicephorus Blemmydes, 2014
By: Sotiria Triantari

Title	Stoicism and Byzantine philosophy: Proairesis in Epictetus and Nicephorus Blemmydes
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch Fur Antike Und Mittelalter
Volume	17
Issue	1
Pages	85-98
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sotiria Triantari
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Was the Byzantine thinker Nicephorus Blemmydes directly influenced in his views about human “proairesis” by the Stoic Epictetus or did he take over his views from the Neoplatonic Simplicius? After exploring Blemmydes’ reception of Epictetus, one can say that Blemmydes drew elements in a brief treatise under the title “De virtute et ascesi” from the mainly Neoplatonic Simplicius, who commented on the handbook by the Stoic Epictetus. Blemmydes, following Simplicius identifies “φ’ μν” with “aftexousion” and he designates “proairesis” as an activity, which emanates from “aftexousion”. Blemmydes shows the moral power of “proairesis” as a transforming factor of human existence and the mediatory factor to the dialectical relation between man and God. For the completion of the study, the following sources have been used: Blemmydes’ De virtute et ascesi, Epictetus’ Handbook, and Neoplatonic Simplicius’ commentaries on the Handbook. I specifically focus on the views of Aristotle, Epictetus, and Neoplatonic Simplicius about “proairesis” and compare the views of Blemmydes to Simplicius’ ideas. I conclude that Blemmydes drew ideas from Simplicius, with regard to human “proairesis” and in the context of the practising and cultivating virtues in everyday life. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/L5aG4m1stEAka7L

Title	Stoische Ethik und neuplatonische Tugendlehre. Zur Verortung der stoischen Ethik im neuplatonischen System in Simplikios' Kommentar zu Epiktets Enchiridion
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1999
Published in	Zur Rezeption der hellenistischen Philosophie in der Spätantike. Akten der 1. Tagung der Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 22.-25. September 1997 in Trier
Pages	93-103
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Thiel, Rainer
Editor(s)	Fuhrer, Therese , Erler, Michael
Translator(s)

The text presents an analysis of the Stoic ethics and its placement within the Neoplatonic system, particularly in Simplicius' commentary on Epictetus' Enchiridion. It explores how the Neoplatonic tradition emerged as a unified philosophical school, leading to the disappearance of conflicting philosophical schools. Despite the Stoic teachings being present in Neoplatonic works, they are generally treated critically and dismissed as opposed to the Aristotelian position. The text then delves into the Neoplatonic system of virtues, starting with Plato's four cardinal virtues, which were further developed by Neoplatonists. It highlights Plotinus' view that the political virtues alone are not sufficient for the soul's ascent to divine perfection, as they are related to the material world. Instead, Plotinus introduces the concept of "purifications" as the virtues that enable the soul to detach from bodily passions and elevate itself towards the divine. The abstract concludes by emphasizing the relevance of Simplikios' application of this Neoplatonic virtue system to Epictetus' Enchiridion, positioning it as an essential tool for the soul's progress towards resemblance to the divine. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RKLOhPA3UpPbgKk

Stoische Ethik und platonische Bildung: Simplikios' Kommentar zu Epiktets Handbüchlein der Moral, 2013
By: Vogel, C.

Title	Stoische Ethik und platonische Bildung: Simplikios' Kommentar zu Epiktets Handbüchlein der Moral
Type	Monograph
Language	German
Date	2013
Publication Place	Heidelberg
Publisher	Universitätsverlag
Series	Studien zu Literatur und Erkenntnis
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Vogel, C.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die stoische Philosophie steht in ihren grundsätzlichen Annahmen zur Erkenntnistheorie, zur Ontologie und zur Psychologie dem Platonismus diametral entgegen. Wenn mit Simplikios ein Philosoph der neuplatonischen Schule das Werk eines Stoikers durch eine ausführliche Kommentierung würdigt und diesem im Curriculum des Philosophieunterrichts einen Platz einräumt, scheinen sich die gängigen Vorurteile gegen den Neuplatonismus als eine alles vereinnahmende und harmonisierende Philosophie zu bestätigen. Ein Blick auf das Bildungsverständnis des Neuplatonismus und den in den Texten ausführlich reflektierten erkenntnistheoretischen Grundlagen bietet jedoch Anlass sowohl zur Skepsis gegenüber diesen Vorwürfen als auch zu einer differenzierten Untersuchung des Verhältnisses von platonischer und stoischer Ethik in der Spätantike. Am Beispiel von Simplikios' Kommentar zum 'Handbüchlein der Moral' des Epiket soll im vorliegenden Buch die Möglichkeit der Verwendung stoischer Texte als Vorbereitung für den Einstieg in das neuplatonische Bildungsprogramm dargelegt und begründet werden, ohne dass der Einsatz dieser Texte zu einer Vermischung der stoischen mit den platonisch-aristotelischen Theorien führt. So liefert Simplikios mit seinem Kommentar eine wissenschaftliche Ethik des Neuplatonismus, die mit der Darlegung und Beschreibung der Anweisungen Epiktets dem Unkundigen sowohl einen ersten Zugang in das philosophische Leben bietet als auch mit seinen weiterführenden Kommentierungen die rationalen Begründungen dieser Handlungsaufforderungen offenlegt.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/xXsDZFA5RWj8rnI

Strato’s theory of the void, 1985
By: Furley, David J. , Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Strato’s theory of the void
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1985
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule
Pages	594-609
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Furley, David J.
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

At the  beginning  of his  Corollary on  Place  (In  Phys.  601,  14-24), 
Simplicius  classifies  theories  about  place,  as  follows.  First,  there  is  a 
distinction  between  those  who  make  place  a  corporeal  thing  and 
those  who  suppose  it  is  incorporeal.  Only  Proclus  falls  into  the  first 
class.  O f the  latter,  some  think  it  is  without extension,  the  rest  think 
it  is  extended. The first group  consists  of Plato, who said place  is  the 
material  substrate  of  bodies,  and  Damascius,  who  said  it  is  that 
which  completes  the  nature  of  bodies.  The  second  group  is  further 
subdivided,  into  those  who  held  place  to  be  extended  in  two  dimen
sions,  “as  Aristotle  and  the  whole  Peripatos  did”,  and  those  who 
gave  it  three  dimensions.  The  latter  can  be  subdivided  again:  on  the 
one  hand,  there  is  the  school  of  Democritus  and  Epicurus, who  held 
that  place  is  everywhere  undifferentiated,  and  sometimes  persists 
without  any  body  in  it,  and  on  the  other  hand,  “the  famous  Plato- 
nists  and  Strato  of  Lampsacus”,  who  said  that  place  is  an  extended 
interval  (diastema)  that  always  contains  body  and  is  adapted  to  its 
particular  occupant... [p. 594]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/67tMakGWPrXgZyV

Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio, 1988
By: Linguiti, Alessandro

Title	Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	1988
Journal	Studi Classici e Orientali
Volume	38
Pages	331–346
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Linguiti, Alessandro
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I commentatori neoplatonici di Aristotele sono stati probabilmente gli ultimi a beneficiare del generale risveglio d’interesse per il neoplatonismo che, manifestatosi a partire dal secondo dopoguerra, sta divenendo sempre più evidente negli ultimi anni. Per lungo tempo, come è stato osservato, essi hanno occupato una sorta di terra di nessuno tra la filosofia antica e quella medievale. Inoltre, gli studiosi di neoplatonismo hanno preferito concentrare la loro attenzione sulle opere teoriche originali piuttosto che sui commentari, mentre i moderni interpreti di Aristotele, a differenza di quelli medievali, arabi o cristiani, hanno generalmente trascurato il commento greco, interpellandolo perlopiù su questioni particolari e circoscritte, e quasi mai esaminandolo nel suo impianto generale.

Anche Simplicio ha condiviso questa sorte, e se il suo nome suona più familiare di quello di altri autori neoplatonici, ciò è dovuto essenzialmente all’importanza della sua testimonianza sulla scuola eleatica e all’interesse suscitato dalle dottrine contenute nel Corollario sul tempo: due elementi tutto sommato marginali ai fini di una valutazione complessiva del suo pensiero.

Negli ultimi tempi, tuttavia, il panorama si sta modificando. Basti pensare, ad esempio, al libro di Ilsetraut Hadot sul neoplatonismo alessandrino apparso dieci anni fa, o a un convegno tenutosi a Parigi nell’autunno del 1985, con il patrocinio del Centre de recherche sur les œuvres et la pensée de Simplicius. Questo evento ha confermato la serietà dell’intento di leggere oggi i commentari neoplatonici come opere filosofiche a sé stanti, dotate di una propria coerenza interna e di un’autonoma responsabilità teorica.

Gli atti del convegno, curati da Ilsetraut Hadot, sono stati pubblicati nel 1987: le relazioni presentate sono state distribuite in quattro sezioni, riguardanti rispettivamente le vicende biografiche di Simplicio, gli aspetti dottrinali dell’opera, le questioni attinenti alla trasmissione dei testi e la fortuna dell’autore nell’arco di tempo compreso tra il XIII e il XVII secolo.
[introduction p. 331-332]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6LG7LMnxCvxF7RE

Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric, 1973
By: Kustas, George L.

Title	Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1973
Publication Place	Thessalonike
Publisher	Patriarchikon Idruma Paterikon Meleton
Series	Analekta Vlatadōn
Volume	17
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kustas, George L.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rxJfkOyETAdcjhw

Studies in Hermias’ Commentary on Plato’s Phaedrus, 2019
By: Finamore, John F. (Ed.), Manolea, Christina-Panagiota (Ed.), Sarah Klitenic Wear (Ed.)

Title	Studies in Hermias’ Commentary on Plato’s Phaedrus
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2019
Publication Place	Amsterdam
Publisher	Brill
Series	Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition
Volume	24
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Finamore, John F. , Manolea, Christina-Panagiota , Sarah Klitenic Wear
Translator(s)

Studies in Hermias’ Commentary on Plato’s Phaedrus is a collection of twelve essays that consider aspects of Hermias’ philosophy, including his notions of the soul, logic, and method of exegesis. The essays also consider Hermias’ work in the tradition of Neoplatonism, particularly in relation to the thought of Iamblichus and Proclus. The collection grapples with the question of the originality of Hermias’ commentary—the only extant work of Hermias—which is a series of lectures notes of his teacher, Syrianus. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JT8zFjOka3rHpsJ

Studies in Plato and the Platonic Tradition. Essays Presented to John Whittaker, 1997
By: Joyal, Mark (Ed.)

Title	Studies in Plato and the Platonic Tradition. Essays Presented to John Whittaker
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1997
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Routledge (2017)
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Joyal, Mark
Translator(s)

This book, which honours the career of a distinguished scholar, contains essays dealing with important problems in Plato, the Platonic tradition, and the texts and transmission of Plato and later Platonic writers. It ranges from the discussion of issues in individual Platonic dialogues to the examination of Platonism in the Middle Ages. The essays are written by leading scholars in the field and reflect the current state of knowledge on the various problems under discussion. The collection as a whole testifies to the importance of the Platonic writings for the history of ideas, and to the vitality that the study of these writings continues to possess. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/heYNc5j1qXoLFl8

Studies in Xenophanes, 1990
By: Finkelberg, Aryeh

Title	Studies in Xenophanes
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1990
Journal	Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
Volume	93
Pages	103-167
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Finkelberg, Aryeh
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Here, our reconstruction of Theophrastus' account can be regarded as complete: we have determined his general approach to Xenophanes' twofold teaching and dwelt on the main points of his report on Xenophanes' monistic doctrine. The examination of Xenophanes' cosmological conception, however interesting and desirable, is a separate task which should be left for another opportunity. After such a lengthy discussion, one should perhaps briefly recapitulate the results arrived at, and the best way to do this seems to be to present the Theophrastean account in the form of the ordered series of statements reconstructed above. In this list, the sources from which a given statement is excerpted or on the basis of which it is formulated are referred to by the name of the author and the page and line(s) of the Diels-Kranz edition. Statements and parts of statements that are purely conjectural are italicized.

    [Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18] Xenophanes of Colophon, who pursued a certain way of his own different from [that of] all those spoken of beforehand [i.e., the Milesians], allows neither coming-to-be nor destruction but says that the whole is eternally selfsame.
    [Simpl.; 121.28] He says that this One and Whole is God, saying thus (fr. 23).
    [Simpl.; 121.27-28] The mention of this Xenophanean opinion rather belongs to a study other than that concerned with natural philosophy [that is, in that concerned with first philosophy].
    He says that God is ungenerated and eternal, which he proves as follows: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.18-20] had it [the Whole or God] come to be, it is necessary for it not to be before this; but not being, it can never come to be: neither nought can produce anything nor can anything come to be by the agency of nought.
    That God is one, he proves so: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.23-24] among gods, there can be no supremacy, for it does not suit the divine holiness that God should be under lordship; but were there many gods, there would be lords and subjects among them (perhaps also: or all of them would be lords of each other).
    [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.24-25; 122.3-6] He does not say whether God is finite or infinite.
    Nor does he say [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.25; 122.3-6] whether he is moved or unmoved.
    But [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.6-9] actually, he conceives of God as unmoved, for he calls him eternally selfsame and says (fr. 26).
    He says that God is thoroughly seeing, hearing, and thinking (fr. 24). He demonstrates this in the following way: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.25-26] God is altogether free from any want; but had he seen, heard, and thought only in one part of him, he would be in want of these in another part; hence he sees, hears, and thinks wholly and not in one or another part of himself.
    [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.13-14] And he says that God governs all things by his mind, saying (fr. 25).
    [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.20-21; Aristocles; 126.6-8] Thus he throws out sense-perceptions while trusting logos alone.
    [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18; Theophr. ap. Alex.; 219.31-33] The other way, that of accounting for the coming-to-be of existing things, he dismisses, declaring such accounts to be no more than opinion deprived of any certainty, saying this in such words (fr. 34).
    Nevertheless, he proposes some such opinion which he himself seems to adjudge plausible, as his own words show (fr. 35).
    [Theophr. ap. Alex; 219.31-33] But Parmenides, who came after him, took both ways [i.e., that of Xenophanes and that of the Milesians, cf. (1)]. For indeed, he both says that the whole is eternal and tries to account for the coming-to-be of existing things, not however thinking about both [ways] alike, but according to truth assuming the whole to be one, ungenerated, and spherical, while according to the opinion of the many, accounting for the coming-to-be of perceptible things by positing two principles: fire and earth, etc.

This reconstructed account represents that of the first book of the Physical Opinions. Indeed, (1) is the counterpart of (14), which is explicitly related by Alexander to the first book. (2)–(10) also belong there, for they either come from Simplicius' report or correct and complement it where it is wrong or incomplete, while this report itself comes from the first book of the Physical Opinions.

If Theophrastus' account was as I suggest, it seems to have been of great accuracy. True, it misrepresents Xenophanes' position in that his epistemic approach is interpreted in terms of the contrast logos:aistheseis, but this is the only major misinterpretation I can find in the account. On the whole, this is a precise report that moreover does not show any tendency to assimilate Xenophanes' teaching to that of Parmenides.

Yet it would be hard to point out even one important Parmenidean doctrine which is not, in one way or another, rooted in Xenophanes' teaching. Such is, first and foremost, the Parmenidean idea of the intelligible unity of the sensible manifold, which in Xenophanes himself was, as we have suggested, the development of one of the facets of Anaximander's Apeiron. This is the view of unity as one of two aspects—true, the most essential, significant, and sublime—but nevertheless one aspect only of reality, complementary to its other aspect, that of the manifold.
[conclusion p. 163-167]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H8YttvfJXlsVkrJ

Studies in the Historiography of Greek Philosophy, 1990
By: Mansfeld, Jaap

Title	Studies in the Historiography of Greek Philosophy
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1990
Publication Place	Assen – Maastricht
Publisher	Van Gorcum
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The collection of nineteen articles in Jaap Mansfeld’s Studies in Early Greek Philosophy span the period from Anaximander to Socrates. Solutions to problems of interpretation are offered through a scrutiny of the sources, and also of the traditions of presentation and reception found in antiquity. Excursions in the history of scholarship help to diagnose discussions of which the primum movens may have been forgotten. General questions are treated, for instance the phenomenon of detheologization in doxographical texts, while problems relating to individual philosophers are also discussed. For example, the history of Anaximander’s cosmos, the status of Parmenides’ human world, and the reliability of what we know about the soul of Anaximenes, and of what Philoponus tells us about the behaviour of Democritus’ atoms. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iTj9s6Qm1NZVce9

Sur la période finale de la philosophie grecque, 1896
By: Tannery, Paul

Title	Sur la période finale de la philosophie grecque
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1896
Journal	Revue philosophique de la France et de L'Étranger
Volume	42
Pages	266-287
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tannery, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Les historiens de la philosophie grecque ont pris, entre autres, deux habitudes : la première est de passer sous silence tout personnage reconnu comme chrétien, quand bien même ses écrits suivraient la tradition des maîtres païens ; la seconde est d'adopter comme limite inférieure la date de la fermeture, par Justinien, de l'école d'Athènes en 529.

C'est ainsi qu'Édouard Zeller, pour ne citer que son exemple, ne consacre pas une ligne de son texte à Jean Philopon, dont cependant il invoque assez souvent dans ses notes les commentaires sur Aristote ; c'est ainsi encore qu'il parle de Simplicius avant de raconter l'exode en Perse des philosophes d'Athènes, quoique, avec son exactitude ordinaire, il ait soin de remarquer que les ouvrages les plus importants du dernier diadochos sont postérieurs à 529.

Ces indications suffisent à montrer que les deux errements que j'ai signalés et qui, à première vue, ne semblent avoir rien de commun, se rattachent cependant à une même opinion, aussi généralement reçue qu'elle est probablement difficile à ébranler. Cette opinion est que le travail, si considérable pourtant, des commentateurs d'Aristote est, dans l'histoire de la philosophie, tout à fait négligeable vis-à-vis de l'œuvre des néoplatoniciens.

Je ne veux nullement contester que le mouvement intellectuel dont on rattache l'origine à Ammonius Saccas soit le seul courant qui, en dehors du christianisme, ait, à cette époque de décadence, persisté avec une réelle originalité, malgré le flot montant d'une nouvelle religion, apportant avec elle d'autres solutions aux problèmes métaphysiques, introduisant d'autres habitudes d'esprit, d'autres modes de raisonnement.

Je considère également comme tout à fait rationnel de séparer en principe l'histoire de la philosophie ancienne et celle de la philosophie chrétienne, quoique, à partir du IVᵉ siècle, les représentants de cette dernière aient certainement été à la hauteur de leurs rivaux païens ; les influences réciproques que les uns ont pu exercer sur les autres sont en effet beaucoup trop faibles pour qu'il y ait intérêt à lier intimement l'étude des deux camps ennemis.

Il n'y a cependant pas là, évidemment, des raisons suffisantes soit pour négliger l'étude des commentateurs d'Aristote postérieurs à Alexandre d'Aphrodisias, soit pour faire rentrer cette étude dans celle du néoplatonisme, en écartant les chrétiens comme Jean Philopon.

L'œuvre de ces commentateurs a en effet une importance historique bien supérieure à celle de l'école de Plotin ; quoique cette dernière n'ait nullement été inconnue des Arabes, ni des scolastiques du Moyen Âge, ses doctrines n'ont plus joué, à partir du VIᵉ siècle de notre ère, qu'un rôle passablement insignifiant, sauf le mouvement factice qui s'est produit un moment en leur faveur à la Renaissance. Depuis lors, l'intérêt qu'elles ont provoqué, notamment dans notre siècle, est d'un ordre purement historique.

On doit affirmer au contraire que ce sont les commentateurs anciens d'Aristote qui ont décidé le succès des doctrines de leur maître chez les Arabes et, dès lors, par contre-coup, dans l'Occident latin.

D'autre part, un fait méconnu, je crois, jusqu'à présent, mais que je me propose particulièrement de mettre en lumière, à savoir qu'après Ammonius, fils d'Hermias, l'école d'Alexandrie est devenue chrétienne, mais qu'on n'en a pas moins continué à y professer la philosophie aristotélique jusqu'à l'invasion arabe, ce fait, dis-je, avait naturellement amené une adaptation de cette philosophie à une religion monothéiste enseignant la création.

Cette circonstance ne laissait pour ainsi dire aucune liberté de choix aux Arabes ; en même temps que les écrits des commentateurs idolâtres ou non, constituant un corps de doctrine complet, ils rencontraient, soit en Égypte, soit chez les Syriaques ou les Arméniens, une tradition vivante pour l'enseignement aristotélique aux fidèles d'une religion tout à fait semblable à la leur.

Beaucoup moins originaux, comme penseurs ou comme savants, qu'on l'a supposé sans un examen approfondi, ils ne pouvaient que se mettre à la même école, et ils ne surent guère s'en affranchir.

Avant donc les Arabes, avant nos scolastiques de l'Occident latin, les commentateurs grecs d'Aristote ont créé la méthode exégétique, signalé les points de controverse, indiqué des solutions qui se sont perpétuées. Ils n'ont pas été seulement des précurseurs, mais bien de véritables maîtres, dont l'influence a persisté jusqu'au XVIIIᵉ siècle. [introduction p. 266-268]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zOpjj1OBM4BnCRa

Sur les pas d'un pèlerin païen à travers la Syrie chrétienne: À propos du livre de Michel Tardieu, 1994
By: Bauzou, Thomas

Title	Sur les pas d'un pèlerin païen à travers la Syrie chrétienne: À propos du livre de Michel Tardieu
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1994
Journal	Syria
Volume	71
Issue	1/2
Pages	217-226
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bauzou, Thomas
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This à propos to the book Les paysages reliques. Routes et haltes syriennes d'Isidore à Simplicius by Michel Tardieu discusses how Tardieu's book collects and comments on previously unknown fragments by Damascius and Simplicius, the last pagan intellectuals of a region that was in the process of complete Christianisation. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tBLkmMKD3Nol362

Sur quelques aspects de la polémique de Simplicius contre Jean Philopon: de l’invective à la réaffirmation de la transcendance du ciel, 1987
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Sur quelques aspects de la polémique de Simplicius contre Jean Philopon: de l’invective à la réaffirmation de la transcendance du ciel
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	183-221
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Le Commentaire de Simplicius au De caelo d'Aristote, vaste ouvrage exégétique conçu comme un hymne au Démiurge, présente une doctrine fondamentale sur la structure physique de la substance céleste : celle-ci, nous dit Simplicius, est un mélange des cimes (akrotêtes) des quatre éléments, c'est-à-dire un mélange des quatre éléments dans leur état le plus principiel et le plus pur, et dans ce mélange prédomine la cime, purement lumineuse, du feu.

Cette doctrine n'est pas, quant à ses matériaux conceptuels, une création neuve ou originale de Simplicius, car de manière plus détaillée encore, on la rencontre dans le troisième livre du Commentaire de Proclus au Timée. Mais je voudrais montrer, dans le cadre d'une interprétation générale du Commentaire au De caelo, que Simplicius en donne une démonstration et en fait un usage qui lui sont propres, et qui se comprennent en grande partie comme une réaction face aux théories de Jean Philopon. Ce dernier s'était appuyé sur le Timée pour réfuter la doctrine aristotélicienne de la quintessence et de l'éternité du monde, et il niait, bien avant Copernic, toute différence substantielle entre les cieux et le monde sublunaire.

Réfutant les théories du Contra Aristotelem de Philopon, Simplicius réaffirme la divinité, la transcendance et l’éternité du ciel, dans une exégèse qui vise à harmoniser (et non à opposer) le Timée et le De caelo. Cette exégèse est un acte religieux, un exercice spirituel qui convertit l'âme (celle de Simplicius et celle de son lecteur) vers le Démiurge. Cette conversion est une initiation aux grandeurs du monde et du ciel, et la description de la nature physique du ciel est l’un des contenus les plus précieux de la révélation. Celle-ci ne peut être procurée aux lecteurs momentanément abusés par Philopon qu’au terme d’une purification préparatoire, qui est la réfutation des analyses du Contra Aristotelem.

Ainsi, la polémique de Simplicius est orientée vers une visée indissolublement philosophique et religieuse : lire et interpréter correctement le De caelo d’Aristote, ce n’est pas seulement acquérir des connaissances intellectuelles, c’est aussi, et surtout, s’élever par la pensée (mais de manière « vécue ») jusqu’au monde et au Démiurge, c’est leur adresser une prière. Au sacrilège blasphématoire du chrétien Philopon répond la liturgie néoplatonicienne, juste célébration du Dieu. [introduction p. 183-184]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wBslsmZjGCgfHjc

Title	Surface Reading and Deeper Meaning. On Aristotle reading Plato and Platonists reading Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2013
Published in	Argument und literarische Form in antiker Philosophie. Akten des 3. Kongresses der Gesellschaft für antike Philosophie 2010
Pages	469-494
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)	Erler, Michael , Heßler, Jan Erik , Blumenfelder, Benedikt (Collaborator)
Translator(s)

And if we take the whole literary production of ancient philosophy, the variety is even more impressive. Besides the treatises and commentaries, the summaries and paraphrases, refutations and replies, the handbooks, manuals, and doxographies, there are dialogues and diatribes and orations, letters and catechisms with sentences to be set in practice, epigraphical posters in public city galleries, philosophical poems and political pamphlets, revelations of Hermes Trismegistos, Chaldean oracles, and we must include the manifold Jewish and Christian interpretations of biblical texts, sermons, and theological polemics. They all require other ways of reading and interpreting.

The title of this introductory lecture does not mean that I would recommend us to seek for deeper meaning hidden under the many literary forms. It was undoubtedly a very influential hermeneutical model, in particular when combined with the esoteric/exoteric distinction. But in my view, it remains primarily a model for interpreting mythical and sacred texts and, since the secularization of sacred hermeneutics, for reading “challenging literary texts.” It is not a method for the interpretation of philosophical texts, where analysis, insight into the structure of arguments, questioning, and criticism are required.

To play with a well-known quote from Thoreau: “In this part of the world (i.e., in philosophy), it is considered a ground for complaint if a man’s writings admit of more than one interpretation.” This refusal of a search for deeper meaning in philosophy, however, does not mean that we should remain just superficial readers, surfing on the text. Let us use all the possibilities we have, including attention to the literary context, to better understand the argument of the author.

To avoid the impression that I am finally agreeing with Aristotle against Plato, let me conclude with a remarkable statement of Plato in the Phaedo. It comes from the crucial section of the debate where Socrates starts his critique of Simmias’ argument that the soul is the harmony of the body and will disappear once the substrate is destroyed.

All participants are deeply impressed by the harmony argument, and there is an uneasy silence, as they thought it was a fatal blow to Socrates’ belief in immortality, but Socrates is not impressed. He confronts Simmias with a difficult choice: If you stick to the harmony doctrine, you will have to give up the other doctrine you just accepted, because it is incompatible with the harmony thesis, namely that all knowledge is recollection. What will you keep then, Simmias, this new theory or the former you already accepted? Simmias answers without hesitation that he would stand by the anamnesis doctrine.

For this other (sc. the doctrine that the soul is like a harmony) came to me without demonstration; it merely seemed probable and attractive, which is the reason why many people hold it. I am conscious that arguments which base their demonstrations on mere probability are deceptive, and if we are not on our guard against them, they deceive us greatly, in geometry and in all other things.

When commenting on this passage, Damascius, the last head of the Platonic Academy in Athens, distinguishes between what he calls superficial (ἐπιπόλαιοι) and profound (βαθύτεροι) thinkers, but not in any esoteric sense. Superficial thinkers, he says, “find pleasure in plausible arguments,” based on analogies and comparisons, metaphors. That is why the analogy of the soul with the harmony of the lyre is so attractive. “The more profound thinkers, who scorn the world of senses and its ready-at-hand (πρόχειρον) beliefs, rise above plausibilities and love arguments that are connected by necessity.”

In this sense, I would also like to be a ‘profound’ reader ... alas, there arises again a problem. The doctrine that, according to Socrates, is supposedly demonstrated by sound, almost geometrical arguments, and not by analogy, as the rejected harmony thesis, is itself based on analogy and metaphor.

For, Aristotle, sitting in this hall, would stand up and say: “What do you mean, Socrates, by that anamnesis? Is it not a metaphor and poetical phrase?” [conclusion p. 490-492]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3r4OKQesOkyPwb0

Title	Symbolae Berolinenses. Für Dieter Harlfinger
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1993
Publication Place	Amsterdam
Publisher	Hakkert
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Berger, Friederike , Brockmann, Christian , De Gregorio, Giuseppe , Ghisu, Maria Irene , Kotzabassi, Sofia , Noack, Beate
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WynC9SYoNF55LD8

Syrianus and Pseudo-Alexander’s Commentary on Metaph. E-N, 1987
By: Tarán, Leonardo, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Syrianus and Pseudo-Alexander’s Commentary on Metaph. E-N
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 2: Kommentierung, Überlieferung, Nachleben
Pages	215-232
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarán, Leonardo
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

The main conclusions of this study are two: (a) Neither Ps.-Alexander nor Syrianus had access to Alexander’s lost commentary on Metaphysics E-N. (b) For his commentary on books M-N, Syrianus made use of Ps.-Alexander’s commentary, which he mistook for the work of Alexander himself. [conclusion p. 231]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TQhCHWKXBejvsjI

The Ancient Commentators on Plato and Aristotle, 2009
By: Tuominen, Miira

Title	The Ancient Commentators on Plato and Aristotle
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2009
Publication Place	Berkley
Publisher	University of California Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tuominen, Miira
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The study of the ancient commentators has developed considerably over the past few decades, fueled by recent translations of their often daunting writings. This book offers the only concise, accessible general introduction currently available to the writings of the late ancient commentators on Aristotle and, to a lesser extent, Plato. Miira Tuominen provides a historical overview followed by a series of thematic chapters on epistemology, science and logic, physics, psychology, metaphysics, and ethics. In particular, she focuses on the writings of Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius, Porphyry, Proclus, Philoponus, and Simplicius. Until recently, the late ancient commentators have been understood mainly as sources of information concerning the masters upon whose works they comment. This book offers new insights into their way of doing philosophy in their own right. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vWARKgjVH1fGgSq

The Aristotelian Commentaries and Platonism, 2014
By: Gerson, Lloyd P.

Title	The Aristotelian Commentaries and Platonism
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Quaestiones Disputatae
Volume	2
Issue	4
Pages	7-23
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The employment of these two seemingly innocuous and certainly ubiquitous terms is in fact rarely edifying. An easy means of seeing why this is so is to ask what sort of Aristotelian cause influence and development are supposed to indicate. Since we are talking about temporal succession, presumably we would have in mind efficient or moving causes. But it only requires a moment’s reflection to realize that the views of one philosopher never stand in relation to the views of another as efficient cause to effect.

Thus, for example, it is not because Plato believed that nominalism is false that Aristotle believed that nominalism is false, even if it is indeed the case that Aristotle accepted Platonic arguments to this effect. If, however, we loosen the connection between Plato and Aristotle and agree that the views of the former did not cause the views of the latter, what is the influence supposed to amount to? Indeed, why claim that Aristotle is influenced by Plato, with whom he happened to agree on many issues, and not by, say, Democritus, with whom he happened to disagree? Surely, one can be inspired to embrace a position that is exactly the opposite of that which one hears from another.

Consider “development.” The perfectly anodyne sense of this term—namely, that according to which the sequence of writings in an author indicates the progress or course of his thought—is quite useless. But as soon as you try to gin up this weak sense of development into something more portentous, you get into serious trouble. If, for example, you say that Plato’s thought developed in the sense that his later dialogues represent an advancement in, or even a change from, his earlier thought—apart from cases of outright contradiction of which there are few or none—you have to specify what the development is a development of; that is, to use Aristotelian terminology once again, what is the underlying substrate for the development? But this underlying substrate will be the locus of continuity throughout the putative development; continuity that may be far more important than any change.

I am not suggesting that Plato or any other philosopher never changed his mind. I am suggesting that the changes cannot ever be viewed uncritically as going from false to true or wrong to right. Consider someone who believes that the high point of Plato’s thinking occurred in the early or middle dialogues. Someone like this would not consider the middle or late dialogues developments in any sense but the anodyne one mentioned above. Some scholars, looking at the identical texts, believe that Aristotle developed from a Platonist to something like an anti-Platonist, while others believe that his anti-Platonism was only a “phase” after which he developed into a Platonist once again. None of this is very helpful.

The reason I bring it up is that the Platonists of late antiquity who introduced the philosophical curriculum wherein the commentaries played such an important role were mostly impervious to the siren song of linearity. As we know from the accounts of the philosophical curriculum, perhaps introduced by Iamblichus or Porphyry in the late third century, students were obliged to study Aristotle before studying Plato. Studying Aristotle, or at least some of the works of Aristotle, was thought to be the most suitable preparation for studying Plato.

The reason for this is quite simple: the Platonists were aiming at truth rather than what we might like to think of as an “objective and unbiased” account of the “development” of the history of philosophy. But we still should want to ask why the study of Aristotle was supposed to be conducive to understanding the truth as it is revealed in Plato and articulated by the man whom Proclus called “the exegete of the Platonic revelation,” namely, Plotinus.

Simplicius provides a preliminary answer to this question when he says in his Physics commentary that Aristotle was authoritative for the sensible world as Plato was for the intelligible world. Beginning the study of philosophy “in” the sensible world, in accord with Aristotle’s remark in Physics—that we start with things more intelligible to us and move to things more intelligible by nature—puts the student in a better position to appreciate the more difficult insights found in the two works that comprise the culmination of philosophical study: namely, Timaeus and Parmenides.

Let us be quite specific. The study of Categories is supposed to assist the student in preparing for the study of the intelligible world. Initially, this seems far-fetched. Indeed, it is not uncommon for contemporary Aristotle scholars to take Categories as in a way programmatic for an anti-Platonic Aristotelian philosophy, the focus of which is the individual sensible substance. So, on this showing, Iamblichus was naive to think that he was molding disciples of Platonism by having the students read Categories even before they encountered a dialogue of Plato.

As I have argued elsewhere, Iamblichus and Simplicius and many other prominent Platonists of late antiquity believed that Aristotle’s philosophy was in harmony with Platonism. The way I characterized harmony was to argue that Aristotle’s philosophy stood to Platonism analogous to the way that Newtonian mechanics stood to quantum mechanics. I was and am not altogether happy with letting my argument rest on an analogy in part because, in trying to explore further the details of harmony, one soon runs up against the limitations of the analogy.

Instead, I would like to pursue a different approach here. I would like to argue that what underlies the claims of harmony is a set of shared principles; shared not only by self-proclaimed Platonists and by Aristotle, but by virtually all philosophers from at least 200 CE until perhaps the beginning of the seventeenth century, with only a few notable exceptions. It will become clear as I proceed why I have cast my net so widely. And I hope it will also become clear why the Aristotelian commentary tradition remains a critical component in the larger Platonic project. [introduction p. 7-9]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fH9zEC1gXGTy5tA

The Aristotelian Commentators: A Bibliographical Guide, 2004
By: Sellars, J. T., Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Stone, Martin W. F. (Ed.)

Title	The Aristotelian Commentators: A Bibliographical Guide
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2004
Published in	Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1
Pages	239-268
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sellars, J. T.
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Baltussen, Han , Stone, Martin W. F.
Translator(s)

In  what follows I offer a bibliographical guide to the ancient commentators on Aristotle, 
outlining where one may find texts, translations, studies, and more detailed bibliographies 
containing further references.* It  is designed to supplement the  existing bibliography in: 
[l] R.  Sorabji, ed., Aristotle  Transformed: The Ancient Commentators and Their Influence 
(London: Duckworth, 1990), 485-524. 
The  focus  here  is  on  the  ancient  commentators, but  reference  will  also  be  made  to 
Byzantine commentators. For  a  list of  around 300 commentators on Aristotle - ancient, 
Byzantine,  Islamic,  medieval,  and  renaissance  - see  the  final  pages  of  [ 2 ]   Operum 
Aristotelis Stagiritae Philosophorum Omnium,  ed.  I Casaubon  (Lugduni,  apud 
Guillelmum Laemarium, 1590). This list is followed by  a detailed inventory of  individual 
commentaries  arranged  by  the  Aristotelian  text  upon  which  they  comment.  This  very 
useful  second list is reprinted in:  [3] Aristotelis  Opera Omnia quae  extant  Uno Volumine 
Comprehensa, ed. C. H.  Weise (Leipzig: Tauchnitz, 1843), 1013-18. Note also the more 
recent  list  of ancient  commentaries  by R.  Goulet  in  D P h A   1,437-41  (1993),  now 
supplemented by  M. Chase in DPhA Suppl., 113-21 (2003). [Introduction, p. 239]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RVqUywkJKyTkd5z

The Authorship of the Pseudo-Simplician Neoplatonic Commentary on the De Anima, 2020
By: Gabor, Gary

Title	The Authorship of the Pseudo-Simplician Neoplatonic Commentary on the De Anima
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2020
Journal	Proceedings of the Boston Area Colloquium in Ancient Philosophy
Volume	35
Issue	1
Pages	1-22
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gabor, Gary
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pVUbfH8m3jQVsKw

The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy, 2004
By: Adamson, Peter (Ed.), Taylor, Richard C. (Ed.)

Title	The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2004
Publication Place	Cambridge
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Adamson, Peter , Taylor, Richard C.
Translator(s)

Philosophy written in Arabic and in the Islamic world represents one of the great traditions of Western philosophy. Inspired by Greek philosophical works and the indigenous ideas of Islamic theology, Arabic philosophers from the ninth century onwards put forward ideas of great philosophical and historical importance. This collection of essays, by some of the leading scholars in Arabic philosophy, provides an introduction to the field by way of chapters devoted to individual thinkers (such as al-Farabi, Avicenna and Averroes) or groups, especially during the 'classical' period from the ninth to the twelfth centuries. It also includes chapters on areas of philosophical inquiry across the tradition, such as ethics and metaphysics. Finally, it includes chapters on later Islamic thought, and on the connections between Arabic philosophy and Greek, Jewish, and Latin philosophy. The volume also includes a useful bibliography and a chronology of the most important Arabic thinkers. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CWyIAoel4RYZzMZ

The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume I, 2010
By: Gerson, Lloyd P.

Title	The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume I
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2010
Publication Place	Cambrige
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Volume	I
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity comprises over forty specially
commissioned essays by experts on the philosophy of the period 200–800 ce.
Designed as a successor to The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval
Philosophy (ed. A. H. Armstrong), it takes into account some forty years of schol-
arship since the publication of that volume. The contributors examine philosophy
as it entered literature, science and religion, and offer new and extensive assess-
ments of philosophers who until recently have been mostly ignored. The volume
also includes a complete digest of all philosophical works known to have been
written during this period. It will be an invaluable resource for all those interested
in this rich and still emerging field. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/PBCTQTxz4lJBD2L

The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume II, 2011
By: Gerson, Lloyd P. (Ed.)

Title	The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity, Volume II
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2011
Publication Place	Cambridge
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Volume	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Translator(s)

The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity comprises over forty specially commissioned essays by experts on the philosophy of the period 200–800 CE. Designed as a successor to The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (edited by A. H. Armstrong), it takes into account some forty years of scholarship since the publication of that volume. The contributors examine philosophy as it entered literature, science and religion, and offer new and extensive assessments of philosophers who until recently have been mostly ignored. The volume also includes a complete digest of all philosophical works known to have been written during this period. It will be an invaluable resource for all those interested in this rich and still emerging field. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kHhRvU7UkRlktbW

The Cambridge companion to early Greek philosophy, 1999
By: Long, Anthony A.

Title	The Cambridge companion to early Greek philosophy
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1999
Publication Place	Cambridge – New York
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Long, Anthony A.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The Western tradition of philosophy began in Greece with a cluster of thinkers often called the Presocratics, whose influence has been incalculable. All these thinkers are discussed in this volume both as individuals and collectively in chapters on rational theology, epistemology, psychology, rhetoric and relativism, justice, and poetics. Assuming no knowledge of Greek or prior knowledge of the subject, this volume provides new readers with the most convenient and accessible guide to early Greek philosophy available. Advanced students and specialists will find a conspectus of recent developments in the interpretation of early Greek thought.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YKDCYenc5tGg0P2

The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian, 2005
By: Maas, Michael (Ed.)

Title	The Cambridge companion to the Age of Justinian
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	Cambridge – New York
Publisher	Cambridge University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Maas, Michael
Translator(s)

This book introduces the Age of Justinian, the last Roman century and the first flowering of Byzantine culture. Dominated by the policies and personality of emperor Justinian I (527–565), this period of grand achievements and far-reaching failures witnessed the transformation of the Mediterranean world. In this volume, twenty specialists explore the most important aspects of the age including the mechanics and theory of empire, warfare, urbanism, and economy. It also discusses the impact of the great plague, the codification of Roman law, and the many religious upheavals taking place at the time. Consideration is given to imperial relations with the papacy, northern barbarians, the Persians, and other eastern peoples, shedding new light on a dramatic and highly significant historical period. [a.a]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VO13SyosuR7rCEZ

The Changing Self: A Study on the Soul in Later Neoplatonism; Iamblichus, Damascius and Priscianus, 1978
By: Steel, Carlos

Title	The Changing Self: A Study on the Soul in Later Neoplatonism; Iamblichus, Damascius and Priscianus
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1978
Publication Place	Brüssel
Publisher	Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Iamblichus' views, insofar as we can reconstruct them, are primarily interesting because they represent the first and in many ways most serious challenge to the doctrines of Plotinus. And the challenge itself may be said to have split the later Neoplatonists, with Damascius and Priscianus following Iamblichus and Proclus reverting to the views of Plotinus.

The real question at issue, and one dealt with with admirable fairness and clarity by Steel, is the nature of the soul and, more particularly, "Does it fall or not?" Plotinus maintained on many occasions that it remained, at least in its upper and true self, unfallen. This is clear, for example, at Enn. IV.1.12. Iamblichus' critique of this view is instructive and sympathetic. The view of Plotinus fails to explain far too many factors in our moral and empirical lives—the fact of sin, our awareness of unhappiness, and the apparent betrayal of the vision of the soul offered by Plato in the Phaedrus 248a ff.

Not that Plotinus was unaware of these drawbacks to his theory. He had anticipated and dealt with some already at Enn. I.1 and III.6. Iamblichus also objected to the Plotinian doctrine that all souls were homogeneous (cf. Enn. IV.7.10.19). To obviate these difficulties, Iamblichus developed a theory about the substantial change of the soul (cf. p. 53 ff.). The evidence for this view comes largely from Priscianus, so it is perhaps unwise to be too uncritical about accepting it as Iamblichus' own, especially when considering the reverence in which he was held by many later writers, who, beginning at least as early as Julian, called him "the divine."

The arguments produced in favor of such a view of the mutable substance of the soul all seem to argue from perceived activities to the unperceived cause—a methodological principle that derives from Aristotle and seems to run counter to the method employed by Plotinus. The system of Plotinus, like that of the great systematizer Proclus, is deductive rather than inductive.

The central vision around which the Iamblichean picture revolves is of a soul that remains in itself and simultaneously proceeds from itself—a view that is often repeated in Priscianus. Whereas in Plotinus the upper, true soul never sallies forth and only the image of the soul does, here it is the whole soul. This reduced cosmic status of the soul may be the reason why Iamblichus was willing to allow people to approach the divine through theurgy and not simply through the activity of the soul.

Two points may be mentioned. One is the relation of Iamblichus to Proclus. It has often been assumed that the former had a great influence on the latter, and this is the view put forward by Professor Dodds in his edition of the Elements of Proclus (cf. Introd., xvi ff.). Just how much influence was there?

Again, on p. 157, it is stated that much later pagan psychology was occasioned by the desire to refute either the views or objections of Christians, or both. But there is a considerable question as to the knowledge of and interest in what Christians believed and wrote on the part of educated pagans. It really is an open question whether there is any reference at all to anything Christian in Iamblichus or Plotinus. It would be most interesting if any serious evidence could be found in favor of such a hypothesis. [review by Anthony Meredith p. 290-291 ]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tntYMFyZHiMovai

The Commentators on Aristotle's Categories and on Porphyry's Isagoge, 1973
By: Kustas, George L.

Title	The Commentators on Aristotle's Categories and on Porphyry's Isagoge
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1973
Published in	Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric
Pages	101-126
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kustas, George L.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Among the works edited in the Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca are a number of analyses of the Categories, Aristotle’s basic treatise on formal logic, as well as commentaries on Porphyry’s introduction to philosophy, the Isagoge, which is concerned with basic philosophical principles. Those which concern us belong to the fifth/sixth century and are the product of the Alexandrian school of Neoplatonism. The authors are Ammonius, son of Hermeias; his students, John Philoponus and Olympiodorus; and Olympiodorus’ students, Elias and David. To this list we may add Simplicius, who attended Ammonius’ lectures before emigrating to Athens.

We are dealing with a common tradition of exegesis. The standard arrangement is several pages of prolegomena, in which the author lays out his purpose and defines his terms, followed by extensive scholia on individual passages. The commentators consistently make the claim that they are clearing up obscurities in the text. Hence the term dodelex appears often in their pages. Our interest, however, lies not here but in their analysis of what they regard as Aristotle’s deliberate use of obscurity as a quality of style designed with a specific end in view. We have therefore to examine in some detail what they say. [introduction p. 101]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/czKsHr75gQ60Xo4

The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century, 1963
By: Momigliano, Arnaldo

Title	The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1963
Publication Place	Oxford
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Momigliano, Arnaldo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The relations between Paganism and Christianity in the fourth century seemed a suitable theme for a course of lectures at the Warburg Institute. The eight lectures here collected were delivered in the academic year 1958-9 and are published as they were delivered. It was, however, considered expedient to translate into English the two lectures which were given in French and the one which was in German.. The lecturers were left free to choose their own subject and to add the notes they wanted for publication. Specialists will judge each paper on its individual merits. For the general reader I have added, by way of introduction, a few pages on the problem of Christianity and the decline of the Roman empire. They were originally part of the two Taft Lectures which I delivered in the University of Cincinnati in 1959. A. M." [preface]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/13dkV1yegl5vCkm

The Cosmology of Parmenides, 1986
By: Finkelberg, Aryeh

Title	The Cosmology of Parmenides
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1986
Journal	The American Journal of Philology
Volume	107
Issue	3
Pages	303-317
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Finkelberg, Aryeh
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Our  main source  of information  about  the  cosmological  component  of  Parmenides’  doctrine  of Opinion —apart  from  the  first  three and a half abstruse lines of fr.  12 — is Aetius’ account.  This,  however,  is generally regarded as confused,  garbled and incompatible with fr.  12. The reconstruction of Parmenides’ cosmology is thus considered a hopeless task,  for  “it must inevitably be based on many conjectures.” I,  however, cannot accept this conclusion, for,  as I argue below,  it is possible to provide a reasonably intelligible account of Aetius’ report (except  for the corrupt sentence  about  the goddess) which is  also compatible with fr.  12, provided, of course, that we are not bent upon proving our sources incompatible,  but rather seek to reconcile them. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3OYYrw5qTwsrSkx

The Dialectics of Genre: Some Aspects of Secondary Literature and Genre in Antiquity, 2000
By: Sluiter, Ineke, Depew, Mary (Ed.), Obbink, Dirk (Ed.)

Title	The Dialectics of Genre: Some Aspects of Secondary Literature and Genre in Antiquity
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2000
Published in	Matrices of Genre: Authors, Canons, and Society
Pages	183-203
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sluiter, Ineke
Editor(s)	Depew, Mary , Obbink, Dirk
Translator(s)

The commentator has a dual professional affiliation, as a doctor, philosopher, or astronomer, etc., and as a “grammarian,” an interpreter of someone else’s work. Since the latter qualification is less impressive socially, the commentator will be at pains to downplay that part of his work. Finally, the activities of commentators presuppose the unchangeable nature of the source-text, but their own work is located in the environment of the classroom, with emphasis on the oral, almost improvised transmission of ever-accumulating knowledge.

Ancient commentators themselves are familiar with generic distinctions and apply the notion of genre, borrowed from philology, to their work on the source-texts (third section, earlier). They are also aware of the fact that they themselves are engaged in a type of work with distinctive objectives and tasks. They are eager to stress that fact, and they reflect on their position—even though they do not call their own work a separate “genre” (fifth section, earlier).

There is a risk of reducing the term “genre” to virtual meaninglessness if every subdivision made in ancient texts is described as the recognition of a new genre. Ancient commentators are fond of drawing all kinds of distinctions, both in ordering the corpora they are working on and in identifying the special nature of their own achievement compared with that of their predecessors. The prefatory passages dealt with in the fifth section earlier undoubtedly exemplify the rhetoric of self-legitimation, and they are indicative of the reflection of the commentators on the nature of their activities.

However, it is possible to engage in that rhetoric and in self-reflection without conceptualizing it in terms of genre. [conclusion 202–203]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6IXo92il3CT8q6x

The Earliest Aristotelian Commentators, 2016
By: Gottschalk, Hans B., Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	The Earliest Aristotelian Commentators
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Pages	61-88
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gottschalk, Hans B.
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

In Chapter 3, Hans Gottschalk surveys the commentators on Aristotle from the
fi rst century bc to late in the second century ad , and some of their Platonist
opponents. He gives the most space to the fi rst of them, Andronicus, persuasively rguing that he worked in Athens without going to Rome, and telling something
of Andronicus’ philosophical comments on Aristotle and of his editorial work
on Aristotle’s school writings (as opposed to his works then better known, but
now largely lost, for publication outside the school). He rightly says that
Andronicus presented Aristotle as a system. As I indicated in commenting on
Chapter 1 above, his younger contemporary in Athens, Boethus, stimulated
enormous reaction from later commentators by his detailed and idiosyncratic
interpretation of Aristotle, fragments of which they recorded. So the description
‘scholasticism’, insofar as it suggests to us something rather dry, is not a
description we should now be likely to use, especially aft er the recent discovery
of new fragments of Boethus. But Aristotle Re-Interpreted will include a
contribution on some of Boethus’ achievement and further detail on the
commentators aft er him is supplied in other recent works listed above in note 6.
Th e only big matter of controversy concerns the two words ‘critical edition’ at the
opening of Gottschalk’s chapter, which could be taken for granted in 1990. It was
challenged by Jonathan Barnes in 1997. 9 A critical edition is produced by
comparing diff erent copies of the original in order to discover more closely what
the original may have said. Barnes argued powerfully that this is not what
Andronicus did. Indeed, if he did not go to Rome to examine the manuscript
there, it is even less likely that he did. One reaction was to think that this greatly
reduced the importance of Andronicus. But a contribution in Aristotle Re-
Interpreted will take up the other editorial activity including the presentation of
Aristotle’s school writings as a system. It was far more valuable, according to this
argument, to create a coherent canon of Aristotle’s voluminous school writings,
by joining or separating pieces and arranging them in a coherent order for
reading, than to seek the original wording in a critical edition. [Sorabji: Introduction to the Second Edition, p. xii]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nJ4WSAlewntt7lZ

Title	The Empedoclean Kosmos. Structure, Process and the Question of Cyclicity. structure, process and the question of cyclicity ; proceedings of the Symposium Philosophiae Antiquae Tertium Myconense, July 6th - July 13th, 2003. Papers
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	Patras
Publisher	Institut for Philosophical Research
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Pierrēs, Apostolos L.
Translator(s)

In general, editing seems to have been rather ‘hands off’. Some papers offer primary texts only in Greek, others include translations. One piece in particular is sprinkled with typos and misspellings that do a disservice to its argumentative force.1 That being said, thought has clearly been given to the grouping of the papers. I particularly benefited from the juxtaposition of those papers explicitly about Empedocles’ cosmic cycles, if only because it illustrates the strength of disagreement which this topic continues to inspire. Thus, for example, whilst Primavesi employs the Byzantine scholia as the linchpin of his reconstruction of the cycle, Osborne dismisses the same as ‘probably worthless as evidence for how Empedocles himself intended his system to work’ (299). Whatever position you hold, or indeed if you hold no position at all, this collection will present you with something to get your teeth into.

Anthony Kenny’s ‘Life after Etna: the legend of Empedocles in literary tradition’ offers a whistle-stop tour through accounts of Empedocles’ reputed death on Etna, and then arrives at a more extensive discussion of Matthew Arnold’s ‘Empedocles on Etna’. Kenny points out that, at times, Arnold’s Empedocles resembles Lucretius, of whom Arnold was an admirer from childhood. Kenny concludes with the suggestion that, although ‘Empedocles on Etna’ may be more about Arnold than Empedocles, there is an affinity between the two men: ‘Empedocles, part magus and part scientist, was, like Arnold, poised between two worlds, one dead, one struggling to be born’ (30).

Glenn Most offers a rather fascinating discussion of Nietzsche’s Empedocles in his ‘The stillbirth of tragedy: Nietzsche and Empedocles’. Most reveals the extent to which Empedocles ‘played quite a significant role in Nietzsche’s intellectual world’ (33). Although Nietzsche made some abortive attempts at a philosophical discussion of Empedocles, he was ‘far less interested in Empedocles as a thinker than as a human being’ (35). Such was his admiration for Empedocles, whom he viewed as ‘der reine tragische Mensch’, that, perhaps under the influence of Hölderlin, Nietzsche formed the (unfulfilled) intention of writing an opera or tragedy about him. Most suggests, in passing, that the tendency for reception of Empedocles to take dramatic form could be due to the influence of Heraclides Pontus (whose dialogue about Empedocles may have formed a source of Diogenes Laertius’ account).

In ‘Empedocles: two theologies, two projects’, Jean Bollack rails against attempts made, on the basis of the Strasbourg Papyrus, to narrow the gap between Empedocles’ physical and ethical theories. He interprets ‘The Origins’ and ‘The Purifications’ as offering two distinct theologies, tailored to suit the purpose, strategy, and audience of each poem. His view is that ‘[t]he two poems were very probably intended to shed light on one another precisely in their difference’ (47). Bollack also offers, in an appendix, a rereading of fragment B31 ‘extended by the Strasbourg Papyrus’ (62).

Rene Nünlist’s ‘Poetological imagery in Empedocles’ considers the apparent echo of Parmenides B8’s κόμος ἐπέων in Empedocles B17’s λόγου στόλος. Nünlist argues that Empedocles’ ‘poetological imagery’ is more dynamic and potentially more aggressive than that of his predecessor. Empedocles uses path metaphors to ‘convey the idea of philosophical poetry being a process or a method’ (79). Nünlist also provides a brief appendix on line 10 of ensemble d of the Strasbourg Papyrus.

Richard Janko returns to the vexed question of whether Empedocles wrote one poem or two in his ‘Empedocles’ Physica Book 1: a new reconstruction’. Janko presents a masterful summary of the evidence for and against trying to unite Empedocles’ physical and religious verses, admitting his preference for accepting Katharmoi and Physika as two titles for the same work (which discussed both physical theory and ritual purification). On this topic, I benefitted particularly from his discussion of the fragments of Lobon of Argos (another possible source for Diogenes Laertius). This discussion serves as the introduction to Janko’s reconstruction and translation of 131 lines of Book 1 of Empedocles’ Physics, in which he attempts to incorporate some of the ensembles of the Strasbourg Papyrus, which he suggests ‘at last gives us a clear impression of Empedocles as a poet’ (113).

In ‘On the question of religion and natural philosophy in Empedocles’, Patricia Curd neatly sidesteps the ‘one poem or two?’ question, formulating instead a distinction between Empedocles’ ‘esoteric’ and ‘exoteric’ teachings. She then attempts to establish an essential relation between the two. Curd argues that the exoteric verses, addressed to a plural ‘you’, offer exhortation and instruction as to how to live a certain kind of life without any ‘serious teaching’ (145). On the other hand, the esoteric verses addressed to Pausanias offer explanation but lack any direct instruction. Curd’s suggestion is that Empedocles holds that ‘one must be in the proper state of soul in order to learn and so acquire and hold the most important knowledge’ (153). Further, she argues for reading Empedocles as holding the possession of such natural knowledge as the source of super-natural powers. Curd’s Baconian Empedocles ‘sees knowledge of the world as bestowing power to control the world’ (153).

Richard McKirahan’s ‘Assertion and argument in Empedocles’ cosmology or what did Empedocles learn from Parmenides?’ offers a subtle and stimulating survey of ‘the devices [Empedocles] uses to gain belief’ (165). McKirahan attempts a rehabilitation of Empedocles against Barnes’s assertion that those reading his cosmology ‘look in vain for argument, either inductive or deductive.’2 Offering persuasive evidence from the fragments, he argues that Empedocles employs both assertion and justification (via both argument and analogy) in his cosmology and that the choice between the two is fairly systematic. McKirahan frames his suggestions within a reconsideration of Empedocles’ debt to Parmenides, arguing that, in places, ‘Empedocles seems to be adding new Eleatic-style arguments for Eleatic-style theses’ (183).

Apostolos Pierris argues for a ‘tripartite correspondence’ (189) between Empedoclean religion, philosophy and physics in his ‘ Ὅμοιον ὁμοίῳ and Δίνη : Nature and Function of Love and Strife in the Empedoclean system.’ Pierris traces the connection between these three aspects of Empedocles’ thinking via an investigation of the relation between the activity of Love and Strife and the role of the cosmic vortex, reconsidering Aristotle’s critique along the way. He concludes that ‘in understanding Empedocles’ system of Cosmos both [i.e., metaphysical and physical levels of discourse] are equally needed, for one sheds light on the other’ (213). Further, the physical and metaphysical accounts of the Sphairos and the effects of Love and Strife aid our awareness of our ethical status.

In ‘The topology and dynamics of Empedocles’ cycle’, Daniel Graham attempts a sidelong offensive on the puzzles of Empedocles’ cosmic cycle, armed with a plausible belief that a treatment of the cosmic forces of Love and Strife will shed light on the cycle that they dominate. He offers a neat summary of traditional readings of the location and direction of the action of Love and Strife before presenting a defence of the position developed by O’Brien.3 Graham argues that this so-called ‘Oscillation Theory’ makes the most sense of Empedocles’ use of military imagery in B35. He also presents a rather illuminating political analogy whereby Empedocles’ Love serves to avoid a kind of cosmic stasis.

Oliver Primavesi’s ‘The structure of Empedocles’ cosmic cycle: Aristotle and the Byzantine Anonymous’ also has in its sights O’Brien’s reconstruction of the Empedoclean cycle. Primavesi argues against this reconstruction on the grounds that ‘O’Brien’s hypothesis of symmetrical major alternation of rest and movement is […] exclusively based on a controversial interpretation of Aristotle, Physics 8, 1′ (257). As an alternative, Primavesi adduces a set of Byzantine scholia which seem to conflict with O’Brien’s alternations and which were ‘composed in a time when access to a complete work of Empedocles was still open’ (257).4 Primavesi concludes by hypothesising a timetable for the cycle compatible with the scholia.

André Laks considers the relationship between Empedocles’ cosmology and demonology in his ‘Some thoughts about Empedoclean cosmic and demonic cycles’. He champions a ‘correspondence model’ of interpretation, arguing that, although the two accounts are distinct, they are also clearly related. Laks suggests that one clear point of relation is the shared cyclicity of the cosmic and demonic stories. Laks focuses his discussion on how each of the cycles starts and argues that ‘we are entitled to speak of necessity in the case of the cosmic cycle (as Aristotle does) as well as in that of the demonic circle’ and, further, that ‘although we are entitled to speak of necessity in both cases, we should carefully distinguish between the two cases, and indeed between two kinds of necessity’ (267). Cosmic ‘necessity’ is absolute, whilst demonic ‘Necessity’ is hypothetical.

In ‘Sin and moral responsibility in Empedocles’ cosmic cycle’, Catherine Osborne also gets stuck into the thorny issue of Empedoclean necessity. She rejects the kind of ‘mechanical and deterministic’ reading of Empedocles’ cycle which, by imposing ‘fixed periods between regular recurring events […] leave[s] little room for moral agency to have any significance’ (283). Osborne worries that notions of sin and responsibility will be meaningless in a cosmos where acts of pollution and periods of punishment are predetermined. Using the illuminating parallel of Sophocles’ Oedipus, Osborne argues that a distinction between necessity and prediction should be applied to Empedocles. Empedocles’ daimones are moral agents who act voluntarily in a manner that has been predicted (but which they have promised to avoid) and thus, being responsible for their own predicament, they are punished according to the moral code upon which they have previously agreed. She canvasses a variety of possible readings for B115’s ‘oracle of necessity’ and concludes that none of them diminishes the responsibility of the daimones or interferes with their free will. Her ultimate conclusion is that Empedocles intended to ‘set the cosmic events within a moral structure, one in which the fall from unity was the effect of violence in heaven’ (297). Osborne also offers an appendix on the Byzantine sScholia.

Angelo Tonelli’s ‘Cosmogony is psychogony is ethics: some thoughts about Empedocles’ fragments 17; 110; 115; 134 DK, and P. Strasb. Gr. Inv. 1665-1666D, VV. 1-9′ is an intriguing attempt to draw parallels between Empedocles’ ‘initiation poems’ and the ‘oriental spiritual tradition’. As the title suggests, Tonelli argues for the unity of physics and ethics in what he identifies as Empedocles’ mysticism. He reaches the provocative conclusion that Empedocles’ wise man longs for the triumph of Love even at the expense of his own dissolution qua individual into total unity. ‘But this’, Tonelli asserts, ‘is not nihilism: this is psychocosmic mysticism’ (330).

David Sedley urges a radical rethinking of Empedocles’ double zoogony in his ‘Empedocles’ life cycles’. He argues against the reading that places Love’s zoogony in a phase of increasing Love leading up to the Sphairos. Sedley points out that it would be odd for Empedocles to expend more energy ‘accounting for the origin of life forms which he could do no more than conjecture to have existed in a remote part of cosmic history […] (since the sphairos has intervened to render them extinct), than he did on accounting for life as we know it’ (332). He proposes an alternative reading whereby both parts of the double zoogony are offered as an explanation of life as we know it, i.e. ‘Love’s zoogony was itself located in our world’ (341) and is not separated from us by the Sphairos. Sedley also makes a seductive suggestion regarding the double anthropogony: Love’s anthropogony produces daimones (whom Sedley understands to be creatures of flesh and blood), whilst Strife’s ‘discordant anthropogony’ (355) results in ‘wretched race of men and women […] committed to the divisive sexual politics that Strife imposes upon them’ (347).

In ‘Empedocles’ zoogony and embryology’, Laura Gemelli Marciano too turns her thoughts to the double zoogony, reinstating the Sphairos between the twin acts of creation. She argues that Strife’s zoogony is, in a sense, a continuation of the creative act of Love. For the creatures who owe their origin to Love are, in time, ‘suffocated’ by the total unity of the Sphairos (but still present within it) but are then, in a sense, reborn via the divisive power of Strife. Strife’s zoogony is dependant on that of Love for ‘he only frees little by little those beings that Aphrodite had first created and then suffocated’ (381). Gemelli Marciano presents a particularly appealing case for reading Empedocles’ double zoogony as ‘repeated at a microcosmic level in the mechanism of the conception and development of the embryo’ (383). Both zoogony and embryology describe conception followed by articulation. She closes with some thoughts of how this connection should inform our understanding of Empedocles’ theory of the transmigration of souls.

I can’t help but feel well-disposed towards a book that includes the declaration ‘The colour of the cover in this volume corresponds to that of blood, Empedoclean substance of thought’ (407). Had the book’s design been influenced by more prosaic concerns, its sheer wealth of stimulation, provocation and authority ensures that I would nevertheless recommend it to anyone who feels the slightest curiosity about Empedocles, perhaps the most curious of all the Pre-Socratics.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/TxAm4obxbTupTry

The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientist. The Greek tradition and its many heirs, 2008
By: Keyser, Paul T. (Ed.), Irby-Massie, Georgia L. (Ed.)

Title	The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientist. The Greek tradition and its many heirs
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2008
Publication Place	London – New York
Publisher	Routledge
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Keyser, Paul T. , Irby-Massie, Georgia L.
Translator(s)

The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientists is the first comprehensive English language work to provide a survey of all ancient natural science, from its beginnings through the end of Late Antiquity. A team of over 100 of the world’s experts in the field have compiled this Encyclopedia, including entries which are not mentioned in any other reference work – resulting in a unique and hugely ambitious resource which will prove indispensable for anyone seeking the details of the history of ancient science.

Additional features include a Glossary, Gazetteer, and Time-Line. The Glossary explains many Greek (or Latin) terms difficult to translate, whilst the Gazetteer describes the many locales from which scientists came. The Time-Line shows the rapid rise in the practice of science in the 5th century BCE and rapid decline after Hadrian, due to the centralization of Roman power, with consequent loss of a context within which science could flourish. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/up8tW1NBxVY23yX

The Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 1967
By: Edwards, Paul (Ed.)

Title	The Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1967
Publication Place	London, New York
Publisher	Crowell-Collier Publishing Company
Volume	7
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Edwards, Paul
Translator(s)

The first English-language reference of its kind, The Encyclopedia of Philosophy was hailed as "a remarkable and unique work" (Saturday Review) that contained "the international who's who of philosophy and cultural history" (Library Journal). [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DJOzQML80wO5kRJ

The End of Aristotle's on Prayer, 1985
By: Rist, John M.

Title	The End of Aristotle's on Prayer
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1985
Journal	The American Journal of Philology
Volume	106
Issue	1
Pages	110-113
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rist, John M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The claim that God is beyond mind is unique in an unemended Aristotelian text, but the notion would be acceptable to Simplicius both because, as a Neoplatonist, he would believe it to be true, and because as a Neoplatonic commentator on Aristotle, he would be happy to find evidence of the basic philosophical harmony of Aristotle and Plato. Our problem, therefore, is to see why Simplicius thought that Aristotle held this view. The immediate answer is that he thought he had found it in a text of Aristotle's called On Prayer (or perhaps more likely in an anthology of Aristotelian material claiming that this was Aristotle's view in such a work).

But if there was no such work On Prayer, how could Simplicius (or his source) think there was, and what is the actual source of the apparent fragment that claims that for Aristotle, God might be "beyond mind"? It is possible to understand how Simplicius was misled.

There is a Latin work in two chapters called De Bona Fortuna. It is composed of Magna Moralia 2.8 and Eudemian Ethics 8.2. Of the 56 surviving manuscripts of De Bona Fortuna, the earliest datable version is Vat. Lat. 2083, of the year 1284. The producer of this text is unknown. De Bona Fortuna is not an excerpt from existing Latin translations of Magna Moralia and Eudemian Ethics, because although Bartholomew of Messina translated the Magna Moralia between 1258 and 1266, and although a Greek manuscript of the Eudemian Ethics may have been known in Messina before 1250, there are no medieval Latin translations of the Eudemian Ethics as a whole; indeed, the only other section of the text translated is E.E. 8.3.

The original sources of De Bona Fortuna were known to at least some of those who copied it in Latin, but the work itself is a direct translation from Greek. So, unless the translator also both excerpted and combined the two parts of the De Bona Fortuna himself, and showed no concern for the fact that the rest of the Eudemian Ethics was still untranslated, and perhaps even still unknown (which is highly unlikely), he must have used a Greek original of De Bona Fortuna in the form of a separate treatise composed of M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2.

The title of the treatise, presumably, was the Greek equivalent of De Bona Fortuna, that is, Περὶ Εὐτυχίας. We have no means of telling when it was assembled, but there is no reason why it should not be ancient and indeed have been available to Simplicius or (if Simplicius is quoting an anthology of some sort) to his source.

E.E. 8.2 (1248A28) unemended, reads as follows: Τί οὖν ἂν κρεῖττον καὶ ἐπισημότερον εἴποι τις ἢ θεὸς. Spengel added the words καὶ νοῦ after εἴποι, following the reading et intellectu found in De Bona Fortuna. Thus, the Greek original of De Bona Fortuna read: Τί οὖν ἂν κρεῖττον καὶ ἐπισημότερον εἴποι καὶ νοῦ πάλιν θεὸς. Thus, in Περὶ Εὐτυχίας, God is greater than mind.

Admittedly, Περὶ Εὐτυχίας did not say that God is "beyond mind" (ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ), only that he is greater than mind. But in Platonic or Neopythagorean writings of late antiquity, these phrases are virtually interchangeable. The most striking evidence is from Plotinus, who uses ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ dozens of times and also gives the best examples of the One being "greater (κρείττων)" than mind (5.3.14.16-18, 5.3.16.38, 5.3.17.1-3).

Simplicius thought he knew about an Aristotelian text On Prayer (Περὶ Εὐχῆς). Let us suppose that he had direct or indirect access to a work originally called On Good Fortune (Περὶ Εὐτυχίας). The corruption of Εὐτυχίας to Εὐχῆς is easy. In this text, Simplicius found the remark that God is "greater than mind." There is no reason to assume that Simplicius is quoting On Good Fortune verbatim. For Simplicius, as a Neoplatonist, to say that God is "greater than mind" is the same as to say that he is "beyond (ἐπέκεινα) mind."

The use of ἐπέκεινα in this way derives, of course, from Neoplatonic, Middle Platonic, and Neopythagorean interpretations of Plato's Republic 509B.

Let us therefore posit the following sequence of events. A Greek text, including (but not necessarily restricted to) M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2, is compiled and originally entitled Περὶ Εὐτυχίας. It comes to contain, at some point, an un-Aristotelian phrase (absent from the original text of the E.E. and based on a misinterpretation of that text) saying that God is "greater than mind." The title of the work is at some stage corrupted: Περὶ Εὐτυχίας becomes Περὶ Εὐχῆς.

Simplicius either reads it under this title or, more likely, finds it so cited by an excerpter or commentator of Platonizing tendencies. Either Simplicius or the excerpter paraphrases κρείττον τοῦ νοῦ as ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ. Hence, our alleged fragment of Aristotle's work On Prayer, found in Simplicius, is really a corrupted fragment of Περὶ Εὐτυχίας, a work whose origin is lost but which reaches Simplicius, or becomes known to him, through the medium of a Platonizing tradition.

The date of the original compilation Περὶ Εὐτυχίας remains unknown, but it must have been early enough for its title, in a mistaken form, to have found its way onto the lists of Aristotle's writings. The corruption of the title was probably achieved by a librarian's error long before the crucial phrase καὶ νοῦ (absent, as we have seen, from the Eudemian Ethics) was imported into the text itself. This can hardly have occurred before the revival of Neopythagoreanism, that is, before the second century B.C. It is not impossible that it was post-Plotinian. [the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/7iwkew2wm2p3qeo

The End of the Ancient Universities, 1966
By: Cameron, Alan

Title	The End of the Ancient Universities
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1966
Journal	Journal of World History
Volume	10
Pages	653-673
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cameron, Alan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Strictliy speaking, there were no universities in the Ancient World,if by university we understand a corporate institution offering avariety of courses and granting degrees in the way modern univer
sities do.
There were, however, university towns, Rome, Constantinople,
Athens, Alexandria, Bordeaux, with established chairs, where the leading
teachers of the day lectured to classes drawn from all over the Empire.
And so many of the ideas we associate with a university were both present
and fostered in this atmosphere, that it would clearly he pedantic to avoid
using the term. But there were significant differences nonetheless.Not least, each professor in these university towns was independent
of, and indeed a rival of, every other professor there. In every city of the
Empire except Constantinople, and not there till 425, it was possible for
freelance teachers to set up in opposition lo holders of the established
chairs (and sometimes entice away their pupils, too). Even holders of the
chairs competed with each other for pupils. It was normal for students to
sign on with just one professor, and attend his courses alone. Indeed, the
rivalry between professors was transmitted to their pupils. Up to a point competion was natural and healthy enough. But by the period that
forms the subject of this paper, the fourth to sixth centuries A.D., it
far exceeded that point, and cannot but have impaired both the
proficiency and the standing of the profession. [Introduction, pp. 653 f.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/NfGl20qhKYCdDTy

The Eternity of the World in the Sixth Century: Philoponus, Simplicius and Cosmas Indicopleustes (Honours thesis, University of Melbourne), 2004
By: Champion, M.

Title	The Eternity of the World in the Sixth Century: Philoponus, Simplicius and Cosmas Indicopleustes (Honours thesis, University of Melbourne)
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2004
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Champion, M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lC3PA3DaUFDyp4y

The Framework of Greek Cosmology, 1961
By: Robinson, John

Title	The Framework of Greek Cosmology
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1961
Journal	The Review of Metaphysics
Volume	14
Issue	4
Pages	676-684
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Robinson, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The single remaining fragment of Anaximander is not discussed until it has been firmly fixed in its historical context by a thoroughgoing consideration of the classical conception of the four elements; and one of the most striking features of this consideration is the use made by the author of the extensive body of Greek medical writings known as the Hippocratic Corpus. It was W. A. Heidel who first called attention to the extraordinary value of these writings—the only complete scientific treatises to have come down to us from the early period—for the elucidation of Greek thought. Since then, this material has been referred to more and more frequently by students of the early Greek philosophers, and the tendency is strikingly evidenced in the present study.

The use of this material is not without its difficulties. The treatises which form the Hippocratic Corpus are not the work of a single individual, and there is abundant evidence that they were written over a period of at least two hundred years. It is, therefore, essential, in attempting to reconstruct the scientific worldview of the early period, that we rely so far as possible on treatises belonging to this period. Unfortunately, in the present state of Hippocratic studies, it is impossible to date these works with any exactitude. On the other hand, certain of them belong pretty clearly to the fifth century; and it seems fairly well established that the view of the constitution of man which most of them assume dates from the time of Alcmaeon, who flourished around the turn of the century.

Since this view is based upon an analogy between microcosm and macrocosm, the processes involved in sickness and health reflect on a small scale the greater processes which constitute the life of the cosmos as a whole; thus, indirectly, these treatises illuminate in striking ways aspects of the larger worldview implicit in the fragments of the early cosmologists, but obscured by the fewness of these fragments and the imperfect state in which they have been preserved. In the present study, they are used to illuminate just such obscurities. [introduction p. 676-677]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hN9oPATyWj4WjP6

The Frontiers of Ancient Science: Essays in Honor of Heinrich von Staden, 2015
By: Holmes, Brooke (Ed.), Fischer, Klaus-Dietrich (Ed.)

Title	The Frontiers of Ancient Science: Essays in Honor of Heinrich von Staden
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2015
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	De Gruyter
Series	Beiträge zur Altertumskunde
Volume	338
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Holmes, Brooke , Fischer, Klaus-Dietrich
Translator(s)

Our understanding of science, mathematics, and medicine today can be deeply enriched by studying the historical roots of these areas of inquiry in the ancient Near East and Mediterranean. The present volume brings together contributions from more than thirty of the most important scholars working in these fields in the United States and Europe in honor of the eminent historian of ancient science and medicine Heinrich von Staden. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1YGQJ7tLmJ8jROq

The Greek manuscripts of Aristotle’s Physics, 2021
By: Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd, Arnzen, Rüdiger (Ed.)

Title	The Greek manuscripts of Aristotle’s Physics
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2021
Published in	Aristotle's 'Physics' VIII, Translated into Arabic by Ishaq ibn Hunayn (9th c.), Introduction, Edition, and Glossaries, Contributor: Pieter Sjoerd Hasper
Pages	CXIII-CLXXXVII
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hasper, Pieter Sjoerd
Editor(s)	Arnzen, Rüdiger
Translator(s)

These claims about the extent of contamination from group γ in each part of the group constituted by EΨKbe cannot be made without the evidence of two further sources: Simplicius’ commentary and the β group. It cannot be established whether the main manuscript used by Simplicius is completely independent of the extant manuscript tradition, but that may also be because the evidence is almost exclusively drawn from just one book of the Physics. It seems as if Simplicius shares a small number of errors or rejectable readings with the γ group, but this cannot be taken to imply that Simplicius is to be located in the stemma as most closely related to that group. This also remains a possibility. As there is no real evidence in Physics VIII that Simplicius’ manuscript shares errors with parts of the direct tradition, we may, for the time being, assume that it is independent of the direct tradition, and thus, that in most cases, the consensus between Simplicius and a substantial part of the direct tradition provides the reading to be adopted.

However, since the information provided by a commentary is by its nature rather patchy and does not lend itself to passing on insignificant errors, even more important is the position of the β group within the stemma. This group clearly shares a substantial list of errors with the γ group and thus, together with that group, constitutes the other half of the stemma. On the other hand, it often agrees with (parts of) the EΨKbe group in that it does not feature many of the changes to the text that are found in the γ group. Thus, stemmatically inappropriate constellations of consensus between parts of the EΨKbe group and the γ group can be identified as contaminations.

The main exemplar of the Arabic translation is of similar importance for drawing these conclusions, since knowledge of its readings allows us to see the structure of the EΨKbe group far more clearly and to filter out all the many singular mistakes in E. It often joins E in providing the clearly superior reading and occasionally offers the correct reading alone. [conclusion p. CLXXXVI]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vSxI4j6pyBYMACx

The Greek strand in Islamic political thought. Proceedings of the conference held at the Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton, 16 - 27 June 2003, 2004
By: Gannagé, Emma (Ed.)

Title	The Greek strand in Islamic political thought. Proceedings of the conference held at the Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton, 16 - 27 June 2003
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2004
Publication Place	Beyrouth
Publisher	Bibliothèque Orientale - Dar El-Machreq
Series	Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph
Volume	57
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Gannagé, Emma
Translator(s)

Nous tirons ces détails de l’Introduction (p. 9-12) que signe P. Crone (Princeton), la responsable de la réunion et qu’on peut considérer comme la première éditrice scientifique du volume collectif, à en juger, entre autres, par les références qui lui sont faites dans les remerciements de plusieurs des coauteurs. On connaît, du reste, son ouvrage de fond, Gods Rule Government in Islam: Six Centuries of Medieval Islamic Political Thought (Columbia UP, New York, 2004), qui a fourni l’occasion de réunir les collègues intéressés autour de l’une des composantes de cette pensée, pensée dont l’analyse s’avère tellement actuelle en fonction de la conjoncture internationale. À ce propos, on ne manquera pas de saluer l’idée de publier les fruits de cette réflexion, menée dans une institution occidentale lointaine, au cœur même de la région où l’orientation politique de la religion est « vécue » intensément, même si le périodique en cause appartient à une institution académique mi-étrangère.

L’ouvrage s’ouvre par une grosse étude sur le réalisme de la pensée politique grecque, dont l’auteur figure parmi les cinq coéditeurs de l’ouvrage : – Eckart Schütrumpf (Univ. of Colorado at Boulder), Imperfect Regimes for Imperfect Human Beings: Variations of Infractions of Justice, p. 9-36.

Précédant les textes traitant directement du sujet, une série de cinq contributions étudie la réception des idées politiques de la Grèce antique durant la Basse Antiquité et nous offre un tableau général de la pensée politique du Moyen-Orient à la veille de l’apparition de l’islam : – Sarah Pearce (Univ. of Southampton), King Moses: Notes on Philo’s Portrait of Moses as an Ideal Leader in the Life of Moses, p. 37-74 (avec de longues citations de texte) ; – Harold A. Drake (Univ. of California Santa Barbara), The Eusabian Template, p. 75-88 ; – Dominic J. O’Meara (Univ. de Fribourg), Simplicius on the Place of the Philosopher in the City (In Epictetum, chap. 32), p. 89-98 (rappelons qu’il s’agit d’un disciple de Damascius, exilé avec son maître en Perse, lors de la suppression de l’École d’Athènes par Justinien) ; – Henri Hugonnard-Roche (EPHE, Sorbonne-Paris), Éthique et politique au premier âge de la tradition syriaque, p. 99-119 (s’intéresse plus à l’éthique personnelle, certes avec ses implications sociales, qu’à la politique de la cité) ; – John W. Watt (Cardiff Univ., Wales), Syriac and Syrians as Mediators of Greek Political Thought to Islam, p. 121-149.

Les deux exposés suivants mettent en relief un aspect jusqu’ici peu relevé, à savoir : l’importance de la tradition perse sassanide dans la tradition moyen-orientale aux débuts de l’islam : – Kevin van Bladel (Univ. of Southern California Los Angeles), The Iranian Chracteristics and Forged Greek Attributions in the Arabic Sirr al-asrār (Secret of Secrets), p. 151-172 ; – Mohsen Zakeri (J.W. Goethe-Univ., Frankfurt), The Persian Content of an Arabic Collection of Aphorisms, p. 173-190 (1).

Une double conclusion ressort de ces deux études, renforcée par la lecture de plusieurs des précédentes : d’un côté, la diffusion certaine de la pensée grecque en territoire iranien et, de l’autre, l’impact indéniable de la tradition persane dans l’ensemble du Moyen-Orient. En conséquence, l’islam naissant a rencontré une réalité culturelle fruit du croisement de ce double courant, même si le prestige de l’hellénisme était plus grand au moment de l’élaboration de la culture musulmane classique.

P. Crone est consciente de cette réalité, allant même jusqu’à affirmer qu’au-delà du mouvement de traductions avec la chaîne de production littéraire qui s’en est suivie, somme toute accessible à des milieux restreints, le background helléno-iranien en question a constitué les véritables bases de la culture islamique globalement parlant (p. 9). À ce propos, elle situe les débuts du mouvement de traductions au milieu du viie siècle avec l’émergence de la dynastie abbasside. Or, précisément dans le domaine de la philosophie politique, hermétisme et cycle d’Alexandre le Grand compris, des recherches récentes (Grignaschi, entre autres) prouvent que des textes importants avaient été connus dès la seconde période omeyyade, à savoir dès les débuts de ce même siècle.
La plupart des interventions traitant du thème central sont consacrées au « Faylasūf al-islām ». La dernière, celle sur les textes néoplatoniciens, fait partie de ce groupe, dans la mesure où al-Fārābī est le plus grand représentant de ce courant en islam : – P. Crone, Al-Fārābī’s Imperfect Constitutions, p. 191-228 ; – Emma Gannagé (USJ), Y a-t-il une pensée politique dans le Kitāb al-Ḥurūf d’al-Fārābī ?, p. 229-257 ; – Dimitri Gutas (Yale Univ. ; l’un des coéditeurs), The Meaning of madanī in F.’s “ Political ” Philosophy, p. 259-282 ; – Nelly Lahoud (Goucher College, Baltimore), Fārābī: on Religion and Philosophy, p. 283-302 (position qui annonce celle « sensationnelle » d’Ibn Rušd, que nous trouverons plus loin). – Georges Tamer (Friedrich-Alexander-Univ., Erlangen-Nürnberg), Politisches Denkens in pseudoplatonischen arabischen Schriften, p. 303-335 (les différents textes connus sous le nom de Nawāmīs [Aflāṭūn], avec de longs extraits de l’un d’eux).

Deux autres articles abordent des textes de l’ismaïlisme fatimide, où les influences grecques apparaissent, somme toute, négligeables : – Carmela Baffioni (Univ. degli Studi di Napoli “ L’Orientale ”), Temporal and Religious Connotations of the “ Regal Policy ” in the Ikhwān al-Ṣafā, p. 337-365 ; – Paul E. Walker (Univ. of Chicago), “ In Praise of al-Ḥākim ”. Greek Elements in Ismaili Writings on the Imamate, p. 367-392 (longues citations de textes de la 2e génération de duʿā’ ; noter la mise au point en appendice sur les véritables relations de l’ismaïlisme avec la falsafa, p. 389 et s.).

Délaissant curieusement le grand Avicenne, sur lequel il y eut quand même deux « texts papers » qui ne figurent pas dans notre volume, celui-ci passe à al-Ġazzālī : – Jules Janssens (Katholieke Univ. Leuven), Al-Ghazzālī’s Political Thought: Elements of Greek Philosophical Influence, p. 393-410.

La difficulté d’un exposé sur la matière tient du fait de l’existence de spuria dans la transmission textuelle d’une œuvre qui scelle, d’une certaine manière, la période classique. À notre avis, l’auteur aurait dû donner plus d’attention dans son analyse à deux facteurs supplémentaires : le public auquel s’adressait le théologien-soufi (philosophes et érudits ou bien l’umma en général) et la chronologie de ses écrits, vu que la prise du pouvoir par les Selčūks a été déterminante dans le changement de ses positions politiques. Cela a été récemment mis en évidence, du moins au niveau de l’imamat et du sultanat, dans le chapitre correspondant de l’ouvrage d’O. Safi (2).

Dans cette étude originale, on trouvera, de plus, une analyse circonstanciée de la pensée de l’« artisan » de cette nouvelle société et de sa culture, Niẓām al-Mulk. Ainsi donc, la lacune qu’exprimait P. Crone dans son Introduction (p. 11-12), pour des raisons qui ne peuvent lui être imputées (empêchement des spécialistes contactés…), pourra être partiellement comblée. Mais ce serait surtout l’ouvrage de M. Allam qui répondrait le mieux à la nécessité ressentie de suivre les développements postérieurs de la philosophie politique en islam iranien et oriental (3). On notera que l’auteur y analyse, en particulier, la postérité du Aḫlāq-i Nāṣirī du polygraphe ismāʿīlien Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Tūsī (1201-1274), qui se situe bien dans la ligne de la pensée gréco-musulmane.

Mais à défaut de cet Orient, l’ouvrage poursuit avec les penseurs d’Occident. À côté de deux exposés qui n’y ont pas été inclus, trois portent sur les deux plus grands représentants de cette tradition : – Maroun Awad (CNRS, Paris ; l’un des coéditeurs), Does Averroes Have a Philosophy of History?, p. 411-441 ; – Charles E. Butterworth (Univ. of Maryland, College Park), The Essential Accidents of Human Social Organization in the Muqaddima of Ibn Khaldūn, p. 443-467 ; – Abdesselam Cheddadi (Univ. Mohammed V, Rabat), La tradition philosophique et scientifique gréco-arabe dans la Muqaddima d’Ibn Khaldūn, p. 469-497.

Les deux derniers articles offrent une perspective comparative quant à la réception de la pensée antique dans le monothéisme « rival » (si l’on peut s’exprimer ainsi), qu’il soit de couleur orientale ou occidentale : – Dimiter G. Angelov (Western Michigan Univ., Kalamazoo), Plato, Aristotle and “ Byzantine Political Philosophy ”, p. 499-523 ; – Cary J. Nederman (Texas A & M Univ.), Imperfect Regimes in the Christian Political Thought of Medieval Europe: from the Fathers to the Fourteenth Century, p. 525-551 (le mot « Fathers » est utilisé abusivement, dans la mesure où l’unique « Père de l’Église » abordé ici est Isidore de Séville, le dernier de langue latine !).
Le volume se termine sur une bibliographie détaillée des sources et des études citées (p. 553-594) et un index des noms propres, anciens et modernes (p. 595-608). Si l’on considère de plus l’ampleur du sujet et la qualité, en même temps que les dimensions, des différentes études, l’ouvrage se présente en fait comme un manuel de référence et une bonne introduction à la philosophie politique de tradition gréco-islamique. Il vient ainsi enrichir et compléter la bibliothèque qui s’est progressivement accumulée, ces dernières décennies autour de la question.
Adel Sidarus
Université d’Evora

Online Resources

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The Homoiomeries of Anaxagoras, 1927
By: Leon, Philip

Title	The Homoiomeries of Anaxagoras
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1927
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	21
Issue	3/4
Pages	133-141
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Leon, Philip
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Anaxagoras does indeed, as he has been said to do, represent the 
culminating point of the enquiry into the one bto-tv. That simple enquiry 
for a simple unity becomes curiously complex, just because of the very 
simplicity and  the  thorough-going and  uncompromising nature  of  Anaxagoras' 
logical mind. It has with him reached a stage where it must become 
transformed and pass on the one hand into logic in  Plato,  into the  enquiry 
about  the  nature  of predication  through  Gorgias and  Antisthenes, and  on the 
other  hand  into  metaphysics, the  theory  of  ideas,  also  in  Plato. This central 
position of  Anaxagoras is made clear by the passage discussed, according 
to which, I  think, in  considering the 'homoiomeries,' we should look upon 
parts  as  'homoiomerous' primarily  to  the  whole i~c6otov, and  only secondarily 
to subordinate wholes. Indeed, it is  implied in  Anaxagoras' principle that 
there are  only two entities which are  properly  wholes, the 0c0/cpo  and  voDv^. To call anything else a whole is more or less arbitrary, a principle not 
unworthy  of  the  most  thorough-going of  modern  absolutists. [Conclusion, p. 141]

Online Resources

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The Interpretation of Parmenides by the Neoplatonist Simplicius, 1979
By: Bormann, Karl

Title	The Interpretation of Parmenides by the Neoplatonist Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1979
Journal	The Monist
Volume	62
Issue	1
Pages	30–42
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bormann, Karl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The doctrines of Parmenides of the one being and of the world of seeming were—as is well known—interpreted in different ways in the course of the history of philosophy, and even in twentieth-century historic-philosophical research, there is no agreement on the meaning of the two parts of the poem.Regarding the one being, there are four attempts of explanation to be distinguished: (1) The being is material; (2) the being is immaterial; (3) it is the esse copulae or must be seen as a modal category; (4) it is the entity of being ("Sein des Seienden"). This latter interpretation, if we can call it an interpretation, is chiefly influenced by Heidegger. The Doxa-part, however, is seen as (1) a more or less critical demography; (2) a second-best, hypothetic explanation of phenomena which is not truth but verisimilitude; (3) a systematic unit together with the First part, the aletheia. We do not have to discuss the differences between the outlined explanations separately; in the following, we shall show that some modern interpretations were already expressed in a similar way in antiquity. With this, we shall concentrate especially on the Neoplatonist Simplicius who in his commentary on Aristotle's Physics expounds the first part of the Parmenidean poem completely and, in addition, the most important doctrines of the second part. [Introduction, p. 30]

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The Justification and Derivation of Aristotle’s Categories in Ammonius and Simplicius, 2014
By: Gabor, Gary

Title	The Justification and Derivation of Aristotle’s Categories in Ammonius and Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Quaestiones Disputatae
Volume	4
Issue	2
Pages	99-112
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gabor, Gary
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This topic would also animate later interpreters of Aristotle, sometimes with positive and sometimes more critical results. Kant, for instance, rejected Aristotle’s list for what he perceived as its capricious and arbitrary nature, arguing that Aristotle “had no principle” and merely “rounded them up as he stumbled upon them.” In fact, Kant was neither the first nor the last to perceive that Aristotle’s account of the categories needed some sort of justification. The existence of rival categorial schemes, in particular, demands it. In the ancient world, the Stoics provided a fourfold series of categories, and Plato provided a fivefold set of greatest kinds in the Sophist. More recently, E. J. Lowe has defended another fourfold Aristotelian-inspired ontology as fundamental.

For Platonists of late antiquity, the question of justification for Aristotle’s categories had special force following Plotinus’s analysis and critique of them, along with the Stoic, Platonic, and other accounts in Enneads 6.1–2. Plotinus’s student Porphyry later defended and commented on Aristotle’s Categories, and Iamblichus reinterpreted and included the Categories in the philosophical curriculum that was to remain standard in the Neoplatonic schools for several centuries.

For the Neoplatonic commentators working in these schools, one of the first questions raised in their commentaries was the justification that could be given to Aristotle’s tenfold scheme. I shall examine two such justifications: those given by Ammonius Hermiae, scholarch of the Platonist school in Alexandria, Egypt, during the second half of the fifth century AD, and his student Simplicius, the last great commentator in the Athenian Academy before its closure by Emperor Justinian in AD 529.

Ammonius’s account of the categories is relatively simple, while Simplicius’s is more complex. Both, however, argue for a justification of the ten categories presented by Aristotle as in some sense a correct list. By comparing the two accounts, one can discern a distinct development in Neoplatonic justifications of Aristotle’s categories. [introduction p. 99-101]

Online Resources

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The Last Days of the Academy at Athens, 1969
By: Cameron, Alan , Kenney, Edward J. (Ed.), Dawe, Roger D. (Ed.)

Title	The Last Days of the Academy at Athens
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1969
Published in	Proceedings of the Cambridge philological society
Pages	7-29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Cameron, Alan
Editor(s)	Kenney, Edward J. , Dawe, Roger D.
Translator(s)

Even those who know nothing else o f Justinian know that he closed the Academy at
Athens in a . d . 529—the very year that St Benedict had founded the monastery o f
Monte Cassino.1 For those who like schematic boundaries between the ancient and
medieval worlds, between the pagan past and the Christian future, here is a truly
symbolic date.The romantic sequel is hardly less familiar:2 the seven out-of-work Platonists who
left Athens for Persia, which under its new King Chosroes they had heard closely
resembled the ideal state their master had written of. On their arrival, alas, they
discovered that Chosroes, while amiable enough and genuinely interested in philo
sophy, was far from being the philosopher-king they had dreamed of. And his subjects
were no less corrupt than the Romans. The disillusioned philosophers confessed their
disappointment to the king, who not only graciously consented to their immediate
return, but even went so far as to make Justinian write into the peace treaty they were
just then concluding (September 532) a safe conduct home for all seven and a guarantee
that they would be allowed to live out their lives in Roman territory in peace as pagans.This much is well known. But some details are unclear, others unexplored. Several
misconceptions prevail. A number of relevant texts have never been properly exploited,
some not even considered. What was Justinian’s motive? Did he give the last push to
a tottering edifice, or destroy a thriving intellectual centre? Indeed, did he actually
succeed in destroying anything at all? What did the philosophers do on their return? [Introduction, p. 7]

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The Legacy of Parmenides. Eleatic Monism and Later Presocratic Thought , 1998
By: Curd, Patricia

Title	The Legacy of Parmenides. Eleatic Monism and Later Presocratic Thought
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1998
Publication Place	Princeton
Publisher	Princeton University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Curd, Patricia
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The Legacy of Parmenides provides a detailed examination of Parmenides' arguments, considering his connection to earlier Greek thought and how his account of what-is could serve as a model for later philosophers. It then considers the theories of those who came after him, including the Pluralists (Anaxagoras and Empedocles), the Atomists (Leucippus and Democritus), the later Eleatics (Zeno and Melissus), and the later Presocratics Philolaus of Croton and Diogenes of Apollonia. The book closes with a discussion of the importance of Parmenides' views for the development of Plato's Theory of Forms. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

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Title	The Libraries of the Neoplatonists. Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network "Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture", Strasbourg, March 12-14, 2004 under the Scientific Committee of the meeting, composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D’Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endreß, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2007
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston
Publisher	Brill
Series	Philosophia Antiqua
Volume	107
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	D'Ancona Costa, Cristina
Translator(s)

The transmission of Greek learning to the Arabic-speaking world paved the way to the rise of Arabic philosophy. This volume offers a deep and multifarious survey of transmission of Greek philosophy through the schools of late Antiquity to the Syriac-speaking and Arabic-speaking worlds [a.a]

Online Resources

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The Life and Works of Simplicius in Greek and Arabic Sources, 2016
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	The Life and Works of Simplicius in Greek and Arabic Sources
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Pages	295-326
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Here, therefore, are the conclusions to which one might be led as regards Simplicius’ works. We have extant: the commentaries on Epictetus’ Encheiridion, on Aristotle’s De Caelo, Physics, Categories, and probably on his De Anima. Lost, though attested in a more or less certain fashion: a commentary on the first book of Euclid’s Elements, a commentary on Aristotle’s Metaphysics, a commentary on Iamblichus’ work devoted to the Pythagorean sect, an epitome of Theophrastus’ Physics (if the commentary on the De Anima, where one finds a reference to this work, is authentic), and perhaps a commentary on Hermogenes’ Tekhnê. [conclusion p. 326]

Online Resources

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The Limits of Late Antiquity: Philosophy between Rome and Iran, 2002
By: Walker, Joel Thomas

Title	The Limits of Late Antiquity: Philosophy between Rome and Iran
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Ancient World
Volume	33
Issue	1
Pages	45–69
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Walker, Joel Thomas
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Integrating the Sasanian Empire into the study of late antiquity will be a difficult task. A variety of obstacles, outlined in section II above, beset the study of Sasanian history, and substantial linguistic barriers limit access to the Sasanian world for scholars trained in the Greco-Roman sources. Modern political geography has also proved to be a major barrier for historians and archaeologists interested in regions "east of Byzantium." In the current gap between Sasanian and late Roman history, however, lies also much potential for future research. To develop a more interdisciplinary vision of late antiquity, scholars will need to explore more closely the connections and contrasts between the worlds of Byzantium and Sasanian Iran. Some progress in this direction has been made in the fields of military, diplomatic, and economic history; far more work needs to be done in the areas of cultural and intellectual history, not least the history of philosophy. The recent collapse of the Soviet Union during the late 1980s has reminded us how quickly changes in contemporary geography can lead to comparable shifts in the conceptualization of historical geography. The world of late antiquity may also look very different, if and when more scholars have greater access to travel, teach, and again conduct archaeological fieldwork in Iraq, Iran, and neighboring countries.

The emergence of the field of late antiquity represents a major opportunity for Sasanian history, precisely because it invites us to look across the traditional disciplinary division between Mediterranean and Near Eastern history. Modern interpretations of the philosophers’ journey to the court of Khosrow Anoshirvan in 531/532 C.E. reveal how often this disciplinary division has obscured the richness of intellectual life at the late Sasanian court, as well as the intensity of its contacts with Greek and Syrian intellectuals. From Gibbon through Bury and down to Alan Cameron’s influential article on the "Closing of the Academy," there has been a strong tendency among Greco-Roman historians to give too much credence to Agathias’ hostile depiction of Sasanian philhellenism. Near Eastern historians, such as Rawlinson and Christensen, and the occasional Byzantinist such as Jean-François Duneau, have offered more optimistic readings of Khosrow’s philosophical patronage, but without sufficient attention to the tensions involved in the Sasanian encounter with Hellenism. The task that lies ahead, building on the work of Michel Tardieu, is to explain the precise quality of Sasanian Hellenism, its social and political context, cultural milieu, and intellectual legacy. The career of Uranius, and the modern debate over the peregrinations of Damascius, prove that this investigation must include not only Athens, Alexandria, and Constantinople, but also Ctesiphon, Harran, and Gondishapur. Khosrow’s patronage of Greek philosophers thus reveals the advantages, indeed the necessity, of a world of late antiquity that includes the whole of the Sasanian and early Islamic Near East. [conclusion p. 67-69]

Online Resources

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The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv, 1968
By: Coxon, Allan D.

Title	The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1968
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	18
Issue	1
Pages	70-75
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Coxon, Allan D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The critical text of the first four books of Simplicius’ commentary on the Physics, which was published by Diels in Berlin in 1882 and serves as the foundation for the text of many fragments of the Presocratics, was based on collations by Vitelli of three manuscripts (DEF) and of a fragment of Book I in a copy made by the scribe of E, which Diels refers to as Ea. Besides these, Diels lists a considerable number of later manuscripts, which I have examined and found justifiably ignored in his critical apparatus. The total number of manuscripts listed by Diels of some part of Books I-VIII is 44; a further 25 not mentioned by Diels are listed in A. Wartelle’s "Inventaire des manuscrits grecs d’Aristote et de ses commentateurs" (Belles Lettres, 1963). I shall argue that Diels seriously underrated both the value of F and the probability of contamination between his manuscripts, and consequently, his text of some fragments of the Presocratics rests on a false foundation. However, it should be said at the outset that Diels’s understanding of Presocratic thought prevented him from going far wrong in the readings he adopted and printed. [Introduction, p. 70]

Online Resources

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The Medieval Posterity of Simplicius’ Commentary on the Categories: Thomas Aquinas and al-Fārābī, 2008
By: Chase, Michael, Newton, Lloyd A. (Ed.)

Title	The Medieval Posterity of Simplicius’ Commentary on the Categories: Thomas Aquinas and al-Fārābī
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2008
Published in	Medieval Commentaries on Aristotle's Categories
Pages	9-29
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chase, Michael
Editor(s)	Newton, Lloyd A.
Translator(s)

The particular parallels we have noted between Thomas and al-Fārābī may be indicative of a deeper similarity, which Simplicius’ commentaries, including that on the Categories, may help to explain.

In a reversal of traditional viewpoints, recent commentators have argued that the philosophies of both Thomas Aquinas and al-Fārābī, usually considered as followers of the Peripatetic school, are in fact basically Platonist. Paradoxically, however, the same scholars have also argued that neither of these philosophers had actually read Plato. This odd situation can be explained by the nature of the sources of both Thomas and al-Fārābī, which present definite similarities. Neither had access to complete translations of the works of Plato. Both were consequently forced to rely on the works of Aristotle, but this was an Aristotelian corpus quite unlike the one studied in the West today.

It included works—the Liber de Causis was most influential in Thomas’ case, while the Theology of Aristotle may have played an analogous role in the case of al-Fārābī—which we now know to be apocryphal compilations of Neoplatonic texts deriving from Proclus, Plotinus, and possibly Porphyry. Equally importantly, however, it included Neoplatonic commentaries on the genuine works of Aristotle, including those by Simplicius.

As we have glimpsed, the philosophy of both al-Fārābī and Thomas Aquinas is profoundly influenced by the kind of Neoplatonizing interpretation of Aristotle that fills the commentaries of Simplicius, Ammonius, Themistius, and other late antique professors of philosophy. These commentaries are the source of most of the common elements in their thought, the most crucial of which is no doubt the idea of the ultimate reconcilability of Plato and Aristotle. According to both Thomas and al-Fārābī, both Plato and Aristotle teach that there is a single divine cause that perpetually distributes being to all entities in a continuous, graded hierarchy.

There are, of course, also profound differences in the ways Thomas and al-Fārābī interpreted and utilized the doctrines they both received from the Alexandrian commentators. For Thomas, who (certainly indirectly) follows Iamblichus in this regard, philosophy occupies a subordinate position within theology, while for al-Fārābī, whatever his genuine religious beliefs may have been, philosophy remains the nec plus ultra, capable of providing ultimate happiness through conjunction with the Agent Intellect.

The contrasting attitudes of Thomas and al-Fārābī may, in turn, be traceable to a similar contrast within late antique Neoplatonism. Porphyry of Tyre was considered by his successors to have held that philosophy alone was sufficient for salvation, consisting in the soul’s definitive return to the intelligible world whence it came, while Iamblichus placed the emphasis on the need for religion, in the form of theurgical operations and prayers, and the grace of the gods.

What seems to have been at stake in the arguments between the two was ultimately no less than the nature of philosophy: is it the ultimate discipline, sufficient for happiness, as Porphyry held, or is it merely an ancilla theologiae, as was the view of Iamblichus? Thomas and al-Fārābī, who had at least some knowledge of these debates through the intermediary of such sources as Simplicius’ commentary on the Categories, seem to have prolonged this controversy, Thomas siding with Iamblichus and al-Fārābī with Porphyry.

Wayne Hankey has written:

    "Not only for both [Iamblichus and Aquinas] is philosophy contained within theology, and theology contained within religion, but also, for both, centuries its great teachers are priests and saints. In order to be doing philosophy as spiritual exercise belonging to a way of life, we need not engage directly in self-knowledge."

Such ideas were anathema to Porphyry, the other great Neoplatonist whose ideas were transmitted to posterity by, among other sources, Simplicius’ commentary on the Categories. For the Tyrian thinker, as for al-Fārābī writing some six centuries after him, philosophy is not subordinate to religion, nor are its teachers priests or saints, but it is autonomous and capable, all by itself, of ensuring human felicity both in this life and the next.

Philosophy for Porphyry was indeed a way of life, an important part of which was reading and commenting on the philosophical texts of the ancient Masters. For Porphyry, however, who wrote a treatise On the “Know thyself”, as for the entire ancient tradition which, as Pierre Hadot has shown, considered philosophy to be a way of life, self-knowledge was the indispensable starting-point for all philosophy.

Indeed, one may question whether this was not the case for Iamblichus as well: it was he, after all, who established the First Alcibiades as the first Platonic dialogue to be read and studied in the Neoplatonic curriculum; but the skopos or goal of this dialogue, for Iamblichus, was none other than self-knowledge.

Whatever may have been Iamblichus’ particular view, the Hellenic tradition on the whole was unanimous on the crucial importance of self-knowledge as the starting-point for philosophical education.

When in 946 the traveler al-Mas‘ūdī visited Harrān in Mesopotamia, center of the pagan Sābians, he saw, inscribed on the door-knocker of the central temple, an inscription in Syriac reading “He who knows his nature becomes god,” which is, as Tardieu was the first to recognize, a reference to Plato’s Alcibiades 133 C.

When we recall that, according to some of his biographers, al-Fārābī went to Harrān at about the time of al-Mas‘ūdī’s visit to complete his studies of the Aristotelian Organon, one is not surprised to find that self-knowledge is as essential for al-Fārābī as it was for Porphyry, with several of whose works the Second Master seems to have been familiar.

In al-Fārābī’s noetics, the potential intellect (al-‘aql bi’l-quwwah) becomes an intellect in act (al-‘aql bi’l-fi‘l) when, by abstracting the forms in matter from their material accompanying circumstances, it receives these disembodied forms within itself.

Unlike the forms stamped in wax, however, which affect only the surface of the receptive matter, these forms penetrate the potential intellect so thoroughly that it becomes identical with the forms it has intelligized. Once it has intelligized all such intelligible forms, the intellect becomes, in act, the totality of intelligibles.

The human intellect has thus become an intelligible, and when it intelligizes itself, it becomes an intelligible in act. Thus, for the soul, or rather the soul’s intellect, to know itself is to become, quite literally, identical with its essence, and it can henceforth intelligize all other separate intelligibles—that is, those that have never been in conjunction with matter—in the same way as it knows its own essence.

This occurs at the third of al-Fārābī’s four levels or kinds of intellection, the intellectus adeptus (al-‘aql al-mustafād).

Thus, for al-Fārābī, self-knowledge plays a crucial role both at the beginning and at a fairly advanced stage of philosophical progress. At the outset, the student must, with the help of an experienced professor, look within himself to find the first intelligibles innate within him which, once elaborated, clarified, and classified, will serve as the premises of the syllogisms he will use as the starting-point of his logical deductions.

At a later stage, when through abstraction he has accumulated a sufficient number of intelligibles, he will know his own intellect, and therefore himself, thoroughly. This in turn is the precondition for being able to know the intelligible Forms and separate intelligences which, unlike the material forms incorporated in the sensible world, have never been in conjunction with matter.

The way is henceforth open for the permanent conjunction with the Agent Intellect which, according to al-Fārābī, constitutes felicity: that felicity which, for al-Fārābī as for Simplicius, is the only goal and justification for doing philosophy. [conclusion p. 25-29]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/yzntZRUqTC8wnrp

The Nature of Zeno's Argument against Plurality in DK 29 B 1, 1972
By: Abraham, William E.

Title	The Nature of Zeno's Argument against Plurality in DK 29 B 1
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1972
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	17
Issue	1
Pages	40-52
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Abraham, William E.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius has  preserved (Phys.  140, 34)  a  Zenonian argument purporting to show that if an object of positive magnitude has parts from 
which  it  derives its  size,  then  any  such  object  must  be  at  once  of 
infinite  magnitude and  zero magnitude. This surprising consequence 
is  based upon a construction which Zeno makes, but  his argument is 
widely thought to  be grossly fallacious. Most often he is  supposed to 
have misunderstood the arithmetic of his own construction. Evidently, 
any  such  charge must  be  premised on  some  view  of  the  particular 
nature of the sequence to which Zeno's construction gives rise. I  seek 
to  develop a  view  that  Zeno's argument is  in  fact  free from fallacy, 
and offer reason to fear that his real argument has usually been missed. [p. 40]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/QHBs8Wv701RyPQh

The Neoplatonic Commentators of Aristotle on the Origins of Language: A New “Tower of Babel”?, 2019
By: Chriti, Maria, Golitsis, Pantelis (Ed.), Ierodiakonou, Katerina (Ed.)

Title	The Neoplatonic Commentators of Aristotle on the Origins of Language: A New “Tower of Babel”?
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2019
Published in	Aristotle and His Commentators. Studies in Memory of Paraskevi Kotzia
Pages	95-106
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Chriti, Maria
Editor(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis , Ierodiakonou, Katerina
Translator(s)

The purpose of this paper is to highlight the obligatory and negative character which is credited to the emergence of human language by some Neoplatonic commentators on Aristotle, namely Ammonius of Hermeias, Simplicius and Philoponus. Since the emergence of language is treated by these thinkers as being a result of the “fall”of the soul from the Neoplatonic One, I begin with a brief introduction to the Platonic and Neoplatonic theory of the soul’s separation from the world of the intelligibles and its residual innate knowledge. The second part of my contribution deals with the semantic terms and Neoplatonic principles that Ammonius, Simplicius and Philoponus deploy as they discuss the stimulation of the fallen soul’s content with the help of language, laying stress on the urgent and compulsory presence of vocal sounds in contrast to the non-linguistic communication that prevailed before the soul’s embodiment. In the third part, I explore the concept of ‘diversity’in human language as a consequence of the very emergence of language. Finally, I attempt to explain how the conventionality and diversity of human linguistic communication, abundantly contrasted by these Neoplatonists with the lost unitary status of the soul, came to be viewed by them as symptoms of ‘decay’and ‘obligation’. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0Wo0Qn2Y7sMDExP

The Neoplatonic One and Plato’s Parmenides, 1962
By: Rist, John M.

Title	The Neoplatonic One and Plato’s Parmenides
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1962
Journal	Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association
Volume	93
Pages	389–401
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rist, John M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Though Dodds is somewhat unclear at this point, he seems to suggest that already before the time of Eudorus, the Parmenides was being interpreted in Neopythagorean fashion. In order to check this derivation, we should look at the three stages of it in detail. These stages are the Neopythagoreanism of Moderatus, the theories of Eudorus, and those of Speusippus and the Old Academy in general.

In opposition to Professor A. H. Armstrong, who used to hold that the One of Speusippus was less than Being, rather than "beyond Being," Dr. Ph. Merlan has recently shown that the Aristotelian texts on which Armstrong's account was based are better interpreted in the light of chapter four of Iamblichus' De communi mathematica scientia. Merlan shows that the system of Speusippus is not an "evolutionary" one, and that Speusippus' One is beyond Being. Yet the system of Speusippus is a dualism; his One is not the cause of all and is thus, as we shall see, unlike the Neopythagorean One which Dodds regards as proto-Neoplatonic.

We may therefore leave Speusippus aside. His One can have affected Neoplatonism only very indirectly, if at all. [introduction p. 389-390]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/n0sauehAwynXB03

The Neoplatonic Socrates, 2014
By: Tarrant, Harold (Ed.), Layne, Danielle A. (Ed.)

Title	The Neoplatonic Socrates
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2014
Publication Place	Philadelphia
Publisher	University of Pennsylvania Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Tarrant, Harold , Layne, Danielle A.
Translator(s)

In The Neoplatonic Socrates, leading scholars in classics and philosophy address this gap by examining Neoplatonic attitudes toward the Socratic method, Socratic love, Socrates's divine mission and moral example, and the much-debated issue of moral rectitude. Collectively, they demonstrate the importance of Socrates for the majority of Neoplatonists, a point that has often been questioned owing to the comparative neglect of surviving commentaries on the Alcibiades, Gorgias, Phaedo, and Phaedrus, in favor of dialogues dealing explicitly with metaphysical issues. Supplemented with a contextualizing introduction and a substantial appendix detailing where evidence for Socrates can be found in the extant literature, The Neoplatonic Socrates makes a clear case for the significant place Socrates held in the education and philosophy of late antiquity.

Contributors: Crystal Addey, James M. Ambury, John F. Finamore, Michael Griffin, Marilynn Lawrence, Danielle A. Layne, Christina-Panagiota Manolea, François Renaud, Geert Roskam, Harold Tarrant.
[official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/snzmSDTs2gXuRXn

The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity, 2006
By: Zhmud, Leonid,

Title	The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2006
Publication Place	Berlin – New York
Publisher	de Gruyter
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zhmud, Leonid
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Chernoglazov, Alexander(Chernoglazov, Alexander)

Dies ist die erste umfassende Untersuchung von Inhalt, Form und Zielen der Peripatetischen Historiographie der Naturwissenschaften. Zhmud konzentriert sich auf den Aristoteles-Schüler Eudemus von Rhodos, dessen Werk die Grundlage der Peripatetischen Historiographie der Naturwissenschaften bildet. Pluspunkte international renommierter Autor stark überarbeitete Übersetzung aus dem Russischen (zuerst Moskau 2002) innovativer Ansatz über die Wurzeln der Wissenschaftsgeschichte in Europa. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4CRyOOElYdy3pJr

The Origins of the Platonic System: Platonisms of the early empire and their philosophical contexts, 2009
By: Bonazzi, Mauro (Ed.), Opsomer, Jan (Ed.)

Title	The Origins of the Platonic System: Platonisms of the early empire and their philosophical contexts
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2009
Publication Place	Louvain – Namur – Paris – Walpole, MA
Publisher	Éditions Peeters. Société des études classique
Series	Collection d'Études Classiques
Volume	23
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Bonazzi, Mauro , Opsomer, Jan
Translator(s)

From the 1st century BC onwards followers of Plato began to systematize Plato's thought. These attempts went in various directions and were subjected to all kinds of philosophical influences, especially Aristotelian, Stoic, and Pythagorean. The result was a broad variety of Platonisms without orthodoxy. That would only change with Plotinus. This volume, being the fruit of the collaboration among leading scholars in the field, addresses a number of aspects of this period of system building with substantial contributions on Antiochus and Alcinous and their relation to Stoicism; on Pythagoreanising tendencies in Platonism; on Eudorus and the tradition of commentaries on Aristotle's Categories; on the creationism of the Jewish Platonist Philo of Alexandria; on Ammonius, the Egyptian teacher of Plutarch; on Plutarch's discussion of Socrates' guardian spirit. The contributions are in English, French, Italian and German.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DYApTa5lTYcdYSX

The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 1996
By: Hornblower, Simon (Ed.), Spawforth, Antony (Ed.)

Title	The Oxford Classical Dictionary
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1996
Publication Place	Oxford – New York
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Edition No.	3
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Hornblower, Simon , Spawforth, Antony
Translator(s)

For more than half a century, the Oxford Classical Dictionary has been the unrivaled one-volume reference work on the Greco-Roman world. Whether one is interested in literature or art, philosophy or law, mythology or science, intimate details of daily life or broad cultural and historical trends, the OCD is the first place to turn for clear, authoritative information on all aspects of ancient culture.

Now comes the Fourth Edition of this redoubtable resource, thoroughly revised and updated, with numerous new entries and two new focus areas (on reception and anthropology). Here, in over six thousand entries ranging from long articles to brief identifications, readers can find information on virtually any topic of interest--athletics, bee-keeping, botany, magic, religious rites, postal service, slavery, navigation, and the reckoning of time. The Oxford Classical Dictionary profiles every major figure of Greece and Rome, from Homer and Virgil to Julius Caesar and Alexander the Great. Readers will find entries on mythological and legendary figures, on major cities, famous buildings, and important geographical landmarks, and on legal, rhetorical, literary, and political terms and concepts. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/uYmhfD5Rb2lFD5k

The Oxford Handbook of Presocratic Philosophy, 2008
By: Curd, Patricia (Ed.), Graham, Daniel W. (Ed.)

Title	The Oxford Handbook of Presocratic Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2008
Publication Place	New York
Publisher	Oxford University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Curd, Patricia , Graham, Daniel W.
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/vobizazZn2VOG2v

The Parmenides of Plato and the Origin of the Neoplatonic 'One' , 1928
By: Dodds, Eric R.

Title	The Parmenides of Plato and the Origin of the Neoplatonic 'One'
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1928
Journal	Classical Quarterly
Volume	22
Issue	3/4 (Jul. - Oct., 1928),
Pages	129–142
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Dodds, Eric R.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The  last phase of  Greek  philosophy has  until recently  been less intelli- 
gently studied than any other,  and in our  understanding of  its development 
there  are  still  lamentable lacunae. Three errors  in  particular have  in  the  past 
prevented  a  proper  appreciation of  Plotinus'  place  in  the  history  of  philosophy.  When this false trail  was at  length abandoned the fashion for  orientalizing 
explanations persisted in another guise: to the earliest historians of Neo- 
platonism, Simon and Vacherot, the school of  Plotinus was (in defiance of 
geographical facts)  'the school  of  Alexandria,'  and its inspiration was mainly 
Egyptian. Vacherot says  of  Neoplatonism that  it  is  'essentially and radically 
oriental, having nothing of Greek thought but its language and procedure.' 
Few would  be  found  to-day  to  subscribe  to  so  sweeping  a  pronouncement; but 
the existence of  an important oriental element in Plotinus' thought is still 
affirmed  by  many  French and  German  writers. [introduction p. 129]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2WBu4QLsdoPjbaC

The Passionate Intellect. Essays on the Transformation of Classical Tradition, 1995
By: Ayres, Lewis (Ed.), Fortenbaugh, William (Ed.)

Title	The Passionate Intellect. Essays on the Transformation of Classical Tradition
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1995
Publication Place	New Brunswick – London
Publisher	Transaction Publishers
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Ayres, Lewis , Fortenbaugh, William
Translator(s)

Ian Kidd, of the University of St. Andrews, Scotland, has long been known as a world-class scholar of ancient philosophy and of Posidonius, in particular. Through his long struggle with the fragments of Posidonius, Kidd has done more than any other scholar of ancient philosophy to dispel the myth of "Pan-Posidonianism." He has presented a clearer picture of the Posidonius to whom we may have access. The Passionate Intellect is both a Festschrift offered to Professor Kidd and an important collection of essays on the transformation of classical traditions.

The bulk of this volume is built around the theme of Kidd's own inaugural lecture at St. Andrews, "The Passionate Intellect." Many of the contributions follow this theme through by examining how individual people and texts influenced the direction of various traditions. The chapters cover the whole of the classical and late antique periods, including the main genres of classical literature and history, and the gradual emergence of Christian literature and themes in late antiquity.

Many of the papers naturally concentrate on ancient philosophy and its legacy. Others deal with ancient literary theory, history, poetry, and drama. Most of the papers deal with their subjects at some length and are significant contributions in their own right. The contributors to this collection include key figures hi contemporary classical scholarship, including: C. Carey (London); C. J. Classen (Gottingen); J. Dillon (Dublin); K. J. Dover (St. Andrews); W. W. Fortenbaugh (Rutgers); H. M. Hine (St. Andrews); J. Mansfeld (Utrecht); R. Janko and R. Sharpies (London); and J. S. Richardson (Edinburgh). This book will be invaluable to philosophers, classicists, and cultural historians. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/2DA4PTzcMdBrmHR

The Perils of Self-Perception: Explanations of Apperception in the Greek Commentaries on Aristotle, 2005
By: Hubler, J. Noel

Title	The Perils of Self-Perception: Explanations of Apperception in the Greek Commentaries on Aristotle
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	The Review of Metaphysics
Volume	59
Issue	2
Pages	287-311
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hubler, J. Noel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The ancient Greek commentators on Aristotle's brief consideration of self-perception engaged in an extensive discussion of the problem, offering various interpretations of apperception from the second to sixth century. The commentators modeled their explanation of self-awareness in perception on their understanding of the nature of knowledge in general and their notion of what the core meaning of truth was. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XGXaGpEPq3YahVv

The Peripatetics: Aristotle’s Heirs 322 BCE - 200 CE, 2016
By: Baltussen, Han

Title	The Peripatetics: Aristotle’s Heirs 322 BCE - 200 CE
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2016
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

 The Peripatetics explores the development of Peripatetic thought from Theophrastus and Strato to the work of the commentator Alexander of Aphrodisias. The book examines whether the internal dynamics of this philosophical school allowed for a unity of Peripatetic thought, or whether there was a fundamental tension between philosophical creativity and the notions of core teachings and canonisation. The book discusses the major philosophical preoccupations of the Peripatetics, interactions with Hellenistic schools of thought, and the shift in focus among Greek philosophers in a changing political landscape. It is the first book of its kind to provide a survey of this important philosophical tradition. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sUfFKmXdreu0SDf

The Philosophy of the Commentators 200–600 AD: A Sourcebook; I: Psychology (with Ethics and Religion); II: Physics; III: Logic and Metaphysics, 2005
By: Sorabji, Richard

Title	The Philosophy of the Commentators 200–600 AD: A Sourcebook; I: Psychology (with Ethics and Religion); II: Physics; III: Logic and Metaphysics
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	London
Publisher	Duckworth
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This is the first work to draw on the four hundred years of transition from ancient Greek philosophy to the medieval philosophy of Islam and the West. During this period, philosophy was often written in the form of commentaries on the works of Plato and Aristotle. Many ideas wrongly credited to the Middle Ages derive from these centuries, such as that of impetus in dynamics and intentional objects in philosophy of mind.

The later Neoplatonist commentators fought a losing battle with Christianity, but inadvertently made Aristotle acceptable to Christians by ascribing to him belief in a Creator God and human immortality. The commentators provide a panorama of up to a thousand years of Greek philosophy, much of which would otherwise be lost. They also serve as the missing link essential for understanding the subsequent history of Western philosophy.

Volume 1 deals with psychology, which for the Neoplatonist commentators was the gateway to metaphysics and theology. It was the subject on which Plato and Aristotle disagreed most, and on which the commentators went furthest beyond them in their search for synthesis. Ethics and religious practice fall naturally under psychology and are included in this volume.

All sources appear in English translation and are carefully linked and cross-referenced by editorial comment and explanation. Bibliographies are provided throughout.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/A2jZ42ng1GKqaG1

The Physical World of Late Antiquity, 1987
By: Sambursky, Samuel

Title	The Physical World of Late Antiquity
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1987
Publication Place	Princeton
Publisher	Princeton University Press
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sambursky, Samuel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Sambursky describes the development of scientific conceptions and theories in the centuries following Aristotle until the close of antiquity in the sixth century A. D. Originally published in 1987. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905. [a.a.]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ucITChRtwjW8n0e

The Platonic Tradition in the Middle Ages: A Doxographic Approach, 2002
By: Gersh, Stephen (Ed.), Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M. (Ed.)

Title	The Platonic Tradition in the Middle Ages: A Doxographic Approach
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2002
Publication Place	Berlin
Publisher	de Gruyter
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Gersh, Stephen , Hoenen, Maarten J. F. M.
Translator(s)

Das Handbuch beschreitet neue Wege in der Schilderung der komplexen Geschichte jener geistigen Strömungen, die gemeinhin unter der Bezeichnung 'platonisch' bzw. 'neuplatonisch' zusammengefaßt werden. Es behandelt in chronologischer Folge die bedeutendsten philosophischen Denkrichtungen innerhalb dieser Tradition. Die Beiträge untersuchen die wichtigsten platonischen Begriffe und ihre semantischen Implikationen, erläutern die mit ihnen verbundenen philosophischen und theologischen Ansprüche, legen die Quellen der Begriffe dar und stellen sie in den Kontext der auf sie rekurrierenden bzw. ihnen zuwiderlaufenden geistigen Traditionen. So entsteht ein lebhaftes Bild des intellektuellen Lebens im Mittelalter und in der Frühen Neuzeit. Das Werk enthält Beiträge in englischer und deutscher Sprache. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/AyyoAnYvbV6wAyu

The Presidential Address: Analyses of Matter, Ancient and Modern, 1985
By: Sorabji, Richard

Title	The Presidential Address: Analyses of Matter, Ancient and Modern
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1985
Journal	Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, New Series
Volume	86
Pages	1-22
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

I want to draw attention to two recurrent themes in the analysis of matter or body. The first theme is the idea that body is extension endowed with properties. To explain this, I shall go back as far as a famous text in Aristotle's Metaphysics, Book 7, Chapter 3.

Aristotle is here discussing matter in a rather special sense. He does not mean by 'matter' what we might mean, namely, body. He means rather the subject of the properties in a body. The table in front of me may be made of wood. From one point of view, the wood might be thought of as a subject which carries the properties of the table—its rectilinearity, its hardness, its brownness.

But according to one persuasive interpretation, Aristotle is looking for the most fundamental subject of properties in a body. He calls it the first subject (hupokeimenon proton, 1029a1-2). The wood of the table is made up of the four elements—earth, air, fire, and water—and these might be thought of as a more fundamental subject carrying the properties of the wood.

But the most fundamental subject would be one which carried the properties of the four elements: hot, cold, fluid, and dry. This first subject is referred to by commentators as first or prime matter. [introduction p. 1]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Dk2wV9MF91LwVgZ

The Presocratics in the doxographical tradition. Sources, controversies, and current research, 2005
By: Baltussen, Han

Title	The Presocratics in the doxographical tradition. Sources, controversies, and current research
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Studia Humaniora Tartuensia
Volume	6
Issue	6
Pages	1-26
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper I present a synthetic overview of recent and ongoing research in the field of doxography, that is,  the  study  of  the  nature,  transmission  and  interrelations  of  sources  for  ancient  Greek  philosophy.  The  latest revisions of the theory of Hermann Diels (Doxographi Graeci 1879) regarding the historiography ought to be known more widely, as they still influence our understanding of the Presocratics and their reception. The scholarly study on the compilations of Greek philosophical views from Hellenistic and later periods has received a major boost by the first of a projected three-volume study by Mansfeld and Runia (1997). Taking their work as a firm basis I also describe my own work in this area and how it can be related to, and fitted into, this trend by outlining how two important sources for the historiography of Greek philosophy, Theo-phrastus (4th–3rd c. BCE) and Simplicius (early 6th c. AD) stand in a special relation to each other and form an important strand in the doxographical tradition. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OYlxoMJYDjcTIPa

The Problem of the Souls of the Spheres. From the Byzantine Commentaries on Aristotle through the Arabs and St. Thomas to Kepler, 1962
By: Wolfson, Harry Austryn

Title	The Problem of the Souls of the Spheres. From the Byzantine Commentaries on Aristotle through the Arabs and St. Thomas to Kepler
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1962
Journal	Dumbarton Oaks Papers
Volume	16
Pages	65-93
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wolfson, Harry Austryn
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Kepler,  who,  as  we  all  know,  lived  under  the  new  heaven  created  by Copernicus,  discusses  the  question  whether  the  planets  are  moved  by Intelligences or by souls or by nature. His consideration of Intelligences 
as  possible  movers  of  the  planets  refers  to  a  view  held  by  those  who  in  the Middle Ages lived under the  old Ptolemaic heaven, the term Intelligences being, by  a  complexity  of  miscegenation,  a  descendant  of  what  Aristotle  describes  as 
incorporeal  substances.  His  consideration  of  souls  or  nature  as possible  movers of  the  planets  touches  upon  a  topic  which  was  made  into  a  problem  b y  the 
Byzantine  Greek  commentators  of  Aristotle.In  this  paper  I  shall  try  to  show  how  the  Byzantine  commentators,  in  their study  of  the  text  of  Aristotle,  were  confronted  with  a  certain  problem,  how they  solved  that  problem,  and  how  their  solution  of  that  problem  led  to  other 
problems  and  solutions,  all  of  which  lingered  in  philosophic literature  down  to Kepler. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/caDB4W1yStAKWKj

The Reception of Parmenides' Poetry in Antiquity, 1998
By: Popa, Tiberiu M.

Title	The Reception of Parmenides' Poetry in Antiquity
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1998
Journal	Studii Clasice
Volume	34-36
Pages	5-27
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Popa, Tiberiu M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/3N33QXJQ7geQuqf

The Renaissance discovery of classical antiquity, 1969
By: Weiss, Roberto

Title	The Renaissance discovery of classical antiquity
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1969
Publication Place	Oxford – New York
Publisher	Blackwell
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Weiss, Roberto
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The author traces the rise of a new attitude to classical antiquity, an attitude which became noticeable in the late 13th century but which came fully of age in the first half of the 15th century with humanists such as Poggio and Flavio Biodon. The book covers the period 1300 to 1527. [offical abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HPSadnDcB3SDqXe

Title	The Role of the Commentaries on Aristotle in the Teaching of Philosophy according to the Prefaces of the Neoplatonic Commentaries on the Categories
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1991
Published in	Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, Supplementary volume: Aristotle and the Later Tradition
Pages	175-189
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J. , Robinson, Howard
Translator(s)

Aristotle only knows how to establish logical rules, which he discovers by analyzing the logical elements in Plato’s work, whereas Plato practiced logical proof spontaneously and intuitively without formulating the rules for it. Here again, we meet the principle of Aristotle’s inferiority to Plato, which determines the harmonizing trend as well as its limitations.

Thanks to Marinus’ Life of Proclus and Damascius’ Life of Isidore, we know the role of the study of the works of Aristotle with commentary in the teaching of the School of Athens at the time when Syrianus, then Proclus, then Isidore ran the School. Syrianus initiated Proclus into Plato’s mystical doctrine after Proclus had been adequately prepared by studying the works of Aristotle, as if, so to speak, by way of preparatory or ‘minor’ mysteries.

So, in directing Proclus’ studies, Syrianus proceeds in due order, as Marinus emphasizes, and ‘does not leap over the threshold’; in other words, Proclus proceeds in the set order and does not miss out any step in the teaching. Isidore, too, came to Plato’s philosophy after studying Aristotle.

I hope to have shown in this paper that the part played by the study of and commentary on Aristotle’s works remained the same up to the end of Neoplatonism. Aristotle was never studied for his own sake by the Neoplatonists, but always as a necessary preparation for the philosophy of Plato. [conclusion p. 188-189]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mXkoXV2wq7SgBs3

The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism, 2014
By: Remes, Pauliina (Ed.), Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla (Ed.)

Title	The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2014
Publication Place	London – New York
Publisher	Routledge
Series	Routledge Handbooks in Philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Remes, Pauliina , Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla
Translator(s)

The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism is an authoritative and comprehensive survey of the most important issues and developments in one of the fastest growing areas of research in ancient philosophy. An international team of scholars situates and re-evaluates Neoplatonism within the history of ancient philosophy and thought, and explores its influence on philosophical and religious schools worldwide. Over thirty chapters are divided into seven clear parts:

    (Re)sources, instruction and interaction
    Methods and Styles of Exegesis
    Metaphysics and Metaphysical Perspectives
    Language, Knowledge, Soul, and Self
    Nature: Physics, Medicine and Biology
    Ethics, Political Theory and Aesthetics
    The legacy of Neoplatonism.

The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism is a major reference source for all students and scholars in Neoplatonism and ancient philosophy, as well as researchers in the philosophy of science, ethics, aesthetics and religion. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/i2TdBQo2LLSOZ3S

The School of Ammonius, Son of Hermias, on Knowledge of the Divine, 1994
By: Tempelis, Elias

Title	The School of Ammonius, Son of Hermias, on Knowledge of the Divine
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1994
Publication Place	Athen
Publisher	Parnassos Literary Society
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tempelis, Elias
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The thesis undertakes a reconstruction and critical assessment of
the theory of the Neoplatonic school of Ammonius, son of Hermias, on the
presuppositions for the acquisition of knowledge of the divine and also
on the contents and the purpose of this knowledge.
The metaphysical position of the human soul between the
intelligible and the sensible worlds allows it to know the intelligible
world and the divine, in particular, provided that the cognitive reasonprinciples
in the human intellect are activated. The purpose of such
knowledge is the assimilation to the divine and is achieved by means of
a personal struggle with the help of theoretical and practical
philosophy. The school of Ammonius compared its philosophical attempt at
knowledge of the divine to previous similar methods.
Since the One is unknowable, the members of this school believed
that man can know to some extent the Demiurge, who belongs to the second
level of the intelligible world. The members of the school had different
views on affirmative and negative theology. The intelligible ante rem
universals, the most fundamental of which is Substance, constitute the
cognitive and creative reason-principles of the demiurgic Intellect. The
eternal activation of these principles result in the Demiurge's
omniscience and the creation of the world, which is coetemal with the
Demiurge. The Demiurge is incorporeal and exercises providence for what
He has created, but He is not omnipotent.
The theory of the school of Ammonius on knowledge of the divine is
shown to be broadly consistent, though not necessarily convincing. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/a710mA942k0fNNF

The Soul never thinks withous a Phantasm: How platonic commentators interpret a controversal aristotelian Thesis, 2018
By: Steel, C., Strobel, Benedikt (Ed.)

Title	The Soul never thinks withous a Phantasm: How platonic commentators interpret a controversal aristotelian Thesis
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Pages	185-223
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, C.
Editor(s)	Strobel, Benedikt
Translator(s)

Even Platonists, it seems, have to accept that the intellective soul, when connected to this earthy body, can never be entirely without imagination, not only in (1) practical thought or in (2) understanding sensible objects or in (3) mathematics, but even in its most excellent thought, (4) the contemplation of the intelligible forms. The role of imagination is, however, different in the four cases, as we have seen. Therefore, a good philosophical teacher will not only warn his students of the danger of imaginations, which may distort their thoughts, but also helps them to train and discipline their imagination so that it may be an obedient servant of the intellect. For that reason, he will use images and fantastic stories besides rational arguments. As Proclus explains in his introduction to his commentary of the myth of Er:

The souls, which are by essence intellectual and full of incorporeal and intellectual reasons, have put on (ἐνδυσαμέναις) the imaginative intellect and cannot live without it in this place of generation [...] – for these souls, which have become impassible passible and without figures figurative (γενομέναις ἀπαθέσι παθητικαῖς, ἀμορφώτοις μορφωτικαῖς) this teaching through myths [as here in the myth of Er] is appropriate.

Myths are particularly needed for those who only live according to imagination and only have practised the passive intellect, as is the case with the vulgar masses, who are incapable of following a purely rational argument. By contrast, some exceptional souls, which have set their mind on pure intellections, will be content with the intellectual light of the truth without needing the imaginary mise-en-scène of myths. But for us, Proclus says, who are ‘both together and have a twofold intellect’, the one which we really are and the one we have put on and projected outwards (i.e. the passive intellect linked to imagination), we find pleasures both in the fictive clothing of the story and in its deeper truth. Whereas the imaginative intellect ‘is stricken by the external and becomes thus ready for the path towards science,’ our true intellect ‘is nourished by what is inside the stories and becomes the contemplator of truth.’ [conclusion p. 211-212]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/iQkklQKce7ANXjV

The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
By: Zalta, Edward N. (Ed.)

Title	The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Type
Language	English
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Zalta, Edward N.
Translator(s)

Welcome to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (SEP), which as of March 2018, has nearly 1600 entries online. From its inception, the SEP was designed so that each entry is maintained and kept up-to-date by an expert or group of experts in the field. All entries and substantive updates are refereed by the members of a distinguished Editorial Board before they are made public. Consequently, our dynamic reference work maintains academic standards while evolving and adapting in response to new research. You can cite fixed editions that are created on a quarterly basis and stored in our Archives (every entry contains a link to its complete archival history, identifying the fixed edition the reader should cite). The Table of Contents lists entries that are published or assigned. The Projected Table of Contents also lists entries which are currently unassigned but nevertheless projected. [author's description]

Online Resources

https://plato.stanford.edu/index.html

The Stoic Ontology of Geometrical Limits, 2009
By: Eunyoung Ju, Anna

Title	The Stoic Ontology of Geometrical Limits
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2009
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	54
Issue	4/5
Pages	371-389
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Eunyoung Ju, Anna
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Scholars have long recognised the interest of the Stoics' thought on geometrical limits, both
as a specific topic in their physics and within the context of the school's ontological
taxonomy. Unfortunately, insufficient textual evidence remains for us to reconstruct their
discussion fully. The sources we do have on Stoic geometrical themes are highly polemical,
tending to reveal a disagreement as to whether limit is to be understood as a mere concept,
as a body or as an incorporeal. In my view, this disagreement held among the historical
Stoics, rather than simply reflecting a doxographical divergence in transmission. This
apparently Stoic disagreement has generated extensive debate, in which there is still no
consensus as to a standard Stoic doctrine of limit. The evidence is thin, and little of it refers
in detail to specific texts, especially from the school's founders. But in its overall features the
evidence suggests that Posidonius and Cleomedes differed from their Stoic precursors on
this topic. There are also grounds for believing that some degree of disagreement obtained
between the early Stoics over the metaphysical status of shape. Assuming the Stoics did so
disagree, the principal question in the scholarship on Stoic ontology is whether there were
actually positions that might be called "standard" within Stoicism on the topic of limit. In
attempting to answer this question, my discussion initially sets out to illuminate certain
features of early Stoic thinking about limit, and then takes stock of the views offered by late
Stoics, notably Posidonius and Cleomedes. Attention to Stoic arguments suggests that the
school's founders developed two accounts of shape: on the one hand, as a thought-construct,
and, on the other, as a body. In an attempt to resolve the crux bequeathed to them, the
school's successors suggested that limits are incorporeal. While the authorship of this last
notion cannot be securely identified on account of the absence of direct evidence, it may be
traced back to Posidonius, and it went on to have subsequent influence on Stoic thinking,
namely in Cleomedes' astronomy. [Author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/H3kH3u3PbGnOPyE

The Stoics on cases, predicates, and the unity of the proposition, 1997
By: Gaskin, Richard , Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	The Stoics on cases, predicates, and the unity of the proposition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1997
Published in	Aristotle and after
Pages	91-107
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gaskin, Richard
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

As far as traditional classifications go, the Stoics count as materialists. But it is notorious that there were four things in  their world-view which do not fit this caracterization: time, place, the void and the so-called ‘sayables', or lekta (SE AM 10.218  =  FDS 720). Lekta consist of three main kinds of quasi-linguistic item: centrally, simple propositions (as well as certain non-assertoric, but grammatically autonomous, items) are ‘complete’ lekta (DL 7 .6-8 = FDS  696, 874; SE AM 8.70-74).  From these propositions, more complex ‘complete’ lekta maybe constructed, such as conditionals (DL 7.71) or syllogisms (DL 7.63). And within the structure of complete lekta, ‘incomplete’ lekta, such as predicates, maybe discerned. I call lekta quasi-linguistic, rather than linguistic,  because,  as we learn from an important passage in Sextus (AM 8.11-13 = FDS 67), the Stoics distinguished lekta both from language and from physical objects in the world. Hence linguistic items such as the verb (rhêma) ‘writes’ and the complete sentence (logos) ‘Socrates writes’ should be kept rigorously apart from their corresponding lekta  -  the predicate (katigorema) writes and the complete proposition (axidma) Socrates writes - which the linguistic expressions signify  (semainein: SE AM 8.11 - 12, DL 7.56, 58, 65). 
In this paper I shall examine the Stoic treatment of the main constituents of the complete lekton: cases and predicates. I shall argue that cases are, like predicates, (incomplete) lekta, and that the verbal noun played a central role in Stoic thinking about lekta. In the light of these reflections, I shall conclude with some speculative remarks on the unity of the proposition. [Introduction, p. 91]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tocHWc6xfMEeg9C

The Strasbourg Papyrus of Empedocles: Some Preliminary Remarks, 1999
By: van der Ben, Nicolaas

Title	The Strasbourg Papyrus of Empedocles: Some Preliminary Remarks
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1999
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	52
Issue	5
Pages	525-544
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	van der Ben, Nicolaas
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

To put it differently and more poignantly, these 34 lines do not offer us the treatment of any one particular subject. Just think how much our understanding of Empedocles would have been enhanced if we had been able to read, say, his cosmology, or physiology of the sense-organs, or of the intellectual functions; or a detailed description of the assimilation of food and growth, or of fertilization! A similar disappointment surrounds the other ensembles: b partly coincides with 76DK, c with 20DK, and d with (a repeat of) fr. 139DK: welcome and interesting though the additional information provided by them often is, here, too, there is no treatment of a particular subject matter unknown, or insufficiently known, to us previously.

To return to ensemble a, it should be noted that most of it, viz. ?(i)6-?(ii)29, 33 lines in all, was omitted by Simplicius, who quoted very extensively from this section of the poem. The reason why he refrained from copying these 33 lines may well have been, I think, that he deemed them to contain little that had not been said equally well or even better in the other extensive passages he had copied from Empedocles.

Are there no saving graces? Yes, of course, there are. The first is that we have a better perspective on the transmission of Empedocles' text, tantalizingly blurred though it is bound to remain. It may now be suspected that many of the corruptions in our text are not due to errors made by medieval scribes, but had already entered the text in antiquity itself. I am referring particularly to the deep corruptions which seem due to extensive tampering and appear to exhibit a certain pattern. And since corruptions of this kind appear well-represented even in Aristotle's quotations, their source must date back to a very early time indeed.

The second gain, finally, is, I think, the most important of all, viz. the fact that we now know line 300; and, by simple calculation, that the 35 lines of fr. 17DK extend from line 232 through 266. So the absolute position of the 69 lines 232 through 300 is now known. The value of this piece of information can hardly be overestimated. It will have a beneficial effect on literally all the fragments. After all, the average size of Empedocles' fragments is a mere three lines, hardly enough, in many cases, to arrive at any compelling interpretation. Starting from the text of lines 232-300, one will be able to establish the relative positions of many fragments with a large degree of certainty (decreasing, of course, as the distance to 232 or 300 increases). The result will be that many fragments will draw closer together and constitute one another's context, so to speak. Our interpretations will be based on much firmer foundations. [conclusion p. 543-544]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/BcAsTrl3xWnFgU9

The Synonymy of Homonyms, 1999
By: Flannery, Kevin L.

Title	The Synonymy of Homonyms
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1999
Journal	Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie
Volume	81
Pages	268–289
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Flannery, Kevin L.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Is the homonym-synonym paradox important enough to force this emendation? I think that it is.  If considering the two definitions in conjunction -the definition of homonyms and that of synonyms - it turns out that homonyms qua homonyms are not homonyms and, therefore,  that only qua not homonyms are homonyms homonyms, that is a  problem. We can resolve the paradox by breaking the conjunction - i. e., by severing the interdependence between the two definitions by eliminating tas ouisas from the first. Would Aristotle have anticipated the paradox and set out his definitions so as to  avoid it? We do not have to  go so far. We need only believe that, when initially conceiving Cat. i, he had a consistent set of ideas in  mind. That is, we need only believe that he had in mind a position that would not lead to  the type of problems that typically arise when two definitions are interdependent. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/7UMy6i0NWqhhPbZ

The Text Tradition of the 'Commentary On the Soul' Attributed to Simplicius, 2024
By: Steel, Carlos, Deckers, Daniel (Ed.), Brockmann, Christian (Ed.), Valente, Stefano (Ed.)

Title	The Text Tradition of the 'Commentary On the Soul' Attributed to Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2024
Published in	Aristoteles-Kommentare und ihre Überlieferung. Wichtige Etappen von der Antike bis in die frühe Neuzeit
Pages	225-268
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)	Deckers, Daniel , Brockmann, Christian , Valente, Stefano
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/r4x9UiKcqVzpdhL

The Text Tradition of the Commentary On the Soul attributed to Simplicius, 2024
By: Steel, Carlos, Christian Brockmann (Ed.), Daniel Deckers (Ed.), Stefano Valente (Ed.)

Title	The Text Tradition of the Commentary On the Soul attributed to Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2024
Published in	Aristoteles-Kommentare und ihre Überlieferung. Wichtige Etappen von der Antike bis in die frühe Neuzeit
Pages	225-268
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)	Christian Brockmann , Daniel Deckers , Stefano Valente
Translator(s)

About fifty years ago I published together with Fernand Bossier an article todemonstrate  that  theCommentary On the Soultraditionally  attributed  toSimplicius was not his work, but most probably that of a fellow member ofthe Athenian Academy, Priscian of Lydia.1An examination of the text tradi-tion of the commentary did not yield any indications to question the tradi-tional attribution. Nevertheless, arguments based on style, content, self-refer-ences are so convincing that it is now commonly accepted that the author ofthe commentary is not Simplicius.2The Hamburg colloquium offered me theincentive for a new and comprehensive study of the complicated text tradi-tion of this commentary, which enjoyed an extraordinary fortune in the re-ception of Aristotle’s treatiseOn the Soulamong Byzantine and Renaissancescholars.3For practical reasons, I keep using in this contribution the author’sname ‘Simplicius’ as it is known in the tradition but put it between singlequotations marks to distinguish him from the real Simplicius. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/j1NGkXq4FVGx9hw

The Text of Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, 1987
By: Tarán, Leonardo, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	The Text of Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	246-266
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarán, Leonardo
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

My main purpose here is to offer reasons why a new and truly critical edition of Simplicius' commentary is necessary. To do so, in what follows, I shall have to point out some of the shortcomings to be found in Diels' edition of this work. [p. 246]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wSJkdX2PYdHh3n2

The Texts of Plato and Aristotle in the First Century BCE: Andronicus’ Canon, 2016
By: Hatzimichali, Myrto, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	The Texts of Plato and Aristotle in the First Century BCE: Andronicus’ Canon
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	81-102
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hatzimichali, Myrto
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

If we recall at this point the information gathered on the state of Plato’s text in the first century BCE, we can see that by comparison the study of Aristotle’s text was indeed revolutionized. In the case of the Aristotelian corpus, our sources tell a story of true peripeteia, with the appearance of new texts or at least new copies with special claims of antiquity and pedigree, and with the standardization and ordering of the canon in Andronicus’ Pinakes.

A scrutiny of our sources has shown that it was the processes of cataloging, canon formation, and corpus organization that had the greatest impact on the texts we now read, and not the appearance of new ‘editions’ and text-critical initiatives. If this appears counterintuitive, we should remember that judgments about the importance or otherwise of ancient editorial activity can be misleading if they are too dependent on modern experiences and expectations. [conclusion p. 102]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/hzJ6JONomuuLaQX

The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined, 1971
By: Solmsen, Friedrich

Title	The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1971
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	16
Issue	2
Pages	116-141
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Solmsen, Friedrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper makes no attempt to compete with the brilliant studies through which, in the last thirty years, several scholars have advanced our understanding of the evidence for Zeno of Elea, and in particular of the verbatim preserved fragments. In fact, my intention is not to replace theories with other theories but to create doubt about matters that, for some time, have been taken for granted, and to change confident assumptions into hypotheses that would tolerate others alongside them.
Accounts of Zeno's philosophy generally take as their starting point some well-known statements at the beginning of Plato's Parmenides. Given the paucity of reports bearing on his work as a whole, the information here vouchsafed about its content and purpose must seem priceless. It also seems authoritative, the idea of examining it critically almost sacrilegious. Zeno, we read here, wrote against those who ridiculed the thesis of his master Parmenides that "all is one." The opponents tried to discredit this thesis by pointing out contradictions and "ridiculous" consequences resulting from the Parmenidean "One." In return, Zeno took the adversaries' position that "there are many" as the basis for his reasoning, deducing from it, in each of his arguments, contradictions and other results even more "ridiculous" than what the opponents had found in Parmenides' theory.
It is easy to see why this testimony is so irresistible. Plato himself distinguishes between what is certain and what allows doubt and more than one explanation. Doubt is possible about certain accidental aspects (tôn symbebêkotôn ti, Zeno says, 128c5 ff.), i.e., whether the ultimate convergence of the two treatises was meant to be obvious or to be concealed from the reader, and also whether Zeno was anxious to build up a philosophical stature for himself or merely to help Parmenides against the detractors. Yet, precisely because doubt is allowed on such items of secondary importance, the far more important statements concerning the subject matter, the method, and the objectives of Zeno's treatise seem immune to attack.
Scholars writing on Zeno have usually accepted Plato's testimony as a matter of course or with the most perfunctory justification. A few have given reasons why the testimony deserves confidence, and no reason could be more attractive than the sensitive comments of Hermann Fränkel about Plato as being, by his own individuality and temperament, exceptionally qualified to appreciate the peculiar, rather wanton humor that Fränkel has found lurking in Zeno's sallies. I should be loath to disagree with this argument, even if it did not form part of what Gregory Vlastos has justly called "easily the most important philological monograph published on the subject in several decades." Still, I am not the first to question the element of wantonness and trickery in Zeno's proofs, and even if it were granted, one might wonder whether Plato's own humor is not normally more gentle and urbane (asteion)—the exuberance of the "youthful" Protagoras being an exception—and whether even a congenial sense of humor would guarantee the correct understanding of a philosophical endeavor.
But it is perhaps more profitable to develop Fränkel's doubts "as to how much Plato, or his readers for that matter, would be interested in problems of mere historicity." For these doubts apply even farther than Fränkel may be inclined to think. Would Plato really wish to make sure that his readers had a correct knowledge of what Zeno's treatise intended and achieved? Had he carefully and with something approaching philological accuracy worked his way through all the ὑποθέσεις in the treatise and found out to his satisfaction what purpose they served? Does he now, to communicate this discovery to the readers, use the dramatic device of making Socrates ask whether his interpretation is correct and Zeno confirm that in substance it is? Why, anyhow, must this be more, or much more, than a dramatic device—especially if the device has a bearing on the later developments in the dialogue? [introduction p. 116-118]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/6pPpfWHeO2IY3ri

The Transformation of Plato and Aristotle, 2006
By: Sorabji, Richard, Tarrant, Harold (Ed.), Baltzly, Dirk (Ed.)

Title	The Transformation of Plato and Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2006
Published in	Reading Plato in antiquity
Pages	185-193
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Tarrant, Harold , Baltzly, Dirk
Translator(s)

Harmonization is most marked in Porphyry and Ammonius. It seems to be least favored by Syrianus and Proclus. Simplicius says that the good commentator should find Plato and Aristotle in harmony on most points (In Cat. 7.23–32). The presumption for a Neoplatonist is that, in the case of disharmony, Plato will be right. However, this presumption is reversed by a late commentator, Olympiodorus, who backs Aristotle against Plato on the definition of relatives (In Cat. 112.19ff).

As an example of harmonization, Porphyry, on the standard interpretation, defended Aristotle’s categories from Plotinus’ objections in Enneads VI.1–3. Plotinus accepted only four of Aristotle’s ten categories for classifying the world perceived by the senses, and even then with heavy qualifications. He complained that Aristotle’s categories left out the world of intelligible Forms from which the perceptible world derived. Sensible qualities, for example, are only shadows of the activities of intelligible Forms. Porphyry replied (In Cat. 57.7–8, 58.5–7, and 91.19–27) that Aristotle’s categories are not meant to be exhaustive. They are only intended to distinguish words insofar as they signify things, and words are chiefly used to speak about sensibles. For that limited task, the categories are to be valued. Porphyry thus made Aristotle’s categories forever acceptable to Platonism. Hereafter, it became increasingly useful to reinforce what I regard as the myth of harmony in the face of Christian charges that pagan philosophers contradicted each other. There was an irony in this, because the harmonization—whose motive was thus partly anti-Christian—ended in the thirteenth century by helping Thomas Aquinas present Aristotle as safe for Christianity. This assimilation to Plato had turned Aristotle’s God from a thinker into a Creator and Aristotle’s human soul into an immortal one.

There can, however, be more than one approach toward the harmonization of Plato and Aristotle. Lloyd Gerson, in this volume, offers the most thoroughgoing modern attempt to argue that it is basically correct. If, as I have supposed, it is not, the question arises whether pressure toward a false harmonization would be bad for philosophy. Having to convince Christians that Plato and Aristotle agreed with each other on almost everything would surely lead to a loss of their wonderful insights. But in fact, it gave a distinctive character, interesting in its own right, to Neoplatonism. Curiously, it also led to an even closer reading of the texts of Plato and Aristotle, because their texts had to be read very closely indeed if one was going to argue that what they really meant was something different from what might first appear.

In fact, the pressure to harmonize proved a valuable stimulus to the imagination in the Greek Neoplatonist commentators. They took Plato to postulate a changeless and timeless world of divine Platonic Forms, and they had to think out how such a world would relate to the temporal, changing world described by Aristotle.

I should now like to look at some examples of what happened to the views of Plato and Aristotle in Neoplatonism. I shall ask what factors besides harmonization are at work, whether Plato is transformed in the process as much as Aristotle, whether the harmonizations are hostile or friendly to Aristotle, and where the transformations proved important for subsequent philosophy. [introduction p. 185-186]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/eWLLcrq58WWLfJm

The Treatises of Aristotle On the Heavens, On generation and corruption, and On meteors, 1807
By: Aristoteles,

Title	The Treatises of Aristotle On the Heavens, On generation and corruption, and On meteors
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1807
Publication Place	Montana
Publisher	Kessinger Publishing, LLC
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Aristoteles
Editor(s)
Translator(s)	Taylor, Thomas(Taylor, Thomas)

This volume contains On the Heavens with most of the Commentary of Simplicius (some of which is not available in any other English translation), On Generation & Corruption; On Meteors, including the Commentary of Olympiodorus. The translations of Aristotle by Taylor are unique amongst those of modern times because Thomas Taylor was convinced - as were the neoplatonists of late antiquity - that Aristotle should be read and understood as a Platonist rather than as a dissenter from his teacher. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/UAmJGYciowfNrAw

The Trouble with Fragrance, 1990
By: Ellis, John

Title	The Trouble with Fragrance
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1990
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	35
Issue	3
Pages	290-302
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ellis, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

By 'in a subject' I mean what (a) is in something, not as a part, and (b) cannot exist separately from what it is in. (Aristotle, Categories 1a24-5)

These lines have been extensively discussed in recent years. The crux of the debate is whether the existence clause (b) is to be construed in a way that commits Aristotle to particular, non-sharable properties. On the "traditional" interpretation, a property is in an individual thing as in a subject, say, Socrates, only if it cannot exist apart from Socrates. This implies that the properties of an individual thing are peculiar to it or non-sharable, in the sense that they cannot be in any other thing. The particular white in Socrates, for example, ceases to exist when he gets a tan. It does not move on to inhere in Callias or any other subject, nor is the white in Callias numerically the same white as the white in Socrates. Although both are white, perhaps even the same shade of white, nonetheless, they are numerically distinct particulars inhering in different individual things.

Many recent commentators have tried to "rescue" Aristotle from the alleged commitment to such Stoutian particulars. Their strategy has been to weaken (b) so that the particular inherent property is not existentially dependent on the very particular substance it inheres in. G.E.L. Owen opened the debate by arguing that (b) can mean "cannot exist without something to contain it," and thus Aristotle is only committed to the view that particular properties need some substance or other in order to exist. A particular white, for example, would be a particular shade of white, which could, of course, be exemplified by more than one particular substance.

The task I’ve set for myself in this paper is not to argue for either the weak or the strong interpretation of inherence in Aristotle. That is already a well-trodden path. Instead, I shall look at what the ancient commentators on Aristotle had to say on the subject. Which interpretation, the strong or the weak, do they support? My strategy is to focus on one of the many problems they consider, that of fragrance, and to see if their treatment of it yields an answer.

The fragrance problem attacks the basis of Aristotle's ontology—the distinction between substance and accident. Didn’t Aristotle say that accidents cannot exist apart from that in which they inhere? But fragrances seem to travel to us from their subjects, and aren’t they accidents? In the attempts, from Porphyry (232–309 AD) to Elias (fl. 541), to save Aristotle’s ontology from this objection, we shall find, I hope to show, an interesting development in the complexity of the discussions. Not surprisingly, given the nature of the problem, the discussions move into psychological theory, and we find that, in order for his ontology to be saved, Aristotle’s psychological theory must be deepened.
Concluding Remarks

There seems to be a clear development in the way the commentators construed "in a subject." Starting with Porphyry’s tense solution, it is possible to see a gradual movement away from that solution and the weak construal it implies, toward the stronger reading implied by the other solutions. Ammonius introduces an alternative, the effluence solution, albeit without indicating his preference. His students, Philoponus and Simplicius, add further developments or modifications to his view: Simplicius, by rejecting the tense solution and offering new alternatives; and Philoponus, by turning the discussion more toward psychology and revealing both the conflict between the effluence and diosmic theories and his preference for the latter.

This shift in the discussion toward psychology is evidenced by Olympiodorus, who responds to the fragrance problem only with alternative psychological theories, making no mention of the tense solution. Finally, Elias, although mentioning the tense solution, devotes most of his energy to evaluating the alternative psychological answers to the fragrance problem. [introduction p. 290-291; conclusion p. 302]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/HQWPG36viwyMCbr

The Unity of Empedocles' Thought, 1949
By: Long, Herbert S.

Title	The Unity of Empedocles' Thought
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1949
Journal	The American Journal of Philology
Volume	70
Issue	2
Pages	142-158
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Long, Herbert S.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In  this  paper I  shall  first 
state  the  problem  of  the  unity of  Empedocles'  thought,  then 
consider two  difficulties in  the  way  of  a  solution  and  the  effect 
that not observing them has had, and finally propose and attempt to  justify  what appears to  me to  be a reasonable explanation of 
the  problem. [p. 142]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/XFRsopl0nu5E6SQ

The Will and its Freedom: Epictetus and Simplicius on what is up to us, 2014
By: Wildberg, Christian, Destrée, Pierre (Ed.), Zingano, Marco (Ed.)

Title	The Will and its Freedom: Epictetus and Simplicius on what is up to us
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2014
Published in	What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy
Pages	329-350
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wildberg, Christian
Editor(s)	Destrée, Pierre , Zingano, Marco
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/mOZ7OMN3pKwTAfd

The causality of the prime mover in Simplicius, 2020
By: Ross, Alberto

Title	The causality of the prime mover in Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2020
Published in	Relectures néoplatoniciennes de la théologie d’Aristote
Pages	103-122
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ross, Alberto
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GNIHfMbbi3GaOjc

The commentators: their identity and their background, 1996
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.)

Title	The commentators: their identity and their background
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1996
Published in	Aristotle and Neoplatonism in late antiquity: Interpretations of the "De Anima"
Pages	35-51
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Translator(s)

While in the previous chapter we have been looking at the overall similarity of the commentators’ methods and assumptions, it is now time to try to say something about them as individuals and the work they produced. This is not an easy task. We may have lives of the most important philosophers, Plotinus and Proclus, and even of an apparent nonentity like Isidore, but for those who wrote commentaries on Aristotle, we can often do little more than establish places of activity and approximate dates.

The information most consistently available is the most useless—an indication, sometimes no more than a manuscript tradition with all the doubts attaching to that, of the town or area a man came from or was known by: “Proclus the Lycian,” “Simplicius the Cilician,” “Priscian the Lydian.” Those who operated in Alexandria are usually labeled “Alexandrian,” too consistently for the label to be anything more than an indication that that was where they worked or spent an important part of their careers. Thus, all we know, in most cases, is where some of the writers we are concerned with began their lives, and then only to the extent of knowing what part of the world it was in.

Nevertheless, some information on the commentators is provided by sources that tell us about them incidentally to their main aim. Damascius’ reconstructed Life of Isidore is one such source: it deals in passing with those who were either personally or historically connected with the subject of the work. Much of the information about the relation between those who worked at Athens and Alexandria in the fifth and sixth centuries is derived from that source. In particular, most of the evidence about who studied with whom and where is to be found there.

Unfortunately, by far the larger of two collections of excerpts in Photius (codd. 181 and 242), by whom most of the surviving contents have been preserved, comes from a particularly scrappy part of his work, so that we often do not know which snippets should be taken together, a point that affects, among other things, an important question about Ammonius.

Two works that do survive and give us some further help are Zacharias’ Life of Severus, from which, though it concentrates on Christians, we can learn something about conditions in the schools of Alexandria as well as about their students and teachers, and the same writer’s dialogue Ammonius, which provides rather less than its title might lead one to hope, being concerned primarily with matters in dispute between pagans and Christians, such as the eternity of the world and the creative activity of God. It tells us very little about Ammonius but does raise a question of some importance about his beliefs, with which we must deal below.

At an earlier period, Marinus’ Life of Proclus, a document often distorted by the desire to fit biographical facts to philosophical notions, gives us some information about others who worked at Athens and are part of the story of Aristotelian commentary—namely, Plutarch and Syrianus, who, Marinus tells us, were respectively master and pupil, as well as both being teachers of Proclus. In addition, he mentions persons about whom he gives us little or no other information, such as Plutarch’s grandson Archiadas and Proclus’ contemporary Domninus. Unfortunately, the Life does not proceed in chronological order because its structure depends on a framework of the Neoplatonic scale of virtues and Proclus’ ascent to its summit.

In addition to what these sources provide, we have pieces of more or less incidental information from elsewhere, some of it not unimportant. Such are the dates infrequently given en passant in the commentaries and the occasional references to philosophy in both contemporary and later historians. Some of these references are notoriously difficult to interpret or even simply unreliable. In this category are the details of the exile of 529 and the possible return from it. In addition, there are entries in or from the lexica and other compilations so popular in late Classical antiquity and early Byzantine culture; some of these overlap both with each other and with the material found in Photius.

There are some figures in the tradition of Aristotelian commentary about whom we know almost nothing. Such are Asclepius, the editor of Ammonius’ Metaphysics course, at least for Books A-Z, Olympiodorus in the next generation, and his presumed pupil Elias. His—probably—contemporary David is well known in the Armenian tradition but not in the Greek. The last three, as it happens, are all later than the last surviving Life of a philosopher.

One of the perversities of the distribution of information is that we are often better informed about those whose work has been lost but was clearly important in the tradition, like Plutarch, and even those whose work has been lost and may not have been important in the interpretation of either the Platonic or the Aristotelian writings in any case, like Isidore, than about the authors of considerable parts of our corpus of texts, like Ammonius and Simplicius.

Let us now go back to the beginning and look at what we do know about those who contributed to the exposition of the De Anima, leaving aside Plotinus, whose contribution was the more general one of integrating Aristotelian psychology into Neoplatonic philosophy and about whose life we are reasonably well, if somewhat sporadically, informed.

We can say that Iamblichus, the initiator of the organization of the Neoplatonists’ Aristotle and Plato course, and perhaps their Aristotle course as well, probably did not write a De Anima commentary, a matter we shall return to shortly, but Ps-Simplicius claims to follow the guidance he offered in his own treatise on the soul.

Since, however, most of that has been lost, and Ps-Simplicius’ De Anima commentary notoriously fails to provide the extensive documentation and specific attributions found in the other Simplicius commentaries, we can assess neither the real extent nor the specific details of Iamblichus’ influence. That situation contrasts with what obtains in the case of their Categories commentaries: while in this case Iamblichus’ commentary is lost, Simplicius refers to it constantly by name.

It is worth mentioning that Proclus does the same in his Timaeus commentary, showing that Iamblichus’ lead was followed by at least some—perhaps avoiding at this stage adding "Athenians"—at both ends of the combined Aristotle and Plato course. Nevertheless, the combination of Ps-Simplicius’ expression of intent in the De Anima commentary and what actually happens in other commentaries suggests that Iamblichus’ influence on the exposition of the De Anima will not have been negligible.

Its extent may or may not have been greater because of his place early in the story: though his exact dates cannot be established, they fall in the second half of the third century and the beginning of the fourth, making it possible that he was actually a pupil of Porphyry, as later writers assert—an assertion that must, however, be treated with some care because of the notorious habit of ancient biographers and doxographers of arranging philosophers in chains of master-pupil relations, a habit that affects the whole history of Greek philosophy from Thales to the end.

After Iamblichus, there is a gap in the history of Platonism and also of Aristotelian exposition. The latter is, however, partly filled by the anomalous figure of Themistius, partly because of the very anomaly that consists in his being a Peripatetic and standing outside the mainstream of philosophical development, which was by now almost entirely Platonist.

Themistius differs from the other commentators in another respect too. Most of them were, as far as we know, the equivalent of professional philosophers today, producing philosophical research while earning their living by teaching, subsidized perhaps, in the case of those Neoplatonists working at Athens, by the Academy’s funds, from whatever source these came.

Themistius, on the other hand, was a diplomat and politician whose interest in Aristotle might be thought of as loosely analogous to Gladstone’s in Homer. The commentaries were written early in his life, and there is no evidence that he ever returned to actual study of Aristotle, nor that he ever taught philosophy. Nor is there any evidence that will withstand scrutiny that he ever wrote on Plato, great as his admiration for him was. [introduction p. 35-38]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GBYzMZ4X3Nt0hsI

The creation of authority in Pseudo-Pythagorean texts and their reception in late ancient philosophy, 2020
By: Ulacco, Angela

Title	The creation of authority in Pseudo-Pythagorean texts and their reception in late ancient philosophy
Type	Book Section
Language	undefined
Date	2020
Published in	Falsifications and Authority in Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Renaissanc
Pages	183-214
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Ulacco, Angela
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The development of Philoponus’ thought and its chronology, 1990
By: Verrycken, Koenraad, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	The development of Philoponus’ thought and its chronology
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1990
Published in	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Pages	233-274
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Verrycken, Koenraad
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

In my opinion, the problem should first be posed on the purely philosophical level: what does the author say? Only afterwards can one try to ‘project’ the results of the philosophical analysis onto the levels of biography and psychology. This is the method I employ.

To start with, I shall outline very briefly the main characteristics of the philosophical systems of ‘Philoponus 1’ and ‘Philoponus 2’, as I shall call them. Then I shall try to piece together something of what can reasonably be said about Philoponus’ biography. Thirdly, I shall propose the first sketch of a new solution to the problem of the chronology of the author’s Aristotelian commentaries. I shall finish with some remarks on the development of Philoponus 2. [introduction p. 236]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/d1kiVpaSlWKa7uY

The dynamics of Aristotelian natural philosophy from Antiquity to the seventeenth century, 2002
By: Leijenhorst, Cees (Ed.), Lüthy, Christoph (Ed.), Thijssen, Johannes M. M. H. (Ed.)

Title	The dynamics of Aristotelian natural philosophy from Antiquity to the seventeenth century
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2002
Publication Place	Leiden – Boston – Köln
Publisher	Brill
Series	Medieval and early modern science
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Leijenhorst, Cees , Lüthy, Christoph , Thijssen, Johannes M. M. H.
Translator(s)

This book explores the dynamics of the commentary and textbook traditions in Aristotelian natural philosophy under the headings of doctrine, method, and scientific and social status. It enquires what the evolution of the Aristotelian commentary tradition can tell us about the character of natural philosophy as a pedagogical tool, as a scientific enterprise, and as a background to modern scientific thought. In a unique attempt to cut old-fashioned historiographic divisions, it brings together scholars of ancient, medieval, Renaissance and seventeenth-century philosophy. The book covers a remarkably broad range of topics: it starts with the first Greek commentators and ends with Leibniz.  [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OLB13j4YVPx0XVb

The explanation of qualitative properties in Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories, 2018
By: Hauer, Mareike

Title	The explanation of qualitative properties in Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	2018
Publication Place	Leuven
Publisher	KU Leuven, Humanities and Social Sciences Group, Institute of Philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

but implicitly deviates from the assumption held by many Aristotelian scholars that
synonymous predication yields essential predication. He argues that, although genera, species and differentiae are all synonymously predicated of that which is beneath them, only genera and species are also essentially predicated of that which is beneath them whereas the
differentiae are not essentially but qualitatively predicated of that which is beneath them. It
also becomes apparent in the second part that the study of quality in Simplicius’ Commentary
on Aristotle’s Categories includes an analysis of the relation between quality and the
qualified. The differentiation of the possible meanings of the qualified represents the basis, or
preparatory work, for such an analysis.
The third part of the study exceeds to some extent the categorial framework and expands on
the Neoplatonic elements of Simplicius’ explanation of quality and its relation to the
qualified. In this regard, it also elaborates on certain notions that have already been introduced
in the second part but become most relevant in the context of an analysis of the relation
between quality and the qualified within a Neoplatonic metaphysical framework. The notion
of participation is one of them. Simplicius does not only present participation, like predication, as a model to explain the relation between intracategorial entities in his
omments on chapter five but he also explicitly applies it to the entities subsumed under the
category of quality, when he refers to the quality as μετεχόμενον and to the qualified as
μετέχον. Simplicius associates quality and the qualified with these two elements of the
Neoplatonic triad of participation and analogically applies the characteristics of those elements (and their relation to each other) to quality and the qualified (and their relation to
each other). For an analysis of the relation between quality and the qualified, it was thus
helpful to have a closer look at the structure of the triad of participation, and especially at its
elements, their characteristics and their relations to each other. The association of quality with
the μετεχόμενον and of the qualified with the μετέχον, however, transfers a problem to the
category of quality that Simplicius, like other Neoplatonists, mainly discusses in the course of
his comments on the category of substance: the question of ontological dependence and,
particularly, whether the ontological relation between quality and the qualified is a relation of
ontological priority and posteriority or of ontological simultaneity. Simplicius describes
quality as that which is participated in by the qualified, as that which is in the qualified and of
which its being and its being participated in is one. The qualified in turn participates in quality
and receives its being qualified from the quality. Simplicius thus appears to describe the
relation between quality and the qualified, on the one hand, as a relation of an ontological
priority of the quality over the qualified and, on the other hand, as a relation of ontological simultaneity. It has been shown in the third part of the study that it is possible to reconcile
these apparently conflicting assumptions in Simplicius by means of two disambiguations:
first, the differentiation of ontological priority into existential priority and essential priority
and, second, the distinction between qualified qua single instantiation of the corresponding
quality and qualified qua sum of all instantiations of the corresponding quality. While these investigations of the relation between quality and the qualified conducted in the first two
chapters of the third part of the study involve the understanding of the qualified as an
instantiation of the corresponding quality, the analyses of the third and fourth chapter involve
the understanding of the qualified as a qualified substance. If the qualified is understood as a qualified substance, an analysis of the relation between
quality and the qualified evokes several questions. The third chapter deals with the following
two: first, how can differences among participants of the same quality be explained, i.e. what
is the reason for gradual differences of participation or instantiations and, second, how can it be explained that a particular quality is instantiated in one substance rather than in another substance, i.e. what is the condition for participation as such. In order to answer these
questions, the notion of ἐπιτηδειότης becomes crucial. This notion had already been
introduced in the second part of the study in the course of an analysis of the more and the less
in the category of quality. As stated, Simplicius connects this question with the idea that
participation involves latitude. The latitude of participation, in turn, is in accordance with the
participant’s ἐπιτηδειότης to receive the information from that in which it participates. The use of the notion of ἐπιτηδειότης in the context of the analysis of the relation between quality
and qualified has its roots in the use of ἐπιτηδειότης in the theory of participation established by Simplicius’ predecessors, where it frequently occurs as an aspect of the explanation of the
relation between μετεχόμενον and μετέχον. However, the question whether ἐπιτηδειότης is
a technical term in late Antiquity or a mere substitute for the Aristotelian notion of δύναμις
has been a subject of debate among scholars. Since also Simplicius uses these two terms,
especially in his comments on the category of quality, I tried to clarify Simplicius’ understanding of ἐπιτηδειότης and of the relation between ἐπιτηδειότης and δύναμις in his
comments on quality. The analysis in the third chapter suggested that Simplicius distinguishes
between a sense of ἐπιτηδειότης that can be associated with the Aristotelian notion of
δύναμις and a sense of ἐπιτηδειότης that cannot be associated with the Aristotelian notion of
δύναμις. Ἐπιτηδειότης in the latter sense is simpler, precedes δύναμις and appears to be a
simple propensity of the participant for something more complete than itself, rooted in higher principles within the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework. The difficulty that this analysis
faced was the fact that, although it was suggested by Simplicius’ remarks, Simplicius himself
does not explicitly distinguish between ἐπιτηδειότης and δύναμις in his comments on the category of quality. As I argued, however, this fact could be interpreted again as a strategy to
accommodate and harmonize the Neoplatonic and the Aristotelian theory. The fourth and last chapter deals with another important question that arises in the framework
of an analysis of the relation between quality and the qualified qua qualified substance. Based
on the possibility to distinguish between attributes that always belong to their subjects and are
even completive or essential to their subject and attributes that are adventitious to their
subject, the question of the categorial status of essential qualities arises. While the
classification of adventitious attributes as accidents appears to be more or less unproblematic, the integration of completive attributes into Aristotle’s categorial scheme poses a problem.
The answer to this question builds on the results of the previous analyses and eventually leads
to the attempt to present a comprehensive answer to the initial question of the categorial status
and the ontological explanation of qualities (both essential and adventitious qualities) in
Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories.
By means of an analysis of different passages on, or involving, essential qualities and a
comparison with Simplicius’ conception of differentiae, I argued against the claim held by
scholars that Simplicius conceives of essential qualities as substances. According to the
interpretation presented in the fourth chapter, Simplicius ascribes both a substantial and a
qualitative aspect to essential qualities and differentiae. Depending on the context, he stresses
the one or the other aspect. Simplicius, a proponent of the idea that Aristotle’s categorial
scheme is complete and exhaustive, does not appear to think that these entities would not fit
into Aristotle’s scheme. Rather, Simplicius explains their double structure by their participation in both substance and quality. He does not discuss or even problematize the fact that such a conception would challenge Aristotle’s scheme. Interestingly, Simplicius’ assumption that these entities are substantial but no substances also suggests that he distinguishes between that which is substantial and that which is a substance. Although
Simplicius undoubtedly conceives of those qualities as being substantial, he appears to
distinguish them from substances and restricts the latter to matter, form and the matter-form
compound. By means of a recourse to Proclus’ remarks in his Commentary on Plato’s Timaeus, I tried to show that such a distinction including essential qualities can already be
found among Simplicius’ predecessors. Moreover, I tried to present an ontological explanation of qualities that takes Simplicius’ remarks on both essential and adventitious qualities into account. I argued that Simplicius conceives of essential qualities as belonging to
the immanent form which sends forth these qualities as soon as it unfolds itself in body. These
qualities thus naturally inhere in the subject and cannot be separated without the corruption of
the subject. Adventitious qualities are immanent logoi which do not belong to the form. They
enter the subject after the compounding of matter and form; or in other words, the participation in these logoi is posterior to the constitution of the subject. In this way, they
come in from outside and can be separated without the corruption of the subject. However,
they do not appear to operate independently from the immanent form. The immanent form
prefigures the subject, limits its possibilities in participation and determines its capacities for
receiving contraries. It thereby establishes the conditions for these logoi to operate. As it has
been pointed out, Simplicius does not transfer the distinction between essential and adventitious to the level of natural logoi and, consequently, does not make the logos of each
quality twofold. On the contrary, he restricts this distinction to the realm of bodies and can
thus maintain the assumption that the logos of each quality is one. This account is an attempt to provide a consistent explanation of qualities in Simplicius’
Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories. However, it leaves a number of questions open for
further research. One group of questions concerns the relation between essential qualities and
differentiae. As stated, Simplicius does not only treat them similarly, he also often uses the
same examples for essential qualities and differentiae. This situation is probably the reason why scholars on Simplicius have discussed these topics together (with different results
though). However, if both differentiae and essential qualities are substantial and belong to the
form but are not substances, the question arises how their differences can be explained. One
of these differences is that, according to Simplicius, an essential quality, such as the whiteness
of snow, can admit of a more and a less, whereas no differentia admits of a more and a less. A
related question regarding differentiae is the following: if the differentiae are intermediates
and participate in both substance and quality, why is there actually no differentia that admits
of a more and a less? Is there, eventually, perhaps a distinction or hierarchy among essential
attributes? On the basis of the analysis of essential and adventitious qualities, Simplicius’
conception of immanent forms is a topic that is highly interesting and would deserve further
investigation. According to the analysis conducted in the last chapter, both essential qualities
and adventitious qualities depend on immanent forms. The former do so because they belong
to this form, the latter because the immanent form prefigures the subject and thus determines
what qualities it can receive and to what extent it can receive them. In connection with this
topic, it would also be interesting to investigate the question as to what there are natural logoi of. Another highly interesting topic linked to the research conducted in this study would be
the comparison of Simplicius’ explanation of qualities in his Commentary on Aristotle’s
Categories with the presentation of material properties in the framework of a discussion of
Plato’s geometric atomism included in Proclus’ Commentary on Plato’s Timaeus and Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s De Caelo. Such a comparison could be very interesting because it may contribute to the clarification of strategies that some Neoplatonists
have adopted in order to deal with the differences between Plato’s and Aristotle’s theories about elemental constitution (including elemental properties) and may thus contribute to our understanding of Neoplatonic natural philosophy in general. Although I think that this
comparison is highly interesting, I have focused in this study on Simplicius’ explanation of
qualities in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories. I hope that the preceding pages have shown that this explanation was worth a study of its own. [conclusion, pp. 215-223]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fn4WmTxOpxJfuVO

The historiographical project of the Lyceum, 2006
By: Zhmud, Leonid

Title	The historiographical project of the Lyceum
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2006
Published in	The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity
Pages	117-165
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zhmud, Leonid
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Going back to the beginnings of Peripatetic historiography, I would like to point out again that its emergence corresponds with the period when Greek science, philosophy, and medicine reached a certain maturity. By that time, Greek poetry and music, which had arrived at their "perfection" long before, had already become subjects of historical surveys generally organized chronologically and using the prôtos heuretês principle. Early heurematography and doxography, Sophistic theories on the origin of culture, Plato’s theory of science, and the expert knowledge of specialists in each of the arts and sciences belong to the most important sources the Lyceum relied on. Yet on the whole, the attempt by Aristotle and his disciples to systematize the entire space of contemporary culture and to give a historical retrospective of its development was unique in antiquity and found no analogies until the 18th century.

The key notion of Aristotle’s systematics was epistēmē, embracing theoretical sciences, productive arts (music and poetry), and such practical sciences as he was interested in, like politics and rhetoric. Of course, not every historical outline of any of these fields written in the Lyceum was based on the Aristotelian classification of science, the more so since the latter itself consisted of three different schemes that had emerged at different times: first, the Pythagorean quadrivium, then the division of sciences into three kinds, and finally the later subdivision of theoretical sciences into mathematics, physics, and theology. But in the case of the historiographical project, which inquired into the past of all three theoretical sciences (and into medical theories related to physics, as well), the coincidences between Aristotle’s philosophy of science and the history of science written by his disciples are too detailed and numerous to be accidental.

Each of these "histories" bore individual features, depending upon the nature of the material and the particular task of each treatise. A description of irrefutable discoveries in mathematics and (partly in) astronomy differed, naturally, from that of the contradictory and often erroneous doxai of the physicists, which in turn had little in common with a historical overview of "principles" considered by theologians. Nevertheless, in spite of the predominantly systematic character of the physical and medical doxography, Theophrastus and Meno did their best to build into the very structure of their works the historical perspective shared by all the Peripatetics in their approach to accumulated scientific knowledge.

This perspective is quite clearly reflected in Eudemus’ works on the history of science. We will turn to these works in the next chapters, drawing parallels from Theophrastus, Meno, and Aristoxenus when necessary.
[conclusion p. 164-165]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VCMVnSXEqYwQDKH

The history of astronomy, 2006
By: Zhmud, Leonid

Title	The history of astronomy
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2006
Published in	The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity
Pages	228-277
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zhmud, Leonid
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Interesting for us, however, are not only these coincidences but also the differences found in Eudemus’ and Theophrastus’ material, as well as the criteria of selection. A comparative analysis of the History of Astronomy and the corresponding part of the Physikon doxai allows us to state more precisely the specificity of their genres, which largely reflects the distinction between astronomy and physics as conceived by the Peripatetics and astronomers of that time.

Let us first attempt to bring together the little evidence on the History of Astronomy available to us and form a better idea of that treatise. The seven extant fragments of this work have come to us through five late authors: Theon of Smyrna (fr. 145), Clement of Alexandria (fr. 143), Diogenes Laertius (fr. 144), Proclus (fr. 147), and Simplicius, who cites it three times (fr. 146, 148-149). The title of Eudemus’ work is mentioned by four of these authors: Theon, Clement, Diogenes, and Simplicius, the latter again proving the most accurate.

The number of books in the History of Astronomy (Ἀστρολογικῆς ἱστορίας α'-ς') as given in Theophrastus’ catalogue is most likely in error. According to Simplicius, Eudemus discusses Eudoxus’ theory in the second and probably final book of his work (fr. 148). The historian did, in fact, set forth the theory of Callippus and did mention Eudoxus’ disciples Polemarchus and probably Menaechmus, but this could hardly have needed an additional book: Simplicius (fr. 149) stresses the brevity of Eudemus’ rendering of Callippus’ theory.

Hence, Simplicius’ evidence appears to be the fullest and most detailed: he cites the title of Eudemus’ work more correctly than the others, refers to a particular book of the treatise, and notes its clear and concise style. It is also important that Simplicius’ three quotations come from different books: Anaximander and the Pythagoreans were obviously treated in the first book (fr. 146), Eudoxus and his disciples in the second (fr. 148-149). Further, of all the excerptors of the History of Astronomy, Simplicius preserved the largest number of names: Anaximander, the Pythagoreans (fr. 146), Eudoxus (fr. 148), Meton, Euctemon, Callippus (fr. 149), and Polemarchus, while Theon reports about Thales, Anaximander, Anaximenes, and Oenopides (fr. 145), Clement and Diogenes about Thales (fr. 143-144), and Proclus about Anaxagoras (fr. 147).

All this leads us to suppose that Simplicius had the text of the History of Astronomy at his disposal, while the other aforementioned authors cited it secondhand. With Diogenes and Clement, this is evident; Theon himself points to Dercyllides, a Platonist of the early first century AD, as his intermediate source. Proclus obviously cited from memory; there is no evidence that he read Eudemus’ work, though the possibility cannot be ruled out.

As for Simplicius, one can hardly imagine that he praised the clear and laconic style of the History of Astronomy twice without being immediately familiar with it. The reference to the second book of the treatise could, of course, have been found in Simplicius’ predecessor, but Simplicius was unlikely to have repeated it if he had known that the History of Astronomy had long ago been lost, in which case a reference to a particular book would make little sense. Let us recall that Eudemus’ Physics is known to us almost exclusively from Simplicius, who never fails to indicate pedantically the particular book he is citing. It is also Simplicius to whom we owe the longest quotation from the History of Geometry (fr. 140, p. 57-66 Wehrli). Here he also refers to a particular book of this work (the second) and points out the brevity of Eudemus’ exposition. If the commentator had at least two of Eudemus’ works at his disposal, we cannot simply assume that the History of Astronomy was unavailable by that time.

Generally, Simplicius explained the origin of his quotations, even if this was rather complicated. Thus, while commenting on Aristotle’s Physics, he notes that Alexander copied verbatim a quotation from Geminus’ summary of Posidonius’ Meteorologica, which takes its starting points from Aristotle, and then proceeds to cite this long passage (291.21-292.31) as if he were referring to Aristotle fourth-hand!

In the case of Eudemus, the commentator’s invaluable pedantry also provides some important details. In his account of Callippus’ theory (fr. 149), he remarks that the latter’s work is not available (οὔτε δὲ Καλλίππου φέρεται σύγγραμμα), referring subsequently to the summary of his theory in Eudemus (Εὔδημος δὲ συντόμως ἱστόρησε). This assertion would not make sense unless the History of Astronomy, unlike Callippus’ book, was at Simplicius’ disposal.

Further, while citing Sosigenes, who in turn excerpted from Eudemus, Simplicius makes clear that the evidence on Eudoxus comes from Eudemus, whereas that on Plato comes from Sosigenes (fr. 148). Though we cannot rule out that Sosigenes quoted Eudemus and then “amplified” him, prompting Simplicius to note the resulting discrepancy, a different explanation seems more likely: Simplicius found no mention of Plato in Eudemus.

Another possibility would be that here Simplicius quotes an indirect source as if it were direct, unintentionally leaving us with no clue to figure out what this source was. But even so, his two other references to the History of Astronomy cannot come from Sosigenes. Fragment 146 on Anaximander and the Pythagoreans has nothing to do with the subject of Sosigenes’ work, and fragment 149 is related to the Eudemian exposition of Callippus’ system, which Sosigenes deliberately omitted.

Hence, even if, in the case of fragment 148, Simplicius purposely beguiled the reader into believing that he knew the History of Astronomy firsthand, in two other cases we have the means to check his assertions.
[introduction p. 228-230]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/csHTzFsKJd5J17a

The history of geometry, 2006
By: Zhmud, Leonid

Title	The history of geometry
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2006
Published in	The Origin of the History of Science in Classical Antiquity
Pages	166-214
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Zhmud, Leonid
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

While Eudemus’ Physics belongs to his Rhodian period, his works on logic and the history of science were written while Aristotle was still alive. In practically all of the logical fragments, Eudemus figures together with Theophrastus, which implies a kind of co-authorship. The list of Theophrastus’ works contains three writings on the history of science with the same titles as Eudemus’ works. Since there are no other traces of such writings in Theophrastus, the editors of his fragments subscribed to Usener’s suggestion that these were Eudemus’ works, which were later mistakenly added to Theophrastus’ list.

In the same list, we find another work, Τῶν περὶ τὸ θεῖον ἱστορίας α'-ς', which, contrary to Wehrli’s opinion, should be identified with Eudemus’ History of Theology, known from Damascius. This misunderstanding indirectly confirms that Eudemus’ historical works were written before he left Athens; otherwise, they would hardly have been included in Theophrastus’ catalogue. Assuming that these works, along with Theophrastus’ physical doxography and Meno’s medical doxography, were part of Aristotle’s historiographical project, they can be dated between 335/4 (foundation of the Lyceum) and 322/1 (Aristotle’s death).

The majority of those who have studied Eudemus’ theoretical treatises (Physics, Analytics, etc.) agree that in this domain he was not particularly independent. As a rule, he followed Aristotle, clarifying the latter’s ideas and arranging them more systematically. But though Eudemus, like his colleagues at the Lyceum, did not greatly develop Aristotle’s system or create his own philosophical system, this does not mean that he lacked all originality. Several early Peripatetics became prominent not so much in philosophy as in specific sciences.

There is no doubt that ancient Greek botany, geography, and harmonics would appear incomparably inferior without Theophrastus, Dicaearchus, and Aristoxenus. Such an appraisal seems all the more appropriate to the historiography of science since Eudemus’ History of Geometry, History of Arithmetic, and History of Astronomy happened to be not only the first but also the last specimens of that genre in antiquity.

Although Eudemus’ works were not forgotten (they were still quoted in the sixth century AD) and a special biography was devoted to him, in this particular genre, he appeared to have no followers. This could hardly be explained by Eudemus’ failure to found his own school. Even if he had only a few students, Theophrastus had two thousand listeners (D. L. V, 37), and nonetheless, his botanical research was not further developed.

Meanwhile, in contrast, the Hellenistic writers immediately picked up the biographical genre founded by Aristoxenus and Dicaearchus (about whose students we know nothing), since it corresponded to the interests and the very spirit of their epoch. In spite of the general decline of interest in the exact sciences in the philosophical schools of the Hellenistic age, one should not think that Eudemus was virtually unknown in this time, especially considering that we possess only meager remains of Hellenistic literature.

Eratosthenes and probably Archimedes drew upon his History of Geometry; Diogenes Laertius and Clement of Alexandria, known for their extensive use of Hellenistic sources, cite his History of Astronomy. Later, Eudemus’ theoretical treatises remained of interest only to Aristotle’s commentators, whereas his works on the history of the exact sciences were frequently quoted by those who engaged with these sciences in one way or another: Theon of Smyrna, Porphyry, Pappus, Proclus, Simplicius, and Eutocius.

Thus, Eudemus, the expert in the exact sciences and their first and perhaps only historian, was no less important for the classical tradition than Eudemus the true Peripatetic. [introduction p. 166-167]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/KWyxYRnHtT2JfTL

The interpretation of Aristotle’s Categories in the Neoplatonic Commentary Tradition, 2017
By: Hauer, Mareike, D'Anna, Giuseppe (Ed.), Fossati, Lorenzo (Ed.)

Title	The interpretation of Aristotle’s Categories in the Neoplatonic Commentary Tradition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2017
Published in	Categories. Histories and Perspectives
Pages	35-48
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)	D'Anna, Giuseppe , Fossati, Lorenzo
Translator(s)

The present contribution focuses on two aspects of the Neoplatonic exegesis of Aristotle’s Categories: 1) the question of the Categories’ aim or purpose and 2) the understanding of the Aristotelian categories as predicates. In order to shed light on the first question, we will have a closer look at the Neoplatonic debate on the Categories’ σκοπός, i.e., its aim or purpose. The determination of a treatise’s σκοπός was conceived to be of utmost importance by Neoplatonists. Simplicius, for example, says:

“For the goal (σκοπός), once correctly identified, defines and rectifies our thought, so that we are not vainly transported about in every direction, but refer everything to it.”¹

However, while many Neoplatonists agree on the importance of the σκοπός, they do not agree on the content of the Categories’ σκοπός. We will have a closer look at Simplicius’ presentation of the different positions, as he deals with them individually and discusses them thoroughly. However, we will also compare it with the remarks by other Neoplatonists.

There are extensive and comprehensive scholarly articles that deal with the σκοπός debate in Neoplatonic commentaries and especially with Simplicius’ presentation of the σκοπός debate (see especially Hoffmann 1987), so that the present contribution should rather be regarded as an overview of, or introduction to, the topic. The contribution, moreover, also aims at connecting the debate with the Neoplatonic interpretation of the Aristotelian categories. Many Neoplatonists conceived of the Aristotelian categories as being only applicable to the sensible realm, i.e., the lowest level within the Neoplatonic metaphysical framework.

Interestingly, their presentation of the Aristotelian categories involves different descriptions such as “highest genera,” “highest predicates,” or “common items.” I will focus on the Neoplatonic description of the Aristotelian categories as predicates and the fact that, though Neoplatonists commonly designate the categories as predicates, they do not all refer to the same meaning. For all the descriptions entail different theoretical contexts—participation, predication, and universality—which, in turn, stem from complex doctrinal discussions of different philosophical schools. [introduction p. 35-36]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rAqaBbReFwMMBhs

The notion of ἐπιτηδειότης in Simplicius' discussion of quality, 2016
By: Hauer, Mareike

Title	The notion of ἐπιτηδειότης in Simplicius' discussion of quality
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2016
Journal	Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale
Volume	27
Pages	65-83
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper deals with the meaning and function of epitêdeiotês in Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories, particularly in chapter 8, the discussion of the category of quality. Based on the question as to whether Simplicius uses epitêdeiotês as a technical term or as a mere substitute for the Aristotelian notion of dynamis, different passages of chapter 8 will be analyzed and compared with Aristotle's discussion of dynamis. It will be argued that Simplicius distinguishes between two senses of epitêdeiotês, one of which can be associated with the Aristotelian notion of dynamis; the other sense, however, differs from the Aristotelian notion of dynamis and, instead, appears to be in agreement with the use of epitêdeiotês in the theory of participation established by Simplicius' Neoplatonic predecessors. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/uZGcu7N3ynTApz0

The philosopher and society in late antiquity. Essays in honour of Peter Brown, 2005
By: Smith, Andrew (Ed.)

Title	The philosopher and society in late antiquity. Essays in honour of Peter Brown
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2005
Publication Place	Oakville
Publisher	The Classical Press of Wales
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Smith, Andrew
Translator(s)

The philosophers of Late Antiquity have sometimes appeared to be estranged from society. 'We must flee everything physical' is one of the most prominent ideas taken by Augustine from Platonic literature. This collection of new studies by leading writers on Late Antiquity treats both the principles of metaphysics and the practical engagement of philosophers. It points to a more substantive and complex involvement in worldly affairs than conventional handbooks admit. [editors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/16pqZRp8m6vNvzb

The school of Alexander?, 1990
By: Sharples, Robert W., Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	The school of Alexander?
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1990
Published in	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Pages	83-111
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sharples, Robert W.
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

We know a considerable amount about the Neoplatonic schools of the fifth and sixth centuries AD and the study of Aristotle’s writings in them. We know the place they had in the curriculum, the order in which they were read, and we can compare the ways in which different commentators approached the question of the relationship between the works of Aristotle and those of Plato. We can trace relations between teachers and their pupils, and we are sometimes told that a particular text is a pupil’s record of his teacher’s utterances. The very organization of the commentaries sometimes reflects and clarifies the requirements of the teaching context—in the division of a commentary into separate lectures and the placing of a general summary of a section of argument before the discussion of particular points.

For the medieval period, too, we have copious information on the organization of teaching and study.
With Alexander, matters are very different. We know the names of some of his teachers, and his surviving works provide evidence for his disagreements with them. We also know something of his disagreements with other philosophers of his own generation or the generation before, and we can trace—however controversially—his influence on later thinkers.

But we do not know the name of a single one of his immediate pupils, and for all that we can tell, the influence of other writers on him might have been largely, and his influence on other writers entirely, through the medium of writing rather than personal encounter. After all, we are explicitly told that Alexander’s commentaries were among those read in Plotinus’ school.

It is, however, in principle unlikely that any thinker in the ancient world would have communicated entirely through the written, rather than the spoken, word. Some of the writings attributed to Alexander are most naturally seen in the context of his teaching activities or debates within his circle.

These writings include commentaries on Aristotelian works, treatises or monographs on particular topics such as those On the Soul and On Fate, and numerous short discussions. Three books of these collected discussions are entitled phusikai skholikai aporiai kai luseis—‘School-discussion problems and solutions on nature’; a fourth is titled Problems on Ethics but sub-titled, no doubt in imitation of the preceding three books when it was united with them, skholikai êthikai aporiai kai luseis—‘School-discussion problems and solutions on ethics.’

A further collection was transmitted as the second book of Alexander’s treatise On the Soul and labeled mantissa or ‘makeweight’ by the Berlin editor Bruns. Other texts essentially similar to those in these collections survive in Arabic, though not in Greek, and there is evidence to suggest that there were other collections now lost.

The circumstances in which these collections were put together are unclear; it was not always expertly done, and while some of the titles attached to particular pieces seem to preserve valuable additional information, others are inept or unhelpful. Nor is it clear at what date the collections were assembled.

It is not my concern here to provide a full enumeration of the works attributed to Alexander or to classify them in detail. That has been done elsewhere by both myself and others. Rather, I will proceed to a discussion of what the works can tell us about the context in which they arose. It will be helpful to start with a consideration of the relation of Alexander’s works to those of his predecessors, teachers, and contemporaries. [introduction p. 83-85]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/wgzq8ffCF70YlYd

The text of Simplicius’s Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics and the question of supralinear omicron in Greek manuscripts, 2014
By: Tarán, Leonardo

Title	The text of Simplicius’s Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics and the question of supralinear omicron in Greek manuscripts
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2014
Journal	Revue d’histoire des textes
Volume	9
Pages	351-358
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Tarán, Leonardo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper tries to establish that supralinear omicron is not, as most elementary introductions to Greek paleography have it, a simple abbreviation for the ending omicron-sigma. Rather, it was originally a symbol for suspension that later medieval scribes used also for other subordinated purposes which are impossible to classify. Some examples will be given in what follows. For a long time this interpretation had seemed so obvious to me that during a 1985 colloquium on Simplicius in Paris, it surprised me that some members of the audience objected that supralinear omicron is simply an abbreviation for omicron-sigma. As this occurred during my discussion of a passage of Simplicius’s Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, and as several of my examples come from that work, it is convenient to give a list of the manuscripts used by Diels and also of additional prim ary witnesses either rejected by, or not known to him. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/euNEGjD514bsBaT

The use of Stoic references in Simplicius’ discussion of quality, 2023
By: Hauer, Mareike, Ulacco, Angela (Ed.), Joosse, Albert (Ed.)

Title	The use of Stoic references in Simplicius’ discussion of quality
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2023
Published in	Dealing with disagreement. The construction of traditions in later ancient philosophy
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hauer, Mareike
Editor(s)	Ulacco, Angela , Joosse, Albert
Translator(s)

The chapter deals with Simplicius’ references to the Stoic conception of quality in his commentary on chapter eight of Aristotle’s Categories. In particular, I will focus on the nature and possible purpose of these references. The first part of the chapter deals with the question about the origin of these references. The second and third part offer an analysis of different aspects of the Stoic conception of quality in comparison to Simplicius’ account. I will show that Simplicius conceives of the Stoic notion of quality as an alternative yet comparable conception to the Aristotelian one presented in the Categories. Moreover, I will conclude that Simplicius’ criticism of the Stoic doctrine serves as a means to show the explanatory superiority of the Aristotelian conception. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/sLNvZJzhvBuIdic

The writings of the De anima commentators, 1996
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Blumenthal, Henry J. (Ed.)

Title	The writings of the De anima commentators
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1996
Published in	Aristotle and Neoplatonism in late antiquity: Interpretations of the "De Anima"
Pages	53-71
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Translator(s)

So far we have discussed the work of our commentators as if it was 
simply scholarship  and  philosophical exposition,  whether of their own 
philosophy or that of Aristotle which most of them held to be fundamen
tally the same. There is, however, another aspect of the commentaries 
which, while not prominent, should not be forgotten. That is the way in 
which doing such work was an integral part of a life aimed at the greatest 
possible degree of return to that higher reality from which the commenta
tors  saw  human  life  as  a  decline  and  separation.  It  is  becoming 
increasingly better understood that for the great majority of Greek philo
sophers, philosophy was not only a way of thinking but a way of life.70 The 
late Neoplatonists  seem  to have gone  even further,  and  regarded  the 
production of commentaries as a kind of service to the divine, much as a 
Christian monk who engaged in scholarship would have seen it in that 
light So we find at the end of Simplicius’ commentary on the De caelo what 
can only be described as a prayer: ‘Oh lord and artificer of the universe 
and the simple bodies in it, to you and all that has been brought into being 
by you I offer this work as a hymn, being eager to see as a revelation the 
magnitude of your works and to proclaim it to those who are worthy, so 
that thinking no  mean  or mortal  thoughts  about  you  we  may  make 
obeisance to you in accordance with the high place you occupy in respect 
of all that is produced by you’ (731.25-9). Those who think that ancient 
philosophy ceased to be of interest some three and a half centuries before 
these words were written and who may from time to time consult Sim
plicius for an opinion on the meaning of an Aristotelian text, are unlikely 
ever to see these words, or those that come at the end of the commentary 
on the Enckeiridion (138.22-3). Without them they cannot fully under
stand the nature of works beyond whose surface they never penetrate, 
works whose very composition could be seen as an act of reverence to the 
gods of paganism. [Conclusion, p. 71]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/OwPB7ahnasyI8P2

The κοινη αισθεσις in Proclus and Ps.-Simplicius, 2004
By: Lautner, Peter, Stone, Martin W. F. (Ed.), Baltussen, Han (Ed.), Adamson, Peter (Ed.)

Title	The κοινη αισθεσις in Proclus and Ps.-Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2004
Published in	Philosophy, Science and Exegesis in Greek, Arabic and Latin commentaries, Volume 1
Pages	163-174
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Lautner, Peter
Editor(s)	Stone, Martin W. F. , Baltussen, Han , Adamson, Peter
Translator(s)

That we are not dealing with distinct capacities is well demonstrated by the commentator at 196.4 ff. He claims that the koinê aisthêsis can also perceive color, but only by virtue of sight, just as it can perceive flavor only by virtue of taste. If the koinê aisthêsis and sight were wholly distinct, then we would fall back into the aporia that both Aristotle and Pseudo-Simplicius wished to avoid. The perceptual system as such, or the more formal structure of the whole perceptual system, can grasp the common sensibles, apprehend its own working, and discriminate different sense-objects by an instantaneous act of comprehension.

It seems that the koinê aisthêsis emerges as a new activity on the basis of the particular senses. The commentator’s remarks at 196.29-30 corroborate this assumption. On explaining Aristotle’s thesis (De anima 426b10) that the koinê aisthêsis judges the differences in the underlying sense-objects, Pseudo-Simplicius notes that the koinê aisthêsis apprehends all sensory contraries such as white and black, rough and smooth, and does so by transcending them. This does not mean that koinê aisthêsis is transcendent, only that it is further away from the sensible objects. It is prior to the multitude of the particular senses and works together with all of them.

This priority is not necessarily temporal; indeed, it is more likely causal, where causality does not imply a relation between two different entities—he may have in mind the relation of the whole to its parts. In any case, we have already seen that the koinê aisthêsis cannot be a cause that exists independently of the particular senses.

Our comparison of the views of Proclus and Pseudo-Simplicius on the koinê aisthêsis has yielded two important points. First, the two disagree about the status of the koinê aisthêsis. While Proclus seems to assume that it differs from the particular senses, Pseudo-Simplicius clearly denies that and, under the influence of Alexander of Aphrodisias, claims that there is no sixth sense to perform those functions that were traditionally attributed to the koinê aisthêsis. Proclus’ arguments for his position are not clear from the extant corpus, but those put forward by Pseudo-Simplicius are overwhelmingly Neoplatonic, not Peripatetic.

Second, they also disagree about which capacity is responsible for perceptual awareness. Their disagreement is deeply rooted in their respective notions of the human soul. While Pseudo-Simplicius places perceptual awareness firmly within the scope of the perceptual system, Proclus felt the need to postulate a distinct capacity in the rational soul whose role is to be aware of every psychic activity. The difference left its mark on their discussion of the various functions of our perceptual capacities. But the divergence in their vision of the human soul is all the more interesting insofar as they are said to have held much the same views on metaphysics. [conclusion p. 172-173]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/4LJXmhF8cXPYjb4

The Ṣābians of Ḥarrān and the Classical Tradition, 2002
By: Pingree, David

Title	The Ṣābians of Ḥarrān and the Classical Tradition
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	International Journal of the Classical Tradition
Volume	9
Issue	1
Pages	8-35
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Pingree, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This article addresses questions concerning the characteristics of the paganism of Harran, its eclectic sources, and its development by examining the relationships - real, possible, and fictitious - of various personalities with the city of Harran from Assyrian times till the Mongol attack in 1271. It is suggested that the Sabians used Neoplatonism, which, if Tardieu's analysis is correct, they originally learned from Simplicius, to develop, explain, and justify their practice of astral magic, and that their interest in the Greek astronomy and astrology that astral magic required served to maintain the study and to preserve the texts of these sciences during the centuries in which they were ignored in Byzantium. It is further shown that the Greek philosophical and scientific material available to them was mingled with elements from ancient Mesopotamia, India, Iran, Judaism, and Egypt to form a syncretic system of belief that they could claim to be mankind's original and authentic religion. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Jdb3AO475p5h4e0

Themistius: the last Peripatetic commentator on Aristotle?, 1990
By: Blumenthal, Henry J., Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Themistius: the last Peripatetic commentator on Aristotle?
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1990
Published in	Aristotle Transformed. The ancient commentators and their influence
Pages	113-123
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

[B]oth the content of Themistius’ works, and such evidence as we 
have  of  the  commentators’  attitudes  to  him,  show  that  he  was 
predominantly a Peripatetic. In this he stood out against the tendencies 
of  his  time.  His  frequently  expressed  admiration  for  Plato  does  not 
invalidate this conclusion. Themistius may rightly claim to have been the 
last major figure in antiquity who was a genuine follower of Aristotle. For 
him,  unlike  his  contemporaries,  Plato  does  not  surpass  the  master  of 
those  who know but he,  and  Socrates, ‘innanzi agli  altri  piu presso gli 
stanno’. [Conclusion, p. 123]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/j4M1Faq3An8bJ7v

Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar, 1989
By: Wiesner, Jürgen

Title	Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1989
Journal	Hermes
Volume	117
Issue	3
Pages	288-303
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Für die Tradierung der umstrittenen Xenophanes-Prädikate ergibt sich also folgendes Bild:

Theophrasts Urteil, dass Xenophanes sein Prinzip weder eindeutig als begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder eindeutig als bewegt noch unbewegt benannt habe, schließt referierende Einzelangaben über diese uneinheitlichen Lehrmeinungen des Kolophoniers nicht aus.

Das negative „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Urteil Theophrasts ist in der Vorlage von MXG und Simplikios (In Phys. 22,30–23,9) später missverstanden worden: Für den dort vorliegenden positiven „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Ausschluss (das Prinzip sei weder begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder bewegt noch unbewegt) wurde eine auf späteren Konzepten beruhende Begründung hinzugefügt.

Simplikios hat sich von der Quelle, die ihm und MXG vorlag, irreführen lassen und die äußerlich gleichlautende Auskunft Theophrasts, die er In Phys. 22,26 zitiert, in ihrem wahren Gehalt verkannt. Daher hat er die Argumentation, die aus der mit MXG gemeinsamen Quelle stammt und die gar nicht zu Theophrasts negativem Urteil passt, ab 22,31 folgen lassen.

Die Lehrmeinung vom begrenzten, kugeligen Gott gelangte von Theophrast in die Doxographie und zu Alexander. Auch Simplikios kennt eine solche Konzeption aus dem Eresier (In Phys. 28,4 ff.). Er unternimmt eine Harmonisierung des „begrenzt“ mit der „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Bestimmung (29,7 ff.). Da er bei Theophrast sowohl die (von ihm fälschlich als positiver Ausschluss verstandene) „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Bestimmung als auch das einfache Prädikat „begrenzt“ las, könnte er sogar durch den Eresier zu seiner Harmonisierung angeregt worden sein. [conclusion p. 302-303]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GgDE7e58wFISvqX

Title	Theophrasti Characteres, Marci Antonini Commentarii, Epicteti Dissertationes ab Arriano literis mandatae, Fragmenta et Enchiridion cum commentario Simplicii, Cebetis Tabula, Maximi Tyrii Dissertationes, graece et latine cum indicibus, Theophrasti Characteres XV et Maximum Tyrium ex antiquissimis codicibus accurate excussis emendavit
Type	Monograph
Language	Latin
Date	1840
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Firmin Didot
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Dübner, Friedrich
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/rvxXqedTFzKy5R3

Theophrastus of Eresus. On his Life and Work, 1985
By: Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Huby, Pamela M. (Ed.), Long, Anthony A. (Ed.)

Title	Theophrastus of Eresus. On his Life and Work
Type	Monograph
Language	English
Date	1985
Publication Place	New Brunswick
Publisher	Transaction Books
Series	Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities
Volume	2
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Huby, Pamela M. , Long, Anthony A.
Translator(s)

This series in the field of classics grew out of Project Theophrastus, an international undertaking whose goal is to collect, edit, and comment on the fragments of Theophrastus, Greek philosopher, Aristotle's pupil and second head of the Peripatetic School. Contributions are by international experts, and each volume will have a particular focus. Volume I is devoted to Arius Didymus, court philosopher to Caesar Augustus and author of an extensive survey of Stoic and Peripatetic ethics. Volumes II and III will concentrate on Theophrastus and disseminate knowledge gained through work on the project. Volume IV will focus on Cicero and his knowledge of Hellenistic philosophy.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/pfDsepdfrPg1Fk8

Theophrastus on the Heavens, 1985
By: Sharples, Robert W., Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Theophrastus on the Heavens
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1985
Published in	Aristoteles - Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux gewidmet. Bd. 1: Aristoteles und seine Schule
Pages	577-593
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sharples, Robert W.
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

In this paper, I shall be discussing two topics: firstly, whether Theophrastus followed Aristotle in holding that the heavens were made of a substance—the ether—distinct from the four sublunary elements, or whether, as some have argued, he held that the heavens were made of fire; and secondly, the exact interpretation of certain technical terms of astronomy attributed to Theophrastus. I am throughout indebted to the work of my colleagues in Project Theophrastus, and especially to Professor William Fortenbaugh and Mrs. Pamela Huby. It was an interest in the Peripatetic tradition generally that led me to work on Theophrastus, and that interest has been both formed and stimulated by the works of Professor Paul Moraux; the theme of the present paper is one that he has himself discussed. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/V9G65AXaBlaZSt7

Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes, 1953
By: McDiarmid, John B.

Title	Theophrastus on the Presocratic Causes
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1953
Journal	Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
Volume	61
Pages	85-156
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	McDiarmid, John B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In sum, the fragments considered disclose no evidence that Theophrastus employed his knowledge of the Presocratics in such a way as to exercise independent judgment about them. Despite his apparent investigation of the original texts, his accounts are in all essentials simply repetitions of some of the interpretations that he found in Aristotle and have, therefore, the same deficiencies. Further, by his method of selection and adaptation, he has frequently misrepresented his source and has exaggerated the faults present in it. It must be concluded that, with regard to the Presocratic causes at least, he is a thoroughly biased witness and is even less trustworthy than Aristotle. [conclusion p. 133]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EubtCOWFaqns9Pq

Theophrastus' Rhetorical Works: One Rhetorical Fragment the Less, One Logical Fragment the More, 1998
By: Schenkeveld, Dirk M., Van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. (Ed.)

Title	Theophrastus' Rhetorical Works: One Rhetorical Fragment the Less, One Logical Fragment the More
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	1998
Published in	Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources
Pages	67-80
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Schenkeveld, Dirk M.
Editor(s)	Van Ophuijsen, Johannes M.
Translator(s)

In the list of Theophrastus’ works on rhetoric and poetics as given in 
the new collection under 666 FHS&G one finds twenty-four items, 
some of them (2 and 17) subdivided into (a) and (b). Most of these titles 
come from the list of Theophrastus’ works in Diogenes Laertius 5.42- 
50. In all but five cases (2, 6,17, 22 and 23, the last two on comedy and 
on the ludicrous respectively), Diogenes is our only source for them. 
The responsible editor, W. W. Fortenbaugh, also refers to several titles 
of works which other scholars had placed in the group of rhetorical trea
tises, but his classification is different. This variation is explained by the 
fact that Diogenes’ list does not give any indication of the type of work 
to which any title belongs, which leaves scholars free to devise their 
own arrangement.In what follows I will discuss the place or the wording of a few titles, 
and especially that of 17b, thereby focusing on the nature and contents 
of 683 FHS&G. The editors have declined to arrange the fragments ac
cording to known works (cp. vol. I, pp. 7-8). Nevertheless, I will argue, 
even by their arrangement of the titles they  sometimes  suggest too 
much, or too little. [Introduction, p. 67]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/kt2zxAT8hYImXQS

Theophrastus. His Psychological, Doxographical and Scientific Writings, 1992
By: Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Gutas, Dimitri (Ed.)

Title	Theophrastus. His Psychological, Doxographical and Scientific Writings
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	1992
Publication Place	New Brunswick
Publisher	Transaction Publers
Series	Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities
Volume	5
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Gutas, Dimitri
Translator(s)

Theophrastus of Eresus was Aristotle's pupil and successor as head of the Peripatetic School. He is best known as the author of the amusing Characters and two ground-breaking works in botany, but his writings extend over the entire range of Hellenistic philosophic studies. Volume 5 of Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities focuses on his scientific work. The volume contains new editions of two brief scientific essays-On Fish and Afeteoro/o^y-accompanied by translations and commentary.

Among the contributions are: "Peripatetic Dialectic in the De sensibus," Han Baltussen; "Empedocles" Theory of Vision and Theophrastus' De sensibus," David N. Sedley; "Theophrastus on the Intellect," Daniel Devereux; "Theophrastus and Aristotle on Animal Intelligence," Eve Browning Cole; "Physikai doxai and Problemata physika from Aristotle to Agtius (and Beyond)," Jap Mansfield; "Xenophanes or Theophrastus? An Aetian Doxographicum on the Sun," David Runia; "Place1 in Context: On Theophrastus, Fr. 21 and 22 Wimmer," Keimpe Algra; "The Meteorology of Theophrastus in Syriac and Arabic Translation," Hans Daiber; "Theophrastus' Meteorology, Aristotle and Posidonius," Ian G. Kidd; "The Authorship and Sources of the Peri Semeion Ascribed to Theophrastus," Patrick Cronin; "Theophrastus, On Fish" Robert W. Sharpies.

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CJh1bdWfrxsEkZy

Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources, 1997
By: van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. (Ed.), Raalte, Marlein van (Ed.)

Title	Theophrastus: Reappraising the Sources
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	1997
Publication Place	New Brunswick & London
Publisher	Transaction Publishers
Series	Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities
Volume	8
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	van Ophuijsen, Johannes M. , Raalte, Marlein van
Translator(s)

There are chapters dealing with Theophrastus' views on logic, physics, biology, ethics, politics, rhetoric, and music, as well as the life of Theophrastus. Together these writings throw considerable light on fundamental questions concerning the development and importance of the Peripatos in the early Hellenistic period. The authors consider whether Theophrastus was a systematic thinker who imposed coherence and consistency on a growing body of knowledge, or a problem-oriented thinker who foreshadowed the dissolution of Peripatetic thought into various loosely connected disciplines. Of special interest are those essays which deal with Theophrastus' intellectual position in relation to the lively philosophic scene occupied by such contemporaries as Zeno, the founder of the Stoa, and Epicurus, the founder of the Garden, as well as Xenocrates and Polemon hi the Academy, and Theophrastus' fellow Peripatetics, Eudemus and Strato.

The contributors to the volume are Suzanne Amigues, Antonio Battegazzore, Tiziano Dorandi, Woldemar Gorier, John Glucker, Hans Gottschalk, Frans de Haas, Andre Laks, Anthony Long, Jorgen Mejer, Mario Mignucci, Trevor Saunders, Dirk Schenkeveld, David Sedley, Robert Sharpies, C. M. J. Sicking and Richard Sorabji. The Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities series is a forum for seminal thinking in the field of philosophy, and this volume is no exception. Theophrastus is a landmark achievement in intellectual thought. Philosophers, historians, and classicists will all find this work to be enlightening. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1SV1t3Xkh1BCyWm

Theophrastus’ De Igne: Orthodoxy, Reform and Readjustment in the Doctrine of Elements, 2002
By: Bodnár, István M., Fortenbaugh, William W. (Ed.), Wöhrle, Georg (Ed.)

Title	Theophrastus’ De Igne: Orthodoxy, Reform and Readjustment in the Doctrine of Elements
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	On the Opuscula of Theophrastus. Akten der 3. Tagungder Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung vom 19.-23. Juli 1999 in Trier
Pages	75-90
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bodnár, István M.
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Wöhrle, Georg
Translator(s)

Any account of the short Theophrastean treatise On Fire needs to address sensitive issues about the heavenly sphere—whether Theophrastus upholds Aristotle’s convictions about aither, a special substance that performs celestial revolutions as its natural motion, analogous to the way sublunary elements perform their rectilinear descents and risings—and then about the status of fire itself in comparison to the other three sublunary elements. Needless to say, the two questions cannot be treated in isolation: proposals about the first query as a principle have direct bearing on the solution of the second difficulty.

Accordingly, in the following sections, I shall first discuss what conclusions we can draw from the meager evidence of the introductory chapters of De igne regarding Theophrastus’ assumptions about the makeup of the celestial domain. In the closing sections of this paper, I shall then turn to some larger issues about the reforms or readjustments of a Peripatetic theory of elements that this treatise appears to adumbrate or at least presuppose. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/lPX6TbzY8iv53Ki

Thomas' Neoplatonic Histories: His following of Simplicius, 2002
By: Hankey, Wayne J.

Title	Thomas' Neoplatonic Histories: His following of Simplicius
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Dionysius
Volume	20
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hankey, Wayne J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Following Simplicius, Thomas set up the Platonic and Aristotelian philosophical viae as complementary oppositions each of which contributed to the truth. Thomas also followed
Simplicius in discerning differences between the hermeneutic methods of the two great schools. He reproduced the history of philosophy of Simplicius as soon as he had his commentaries, agreed with many of his conciliating judgments, and used the same reconciling logical figures. He does not identify himself as a Peripatetic or as a Platonist.
However, when he agrees that Aristotle’s way of reasoning, per viam motus, to the existence of
separate substances is manifestior et certior, he is sitting in judgment with, not against, Simplicius. For both the sixth and the thirteenth century commentators, Plato and Aristotle are assimilated to each other in various ways, and the real possibility of any beginning except that from the sensible is excluded. Thomas’ hermeneutic is that of the Platonic tradition in late Antiquity – Thomas certainly thought that the truth was veiled under poetic and symbolic language and judged this to be essential for revealing the truth to humans.
Consistently with this approach, in the exposition of the De Caelo, Aquinas goes so far with
Simplicius as to find “something divine (fabula aliquid divinum continet)” in the myth that Atlas
holds up the heavens.106 He would seem, thus, to be on his way to the reconciliation of religious as well as of philosophical traditions. If this should, in fact, be his intent, Thomas would be following Simplicius and his Neoplatonic predecessors in their deepest purposes. This Christian priest, friar, and saint would have placed himself with the “divine” Proclus among the successors of Plato. [Conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YjEdDURMoq0kV8j

Three Thêtas in the "Empédocle de Strasbourg", 2001
By: Algra, Keimpe A., Mansfeld, Jaap

Title	Three Thêtas in the "Empédocle de Strasbourg"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2001
Journal	Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume	54
Issue	1
Pages	78-84
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Algra, Keimpe A. , Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

We conclude that we cannot, merely on the basis of the Strasbourg fragments, confidently assign to the physical poem the gruesome fragment (now plus its new context) Stein and Diels assigned to the Purifications. Until further evidence turns up, only a non liquet is feasible, and we should keep open the possibility that we are dealing with "Zwei Empedocle de Strasbourg." The 6s in the papyrus fragments discussed above are simply wrong. The slightly bizarre interpretation based on them may be abandoned. [conclusion p. 81]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/K3k0s0RXMbEYW6J

Théodoret, Graec. Aff. Cur., IV. 12 et l’ordre des fragments de Théophraste issus de Simplicius In Phys. p. 22-28
By: Journée, Gérard

Title	Théodoret, Graec. Aff. Cur., IV. 12 et l’ordre des fragments de Théophraste issus de Simplicius In Phys. p. 22-28
Type	Article
Language	French
Journal	Unpublished
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Journée, Gérard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This text discusses the comparison between the fragments of Hippasus and Heraclitus by Theodoret of Cyrus. The similarities between the two texts suggest that they have a common source, which is probably Theophrastus. This observation confirms Theophrastus' use of systematic categories, including unity and plurality, motion, limitation and restriction. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/qVCQ9YhZlvKeI75

Théories de la phrase et de la proposition, de Platon à Averroès, 1999
By: Diebler, Stéphane (Ed.), Büttgen, Philippe (Ed.), Rashed, Marwan (Ed.)

Title	Théories de la phrase et de la proposition, de Platon à Averroès
Type	Edited Book
Language	French
Date	1999
Publication Place	Paris
Publisher	Presses de l’École normale supérieure
Series	Études de littérature ancienne
Volume	10
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Diebler, Stéphane , Büttgen, Philippe , Rashed, Marwan
Translator(s)

Les théories de la phrase et de la proposition de l'Antiquité au Moyen Âge n'avaient jusqu'à présent jamais fait l'objet d'une étude d'ensemble. On trouvera dans cet ouvrage, outre de nombreux travaux substantiels sur Platon et Aristote, des contributions novatrices sur la tradition stoïcienne, ainsi que sur les aristotélismes grec, syriaque, arabe et latin. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Ui6DfE48AHsbm24

Théories et practiques de la prière à la fin de l'antiquité, 2020
By: Hoffmann, Philippe (Ed.), Timotin, Andrei (Ed.)

Title	Théories et practiques de la prière à la fin de l'antiquité
Type	Edited Book
Language	undefined
Date	2020
Publication Place	Turnhout
Publisher	Brepols
Series	Bibliothèque de l'école des hautes études sciences religieuses
Volume	185
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe , Timotin, Andrei
Translator(s)

Ce livre étudie les différents modes de rapport entre les théories et les pratiques de la prière à la fin de l’Antiquité dans un cadre interdisciplinaire qui réunit des spécialistes de l’histoire religieuse des mondes grec et romain, de la philosophie religieuse tardo-antique et de la littérature patristique. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/DNW2qsXjHLZ3scI

Time and the intellect. Philoponus’ polemic against Aristotle, and Simplicius’ reply., 2024
By: Jan Opsomer

Title	Time and the intellect. Philoponus’ polemic against Aristotle, and Simplicius’ reply.
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2024
Published in	Platon und die Zeit
Pages	181-201
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Jan Opsomer
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Despite this "official" view, the Contra Aristotelem contains passages suggesting that God also thinks sequentially and hence is able to think time as an A-series. This would still not mean, according to Philoponus, that God thinks in time because the sequence in question is not physical. Simplicius does not accept this excuse and does not want to restrict the concept of time in this manner.

The sequence in God's thought fits well with Philoponus’ durational or quasi-temporal conception of eternity. At any rate, whatever one is prepared to call the sequential thinking in which God apparently engages, it is hard to deny that it is in some sense transitional. In order to remain consistent, therefore, Philoponus would also need to concede that the durational eternity in which God lives is not devoid of every type of change. He is not likely to be prepared to make that concession, given his repeated denials of divine transitional thought.

The least one can say is that, in the Contra Aristotelem, there is a tension in Philoponus’ various pronouncements on the divine intellect. Presumably, Philoponus would have restricted this type of sequential or "transitional" divine thought to cases where God is thinking about events that are situated in time (more precisely, in limited time spans, as sempiternal, unchanging objects of thought would not pose a problem). If this is the case, God would still intelligize all eternal, intelligible realities at once. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

Time, Perpetuity and Eternity in Late Antique Platonism, 2005
By: Siniossoglou, Nikētas

Title	Time, Perpetuity and Eternity in Late Antique Platonism
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	KronoScope
Volume	5
Issue	2
Pages	213-235
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Siniossoglou, Nikētas
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper focuses on the late antique conception of time, eternity and perpetual duration and examines the relation between these concepts and Plato’s cosmology. By exploring the controversy between pagan philosophers (Proclus, Ammonius, Simplicius, Olympiodorus) and Christian writers (Aeneas of Gaza, Zacharias of Mytilene, Philoponus) in respect to the interpretation of Plato’s Timaeus, I argue that the Neoplatonic doctrine of the perpetuity (ἀïδιότης) of the world derives from a) the intellectual paradigm presupposed by the conceptual framework of late antiquity and b) the commentators’ principal concern for a coherent conception of Platonic cosmology essentially free from internal contradictions. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/a8bG1lq3yiz1Bl1

Traces d’un commentaire de Simplicius sur la Métaphysique à Byzance?, 2000
By: Rashed, Marwan

Title	Traces d’un commentaire de Simplicius sur la Métaphysique à Byzance?
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2000
Journal	Revue de sciences philosophiques et théologiques
Volume	84
Pages	275–284
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rashed, Marwan
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Concluons. Étant donné que :

    la mention de Simplicius dans le Parisinus graecus 1853 est unique,
    son argument contredit les théories aristotéliciennes,
    son argument contredit l’interprétation qu’en donne Simplicius,
    son argument contredit les théories de Damascius et de Jamblique,
    sa conclusion est renfermée dans une paraphrase connue de In Phys.,

nous sommes contraints de rejeter l’idée, pourtant assez séduisante, qu’il pouvait y avoir des traces d’un commentaire de Simplicius à la Métaphysique dans le monde byzantin. Les érudits savaient tout au plus que l’auteur du commentaire au De anima, qu’ils pensaient être Simplicius, en avait écrit un. [conclusion p. 284]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/ckn1Q6xi6bdiKcz

Traductions latines et influences du commentaire in De caelo en occident (XlIIe- XIVe s.), 1987
By: Bossier, Fernand, Hadot, Ilsetraut (Ed.)

Title	Traductions latines et influences du commentaire in De caelo en occident (XlIIe- XIVe s.)
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	1987
Published in	Simplicius. Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie: Actes du colloque international de Paris 28 sept. - 1er oct. 1985
Pages	289-325
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Bossier, Fernand
Editor(s)	Hadot, Ilsetraut
Translator(s)

Si l’on essaie d’évaluer l’influence exercée par un auteur grec sur l’Occident au XIIIe et XIVe s., l’on doit se tourner tout d’abord vers l’étude des traductions. En effet, bien que le nombre de ceux qui connaissaient le grec ait été plus élevé qu’on ne le croit d’ordinaire, la traduction n’en était pas moins, à cette époque et pour longtemps encore, le seul canal par lequel les idées des philosophes et savants grecs pouvaient atteindre les écoles ; le cas des dialogues de Platon est trop connu pour que nous nous y attardions longtemps. L’intention de notre communication, qui concerne la survie du commentaire In De caelo en Occident, sera donc double : d’une part, elle fera l’historique des traductions qui en ont été faites tout au long du XIIIe s. ; d’autre part, elle présentera les résultats d’une première reconnaissance d’un terrain très vaste et à peine défriché, à savoir celui de l’influence qu’ont eue ces traductions sur les traités médiévaux. [introduction p. 289]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/aFzlEmFULfnA7eU

Translating the Personal Aspect of Late Platonism in the Commentary Tradition, 2011
By: Watts, Edward Jay, Lössl, Josef (Ed.), Watt, John W. (Ed.)

Title	Translating the Personal Aspect of Late Platonism in the Commentary Tradition
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2011
Published in	Interpreting the Bible and Aristotle in Late Antiquity: The Alexandrian Commentary Tradition between Rome and Baghdad
Pages	137-150
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Watts, Edward Jay
Editor(s)	Lössl, Josef , Watt, John W.
Translator(s)

This paper explores the idea of translating the scholastic social experience by 
briefly considering the projects undertaken by four very different commentators 
active in the 520s and 530s. It begins by looking at Olympiodorus’ commentary 
on Plato’s Gorgias, one of the earliest and least polished works written by this 
productive and long-lived scholar. This commentary at times tends towards the 
informal and, because of this, it opens a window into the dynamics of an ancient 
classroom.  Next, the  argument turns  to  Simplicius’ commentary  on Aristotle’s 
Physics, a work that attempts to divorce completely the writing of a commentary 
from actual classroom experience. Simplicius’ programme shows how an author 
could adapt the commentary genre so that it served as a purely literate endeavour 
that neither reflected lessons once given in a classroom nor suggested a line of 
interpretation that could be directly followed in teaching. Finally, the paper will 
touch upon the very different translation projects undertaken by two contemporary 
transmitters of the Greek commentary tradition. It will initially consider how some 
facets of the project undertaken by Boethius suggest that he anticipates that his 
ideas will not be interpreted in a traditional classroom setting. It will then examine 
the puzzling decision of Sergius of Reshaina to write a Syriac commentary of an 
Aristotelian work for which no Syriac translation existed. This discussion will 
build upon earlier scholarship to show that Sergius probably had direct experience 
studying philosophy in classrooms and expected his work to be used in a classroom 
setting. These observations should allow us to better contextualize and appreciate 
the foundations upon which the medieval Syriac and Latin commentary traditions 
rest. [introduction p. 140]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tWH1ZboTbhA72ad

Un commentaire perpétuel de Georges Pachymère à la Physique d'Aristote, faussement attribué à Michel Psellos, 2007
By: Golitsis, Pantelis

Title	Un commentaire perpétuel de Georges Pachymère à la Physique d'Aristote, faussement attribué à Michel Psellos
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2007
Journal	Byzantinische Zeitschrift
Volume	100
Issue	2
Pages	637-676
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Golitsis, Pantelis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Récapitulons l'essentiel des raisonnements philologiques qui nous ont permis de restituer le véritable auteur du commentaire, qui dorénavant doit être attribué à Georges Pachymère.

Nous avons vu que l'ensemble de la tradition manuscrite qui attribue le commentaire à Psellos descend d'un ancêtre commun, l'Ambrosianus H 44 sup., écrit à la fin du XIVᵉ siècle. Celui-ci remonte pourtant à un archétype, écrit vers l'an 1300 et aujourd'hui perdu (l'Escorialensis D. IV. 24), dans lequel le commentaire figurait sous le nom de Pachymère, ainsi que nous avons pu le montrer grâce au Vindobonensis phil. gr. 248 et à des témoignages du XVIᵉ siècle.

Cet archétype de l'ensemble de la tradition manuscrite du commentaire a été copié sur le Laurentianus plut. 87,5, autographe stricto sensu de Pachymère, dont il se servait pour assurer son enseignement de la Physique.

[Conclusion, p. 676]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/VvESFt1BJvfvNnQ

Un commentario alessandrino al «De caelo» di Aristotele, 2013
By: Rescigno, Andrea

Title	Un commentario alessandrino al «De caelo» di Aristotele
Type	Article
Language	Italian
Date	2013
Journal	Athenaeum: Studi di letteratura e Storia dell'antichità
Volume	101
Issue	2
Pages	479-516
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Rescigno, Andrea
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IR153pEdP84QTiX

Un grief antichrétien chez Proclus: l'ignorance en théologie, 2012
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Perrot, Arnaud (Ed.)

Title	Un grief antichrétien chez Proclus: l'ignorance en théologie
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2012
Published in	Les chrétiens et l’hellénisme: identités religieuses et culture grecque dans l’Antiquité tardive
Pages	161-197
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Perrot, Arnaud
Translator(s)

Cette perception de la réalité peut sans doute être mise en relation avec une attitude politique prudente de Proclus, qui ne cherchait pas à provoquer les chrétiens en dépit des difficultés, ainsi que l’a justement suggéré H. D. Saffrey. Au début du VIe siècle, les choses changent, la situation des païens s’assombrit encore – en dépit, ou à cause, de la restauration de l’école néoplatonicienne d’Athènes et de l’enseignement philosophique sous la direction de Damascius – et le ton se durcit : le panorama des âges de l’Humanité, dans la Vie d’Isidore de Damascius, qui ouvrait cette enquête, laisse éclater une indignation véhémente contre l’Empire chrétien, qui se retrouve ensuite chez Simplicius. L’on sait ce que fut l’édit de Justinien en 529, et quelles furent ses conséquences.

Mais s’il est une chose qui n’a pas varié, c’est probablement la conscience hautaine que les derniers néoplatoniciens avaient d’être les détenteurs de l’authentique science théologique. Étaient-ils complètement inconscients de la grandeur doctrinale et spirituelle, et de l’ampleur quantitative, de la littérature chrétienne des premiers siècles ? Peut-on penser qu’ils ignoraient vraiment les œuvres de leurs adversaires ? Nous n’entendons que leur silence... [conclusion p. 196-197]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/C6ajOBbEqvD83jH

Un philosophe plus poète (Simplicius, "Com. in Ar. Phys." 24, 20 / DK 12 A 9), 2012
By: Santoro, Fernando

Title	Un philosophe plus poète (Simplicius, "Com. in Ar. Phys." 24, 20 / DK 12 A 9)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	2012
Journal	Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume	30
Issue	1
Pages	3-22
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Santoro, Fernando
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper is about the meaning and implications for Presocratics' modern exegesis of a comment made by Simplicius about the vocabulary of a passage from Anaximander, which he has just quoted. Simplicius says that Anaximander wrote his sentence about the nature of beings in more poetic terms: ποιητικωτέροις οὕτως ὀνόμασιν αὐτά λέγων.

In their remarks on the passage, Nietzsche and Heidegger not only drew attention to the words and thought of Anaximander but also made us look at that simple comment, that "hiccup" of thought in Simplicius.

What is it for a philosopher to speak in a more poetic way? We propose to understand that it does not imply the use of images or allegories but a very original way of interacting and thinking in universal terms. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/CVvGQIdFa7rcFRB

Un vers méconnu des Oracles Chaldaïques dans Simplicius. In de Caelo II.1, 284a14 (p. 375. 9 ss. Heib), 1948
By: Festugière, André-Jean

Title	Un vers méconnu des Oracles Chaldaïques dans Simplicius. In de Caelo II.1, 284a14 (p. 375. 9 ss. Heib)
Type	Article
Language	French
Date	1948
Journal	Symbolae Osloenses
Volume	26
Pages	75–77
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Festugière, André-Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Il avait semblé à Kroll (p. 24) que ce diaphragme était dit doué d’intelligence parce qu’il était dérivé du feu intelligent, et qu’il avait pour rôle de séparer les transmundana des mundana. Il apparaît maintenant, grâce au texte probant de Simplicius, qu’il est dit intelligent en vertu de l’antique association des phrenes avec le nous et qu’il a pour rôle tout à la fois de séparer et de réunir les deux premiers feux-intellects.²

Cette doctrine offre de curieuses ressemblances avec le pneuma unifiant de la théologie chrétienne. Il vaudrait la peine de rechercher si c’est à la théologie orthodoxe ou à quelqu’une des sectes gnostiques³ que l’auteur des Oracula l’a empruntée.
[conclusion p. 77]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/GUbjWMoCMaLBH5d

Una polemica filologica di Simplicio contro Alessandro di Afrodisia su Aristotele, Phy. 1.2, 185A17-19, 2014
By: Licciardi, Ivan Adriano, Cardullo, R. Loredana (Ed.), Iozzia, Daniele (Ed.)

Title	Una polemica filologica di Simplicio contro Alessandro di Afrodisia su Aristotele, Phy. 1.2, 185A17-19
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	2014
Published in	ΚΑΛΛΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΕΤΗ. Bellezza e virtù. Studi in onore die Maria Barbanti
Pages	537-549
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Licciardi, Ivan Adriano
Editor(s)	Cardullo, R. Loredana , Iozzia, Daniele
Translator(s)

L'obiettivo che mi propongo di raggiungere in questa mia indagine è duplice: da un lato, cercherò di comprendere il posizionamento di Simplicio in merito a una delicata questione ermeneutica, sollevata da due linee interpretative differenti. L'esegesi del passo aristotelico in questione è considerata da alcuni come filosoficamente indegna della natura oppure no; dall’altro lato, mi adopererò per mettere in luce un aspetto del metodo con cui Simplicio affronta l'interpretazione di Aristotele, ponendo particolare attenzione alla terminologia e al fine della quale egli si confronta con altri esegeti aristotelici, in particolare con Alessandro di Afrodisia e con Porfirio.
Preciso subito che non ricercherò di risolvere la questione concernente il senso aristotelico, al quale intendo dedicare uno studio a parte, ma mi concentrerò piuttosto sull’interpretazione di Simplicio, il quale ricorre frequentemente a questione ermeneutiche al fine di ricostruire il senso genuino del testo di Aristotele. Mi limito dunque a presentare molto brevemente il problema inerente al testo della Fisica.
La critica che Aristotele muove agli Eleati in Fisica I, 2 è nota per la sua problematicità, che riguarda non soltanto le argomentazioni che vengono addotte contro Parmenide e Melisso, ma anche lo statuto complessivo della critica stessa (Phys. I, 2, 184b25-185a14). Aristoteles affermato è che indagare se l’essere è uno e immobile non è indegno della natura, e che, comunque, non lo è se presupposto dalla fisica aristotelica, che studia enti molteplici e numerosi soggetti al divenire. In questo contesto, la formulazione testuale assume un'importanza fondamentale per la corretta comprensione del pensiero aristotelico.
In particolare, la frase trasmessa nelle edizioni critiche più recenti, cioè quelle di Ross e di Carteron, con la punteggiatura che ho sopra riportato, significherebbe—ed è così interpretata dalla quasi totalità dei traduttori moderni della Fisica aristotelica—che gli Eleati non avrebbero indagato sulla natura e tuttavia avrebbero sollevato problemi che riguardano la natura e, dunque, la sua scienza. Tuttavia, ci sono interpreti che intendono questa stessa frase in modo diverso, spostando la virgola che nelle edizioni di Ross e di Carteron si legge dopo il secondo ou, prima di questa negazione. Così, il testo risulterebbe nel senso che gli Eleati avrebbero indagato sulla natura e tuttavia avrebbero sollevato problemi che non riguardano la natura.
Lungi dall’essere un problema ozioso, la diversa lettura della punteggiatura solleva un dubbio teorico di grande importanza. Ponendo la virgola prima o dopo la negazione ou, infatti, il senso del passo aristotelico risulta ribaltato: secondo la prima lettura, Parmenide e Melisso non sarebbero, secondo Aristotele, dei fisici; mentre secondo la seconda lettura, essi, al contrario, sarebbero filosofi che hanno indagato a pieno titolo sulla natura.
Quest'ultimo modo di intendere il passo aristotelico, contrario a quello comunemente adottato, è stato assunto in passato da diversi interpreti. Tra questi, sia Averroè sia Tommaso d'Aquino hanno inteso che gli Eleati abbiano indagato sulla natura; tra i moderni, Augustin Mansion e Pierre Pellegrin. Mansion, per giustificare la sua interpretazione, si richiama prevalentemente alle traduzioni arabe, da cui derivano le versioni latine di Gerardo da Cremona e di Michele Scoto. Pellegrin, invece, si sofferma sull'affermazione di Aristotele secondo la quale il filosofo ritiene opportuno risolvere non tutte le aporie, ma solo quelle di cui si può mostrare la falsità a partire dai principi (Phys. I, 2, 185a14-16). Egli analizza l’esempio della quadratura del cerchio, la cui soluzione da parte di Antifonte non è considerata da Aristotele come una questione che debba essere affrontata dal geometra, al contrario della procedura per mezzo delle sezioni, la cui risoluzione è precisamente di competenza del geometra.
Di qui, Pellegrin stabilisce un’analogia tra Parmenide e Melisso da un lato—i quali assumono che l’essere è uno e immobile—e Antifonte dall’altro lato—il quale cercò di risolvere il problema della quadratura del cerchio mediante l’iscrizione nel cerchio di poligoni regolari—procedura che per Aristotele non è accettabile dal punto di vista del geometra.
Sia Mansion che Pellegrin riconoscono che la lettura secondo la quale Parmenide e Melisso avrebbero sì indagato sulla natura, ma avrebbero sollevato aporie che non riguardano la natura, si trova già in Porfirio e in Alessandro, come si desume dal testo di Simplicio. Nessuno dei due studiosi, tuttavia, ha presentato in dettaglio la discussione di Simplicio, che presenta diversi tratti interessanti e che vale la pena interpretare correttamente. Non solo perché Alessandro, tra le due interpretazioni possibili, sceglie quella secondo cui, per Aristotele, gli Eleati non avrebbero indagato sulla natura, ma anche perché alla fine del suo commento Simplicio stesso sembra sfumare la radicalità della sua critica ad Alessandro e, quindi, anche della sua propensione a interpretare nel senso che gli Eleati avrebbero indagato sulla natura.
[introduction p. 537-539]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/U8p9nMTxWVQUE6R

Unbeachtete Zitate und doxographische Nachrichten in der Schrift De Aeternitate Mundi des Johannes Philoponos, 2005
By: Scholten, Clemens

Title	Unbeachtete Zitate und doxographische Nachrichten in der Schrift De Aeternitate Mundi des Johannes Philoponos
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2005
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	148
Issue	2
Pages	202-219
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Scholten, Clemens
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Möglicherweise ist daran auch die Einschätzung des letzten Rezensenten der Rabeschen Edition aus dem Jahre 1901 nicht unbeteiligt, der aetm. für unergiebig im Hinblick auf verlorene Quellen hielt und meinte, aetm. habe lediglich bekanntes Material zu bieten.

Aber es gab damals schon andere Stimmen. Bemerkenswerterweise hatte ein Jahr zuvor Wendland in seiner Rezension anders geurteilt. Ebenso forderte Gudeman in seinem RE-Artikel „Johannes Philoponos“ aus dem Jahre 1915 die Aufarbeitung der Quellenfrage. Bei diesem Desiderat ist es allerdings bis heute geblieben.

In größerem Umfang sind lediglich die Teile des Quellenmaterials aus aetm. behandelt worden, die für die Timaios-Kommentierung in der Zeit vor Proklos von Belang sind. Es handelt sich besonders um Texte aus den Timaios-Kommentaren des Calvisios Tauros und Porphyrios, die im Rahmen der Sichtung der erhaltenen Stücke aus dem Timaios-Kommentar des Porphyrios zusammengestellt wurden oder bei der Untersuchung der Weltentstehungslehren, wie sie im Rahmen der Exegese des Timaios entwickelt wurden, behandelt worden sind.

Auf Proklos-Texte hat Beutler in seinem RE-Artikel hingewiesen, allerdings einiges übersehen. Bereits verifiziert sind ein Zitat aus dem fünften Buch des Timaios-Kommentars des Proklos in aetm. 9,11 (364,5–365,3), die von Johannes Philoponos häufig erwähnte, paraphrasierte oder zitierte Schrift des Proklos Untersuchung der Einwände des Aristoteles gegen den platonischen Timaios (Ἐπἱσκέψις τῶν πρὸς τὸν Πλάτωνος Τίμαιον ὑπὸ Ἀριστοτέλους ἀντιρρηθέντων oder Ὁ ὑπὲρ τοῦ Τιμαίου πρὸς Ἀριστοτέλην λόγος), die Proklos in seinem Timaios-Kommentar selbst erwähnt und die daher älter als der Kommentar sein dürfte, sowie die Proklos-Schrift Zehn Aporien hinsichtlich der Vorsehung, die Beutler als erster kurz vorgestellt hat und die Boese, Dornseiff und Feldbusch zu größeren Teilen in Texten späterer Autoren wiedergefunden haben.

Ein längeres Zitat aus Galens Schrift Über den Beweis ist schon zwei Jahre, bevor Rabe aetm. ediert hat, notiert worden. Eine vollständige Sichtung und Zusammenstellung aller in aetm. benutzten Quellen und doxographischen Nachrichten gibt es bis jetzt nicht.

Die unbeachteten Quellenstücke und doxographischen Nachrichten, die bei der Arbeit an der Übersetzung von aetm. auffielen, sollen im Folgenden vorgestellt werden. [introduction p. 202-204]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9laXIov8GbXAA3T

Une anticipation du dualisme de Plotin en 51 [I 8] 6, 33-34 : Le « De Iside et Osiride » (369 A-E) de Plutarque, 2009
By: Narbonne, Jean-Marc, Narbonne, Jean-Marc (Ed.), Poirier, Paul-Hubert (Ed.)

Title	Une anticipation du dualisme de Plotin en 51 [I 8] 6, 33-34 : Le « De Iside et Osiride » (369 A-E) de Plutarque
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2009
Published in	Gnose et Philosophie. Études en hommage à Pierre Hadot
Pages	87-95
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Narbonne, Jean-Marc
Editor(s)	Narbonne, Jean-Marc , Poirier, Paul-Hubert
Translator(s)

Despite numerous studies conducted for a long time on Plotinus' treatise 51, the formula expressing the radical opposition of good and evil remains partly a mystery. Plotinus argues against Aristotle's idea that substances do not have opposites, and claims that universal substance can have a contrary, namely non-substance and the nature of evil. Plotinus' dualism allows for organized counterattacks while preserving the supremacy of good, with evil existing as an enclave within being, limited by the boundaries of good. The image of a prisoner acting but limited by the chains that surround him from the outside is used to illustrate this idea. [introduction/conclusion]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/O9OqImqHCPz7w7D

Une histoire néoplatonicienne des principes Simplicius, In Phys., I, 1-2, 2017
By: Gavray, Marc-Antoine, Gavray, Marc-Antoine (Ed.), Michalewski, Alexandra (Ed.)

Title	Une histoire néoplatonicienne des principes Simplicius, In Phys., I, 1-2
Type	Book Section
Language	French
Date	2017
Published in	Les principes cosmologiques du Platonisme : origines, influences et systématisation
Pages	249-272
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine
Editor(s)	Gavray, Marc-Antoine , Michalewski, Alexandra
Translator(s)

Le présent traité a pour but d’enseigner ce qui appartient en commun à toutes les réalités naturelles en tant qu’elles sont naturelles, c’est-à-dire corporelles. Ce qui leur est commun, ce sont les principes et leurs concomitants. Les principes sont les causes dites au sens propre et les causes accessoires. Selon eux [i.e. les Péripatéticiens], les causes sont la cause productrice et la cause finale, les causes accessoires la forme, la matière et, en général, les éléments. Platon ajoute aux causes la cause paradigmatique, aux causes accessoires la cause instrumentale.

La Physique concerne les principes et les concomitants communs, immanents, aux réalités naturelles. Simplicius identifie les principes aux quatre causes, qu’il répartit en deux groupes. Il reconnaît une supériorité à la cause productrice et à la cause finale, ce dont il trouve l’indice dans l’ordre que suit Aristote : matérielle et formelle, puis productrice et finale. Les premières sont des causes immanentes contenues dans le produit, les secondes des causes transcendantes et séparées de lui. Ces dernières sont plus proprement principes au sens où elles désignent ce d’où le produit provient et à quoi il retourne, tout en différant de lui. La séparation renferme le moyen d’en sortir, appelant à une transcendance qui reste néanmoins sur le même plan, celui de la physique. À ce degré, la séparation ne signifie pas la supériorité ontologique du principe, mais seulement son extériorité.

De cette distinction, Simplicius conclut qu’Aristote mène une étude conversive des causes, puisqu’il part de la plus basse (la cause matérielle étudiée par les anciens qui ramenaient toute explication à la matière) et termine par la plus éminente (la cause finale, préoccupation ultime du physicien selon le Phédon, où Socrate enjoint à chercher ce en vue de quoi est ce qui vient à exister). Ce faisant, il souligne le soin permanent d’Aristote à provoquer chez le lecteur une prise de conscience progressive de la nécessité de dépasser le plan de la physique pour s’élever à d’autres principes de la nature. La conversion qu’Aristote opère reste néanmoins dans le plan d’immanence des réalités naturelles en tant que naturelles, car la Physique évacue deux types de causes, plus proprement platoniciennes : la cause paradigmatique et la cause instrumentale.

Simplicius ne s’étend pas sur cette décision dans son introduction, mais il faut poursuivre le Commentaire pour en trouver les raisons. La cause paradigmatique se distingue de la cause formelle par sa transcendance. Elle est le modèle intellectif qui préside à l’information selon l’aptitude de ce qui le reçoit, « l’essence idéale par soi à l’image de laquelle est façonné ce qui est ici-bas ». Quant à la cause instrumentale, elle se distingue de la cause productrice comme ce au moyen de quoi (δι’ οὗ) à l’égard de ce par quoi (ὑφ’ οὗ) : elle est en quelque sorte une cause productrice intermédiaire et imparfaite, au sens où elle meut tout en étant elle-même mue. Si elle est absente de la Physique, c’est en raison de sa fonction première : commentant le Timée, Proclus explique que la cause instrumentale désigne le principe directement moteur de la matière et de la forme, mais dont le statut est intermédiaire car son rôle moteur provient d’un principe supérieur. Par là, il désigne plus précisément l’Âme du monde, dont la motricité procède ultimement du Démiurge. On le voit, ces deux causes n’ont pas leur place dans la Physique, parce qu’elles font intervenir des principes supérieurs aux réalités naturelles en tant que naturelles : les Idées et le Démiurge.

En résumé, la Physique s’occupe des formes dans la matière, les formes non séparées, et elle actualise la cognition en puissance de l’intellect qui se produit au moyen de la sensation et de la représentation. Autrement dit, elle vise à comprendre les formes dans la matière grâce aux modes de connaissance qui leur sont adaptés, sans faire appel à d’autres modes supérieurs de compréhension. En tant que partie de la philosophie, elle examine les principes nécessaires pour saisir le monde (sensible) dans lequel nous vivons, d’un point de vue qui lui est propre et immanent.

Sur cette base, je voudrais examiner où Simplicius situe la Physique dans l’histoire de la philosophie, et en particulier dans l’histoire des principes de la nature, en prenant pour cadre la systématicité qu’il trouve chez les philosophes présocratiques. Il s’agira d’un côté de comprendre comment ces principes s’articulent à ceux privilégiés par les formes concurrentes de la physique, celles qui traitent des causes supérieures, et de l’autre de montrer en quoi les Présocratiques expliquent le développement à la fois historique et taxinomique du système physique du néoplatonisme tardif. [introduction p. 249-251]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/JiUJD0OfD6bN2xM

Universals Transformed in the Commentators on Aristotle, 2016
By: Sorabji, Richard, Sorabji, Richard (Ed.)

Title	Universals Transformed in the Commentators on Aristotle
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2016
Published in	Aristotle Re-Interpreted. New Findings on Seven Hundred Years of the Ancient Commentators
Pages	291-312
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)	Sorabji, Richard
Translator(s)

Porphyry followed Alexander by accepting multigrade universals, but Ammonius influenced posterity by associating Porphyry with the idea that only concepts are universals. Proclus and Simplicius drew from Aristotle’s concepts in Alexander when they gave reasons why Aristotle was wrong on both counts about Plato’s Ideas: Ideas were not universals, except in a qualified sense, but they were causes. Proclus accepted three levels of reality: Ideas before the many particulars and two grades of universal, one in the many particulars and a conceptual one modeled after the many particulars. His pupil Ammonius accepted three levels but transformed the highest one into non-universal concepts in the mind of Plato’s Creator God.

This was the first of two steps in presenting Aristotle as agreeing with Plato, contrary to the complaints of Proclus, because Aristotle’s God was a thinker who entertained concepts in his mind. Ammonius’ harmonization of Aristotle with Plato was completed by rejecting the claim of Proclus, and of Proclus’ teacher Syrianus, that Aristotle did not recognize his own arguments as implying that God was a Creator, just as Plato thought.

Philoponus diverged from Ammonius, and from Ammonius’ anonymous editor, by giving to concepts the role of being what we define and predicate. But only in his theological work did he reach the final transformation of making concepts into the only universals, thus concluding that the Christian Trinity consisted of three godheads having no unity except as a universal Godhead existing only in our minds.
[conclusion p. 312]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/fOcJ4wUL2cQ6Ysg

Uno stoico di età giustinianea: Simplicio interprete di Epitteto, 1996
By: Conca, Fabrizio (Ed.), Cortassa, Guido

Title	Uno stoico di età giustinianea: Simplicio interprete di Epitteto
Type	Book Section
Language	Italian
Date	1996
Published in	Byzantina Mediolanensia, Atti del V Congresso Nazionale di Studi Bizantini (Milano, 19- 22 ottobre 1994)
Pages	107-116
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	, Cortassa, Guido
Editor(s)	Conca, Fabrizio
Translator(s)

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/8BwDS59793lFKd2

Vorschläge zur Lösung des Problems der Xenophanesberichte von MXG und Simplikios, 1974
By: Wiesner, Jürgen, Wiesner, Jürgen (Ed.)

Title	Vorschläge zur Lösung des Problems der Xenophanesberichte von MXG und Simplikios
Type	Book Section
Language	German
Date	1974
Published in	PS.-Aristoteles, MXG : Der historische Wert des Xenophanesreferats. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Eleatismus
Pages	261-319
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)	Wiesner, Jürgen
Translator(s)

Zwischen den Xenophanesreferaten von MXG und Simplikios 
besteht keine völlige Parallelität,  weshalb inXG als 
Quelle von Simplikios ausscheidet.  Denn während die 
MXG-Prädikate  1,  2,  3,  6  (977  a 14-36,  977 b 3-18;  und 
Simpl.Phys.  22,31- 23,9 einer gemeinsamen Vorlage ent
stammen,  die wir wegen gewisser Eigenheiten als "spät- 
eleatische Quelle"  bezeichneten, hat MXG zusätzlich 
einen Mittelteil  (977 a 37- 977 b 2; mit formal vom 
Rest abweichenden (kürzere und einfachere Aussage ohne 
Dichotomie) und zu diesem teilweise widersprüchlichen 
Prädikaten (Unvereinbarkeit Kugel - Grenzantinomie;. 
Prädikate dieses MXG-Mittelteils findet Simplikios Phys. 
23,16 ff.  bei Alexander und greift sie an;  da aber auch 
der zuverlässige Theophrastexzerptor hippolytos sie in 
gleicher Polge wie Alexander innerhalb einer Prädikat
reihe für den Gott des Xenophanes nennt (Ref.  I  14,2), 
geht also der Mittelteil des MXG-Referats auf dieselben 
Ausführungen des Eresiers zurück.Doch auch Simplikios gibt über das mit MXG Gemeinsame 
hinaus Auszüge aus Theophrast (dessen Dame Phys.  22,28- 
29), die unverkennbar Elemente aus Aristoteles Metaphys. 
986 b 10 ff.  enthalten.  [conclusion p. 319]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tEjo8iqE5bxx49Z

War Platons Vorlesung "das Gute" einmalig?, 1968
By: Merlan, Philip

Title	War Platons Vorlesung "das Gute" einmalig?
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1968
Journal	Hermes
Volume	96
Issue	5
Pages	705-709
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Merlan, Philip
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Wie Krämer die Aristoxenos-Stelle versteht, lässt sich am besten durch eine Art Paraphrase darstellen:

„Ich werde lieber, so sagt Aristoxenos, im Vorhinein den Gang meiner Untersuchung angeben, damit es uns nicht geht wie nach einer von Aristoteles oft erzählten Geschichte den meisten Hörern des platonischen Vorlesungskurses Das Gute. So oft er denselben ansagte, ging jeder hin in der Annahme, er werde etwas über Dinge hören, die üblicherweise für menschliche Güter gehalten werden, wie Reichtum, Gesundheit und Stärke, und in der Hauptsache über irgendein Glück wundersamster Art.

Als aber die Auseinandersetzung immer wieder auf Mathematisches, Zahlen, Geometrie und Astronomie hinauslief, kam es ihnen—ich glaub’s schon—höchst absonderlich vor. In der Folge war das Ende des Kurses immer wieder, dass ein Teil der Hörer das ganze Ding für bedeutungslos ansah, ein anderer es nachteilig kritisierte. Und warum? Weil sie, statt sich zu erkundigen, um was es sich handeln würde, mit offenen Mündern hinzugehen pflegten, indem sie nur das Wort 'gut' aufgeschnappt hatten.“

Hat meine Paraphrase den Sinn der krämerschen Interpretation richtig getroffen, so hätte also Aristoxenos berichten wollen, dass, so oft Platon seinen Vorlesungskursus Das Gute anzusagen pflegte, sich immer wieder dasselbe ergab: Vom Titel Das Gute (der immer wiederholt wurde) angezogen, finden sich Hörer ein, von denen dann die meisten sich enttäuscht oder getäuscht fühlen.

Ich will nicht sagen, dass dies unmöglich ist; aber es werden doch viele empfinden, dass das ganze Geschichtchen seinen Sinn verliert, wenn es sich nicht um ein einmaliges Ereignis handelt. [introduction p. 44-45]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/1i5nYpcy51Bvdbu

Title	Wehrli’s Edition of Eudemus of Rhodes: The Physical Fragments from Simplicius’ Commentary On Aristotle’s Physics
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2002
Published in	Eudemus of Rhodes
Pages	127-156
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltussen, Han
Editor(s)	Fortenbaugh, William W. , Bodnár, István M.
Translator(s)

On the basis of the material studied, we can conclude that the added texts do not produce new insights of major importance, as the material is limited and taken from the same source as most of the known texts. However, even if the shorter references (T1–6) should mainly be added to our collection for the sake of completeness, they may also serve as evidence that Simplicius was reading Eudemus’ notes alongside Aristotle’s text. The brevity of such references, it could be argued, shows Simplicius on the lookout for useful comments and adding them whenever they occur. Some of the closing statements, which go beyond the actual quotations, teach us more about Simplicius’ method of demarcating or "bracketing" his quotes and draw attention to certain features of Eudemus’ approach (T2-3, 5, 7). Moreover, we found a few details that further clarify aspects of Eudemus’ role and method in the exegetical tradition. For instance, in T1, Simplicius formulates objections against both Eudemus and Alexander, whereas he usually prefers the former to the latter. In T2 and T7, Eudemus’ importance in clarifying a problem is noted.

Obviously, we are here adopting a broader approach toward the study of fragments than has been customary until fairly recently. The longer passages (T7–12) yielded five recurrent "quotations," or at least passages supposedly reporting Eudemus’ words (apart from paratitheatai, I noted verbs such as prographēin, legein). Since they confirm information in similar quotations (e.g., his discussion of Being [T8], of Parmenides [T9], of predication [T10], and on his method regarding Aristotle’s arguments [T12]), it was argued that they should at least be taken into account instead of suppressed or hidden away. The duplication of material can, in itself, be informative about the value of it for our assessment of the surviving material.

Finally, I suggested that a probable reason for the transmission of Eudemian material was its value as an exegetical aid to ancient commentators. Simplicius almost treats Eudemus as a "colleague" who also aimed at clarifying Aristotle’s difficult prose (see quote from Wehrli, above, note 18). The higher ratio of references compared to Theophrastus seems to indicate that Eudemus’ clarifications of Aristotle’s thought in physics were regarded as more useful and therefore found their way into later exegetical writings. Blumenthal (p. 10) has expressed the paradox well: "The general consensus of the commentators after Themistius seems to have been that Theophrastus was a major figure in the history of philosophy whose opinions could nevertheless be ignored on most matters." Perhaps Simplicius found Eudemus useful as a cure for Aristotle’s unclarity; this would explain the emphasis he puts on Eudemus’ clarity (note the frequency of saphēs) as against Aristotle’s—supposedly intended—obscurity (asapheia, see esp. In Cat. 7.1–22).

The unhelpful handling of a small number of references discussed above is only one of several reasons to re-evaluate the method and form of Wehrli’s edition today. We have become more aware than ever that editing fragments is not a cut-and-paste operation but a difficult and complex exercise that needs to take several contexts into account. In this particular case, editing passages as fragmentary bits of text lifted out of their context is perhaps impossible in the tradition in which Simplicius’ prose often does not allow us to lift a text out of its context without losing important information regarding the motives, intentions, and overall argument of the source author. As soon as the thoughts and words of a cited author become deeply embedded in the fabric of the immediate context, we need to be as well-informed as possible about the source author. There are many unpredictable contingencies in the transmission of earlier thought, and common-sense tactics such as leaving out "redundant" duplicate passages may backfire. Therefore, it makes sense for each case to be tested on its own merits.

These considerations show Wehrli’s edition to be the product of an outdated method, and it is hoped that this essay, together with the obiter dicta culled from reviews (see appendices), will be of use to the next editor of the Eudemian fragments in physics. [conclusion p. 146-149]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/nQEtetEDiyq3flk

Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachprüfung der Empedokles-Doxographie, 1965
By: Hölscher, Uvo

Title	Weltzeiten und Lebenszyklus: Eine Nachprüfung der Empedokles-Doxographie
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	1965
Journal	Hermes
Volume	93
Issue	1
Pages	7-33
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hölscher, Uvo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die verbreitetere Auffassung scheint sich am engsten an Aristoteles anzulehnen. Nach ihr würde sich der Kreislauf in vier Phasen abspielen: zwei Zeiten der Bewegung, getrennt je durch Zeiten der Ruhe. Ausgehend von der vollkommenen Einheit der Elemente im Sphairos (I), würde man mit einer Phase der allmählichen Scheidung zu rechnen haben (II), die in einer völligen Trennung der Elemente ihre zeitweilige Ruhe fände (III), bis diese durch eine neue Phase der Wiedervereinigung (IV) in die Einheit des Sphairos zurückkehrten. In jeder der beiden Bewegungsphasen würde sich eine Welt bilden. Aber schon die Frage, in welcher der beiden: auf dem Wege zur Trennung oder auf der Rückkehr zur Einheit, wir mit unserer jetzigen Welt uns befinden, lässt sich offenbar durch einfache Berufung auf Aristoteles nicht entscheiden.

Das Missliche bleibt nämlich, dass die beiden Bewegungen in je nur einer Richtung laufen, in fortschreitender Trennung oder fortschreitender Einigung, jede ausgeführte Kosmogonie aber auf beides angewiesen scheint, indem die Weltordnung im Großen zwar durch Trennung geschehen kann, aber die Bildung des Lebens nur durch Verbindung. Alle Versuche, sich eine ganze Welt bloß aus zunehmender Scheidung – oder Verbindung – der Elemente entstehend zu denken, enden in Ungereimtheiten. So ist man genötigt, die Bewegungen in sich wiederum zu teilen: in eine Zeit, in der noch die Kraft der Einigung, und eine andere, in der schon die Kraft der Trennung vorherrschte – und umgekehrt –, sodass aus den vier Phasen im Grunde sechs werden. Aber auch damit gewinnt man kein Bild, das einen überzeugen könnte. Denn da immerhin die Kosmogonie, als die Sonderung der großen Weltteile, der Zoogonie, als der Verbindung der Elemente im Kleinen, vorausgehen musste, wäre sie, im Verlauf der fortschreitenden Trennung, gerade einer ersten Phase zuzuschreiben, in der die Kraft der Trennung noch schwach ist, dagegen die Erzeugung des Lebens der anderen Phase, in der sie die Oberhand gewinnt – was offenbar widersinnig ist.

Versucht man aber, sich die Möglichkeiten in der rückläufigen Bewegung auszudenken, so werden die Schwierigkeiten noch größer: die Kraft der Trennung, allmählich abnehmend, würde in einer Phase wirken, in der sie die Elemente bereits getrennt vorfände; die kosmische Verteilung der Massen wäre als ein Vorgang der Vereinigung zu erklären, der in einer Phase stattfände, wo die Kraft der Vereinigung noch gering ist, während ihre wachsende Übermacht die von ihr selbst geschaffene Verteilung wieder zerstören würde. Auch dies ist nicht weniger widersinnig als das erste, und es kann nur als eine Ausrede erscheinen, wenn uns versichert wird, eine Welt bilde sich eben jeweils in dem mittleren Punkt der Bewegungen, wo die beiden Kräfte einander das Gleichgewicht halten.

Es war darum ein entscheidender Gewinn, als v. Arnim sich von der Vierphasentheorie trennte. Tatsächlich gibt es kein Zeugnis, das uns die Annahme eines Ruhezustands der getrennten Elemente sicherte. Verzichtet man auf ihn, so rücken die beiden Phasen der wachsenden Trennung und der wachsenden Mischung der Elemente zusammen, und man wird in der ersten die Kosmogonie, in der zweiten die Zoogonie beschrieben finden.

Indessen bringt auch diese Auffassung manche Misslichkeit mit sich. Aristoteles unterscheidet zwischen zwei Weltzeiten, einer der Liebe und einer des Streites, und die Zeit des Streites ist die unsere, während die der Liebe zurückliegt. Das Schema nach v. Arnim würde das Umgekehrte zeigen. Freilich könnte man, obschon künstlich genug, auch von der Zeit der Trennung aus, über den Ruhezustand im Sphairos rückwärts, auf den Endzustand der vorigen Welt als die Zeit der Liebe zurückblicken; aber man würde sich in der Zeit der Scheidung von Himmel und Erde, nicht in der des organischen Lebens befinden. Und kann Aristoteles die gesamte Weltzeit, von der Entstehung aus dem Sphairos bis zum Untergang im Sphairos, so in zwei Hälften teilen, dass er – in dieser Reihenfolge – von der Vereinigung des Vielen zu Einem durch die Liebe und „dann wieder“ Trennung des Einen in Vieles durch den Streit redet, und von den Ruhezuständen dazwischen? Als ob der Übergang von der Kosmogonie zur Entstehung des Lebens ein größerer Einschnitt wäre als die völlige Weltvernichtung im Sphairos? Kann er sagen – wie er es tut –: Empedokles lässt die Kosmogonie durch Liebe aus? Als ob eine solche, neben der Kosmogonie durch den Streit, von der Konsequenz des Systems eigentlich gefordert wäre?

Ich halte es auch hier für einen Fehler, dass man zu geradewegs auf die Rekonstruktion des empedokleischen Systems aus war und dazu Zeugnisse und Fragmente, wie es sich bot, verwendete und zu vereinigen trachtete, anstatt bei den Zwischenfragen zu verweilen: Was hat sich Aristoteles, was seine Kommentatoren vorgestellt, und welches waren die Zeugnisse, die ihnen zur Hand waren? Auf die eigenen Auffassungen der Letzteren kann allerdings auch hier nur so weit eingegangen werden, als sie der Klärung der aristotelischen dienen – obschon Simplikios wichtig genug wäre, da seine neuplatonische Deutung des Sphairos und des Kosmos, als die intelligible und die sinnliche Welt, die Anschauung des Periodischen im Grunde ausschließt. Aber die Äußerungen des Aristoteles verdienen neu geprüft zu werden. [introduction p. 7-9]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/R2gNRYN2KFgYLw8

Wenn der Steuermann ruft..." (Epiktet, Encheiridion 7), 2022
By: Krämer, Benedikt

Title	Wenn der Steuermann ruft..." (Epiktet, Encheiridion 7)
Type	Article
Language	German
Date	2022
Journal	Hyperboreus
Volume	28
Issue	1
Pages	111-122
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Krämer, Benedikt
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Die vorliegende Betrachtung hat eine Interpretation angeboten, die sich eng an den Wortlaut von Kapitel 7 des Encheiridion hält. Demnach beschreibt Epiktet in der Tat zwei verschiedene Lebenssituationen zweier Menschen (oder desselben Menschen in unterschiedlichen Lebensphasen).

Im ersten Fall thematisiert Epiktet die schicksalsbedingte Veränderung der Peristasen, der man entweder freiwillig oder unter Zwang Folge leisten kann. Im zweiten Fall kündigt der Ruf des Steuermanns den bevorstehenden Tod an.

Das verbindende Element der Lebensbeschreibungen ist die stoische Spannungslehre. Der tugendhafte Mensch richtet sich in allen Situationen und bei allen Entscheidungen auf Gott aus und erhöht so den Tonos seines seelischen Pneumas.

Im zweiten Fall spricht Epiktet aus seiner eigenen persönlichen Religiosität heraus psychagogisch wirksam die persönliche Religiosität des Lesers an. Wer den seelischen Tonos und die aufmerksame Ausrichtung auf Gott auch im fortgeschrittenen Alter bewahrt, wird den Tod – für eine gewisse Zeit – überdauern und eine Gemeinschaft mit Gott erleben.
[conclusion p. 120-121]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/zHBaqqHklM9rLNZ

Were Aristotle's Intentions in writing the De Anima Forgotten in Late Antiquity?, 1997
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.

Title	Were Aristotle's Intentions in writing the De Anima Forgotten in Late Antiquity?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1997
Journal	Documenti e Studi sulla Tradizione Filosofica Medievale
Volume	8
Pages	143–157
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In general we have to conclude that while the whole "Philoponus” commentary may include a number of explicit references to the biological writings, and while the real Philoponus may often refer to medical and scientific issues, there is no systematic  bias towards explaining the contents of the De anima in terms of them. There is, however, just as in the Ps-Simplicius commentary, enough said about such matters, and 
enough reference made to other parts of the biological corpus, to show that the commentators were still aware of the original intentions of the work — or, at the very least, behaved as if they were — even if they did not always feel bound by them. That awareness was to survive into the Middle Ages as well. [Conclusion, p. 157]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IJsW8b6iPwteKXr

Were Zeno's Arguments a Reply to Attacks upon Parmenides?, 1957
By: Booth, N.B.

Title	Were Zeno's Arguments a Reply to Attacks upon Parmenides?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1957
Journal	Phronesis
Volume	2
Issue	1
Pages	1-9
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Booth, N.B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This article by N. B. Booth examines whether Zeno's arguments were a response to criticisms of Parmenides's principle „the One“. Despite evidence that Zeno was concerned with defending Parmenides's „One“, his arguments about plurality seem to refute the "ones" of a plurality. One possible explanation is that Zeno's arguments were used to counter criticisms of Parmenides's „One“ before he produced them. Plato's Parmenides includes a passage in which "Zeno" apologizes for his book on plurality, which has been interpreted as an answer to criticisms of Parmenides's theory, but Booth notes that Plato's characters are idealized and it is not certain that Zeno's arguments were a response to attacks. Booth looks at the arguments themselves for evidence and suggests that if some of Zeno's arguments against plural "ones" were valid against Parmenides's „One“, it would be fair to infer that they were used by hostile critics and Zeno was throwing them back in their faces. [introduction]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FZ61i36oW94Hvew

What Has Aristotelian Dialectic to Offer a Neoplatonist? A Possible Sample of Iamblichus at Simplicius on the Categories 12,10-13,12, 2012
By: Griffin, Michael J.

Title	What Has Aristotelian Dialectic to Offer a Neoplatonist? A Possible Sample of Iamblichus at Simplicius on the Categories 12,10-13,12
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition
Volume	6
Pages	173-185
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Griffin, Michael J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Simplicius in Cat.  12,10-13,12 presents an interesting justifĳication for the study of Aristotle’s Categories, based in Neoplatonic psychology and metaphysics. I suggest that this passage could be regarded as a testimonium to Iamblichus’ reasons for endorsing Porphyry’s selection of the Categories as an introductory text of Platonic philosophy. These Iamblichean arguments, richly grounded in Neoplatonic metaphysics and psychology, may have exercised an influence comparable to Porphyry’s. [authors abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/FkVb1TMzAG6AZ5E

Title	What Is the Principle of Movement, the Self-moved (Plato) or the Unmoved (Aristotle)? The Exegetic Strategies of Hermias of Alexandria and Simplicius in Late Antiquity
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2020
Published in	Studies in Hermias’ Commentary on Plato’s Phaedrus
Pages	115-141
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Longo, Angela
Editor(s)	Finamore, John F. , Manolea, Christina-Panagiota
Translator(s)

Plato’s contention that the self-mover is a principle of movement and is to be identified with the soul is contrasted with Aristotle’s belief that, despite the self-mover’s primacy among moving beings, the ultimate principle of movement is an unmoved mover, which only in the case of animals can be identified with the soul.

What seems to prompt Hermias to compare Plato (whom he is commenting on) with Aristotle (whom he repeatedly mentions) is his aim to reconcile the two great authorities of Late Antique Neoplatonist thinkers. As we have seen, Hermias frequently, if implicitly, refers to Aristotle’s Physics, particularly chapter 5 of book VIII, but also other sections of it (e.g., book II for the distinction between natural and artificial beings, book IV for the belief that actual infinity does not exist; to this list we may add the explicit quotation of Phys. II 2194b.13 in the section of the scholia we discussed above). Besides, Hermias clearly, if implicitly, refers to Aristotle’s De anima for the view that no bodily motions occur in the soul (De an. I 3, 405b.31ss.) and that there exist a passive and an active intellect (De an. III 5).

Our inquiry enables us to conclude that, historically speaking, it was the exegesis of Phaedrus 245c–e that originated the lexical and conceptual triad of “that which is moved by something else,” “that which moves by itself,” and “that which moves while remaining unmoved.” This triad, which played a key role in the philosophical schools of Athens and Alexandria in the 5th and 6th centuries AD, is rooted in the exegesis of Plato’s Phaedrus, yet it includes Aristotelian doctrines as well, most notably from the Physics.

From the point of view of the exegetical strategy, although both Hermias and Simplicius aimed to harmonize the doctrines of the two highest authorities in Greek philosophy, Plato and Aristotle, probably in an attempt to defend them from the unstoppable rise of Christianity, they display different levels of sympathy and theoretical effort. Showing his clear preference for Plato’s doctrine, Hermias seems to employ quite rudimentary philosophical tools. Simplicius, due to his greater sympathy for Aristotle, focuses on the definitions of the terms at issue.

Finally, Simplicius can be said to make Hermias’ points more explicit and detailed. Hermias seems to take for granted the comparison between the Phaedrus and the Physics, and leaves it implicit, while Simplicius makes it explicit. Moreover, as compared to Hermias’ scholia on the Phaedrus, Simplicius’ extensive commentary on the Physics includes many more and much longer quotations from the works of Plato and Aristotle.
[conclusion p. 140-141]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/RbX36KCg4F9Wcfd

What does Aristotle categorize? Semantics and the early peripatetic reading of the "Categories", 2012
By: Griffin, Michael J.

Title	What does Aristotle categorize? Semantics and the early peripatetic reading of the "Categories"
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2012
Journal	Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
Volume	55
Issue	1
Pages	69-108
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Griffin, Michael J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Through this sketch of the evidence, I hope to have suggested that there is, in any case, more to the bipartite theory than a compendious treatment or compression of the tripartite material by Porphyry, and that attention should be drawn to it as a separate and distinct layer of the tradition. I have also explored some of the ways in which both layers may be seen as predating Porphyry, while Porphyry’s approach to the Categories in the shorter commentary could be seen as building on an earlier source.
As to our first mystery—the role of the Categories in the harmony of Plato and Aristotle, both first-century and Neoplatonic—I would like to offer a few concluding reflections on the theory itself. To be significant, a verbal expression must have an extension that qualifies as ὄν (Porph. In Cat. 90,30-91,12 – T17; as this passage shows, the extension might be infinite). If Busse is right to read ἕκαστον κατὰ ἀριθμὸν σημαίνει <ἕν> τῶν ὄντων (“each numerically distinct expression signifies one of the beings”) around 58,5-15 (T9), I think we are not merely dealing with the Stoic view that there are “somethings” that do not subsist—occasionally compared to Meinong's distinction of bestehen and existieren as represented by Bertrand Russell—but an even stronger view, akin to Owen’s positive reading of the Parmenidean maxim that “what can be spoken and thought must exist” (B2). That sort of intuition, though pre-Platonic, was always part of the Platonic tradition.
Perhaps it is not so surprising, then, that we find friendly Platonist and Neopythagorean treatments in the earliest layer of the exegetical stratigraphy of the Categories, and that Porphyry should find it a suitable cornerstone around which to build later Neoplatonic ontology.
The bipartite theory that I have described looks like an extensional theory of signification—as Porphyry’s language in T17 might seem to suggest, the meaning of a predicate F amounts to the set of objects said to be F. We might call this kind of view nominalist, and not very much in the spirit of Platonism as we usually conceive it. But there are also examples in the Arabic tradition that draw on the Posterior Analytics for a kind of Platonic view about the existence of eternal natures.
For example (see Adamson, “Knowledge of Universals”), the tenth-century logician Ibn ʿAdī maintained that (1) terms in syllogisms directly refer (have some existing extension), (2) following the Post. An., demonstrative knowledge is never of the transient, unlimited particulars, and (3) nonetheless, demonstrative knowledge occurs; from these points, he was led to maintain that there are eternal, unchanging objects of reference. If this conclusion could be referred to as essential Platonism, then as Adamson puts it, “to some extent, Aristotle’s own words invited the Platonizing.”
It seems to me compatible with Alexander’s view, if I understand his De anima rightly (especially around p. 90), that there are eternal natures that may or may not be predicated of many particulars, a view about which Sharples has also written. My suggestion here, then, is just that the interpretation of the Organon that facilitates this line of thinking goes back to a very early layer of commentary on the Categories.
Modern philosophy arguably also provides examples of how a theory of direct reference can inspire different flavors of almost Platonic realism, especially when the observable infinity of particular objects of acquaintance is coupled with the observed feasibility of human knowledge.
Bertrand Russell in 1945 criticized Porphyry’s work on the Categories (which he had, I suppose, indirectly) by wielding the same weapons that had served against his interpretation of Meinong in 1904. Russell credited Porphyry’s alleged misreading of Aristotle with the excessively “metaphysical” temper of subsequent logic (HWP 1945:472), including entrenched realism about genera and species and “endless bad metaphysics about unity” (198).
But it was the early Russell himself who, in 1903, made every denoting phrase directly denote an existing entity and argued that “anything that can be mentioned is sure to be a term...” that has unity and in some sense exists (43).
In fact, Russell was led by his pre-1905 account of denoting to frame the problem of knowledge in terms strikingly similar to our bipartite theory (see T27a): the “inmost secret of our power to deal with infinity” lies in the fact that “an infinitely complex object... can certainly not be manipulated by the human intelligence; but infinite collections, owing to the notion of denoting, can be manipulated.”
Russell later eliminated (what he took to be) the Meinongian plurality of denoted beings implied by his own earlier logical realism, using his theory of descriptions as an instrument; thus the later Russell, who still maintained that “we could not acquire knowledge of absolute particulars,” came to hold that our words denote just adjectives or relations (T27b).
Porphyry—and arguably many Peripatetics before him—took an analogous temperament in precisely the opposite direction. Both held, in their own way, that an ideal language would carve nature at the joints; and the semantic building blocks of Porphyry's ideal language, as I have suggested here, were rooted in a long tradition of Peripatetic thought about what Aristotle’s Categories categorize, and in particular how unity could be imposed on plurality to make sense of the world.
But whereas Russell’s language ultimately aimed to talk about, and gain certainty about, a Moorean world of common sense and acquaintance, Porphyry’s categorical language aimed to talk about, and gain certainty about, the world of the Enneads and the existence of some eternal natures.
Peripatetic and Porphyrian logicism was not Russell’s, and a similar interest in the ontological implications of their logical apparatus led to very different results at the dawn of analytic philosophy and at the dawn of Neoplatonism: by dispensing with several components of Aristotle’s theory of predication that Porphyry had held to be central, Russell had toppled the giant from whose shoulders Porphyry had spied (and at any rate hoped to teach his pupils to spy) Plotinus’s ontology.
 [conclusion p. 90-92]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/0V3z3uBVFDC712w

What goes up: Proclus against Aristotle on the fifth element, 2002
By: Baltzly, Dirk

Title	What goes up: Proclus against Aristotle on the fifth element
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2002
Journal	Australasian Journal of Philosophy
Volume	80
Issue	3
Pages	261-287
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Baltzly, Dirk
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this paper, I consider Proclus’ arguments against Aristotle on the composition of the heavens from the fifth element, the aether. Proclus argues for the Platonic view (Timaeus 40a) that the heavenly bodies are composed of all four elements, with fire predominating. I think that his discussion exhibits all the methodological features that we find admirable in Aristotle’s largely a priori proto-science. Proclus’ treatment of the question in his commentary on Plato’s Timaeus also provides the fullest statement of a Neoplatonic alternative to the Aristotelian theory of the elements. As such, it forms a significant part of a still largely underappreciated Neoplatonic legacy to the history of science. [author’s abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/tOMemjPbvEoCytl

What is Platonism?, 2005
By: Gerson, Lloyd P.

Title	What is Platonism?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Journal of the History of Philosophy
Volume	43
Issue	3
Pages	253-276
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gerson, Lloyd P.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

My main conclusion is that we should understand Platonism historically as consisting in fidelity to the principles of “top-downism.” So understanding it, we havea relatively sharp critical tool for deciding who was and who was not a Platonist despite their silence or protestations to the contrary. Unquestionably, the most important figure in this regard is Aristotle. I would not like to end this historical inquiry, however, without suggesting a philosophical moral. The moral is that there
are at least some reasons for claiming that a truly anti-Platonic Aristotelianism is not philosophically in the cards, so to speak. Thus, if one rigorously and honestly seeks to remove the principles of Platonism from a putatively Aristotelian position, what would remain would be incoherent and probably indefensible. Thus, an Aristotelian ontology of the sensible world that excluded the ontological priority of the supersensible is probably unsustainable. And an Aristotelian psychology that did not recognize the priority and irreducibility of intellect to soul would be
similarly beyond repair.89 What contemporary exponents of versions of Platonism or  Aristotelianism  should  perhaps  conclude  from  a  study  of  the  history  is  that, rather than standing in opposition to each other, merger, or at least synergy, ought to be the order of the day.[conclusion, p. 276]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/Y1wq12FmpF2tnaH

What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy, 2014
By: Destrée, Pierre (Ed.), Zingano, Marco (Ed.)

Title	What is up to us? Studies on Agency and Responsibility in Ancient Philosophy
Type	Edited Book
Language	English
Date	2014
Publication Place	Sankt Augustin
Publisher	Academia Verlag
Categories	no categories
Author(s)
Editor(s)	Destrée, Pierre , Zingano, Marco
Translator(s)

The problem debated at that time and the problem debated nowadays are fundamentally the same, even though the terms and the concepts evolved over the centuries. In Antiquity, the central notion was that of 'what is up to us', or 'what depends on us'. The present volume brings together twenty contributions devoted to examining the problem of moral responsibility as it arises in Antiquity in direct connection with the concept of what is up to us - to eph' hêmin, in Greek, or in nostra potestate and in nobis, in its Latin counterparts, aiming to promote classical scholarship, and to shed some light on the contemporary issues as well.

With contributions by Marcelo D. Boeri, Mauro Bonazzi, Susanne Bobzien, Pierre Destrée, Javier Echeñique, Dorothea Frede, Michael Frede, Lloyd P. Gerson, Laura Liliana Gómez, Jean-Baptiste Gourinat, Christoph Horn, Monte Ransom Johnson, Stefano Maso, Susan Sauvé Meyer, Pierre-Marie Morel, Ricardo Salles, Carlos Steel, Daniela Patrizia Taormina, Emmanuele Vimercati, Katja Maria Vogt, Christian Wildberg and Marco Zingano. [official abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/WCz3sdLMsMTkFmE

What was Commentary in Late Antiquity? The Example of the Neoplatonic Commentators, 2006
By: Hoffmann, Philippe, Gill, Mary Louise (Ed.), Pellegrin, Pierre (Ed.)

Title	What was Commentary in Late Antiquity? The Example of the Neoplatonic Commentators
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2006
Published in	A Companion to Ancient Philosophy
Pages	597-622
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)	Gill, Mary Louise , Pellegrin, Pierre
Translator(s)

Neoplatonic  thought  at  the  end  of antiquity  -   like  that  of most  of the  schools  of the Hellenistic and Roman period -  has an essentially exegetical and scholastic dimension. Beginning with the classical  and Hellenistic period,  philosophy in Greece is inseparable from  the  existence  of  schools  (private  or  public),  often  organized  as  places  of  communal life (sunousia), in which the explication of the texts of the school's founders came to  be  one  of the  main  activities.  The  practice  of exegesis  of written  texts  supplanted the  ancient  practice of dialogue.  It  was sustained  through its  application  to canonical texts,  and  was  put  to  everyday  use  in  the  framework  of courses  in  the  explication  of texts.  The social  reality of the school  as  an  institution,  with its  hierarchy,  its diadochos (i.e.,  the  successor  to  the  school’s  founder),  its  structure  as  a  conventicle  in  which communal life was practiced,  its library, its regulation of time, and its programs organized  around  the reading  of canonical  texts,  constitutes  a  concrete  context  into  which we  should  reinsert  the  practice  of exegesis,  which  is  the  heart  of philosophical  pedagogy  and the  matrix  of doctrinal  and  dogmatic works. [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/S0TwJW1NoM7Owd5

What's the Matter? Some Neo-Platonist Answers, 2010
By: Mueller, Ian, Mohr, Richard D. (Ed.), Sattler, Barbara M. (Ed.)

Title	What's the Matter? Some Neo-Platonist Answers
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2010
Published in	One Book, The Whole Universe: Plato’s Timaeus Today
Pages	151-163
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Mueller, Ian
Editor(s)	Mohr, Richard D. , Sattler, Barbara M.
Translator(s)

In this essay, I want to say a very few things about Neo-Platonist interpretations of the Timaeus relating to the receptacle and the geometric characterization of earth, water, air, and fire. The starting point of my reflections was translating Simplicius’ commentary on books 3 and 4 of Aristotle’s On the Heavens, and much of what I say is based upon that. But I will also be invoking a passage from his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics and some material in John Philoponus and Proclus. I begin with some remarks about Simplicius’ basic conception of what we call Aristotle’s criticisms of Plato. At the beginning of his extensive discussion of Aristotle’s objections to Plato’s geometrical chemistry, Simplicius says:

    The disagreement between the philosophers 
    is not substantive, but Aristotle pays attention to those who
    understand Plato superficially and frequently raises objections
    against the apparent meaning of what Plato says and what can
    be understood in a worse way, and he seems to be refuting Plato.
    (Simplicius, On Aristotle’s On the Heavens, 640, 28–31)

Simplicius’ point is not that Aristotle is a superficial reader, but that he raises objections to the surface meaning of what Plato says in order to prevent other people from espousing those superficial readings. In connection with another passage in On the Heavens in which Aristotle connects Plato’s association of the cube with earth to earth’s stability, Simplicius refers to Aristotle’s earlier criticism of Plato for allegedly saying that the earth has a winding motion around the pole:

    It is worth pointing out that Aristotle does know that Plato thinks
    the earth is steady since it was Plato who said that it is a cube
    because it is stable and remains fixed. Consequently, when in
    the preceding book he asserted that the earth is said by Timaeus
    to be wound and move , he was confronting
    those who understand Timaeus’ words in this way.
    (Simplicius, On Aristotle’s On the Heavens, 662, 31–663, 2)

So, Aristotle knows and shares Plato’s true view, and his criticisms are all directed at the superficial readings of Plato made by others. [introduction p. 151-152]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/26CCMYYQai0hS5Z

When should a philosopher consult divination? Epictetus and Simplicius on fate and what is up to us, 2012
By: Gabor, Gary, Hoine, Pieter d' (Ed.), Van Riel, Gerd (Ed.)

Title	When should a philosopher consult divination? Epictetus and Simplicius on fate and what is up to us
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2012
Published in	Fate, providence and moral responsibility in ancient, medieval and early modern thought. Studies in honour of Carlos Steel
Pages	325-340
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Gabor, Gary
Editor(s)	Hoine, Pieter d' , Van Riel, Gerd
Translator(s)

At Enchiridion § 32,  Epictetus  raises  the  question  of  whether,  and  under  what  conditions, one should consult the art of divination (μαντική). Epictetus’ answer, along with Simplicius’ commentary on the passage four centuries later, provides a glimpse into late antique conceptions of fate, providence, and human responsi-bility. While united in a general acceptance of divination as an authentic science, doctrinal  differences  between  Epictetus’  Stoicism  and  Simplicius’  Neoplatonism  lead  them  to  interpret  the  philosophical  significance  of  the  practice  in  different  ways.  As  determinists  who  believed  in  an  all-embracing  conception  of  fate,  the  Stoics believed divination could facilitate the task of the sage living in accordance with that fate.1 But how exactly it does so requires explication since the philoso-pher in Epictetus’ view does not seek the same thing from divination as most other people. What then does one gain from the art? [Author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/isb0txplRikCizk

Where to Live the Philosophical Life in the Sixth Century? Damascius, Simplicius, and the Return from Persia, 2005
By: Watts, Edward Jay

Title	Where to Live the Philosophical Life in the Sixth Century? Damascius, Simplicius, and the Return from Persia
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2005
Journal	Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies
Volume	45
Issue	3
Pages	285-315
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Watts, Edward Jay
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

The closing of the Neoplatonic school in Athens by Justinian in 532 was not the end of classical philosophy, for when they returned to the Empire from Persia two years later the philosophers did not need to reconstitute the school at Harran or at any particular city in order to continue their philosophical activities. [author's abstract]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/EoZ3BSOdBPuEnet

Where was Simplicius?, 1992
By: Foulkes, Paul

Title	Where was Simplicius?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	1992
Journal	The Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume	112
Pages	143
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Foulkes, Paul
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

That a touch of private heterodoxy amongst the learned few is harmless if it does not stir up the ignorant many was well understood, indeed explicitly so later, in Islam and medieval Christianity.

Where, then, did the returned exiles settle? We do not know. That the Persian king sought to ensure protection for them in their previous habitat neither shows nor refutes that they went back there or to any other nameable place.

Mme Hadot certainly cannot well enlist M. Tardieu’s inference, in the second part of the introduction, from Simplicius on the four calendars (Comm. in Arist. Graeca x 875.19–22). Simplicius there states that "we posit the beginning of the year" (hêmeis de hêmeras poioumetha archês eniautou) to fall at four times, namely the summer solstice, as at Athens; the autumnal equinox, as in the then province of Asia; the winter solstice, as with the Romans; or the vernal equinox, as with the Arabs and Damascenes.

In context, Simplicius here contrasts beginnings that are natural (physei) and imposed (thesei). Adding the sentence before and after the one on the four types of year, the passage runs thus: "As regards time, flow, or becoming, the natural beginning comes first. We ourselves put the beginning of the year at (1) or (2) or (3) or (4). Likewise, those who say that a month begins at full moon or new moon will be imposing this." The passage figures in his comments on Arist. Ph. 226b34–227a10, on consecutiveness.

Simplicius never says that all four types of year were in use at one place, nor does his text imply it. Of the two solstitial years, Academics would use the summer one from tradition, while the winter one is Roman imperial. The equinoctial years were used in the areas stated.

If the equinoctial and Roman calendars existed together in some place where the Neoplatonists did settle, then in that place there must have been four calendars. Clearly, though, the reverse inference is invalid: that the four calendars co-existed does not prove the presence of Neoplatonists. The Athenian calendar may have existed there for other reasons: its being there is necessary, but not sufficient, for the Neoplatonists’ presence.

As to Harran (Carrhae), which Tardieu argues is where Simplicius settled, Arab sources confirm that the equinoctial calendars and the Roman one did exist there. We have no independent evidence that the Athenian one did. We have only Simplicius’ statement, if he was at Harran. That, however, is precisely what must be established. To cite the four-calendar passage as proof that he was, begs the question and ignores the context.

Where Simplicius wrote his commentaries thus remains unclear, for lack of evidence. [the entire text]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/YllEyDkwMYgJ7Wa

Which ‘Athenodorus’ commented on Aristotle's "Categories"?, 2013
By: Griffin, Michael J.

Title	Which ‘Athenodorus’ commented on Aristotle's "Categories"?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2013
Journal	The Classical Quarterly
Volume	63
Issue	1
Pages	199-208
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Griffin, Michael J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

In this note, I would like to revisit the identity of one of the Categories’ earliest critics, a Stoic identified only as ‘Athenodorus’ in the pages of Dexippus, Porphyry, and Simplicius. There is a strong consensus identifying this ‘Athenodorus’ with Athenodorus Calvus, a tutor of Octavian and correspondent of Cicero, roughly contemporary with Andronicus of Rhodes. I want to suggest several reasons for reconsidering this identification. In particular, I want to argue that a certain Athenodorus mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (7.68) is, on philosophical grounds, a compelling candidate for identification with the critic of the Categories, and that Diogenes’ Athenodorus is relatively unlikely to be Calvus. As an alternative to Calvus, I tentatively advance the possibility that our Athenodorus may belong to a generation of Stoic philosophers who conducted work on the Categories in the Hellenistic period, prior to the activity of Andronicus in the first century, and under the title Before the Topics (see Simpl. in Cat. 379.9, who observes that Andronicus of Rhodes was aware of this title and rejected it).

Such a story runs counter to the older consensus, now considerably less certain, that Andronicus was the first philosopher to draw serious attention to the Categories after it had languished for centuries out of circulation. Instead, we might regard Andronicus’ relocation of the text to the outset of the Aristotelian curriculum under the new title Categories as a relatively late chapter in an ongoing tradition of commentary and polemic. In what follows, I suggest some possible motives for Andronicus’ relocation of the Categories, if it can be viewed as a response to earlier criticism. [introduction p. 199-200]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/IbfU0uOFgfzLjDG

Why Did Porphyry Write Aristotelian Commentaries?, 2018
By: Karamanolis, George, Strobel, Benedikt (Ed.)

Title	Why Did Porphyry Write Aristotelian Commentaries?
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2018
Published in	Die Kunst der philosophischen Exegese bei den spätanitken Platon- und Aristoteles Kommentatoren. Akten der 15. Tagung der Karl und Gertrud Abel-Stiftung vom 4. bis 6. Oktober 2012 in Trier
Pages	9-43
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Karamanolis, George
Editor(s)	Strobel, Benedikt
Translator(s)

Let me summarize the argument of this paper. I have argued that Porphyry wrote commentaries on works of Aristotle because he found these works to represent an elaboration on and a development of Plato’s philosophy. This is a development in the sense that Aristotle not only wrestles with philosophical issues that Plato first explored and does so in a manner and with a method inspired by Plato, but also that Aristotle often takes views similar to those of Plato.

Porphyry does not deny that Aristotle often explores new territory; this is actually one reason why Porphyry devotes so much energy to studying and expounding Aristotle. What Porphyry does deny is that Aristotle contradicts the essence of Plato’s philosophical views when he articulates theories that are not in Plato, since these may be inspired by Plato or continue in some way Plato’s thinking on a given issue.

This is not something that Porphyry argues explicitly in his commentaries. Rather, this view lies in the background and is implicit. I argued, though, that this view motivates Porphyry’s Aristotelian commentaries. That is, in his commentaries, Porphyry sets out to substantiate his views on philosophical topics like causation, cosmogony, matter, the nature of linguistic items and their relation to things, concept formation, and so on, with reference to texts of the Platonist tradition in philosophy. And this tradition, Porphyry thinks, crucially includes Aristotle as well. [conclusion p. 36-37]

Online Resources

Why Does Plato's Element Theory Conflict With Mathematics (Arist. Cael. 299a2-6)?, 2003
By: Kouremenos, Theokritos

Title	Why Does Plato's Element Theory Conflict With Mathematics (Arist. Cael. 299a2-6)?
Type	Article
Language	English
Date	2003
Journal	Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume	146
Issue	3/4
Pages	328-345
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Kouremenos, Theokritos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

Since fire, air, and water consist of polyhedral molecules whose elementary constituents are of the same type, they can freely change into one another. Any of these three elements turns into another when its molecules break down into their elementary constituents, and these building blocks recombine into molecules of another element. Aristotle has in mind the reshuffling of elementary triangles when he refers to all bodies being made from, and dissolving into, planes. His first objection to this fundamental assumption in Plato's element theory is set out in Cael. 299a2-6: as is easily seen, constructing bodies from planes runs counter to mathematics whose 'hypotheses' should be accepted, unless one comes up with something more convincing.

Contrary to Aristotle's claim, it is not easy to see why Plato's element theory runs counter to mathematics because it constructs the polyhedral molecules from the triangular planes in the faces of these molecules. Aristotle presumably implies that this violates some mathematical 'hypotheses' which should be better left as they stand but does not explain what the 'hypotheses' in question are. Nor is it any clearer whether Plato commits himself to the rejection of these 'hypotheses' or some aspect of Plato's element theory entails their rejection by Aristotle's own lights. I will attempt to answer these questions after a critique of Simplicius who identifies the hypotheses in Cael. 299a2-6 with the Euclidean definitions of point, line, and plane but also thinks that Aristotle sets out further mathematical objections to Plato's element theory in Cael. 299a6-11: contrary to the commentator, there is only one such objection in Cael. 299a6-11, namely that Plato's element theory introduces indivisible lines, and, as is suggested by an allusion to Cael. 299a2-6 in the treatise On Indivisible Lines, the same objection is also implicit in Cael. 299a2-6.

That in this passage Plato's element theory is said to conflict with mathematics because it entails the existence of indivisible lines is borne out not only by Cael. 299a6-11 but also by 299a13-17. After interpreting the 'hypotheses' in Cael. 299a2-6 consistently with this fact, I will show that, when Aristotle charges Plato with introducing various sorts of indivisibles in his element theory, he actually brings out the untenability of this theory by arguing that Plato ought to introduce such entities which are, though, ruled out by mathematics. Aristotle's implicit objection in Cael. 299a2-6 follows from a similar argument which I will attempt to reconstruct in the final sections of this paper. [introduction p. 328-329]

Online Resources

https://uni-koeln.sciebo.de/s/9EHiPSWuW9oh0c4

Why rescue Parmenides? On Zeno's Ontology in Simplicius, 2024
By: Marc-Antoine Gavray

Title	Why rescue Parmenides? On Zeno's Ontology in Simplicius
Type	Book Section
Language	English
Date	2024
Published in	Eleatic Ontology from the Hellenistic Period to Late Antiquity
Pages	171-193
Categories	no categories
Author(s)	Marc-Antoine Gavray
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

This paper examines the role Simplicius attributes to Zeno in the Eleatic ontology
and tries to determine his place within the Neoplatonic system. It shows how the commen-
tator competes with his Peripatetic forerunners (Eudemus and Alexander) and makes Zeno’s
goal congruent with Parmenides. Zeno talks of the same One-Being as Parmenides did, not
of any physical one or being. However, instead of determining it directly, he has to convert
his readers, Parmenides’ opponents, through dialectical arguments (ἐπιχειρήματα). Therefore,
this article also questions the meaning of being a disciple and rescuing one’s master: Simpli-
cius uses Zeno as a model for every philosopher in this position.
Keywords: One-Being, dialectical arguments, dichotomia, division, Alexander of Aphrodi-
sias, Simplicius, Plato, Zeno of Elea, Parmenides, Aristoteles, Eudemus of Rhodes [author's abstract]

Online Resources