Ancora su Simplicio e le Categorie, 1990
By: Isnardi Parente, Margherita
Title Ancora su Simplicio e le Categorie
Type Article
Language Italian
Date 1990
Journal Rivista di Storia della Filosofia
Volume 45
Issue 4
Pages 723-732
Categories no categories
Author(s) Isnardi Parente, Margherita
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
La storia del concetto di relativo ha già precedenti che sarebbe troppo lungo ricordare. Basti accennare qui a due essenziali limitazioni che i relativi hanno già subito nella storia della tradizione platonico-aristotelica: la negazione di un modello ideale per la relazione (i modelli ideali esistono per le realtà poste in relazione, non per la relazione stessa o per ciò che è solo in funzione della relazione); la definizione di paraphyas per il relativo, definizione che va da Aristotele (EN I, 1096 a 21) ad Andronico ed oltre: paraphyas, cioè ciò che si pone accanto alla vera phýsis, come una sorta di natura aggiunta e secondaria. Gli stoici hanno una loro parte nella storia di questa riduzione della relazione a fatto di ordine mentale o soggettivo. I pros ti pôs echonta sono una nuova forma di incorporeo che viene ad aggiungersi alle altre, anche se nessuna lista riveduta ci è fornita dalla tradizione. E di questa nuova importanza dell'incorporeità in rapporto con la teoria dei generi dell'essere, passi come quello di Simplicio o come questo di Sesto offrono una attestazione fondamentale. [conclusion p. 731-732]

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Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie, 1990
By: Dillon, John
Title Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie
Type Article
Language English
Date 1990
Journal Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume 110
Pages 244–245
Categories no categories
Author(s) Dillon, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Simplicius is a man who might seem destined forever to be used simply as a source for other thinkers, without being given much credit for thinking himself. After all, his surviving works are overtly commentaries on one work or another (overwhelmingly of Aristotle)—though, in fact, small bits of more original work are embedded in these, such as the Corollaries on Space and Time in the Physics commentary. He is also a man of exemplary modesty about his own contributions, always making clear his debts to previous authorities, quoting his sources to an extent unusual in Neoplatonist circles (or indeed in the ancient world in general). It was therefore a happy idea of Mme. Hadot to call together a conference of distinguished Neoplatonists to honor Simplicius and to produce this impressive volume as a result. The work is divided into four (unequal) parts: A biographical introduction A series of essays on doctrinal and methodological questions A shorter section on textual problems A pair of essays on Simplicius' Nachleben All are of interest and importance. First, we have an essay by Ilsetraut Hadot herself (depending in one important respect on the essay of Michel Tardieu, which follows it) on the chronology of Simplicius' life and works. Tardieu, by a fine piece of detective work (Simplicius et les calendriers de Harran), argues with at least great probability that when Simplicius returned with the other philosophers from Persia in 532, it was not to Athens or any other major center but rather to the town of Harran (Carrhae) in Osrhoene. There, a tradition of non-conformist Christianity was tolerant of philosophy, and it is likely where he composed most, if not all, of his commentaries. Certain remarks Simplicius makes in In Phys. 874.23 ff., about the four different calendars "we" use, seem to require his presence at the only known place where four calendars were simultaneously in use, as we know from later Arab sources. The central part of the collection comprises six essays on aspects of doctrine: Two by Philippe Hoffmann (Categories et langage selon Simplicius: on the purpose (skopos) of Aristotle's Categories and an analysis of Simplicius’ invective against John Philoponus) One by Henry Blumenthal on the doctrine of the De Anima commentary of Simplicius (if it is indeed by Simplicius) One by Concetta Luna on Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary One by Richard Sorabji on Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension One by Nestor-Luis Cordero on Simplicius et l'école éléate Hoffmann's studies frame this central portion of the work. His first examines Simplicius' account of the skopos of Aristotle's Categories, showing how Simplicius, following Porphyry, views the Categories as addressing "utterances" (phonai), "things" (pragmata, onta), "concepts" (noemata), or all of these. Simplicius interprets the study of language, particularly its primary constituents, as a preparation for the soul’s ascent to the noetic world—a higher interpretation inherited from Iamblichus. In his second study, Hoffmann examines Simplicius' strategies of polemic and invective against Philoponus, particularly in the De Caelo, and Simplicius' view of the higher purpose of studying celestial matters. For Simplicius, even prosaic texts like the Categories could become an elevating and prayerful experience. Sorabji, in an elegant contribution, shows how Simplicius solves a problem bequeathed by Aristotle by identifying prime matter with extension, which Aristotle did not do. Cordero challenges the idea of an Eleatic "school" while listing Simplicius’ quotations of Parmenides, Zeno, and Melissus. Blumenthal discusses Simplicius’ doctrine of the soul, though his uncertainty about the authorship of the De Anima commentary (potentially by Priscian) limits the analysis. Luna traces Iamblichean roots in Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary. The final sections include discussions of the manuscript tradition of Simplicius, with contributions by Ilsetraut Hadot, Leonardo Taran, and Dieter Harlfinger. Taran critiques Diels’ edition of Simplicius' Physics commentary, showing its deficiencies due to reliance on unreliable collations and limited understanding of Neoplatonic doctrine. Harlfinger analyzes contamination in the manuscript tradition of the commentary on Books I-IV. The collection concludes with two papers on Simplicius’ influence in the medieval West, one by Fernand Boissier on Latin translations and the influence of the In De Caelo commentary and another by Pierre Hadot on the survival of the Manuel d'Épictète commentary in the 15th to 17th centuries. Overall, this collection has given Simplicius much of his due as a major commentator and preserver of earlier Greek philosophy. While only three papers—those by Blumenthal, Luna, and Sorabji—discuss any distinctive doctrines of Simplicius, this is perhaps reasonable given that he does not claim originality. Most of what seems distinctive likely goes back to Iamblichus or Syrianus/Proclus. Yet, it might one day be possible to produce a focused volume on his doctrinal innovations. [the entire text]

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After all, his surviving works are overtly commentaries on one work or another (overwhelmingly of Aristotle)\u2014though, in fact, small bits of more original work are embedded in these, such as the Corollaries on Space and Time in the Physics commentary. He is also a man of exemplary modesty about his own contributions, always making clear his debts to previous authorities, quoting his sources to an extent unusual in Neoplatonist circles (or indeed in the ancient world in general).\r\n\r\nIt was therefore a happy idea of Mme. Hadot to call together a conference of distinguished Neoplatonists to honor Simplicius and to produce this impressive volume as a result. The work is divided into four (unequal) parts:\r\n\r\n A biographical introduction\r\n A series of essays on doctrinal and methodological questions\r\n A shorter section on textual problems\r\n A pair of essays on Simplicius' Nachleben\r\n\r\nAll are of interest and importance.\r\n\r\nFirst, we have an essay by Ilsetraut Hadot herself (depending in one important respect on the essay of Michel Tardieu, which follows it) on the chronology of Simplicius' life and works. Tardieu, by a fine piece of detective work (Simplicius et les calendriers de Harran), argues with at least great probability that when Simplicius returned with the other philosophers from Persia in 532, it was not to Athens or any other major center but rather to the town of Harran (Carrhae) in Osrhoene. There, a tradition of non-conformist Christianity was tolerant of philosophy, and it is likely where he composed most, if not all, of his commentaries. Certain remarks Simplicius makes in In Phys. 874.23 ff., about the four different calendars \"we\" use, seem to require his presence at the only known place where four calendars were simultaneously in use, as we know from later Arab sources.\r\n\r\nThe central part of the collection comprises six essays on aspects of doctrine:\r\n\r\n Two by Philippe Hoffmann (Categories et langage selon Simplicius: on the purpose (skopos) of Aristotle's Categories and an analysis of Simplicius\u2019 invective against John Philoponus)\r\n One by Henry Blumenthal on the doctrine of the De Anima commentary of Simplicius (if it is indeed by Simplicius)\r\n One by Concetta Luna on Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary\r\n One by Richard Sorabji on Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension\r\n One by Nestor-Luis Cordero on Simplicius et l'\u00e9cole \u00e9l\u00e9ate\r\n\r\nHoffmann's studies frame this central portion of the work. His first examines Simplicius' account of the skopos of Aristotle's Categories, showing how Simplicius, following Porphyry, views the Categories as addressing \"utterances\" (phonai), \"things\" (pragmata, onta), \"concepts\" (noemata), or all of these. Simplicius interprets the study of language, particularly its primary constituents, as a preparation for the soul\u2019s ascent to the noetic world\u2014a higher interpretation inherited from Iamblichus. In his second study, Hoffmann examines Simplicius' strategies of polemic and invective against Philoponus, particularly in the De Caelo, and Simplicius' view of the higher purpose of studying celestial matters. For Simplicius, even prosaic texts like the Categories could become an elevating and prayerful experience.\r\n\r\nSorabji, in an elegant contribution, shows how Simplicius solves a problem bequeathed by Aristotle by identifying prime matter with extension, which Aristotle did not do. Cordero challenges the idea of an Eleatic \"school\" while listing Simplicius\u2019 quotations of Parmenides, Zeno, and Melissus. Blumenthal discusses Simplicius\u2019 doctrine of the soul, though his uncertainty about the authorship of the De Anima commentary (potentially by Priscian) limits the analysis. Luna traces Iamblichean roots in Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary.\r\n\r\nThe final sections include discussions of the manuscript tradition of Simplicius, with contributions by Ilsetraut Hadot, Leonardo Taran, and Dieter Harlfinger. Taran critiques Diels\u2019 edition of Simplicius' Physics commentary, showing its deficiencies due to reliance on unreliable collations and limited understanding of Neoplatonic doctrine. Harlfinger analyzes contamination in the manuscript tradition of the commentary on Books I-IV.\r\n\r\nThe collection concludes with two papers on Simplicius\u2019 influence in the medieval West, one by Fernand Boissier on Latin translations and the influence of the In De Caelo commentary and another by Pierre Hadot on the survival of the Manuel d'\u00c9pict\u00e8te commentary in the 15th to 17th centuries.\r\n\r\nOverall, this collection has given Simplicius much of his due as a major commentator and preserver of earlier Greek philosophy. While only three papers\u2014those by Blumenthal, Luna, and Sorabji\u2014discuss any distinctive doctrines of Simplicius, this is perhaps reasonable given that he does not claim originality. Most of what seems distinctive likely goes back to Iamblichus or Syrianus\/Proclus. Yet, it might one day be possible to produce a focused volume on his doctrinal innovations. [the entire text]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/hje0CYeAY915LhU","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":97,"full_name":"Dillon, John","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":708,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of Hellenic Studies","volume":"110","issue":"","pages":"244\u2013245"}},"sort":[1990]}

Studies in Xenophanes, 1990
By: Finkelberg, Aryeh
Title Studies in Xenophanes
Type Article
Language English
Date 1990
Journal Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
Volume 93
Pages 103-167
Categories no categories
Author(s) Finkelberg, Aryeh
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Here, our reconstruction of Theophrastus' account can be regarded as complete: we have determined his general approach to Xenophanes' twofold teaching and dwelt on the main points of his report on Xenophanes' monistic doctrine. The examination of Xenophanes' cosmological conception, however interesting and desirable, is a separate task which should be left for another opportunity. After such a lengthy discussion, one should perhaps briefly recapitulate the results arrived at, and the best way to do this seems to be to present the Theophrastean account in the form of the ordered series of statements reconstructed above. In this list, the sources from which a given statement is excerpted or on the basis of which it is formulated are referred to by the name of the author and the page and line(s) of the Diels-Kranz edition. Statements and parts of statements that are purely conjectural are italicized. [Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18] Xenophanes of Colophon, who pursued a certain way of his own different from [that of] all those spoken of beforehand [i.e., the Milesians], allows neither coming-to-be nor destruction but says that the whole is eternally selfsame. [Simpl.; 121.28] He says that this One and Whole is God, saying thus (fr. 23). [Simpl.; 121.27-28] The mention of this Xenophanean opinion rather belongs to a study other than that concerned with natural philosophy [that is, in that concerned with first philosophy]. He says that God is ungenerated and eternal, which he proves as follows: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.18-20] had it [the Whole or God] come to be, it is necessary for it not to be before this; but not being, it can never come to be: neither nought can produce anything nor can anything come to be by the agency of nought. That God is one, he proves so: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.23-24] among gods, there can be no supremacy, for it does not suit the divine holiness that God should be under lordship; but were there many gods, there would be lords and subjects among them (perhaps also: or all of them would be lords of each other). [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.24-25; 122.3-6] He does not say whether God is finite or infinite. Nor does he say [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.25; 122.3-6] whether he is moved or unmoved. But [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.6-9] actually, he conceives of God as unmoved, for he calls him eternally selfsame and says (fr. 26). He says that God is thoroughly seeing, hearing, and thinking (fr. 24). He demonstrates this in the following way: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.25-26] God is altogether free from any want; but had he seen, heard, and thought only in one part of him, he would be in want of these in another part; hence he sees, hears, and thinks wholly and not in one or another part of himself. [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.13-14] And he says that God governs all things by his mind, saying (fr. 25). [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.20-21; Aristocles; 126.6-8] Thus he throws out sense-perceptions while trusting logos alone. [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18; Theophr. ap. Alex.; 219.31-33] The other way, that of accounting for the coming-to-be of existing things, he dismisses, declaring such accounts to be no more than opinion deprived of any certainty, saying this in such words (fr. 34). Nevertheless, he proposes some such opinion which he himself seems to adjudge plausible, as his own words show (fr. 35). [Theophr. ap. Alex; 219.31-33] But Parmenides, who came after him, took both ways [i.e., that of Xenophanes and that of the Milesians, cf. (1)]. For indeed, he both says that the whole is eternal and tries to account for the coming-to-be of existing things, not however thinking about both [ways] alike, but according to truth assuming the whole to be one, ungenerated, and spherical, while according to the opinion of the many, accounting for the coming-to-be of perceptible things by positing two principles: fire and earth, etc. This reconstructed account represents that of the first book of the Physical Opinions. Indeed, (1) is the counterpart of (14), which is explicitly related by Alexander to the first book. (2)–(10) also belong there, for they either come from Simplicius' report or correct and complement it where it is wrong or incomplete, while this report itself comes from the first book of the Physical Opinions. If Theophrastus' account was as I suggest, it seems to have been of great accuracy. True, it misrepresents Xenophanes' position in that his epistemic approach is interpreted in terms of the contrast logos:aistheseis, but this is the only major misinterpretation I can find in the account. On the whole, this is a precise report that moreover does not show any tendency to assimilate Xenophanes' teaching to that of Parmenides. Yet it would be hard to point out even one important Parmenidean doctrine which is not, in one way or another, rooted in Xenophanes' teaching. Such is, first and foremost, the Parmenidean idea of the intelligible unity of the sensible manifold, which in Xenophanes himself was, as we have suggested, the development of one of the facets of Anaximander's Apeiron. This is the view of unity as one of two aspects—true, the most essential, significant, and sublime—but nevertheless one aspect only of reality, complementary to its other aspect, that of the manifold. [conclusion p. 163-167]

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The examination of Xenophanes' cosmological conception, however interesting and desirable, is a separate task which should be left for another opportunity. After such a lengthy discussion, one should perhaps briefly recapitulate the results arrived at, and the best way to do this seems to be to present the Theophrastean account in the form of the ordered series of statements reconstructed above. In this list, the sources from which a given statement is excerpted or on the basis of which it is formulated are referred to by the name of the author and the page and line(s) of the Diels-Kranz edition. Statements and parts of statements that are purely conjectural are italicized.\r\n\r\n [Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18] Xenophanes of Colophon, who pursued a certain way of his own different from [that of] all those spoken of beforehand [i.e., the Milesians], allows neither coming-to-be nor destruction but says that the whole is eternally selfsame.\r\n [Simpl.; 121.28] He says that this One and Whole is God, saying thus (fr. 23).\r\n [Simpl.; 121.27-28] The mention of this Xenophanean opinion rather belongs to a study other than that concerned with natural philosophy [that is, in that concerned with first philosophy].\r\n He says that God is ungenerated and eternal, which he proves as follows: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.18-20] had it [the Whole or God] come to be, it is necessary for it not to be before this; but not being, it can never come to be: neither nought can produce anything nor can anything come to be by the agency of nought.\r\n That God is one, he proves so: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.23-24] among gods, there can be no supremacy, for it does not suit the divine holiness that God should be under lordship; but were there many gods, there would be lords and subjects among them (perhaps also: or all of them would be lords of each other).\r\n [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.24-25; 122.3-6] He does not say whether God is finite or infinite.\r\n Nor does he say [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.25; 122.3-6] whether he is moved or unmoved.\r\n But [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.6-9] actually, he conceives of God as unmoved, for he calls him eternally selfsame and says (fr. 26).\r\n He says that God is thoroughly seeing, hearing, and thinking (fr. 24). He demonstrates this in the following way: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.25-26] God is altogether free from any want; but had he seen, heard, and thought only in one part of him, he would be in want of these in another part; hence he sees, hears, and thinks wholly and not in one or another part of himself.\r\n [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.13-14] And he says that God governs all things by his mind, saying (fr. 25).\r\n [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.20-21; Aristocles; 126.6-8] Thus he throws out sense-perceptions while trusting logos alone.\r\n [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18; Theophr. ap. Alex.; 219.31-33] The other way, that of accounting for the coming-to-be of existing things, he dismisses, declaring such accounts to be no more than opinion deprived of any certainty, saying this in such words (fr. 34).\r\n Nevertheless, he proposes some such opinion which he himself seems to adjudge plausible, as his own words show (fr. 35).\r\n [Theophr. ap. Alex; 219.31-33] But Parmenides, who came after him, took both ways [i.e., that of Xenophanes and that of the Milesians, cf. (1)]. For indeed, he both says that the whole is eternal and tries to account for the coming-to-be of existing things, not however thinking about both [ways] alike, but according to truth assuming the whole to be one, ungenerated, and spherical, while according to the opinion of the many, accounting for the coming-to-be of perceptible things by positing two principles: fire and earth, etc.\r\n\r\nThis reconstructed account represents that of the first book of the Physical Opinions. Indeed, (1) is the counterpart of (14), which is explicitly related by Alexander to the first book. (2)\u2013(10) also belong there, for they either come from Simplicius' report or correct and complement it where it is wrong or incomplete, while this report itself comes from the first book of the Physical Opinions.\r\n\r\nIf Theophrastus' account was as I suggest, it seems to have been of great accuracy. True, it misrepresents Xenophanes' position in that his epistemic approach is interpreted in terms of the contrast logos:aistheseis, but this is the only major misinterpretation I can find in the account. On the whole, this is a precise report that moreover does not show any tendency to assimilate Xenophanes' teaching to that of Parmenides.\r\n\r\nYet it would be hard to point out even one important Parmenidean doctrine which is not, in one way or another, rooted in Xenophanes' teaching. Such is, first and foremost, the Parmenidean idea of the intelligible unity of the sensible manifold, which in Xenophanes himself was, as we have suggested, the development of one of the facets of Anaximander's Apeiron. This is the view of unity as one of two aspects\u2014true, the most essential, significant, and sublime\u2014but nevertheless one aspect only of reality, complementary to its other aspect, that of the manifold.\r\n[conclusion p. 163-167]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/H8YttvfJXlsVkrJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":113,"full_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":748,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Harvard Studies in Classical Philology","volume":"93","issue":"","pages":"103-167"}},"sort":[1990]}

The Trouble with Fragrance, 1990
By: Ellis, John
Title The Trouble with Fragrance
Type Article
Language English
Date 1990
Journal Phronesis
Volume 35
Issue 3
Pages 290-302
Categories no categories
Author(s) Ellis, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
By 'in a subject' I mean what (a) is in something, not as a part, and (b) cannot exist separately from what it is in. (Aristotle, Categories 1a24-5) These lines have been extensively discussed in recent years. The crux of the debate is whether the existence clause (b) is to be construed in a way that commits Aristotle to particular, non-sharable properties. On the "traditional" interpretation, a property is in an individual thing as in a subject, say, Socrates, only if it cannot exist apart from Socrates. This implies that the properties of an individual thing are peculiar to it or non-sharable, in the sense that they cannot be in any other thing. The particular white in Socrates, for example, ceases to exist when he gets a tan. It does not move on to inhere in Callias or any other subject, nor is the white in Callias numerically the same white as the white in Socrates. Although both are white, perhaps even the same shade of white, nonetheless, they are numerically distinct particulars inhering in different individual things. Many recent commentators have tried to "rescue" Aristotle from the alleged commitment to such Stoutian particulars. Their strategy has been to weaken (b) so that the particular inherent property is not existentially dependent on the very particular substance it inheres in. G.E.L. Owen opened the debate by arguing that (b) can mean "cannot exist without something to contain it," and thus Aristotle is only committed to the view that particular properties need some substance or other in order to exist. A particular white, for example, would be a particular shade of white, which could, of course, be exemplified by more than one particular substance. The task I’ve set for myself in this paper is not to argue for either the weak or the strong interpretation of inherence in Aristotle. That is already a well-trodden path. Instead, I shall look at what the ancient commentators on Aristotle had to say on the subject. Which interpretation, the strong or the weak, do they support? My strategy is to focus on one of the many problems they consider, that of fragrance, and to see if their treatment of it yields an answer. The fragrance problem attacks the basis of Aristotle's ontology—the distinction between substance and accident. Didn’t Aristotle say that accidents cannot exist apart from that in which they inhere? But fragrances seem to travel to us from their subjects, and aren’t they accidents? In the attempts, from Porphyry (232–309 AD) to Elias (fl. 541), to save Aristotle’s ontology from this objection, we shall find, I hope to show, an interesting development in the complexity of the discussions. Not surprisingly, given the nature of the problem, the discussions move into psychological theory, and we find that, in order for his ontology to be saved, Aristotle’s psychological theory must be deepened. Concluding Remarks There seems to be a clear development in the way the commentators construed "in a subject." Starting with Porphyry’s tense solution, it is possible to see a gradual movement away from that solution and the weak construal it implies, toward the stronger reading implied by the other solutions. Ammonius introduces an alternative, the effluence solution, albeit without indicating his preference. His students, Philoponus and Simplicius, add further developments or modifications to his view: Simplicius, by rejecting the tense solution and offering new alternatives; and Philoponus, by turning the discussion more toward psychology and revealing both the conflict between the effluence and diosmic theories and his preference for the latter. This shift in the discussion toward psychology is evidenced by Olympiodorus, who responds to the fragrance problem only with alternative psychological theories, making no mention of the tense solution. Finally, Elias, although mentioning the tense solution, devotes most of his energy to evaluating the alternative psychological answers to the fragrance problem. [introduction p. 290-291; conclusion p. 302]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"751","_score":null,"_source":{"id":751,"authors_free":[{"id":1116,"entry_id":751,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":81,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Ellis, John","free_first_name":"John","free_last_name":"Ellis","norm_person":{"id":81,"first_name":"John","last_name":"Ellis","full_name":"Ellis, John","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Trouble with Fragrance","main_title":{"title":"The Trouble with Fragrance"},"abstract":"By 'in a subject' I mean what (a) is in something, not as a part, and (b) cannot exist separately from what it is in. (Aristotle, Categories 1a24-5)\r\n\r\nThese lines have been extensively discussed in recent years. The crux of the debate is whether the existence clause (b) is to be construed in a way that commits Aristotle to particular, non-sharable properties. On the \"traditional\" interpretation, a property is in an individual thing as in a subject, say, Socrates, only if it cannot exist apart from Socrates. This implies that the properties of an individual thing are peculiar to it or non-sharable, in the sense that they cannot be in any other thing. The particular white in Socrates, for example, ceases to exist when he gets a tan. It does not move on to inhere in Callias or any other subject, nor is the white in Callias numerically the same white as the white in Socrates. Although both are white, perhaps even the same shade of white, nonetheless, they are numerically distinct particulars inhering in different individual things.\r\n\r\nMany recent commentators have tried to \"rescue\" Aristotle from the alleged commitment to such Stoutian particulars. Their strategy has been to weaken (b) so that the particular inherent property is not existentially dependent on the very particular substance it inheres in. G.E.L. Owen opened the debate by arguing that (b) can mean \"cannot exist without something to contain it,\" and thus Aristotle is only committed to the view that particular properties need some substance or other in order to exist. A particular white, for example, would be a particular shade of white, which could, of course, be exemplified by more than one particular substance.\r\n\r\nThe task I\u2019ve set for myself in this paper is not to argue for either the weak or the strong interpretation of inherence in Aristotle. That is already a well-trodden path. Instead, I shall look at what the ancient commentators on Aristotle had to say on the subject. Which interpretation, the strong or the weak, do they support? My strategy is to focus on one of the many problems they consider, that of fragrance, and to see if their treatment of it yields an answer.\r\n\r\nThe fragrance problem attacks the basis of Aristotle's ontology\u2014the distinction between substance and accident. Didn\u2019t Aristotle say that accidents cannot exist apart from that in which they inhere? But fragrances seem to travel to us from their subjects, and aren\u2019t they accidents? In the attempts, from Porphyry (232\u2013309 AD) to Elias (fl. 541), to save Aristotle\u2019s ontology from this objection, we shall find, I hope to show, an interesting development in the complexity of the discussions. Not surprisingly, given the nature of the problem, the discussions move into psychological theory, and we find that, in order for his ontology to be saved, Aristotle\u2019s psychological theory must be deepened.\r\nConcluding Remarks\r\n\r\nThere seems to be a clear development in the way the commentators construed \"in a subject.\" Starting with Porphyry\u2019s tense solution, it is possible to see a gradual movement away from that solution and the weak construal it implies, toward the stronger reading implied by the other solutions. Ammonius introduces an alternative, the effluence solution, albeit without indicating his preference. His students, Philoponus and Simplicius, add further developments or modifications to his view: Simplicius, by rejecting the tense solution and offering new alternatives; and Philoponus, by turning the discussion more toward psychology and revealing both the conflict between the effluence and diosmic theories and his preference for the latter.\r\n\r\nThis shift in the discussion toward psychology is evidenced by Olympiodorus, who responds to the fragrance problem only with alternative psychological theories, making no mention of the tense solution. Finally, Elias, although mentioning the tense solution, devotes most of his energy to evaluating the alternative psychological answers to the fragrance problem. [introduction p. 290-291; conclusion p. 302]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/HQWPG36viwyMCbr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":81,"full_name":"Ellis, John","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":751,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"35","issue":"3","pages":"290-302"}},"sort":[1990]}

More on Zeno's "Forty logoi", 1990
By: Tarrant, Harold
Title More on Zeno's "Forty logoi"
Type Article
Language English
Date 1990
Journal Illinois Classical Studies
Volume 15
Issue 1
Pages 23-37
Categories no categories
Author(s) Tarrant, Harold
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In Illinois Classical Studies 11 (1986), 35-41, John Dillon presents material from Proclus' Commentary on the Parmenides in which he makes it clear that Proclus knew of a work purporting to be by Zeno, which contained forty logoi. This work was allegedly the one that "Zeno" had just read at the opening of the main narrative of Plato’s Parmenides (127c), and which Socrates subsequently challenges (127d-130a). Dillon presents the same material in his introduction to Proclus' In Parmenidem. Its relevance is no longer confined to the Neoplatonists, as Dillon believes that it is possible the Forty Logoi “at least contained genuine material, though perhaps worked over at a later date.” It threatens to have implications both for Eleatic studies and for the interpretation of the Parmenides itself. I believe that the issue must be tackled again, not merely because of Dillon’s judiciously aporetic conclusion, but because I fear that there are important points which have not yet been addressed. Firstly, from a passage not included in Dillon's survey but which seems to me to be relevant, it appears that the allegedly Zenonian work was known to much earlier, pre-Plotinian interpreters, who considered it important for the interpretation of the hypotheses of the second part of the Parmenides, at least down to 155e and possibly beyond. This increases the potential importance of the work, as well as marginally increasing its claim to be genuine; at least it was not a Neoplatonic forgery. Secondly, despite Proclus’ apparent familiarity with it, the work does not seem to clarify Plato's puzzling reference to the “first hypothesis of the first logos” at 127d7. One would have expected that consultation of the relevant text of Zeno would have done so, and this might be considered an obstacle to believing that the work is what it purports to be. Thirdly, there is a significant question of Proclus’ independence. There are some troubling features about the historical material in this commentary which are absent from his Timaeus commentary, for instance. Most relevant here is the rather scrappy way in which Parmenides himself has been quoted. On p. 665, the three short quotations from B8 are out of order; on p. 708, two of the same snippets from B8 have B5 (whose genuineness is less than certain) inserted between them. On p. 1152, we encounter seven tiny quotations, with the five from B8 this time being in the correct order, but with an impossible version of B3 inserted between B8.30 and B8.35-36; B4.1 then follows. The total number of lines quoted in whole or in part (excluding uncertain allusions) amounts to only 21 (9 of these from B8.25-36), but some lines appear three or more times (B8.4, 25, 29, 44). It is clear that Proclus remembered certain favorite phrases, and one doubts whether he was referring to any text, except possibly at p. 1134, where a passage of four lines is quoted. Even here, either Proclus or the scribes have failed us in the last line. Likewise, there is no need to suppose that he is referring at any point to the alleged work of Zeno. Certainly, he knows something about it, and he may well have had access to it and read it in the past. But I do not find anything in the text requiring that he consult the work as he writes. Furthermore, if we bear in mind that earlier interpreters had made use of the Forty Logoi, much of Proclus' material on the work could plausibly be attributed to borrowings from earlier commentaries. One commentary he certainly used is that of Plutarch of Athens, whose work on earlier interpreters Proclus evidently admired (p. 1061.18-20). We should not allow any admiration for Proclus as a philosopher, or even for the doxographic material in other commentaries, to lead us to suppose that his reports will be either original or reliable in this commentary. [introduction p. 23-24]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"408","_score":null,"_source":{"id":408,"authors_free":[{"id":546,"entry_id":408,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":122,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tarrant, Harold","free_first_name":"Harold","free_last_name":"Tarrant","norm_person":{"id":122,"first_name":"Harold ","last_name":"Tarrant","full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132040077","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"More on Zeno's \"Forty logoi\"","main_title":{"title":"More on Zeno's \"Forty logoi\""},"abstract":"In Illinois Classical Studies 11 (1986), 35-41, John Dillon presents material from Proclus' Commentary on the Parmenides in which he makes it clear that Proclus knew of a work purporting to be by Zeno, which contained forty logoi. This work was allegedly the one that \"Zeno\" had just read at the opening of the main narrative of Plato\u2019s Parmenides (127c), and which Socrates subsequently challenges (127d-130a). Dillon presents the same material in his introduction to Proclus' In Parmenidem. Its relevance is no longer confined to the Neoplatonists, as Dillon believes that it is possible the Forty Logoi \u201cat least contained genuine material, though perhaps worked over at a later date.\u201d It threatens to have implications both for Eleatic studies and for the interpretation of the Parmenides itself.\r\n\r\nI believe that the issue must be tackled again, not merely because of Dillon\u2019s judiciously aporetic conclusion, but because I fear that there are important points which have not yet been addressed. Firstly, from a passage not included in Dillon's survey but which seems to me to be relevant, it appears that the allegedly Zenonian work was known to much earlier, pre-Plotinian interpreters, who considered it important for the interpretation of the hypotheses of the second part of the Parmenides, at least down to 155e and possibly beyond. This increases the potential importance of the work, as well as marginally increasing its claim to be genuine; at least it was not a Neoplatonic forgery.\r\n\r\nSecondly, despite Proclus\u2019 apparent familiarity with it, the work does not seem to clarify Plato's puzzling reference to the \u201cfirst hypothesis of the first logos\u201d at 127d7. One would have expected that consultation of the relevant text of Zeno would have done so, and this might be considered an obstacle to believing that the work is what it purports to be.\r\n\r\nThirdly, there is a significant question of Proclus\u2019 independence. There are some troubling features about the historical material in this commentary which are absent from his Timaeus commentary, for instance. Most relevant here is the rather scrappy way in which Parmenides himself has been quoted. On p. 665, the three short quotations from B8 are out of order; on p. 708, two of the same snippets from B8 have B5 (whose genuineness is less than certain) inserted between them. On p. 1152, we encounter seven tiny quotations, with the five from B8 this time being in the correct order, but with an impossible version of B3 inserted between B8.30 and B8.35-36; B4.1 then follows.\r\n\r\nThe total number of lines quoted in whole or in part (excluding uncertain allusions) amounts to only 21 (9 of these from B8.25-36), but some lines appear three or more times (B8.4, 25, 29, 44). It is clear that Proclus remembered certain favorite phrases, and one doubts whether he was referring to any text, except possibly at p. 1134, where a passage of four lines is quoted. Even here, either Proclus or the scribes have failed us in the last line. Likewise, there is no need to suppose that he is referring at any point to the alleged work of Zeno. Certainly, he knows something about it, and he may well have had access to it and read it in the past. But I do not find anything in the text requiring that he consult the work as he writes.\r\n\r\nFurthermore, if we bear in mind that earlier interpreters had made use of the Forty Logoi, much of Proclus' material on the work could plausibly be attributed to borrowings from earlier commentaries. One commentary he certainly used is that of Plutarch of Athens, whose work on earlier interpreters Proclus evidently admired (p. 1061.18-20). We should not allow any admiration for Proclus as a philosopher, or even for the doxographic material in other commentaries, to lead us to suppose that his reports will be either original or reliable in this commentary. [introduction p. 23-24]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YLhtdTiVc9rnvdt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":122,"full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":408,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Illinois Classical Studies","volume":"15","issue":"1","pages":"23-37"}},"sort":[1990]}

Le thème de la grande année d'Héraclite aux Stoiciens, 1989
By: Bels, Jacques
Title Le thème de la grande année d'Héraclite aux Stoiciens
Type Article
Language French
Date 1989
Journal Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume 7
Issue 2
Pages 169-183
Categories no categories
Author(s) Bels, Jacques
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
D’Héraclite aux stoïciens, en passant par Platon qui adopte un point de vue analogue à celui de l’Éphésien, le discours sur la Grande Année est au cœur même de la conception philosophique, même s’il subit une modification dans son appréhension. En effet, à une lecture (re)générante, le stoïcisme substitue une perspective finaliste quand il privilégie le lien Grande Année-ekpyrosis. Cette accentuation d’une Grande Année conçue comme limite, au détriment de la régénération, se marque également dans la liaison ekpyrosis-fin de la survie limitée. En effet, selon les stoïciens, à la disparition des corps, la partie spirituelle subsiste un certain temps avant de disparaître à son tour. Conséquence logique de la thèse selon laquelle ce qui est engendré doit disparaître, cette mort de l’âme correspond, chez Cléanthe et Chrysippe, à la conflagration universelle. Pour le premier, en effet, toutes les âmes survivent jusqu’à l’embrasement final, tandis que, pour le second, seules les âmes des sages connaissent ce privilège, celles des "insensés" disparaissant plus rapidement. Dès lors, quand il établit une parenté entre les stoïciens et Héraclite, Simplicius a partiellement raison : ces penseurs ont posé l’existence d’une Grande Année. Il oublie simplement de préciser qu’ils lui ont assigné des priorités différentes. [conclusion p. 183]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"831","_score":null,"_source":{"id":831,"authors_free":[{"id":1235,"entry_id":831,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":421,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bels, Jacques","free_first_name":"Jacques","free_last_name":"Bels","norm_person":{"id":421,"first_name":"Jacques","last_name":"Bels","full_name":"Bels, Jacques","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le th\u00e8me de la grande ann\u00e9e d'H\u00e9raclite aux Stoiciens","main_title":{"title":"Le th\u00e8me de la grande ann\u00e9e d'H\u00e9raclite aux Stoiciens"},"abstract":"D\u2019H\u00e9raclite aux sto\u00efciens, en passant par Platon qui adopte un point de vue analogue \u00e0 celui de l\u2019\u00c9ph\u00e9sien, le discours sur la Grande Ann\u00e9e est au c\u0153ur m\u00eame de la conception philosophique, m\u00eame s\u2019il subit une modification dans son appr\u00e9hension. En effet, \u00e0 une lecture (re)g\u00e9n\u00e9rante, le sto\u00efcisme substitue une perspective finaliste quand il privil\u00e9gie le lien Grande Ann\u00e9e-ekpyrosis. Cette accentuation d\u2019une Grande Ann\u00e9e con\u00e7ue comme limite, au d\u00e9triment de la r\u00e9g\u00e9n\u00e9ration, se marque \u00e9galement dans la liaison ekpyrosis-fin de la survie limit\u00e9e. En effet, selon les sto\u00efciens, \u00e0 la disparition des corps, la partie spirituelle subsiste un certain temps avant de dispara\u00eetre \u00e0 son tour.\r\n\r\nCons\u00e9quence logique de la th\u00e8se selon laquelle ce qui est engendr\u00e9 doit dispara\u00eetre, cette mort de l\u2019\u00e2me correspond, chez Cl\u00e9anthe et Chrysippe, \u00e0 la conflagration universelle. Pour le premier, en effet, toutes les \u00e2mes survivent jusqu\u2019\u00e0 l\u2019embrasement final, tandis que, pour le second, seules les \u00e2mes des sages connaissent ce privil\u00e8ge, celles des \"insens\u00e9s\" disparaissant plus rapidement.\r\n\r\nD\u00e8s lors, quand il \u00e9tablit une parent\u00e9 entre les sto\u00efciens et H\u00e9raclite, Simplicius a partiellement raison : ces penseurs ont pos\u00e9 l\u2019existence d\u2019une Grande Ann\u00e9e. Il oublie simplement de pr\u00e9ciser qu\u2019ils lui ont assign\u00e9 des priorit\u00e9s diff\u00e9rentes. [conclusion p. 183]","btype":3,"date":"1989","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Wt3OVL4zzPJWT2a","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":421,"full_name":"Bels, Jacques","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":831,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue de Philosophie Ancienne","volume":"7","issue":"2","pages":"169-183"}},"sort":[1989]}

Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar, 1989
By: Wiesner, Jürgen
Title Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar
Type Article
Language German
Date 1989
Journal Hermes
Volume 117
Issue 3
Pages 288-303
Categories no categories
Author(s) Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Für die Tradierung der umstrittenen Xenophanes-Prädikate ergibt sich also folgendes Bild: Theophrasts Urteil, dass Xenophanes sein Prinzip weder eindeutig als begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder eindeutig als bewegt noch unbewegt benannt habe, schließt referierende Einzelangaben über diese uneinheitlichen Lehrmeinungen des Kolophoniers nicht aus. Das negative „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Urteil Theophrasts ist in der Vorlage von MXG und Simplikios (In Phys. 22,30–23,9) später missverstanden worden: Für den dort vorliegenden positiven „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Ausschluss (das Prinzip sei weder begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder bewegt noch unbewegt) wurde eine auf späteren Konzepten beruhende Begründung hinzugefügt. Simplikios hat sich von der Quelle, die ihm und MXG vorlag, irreführen lassen und die äußerlich gleichlautende Auskunft Theophrasts, die er In Phys. 22,26 zitiert, in ihrem wahren Gehalt verkannt. Daher hat er die Argumentation, die aus der mit MXG gemeinsamen Quelle stammt und die gar nicht zu Theophrasts negativem Urteil passt, ab 22,31 folgen lassen. Die Lehrmeinung vom begrenzten, kugeligen Gott gelangte von Theophrast in die Doxographie und zu Alexander. Auch Simplikios kennt eine solche Konzeption aus dem Eresier (In Phys. 28,4 ff.). Er unternimmt eine Harmonisierung des „begrenzt“ mit der „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Bestimmung (29,7 ff.). Da er bei Theophrast sowohl die (von ihm fälschlich als positiver Ausschluss verstandene) „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Bestimmung als auch das einfache Prädikat „begrenzt“ las, könnte er sogar durch den Eresier zu seiner Harmonisierung angeregt worden sein. [conclusion p. 302-303]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"835","_score":null,"_source":{"id":835,"authors_free":[{"id":1239,"entry_id":835,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar","main_title":{"title":"Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar"},"abstract":"F\u00fcr die Tradierung der umstrittenen Xenophanes-Pr\u00e4dikate ergibt sich also folgendes Bild:\r\n\r\n Theophrasts Urteil, dass Xenophanes sein Prinzip weder eindeutig als begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder eindeutig als bewegt noch unbewegt benannt habe, schlie\u00dft referierende Einzelangaben \u00fcber diese uneinheitlichen Lehrmeinungen des Kolophoniers nicht aus.\r\n\r\n Das negative \u201e\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5-\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\u201c-Urteil Theophrasts ist in der Vorlage von MXG und Simplikios (In Phys. 22,30\u201323,9) sp\u00e4ter missverstanden worden: F\u00fcr den dort vorliegenden positiven \u201e\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5-\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\u201c-Ausschluss (das Prinzip sei weder begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder bewegt noch unbewegt) wurde eine auf sp\u00e4teren Konzepten beruhende Begr\u00fcndung hinzugef\u00fcgt.\r\n\r\n Simplikios hat sich von der Quelle, die ihm und MXG vorlag, irref\u00fchren lassen und die \u00e4u\u00dferlich gleichlautende Auskunft Theophrasts, die er In Phys. 22,26 zitiert, in ihrem wahren Gehalt verkannt. Daher hat er die Argumentation, die aus der mit MXG gemeinsamen Quelle stammt und die gar nicht zu Theophrasts negativem Urteil passt, ab 22,31 folgen lassen.\r\n\r\n Die Lehrmeinung vom begrenzten, kugeligen Gott gelangte von Theophrast in die Doxographie und zu Alexander. Auch Simplikios kennt eine solche Konzeption aus dem Eresier (In Phys. 28,4 ff.). Er unternimmt eine Harmonisierung des \u201ebegrenzt\u201c mit der \u201e\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5-\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\u201c-Bestimmung (29,7 ff.). Da er bei Theophrast sowohl die (von ihm f\u00e4lschlich als positiver Ausschluss verstandene) \u201e\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5-\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\u201c-Bestimmung als auch das einfache Pr\u00e4dikat \u201ebegrenzt\u201c las, k\u00f6nnte er sogar durch den Eresier zu seiner Harmonisierung angeregt worden sein. [conclusion p. 302-303]","btype":3,"date":"1989","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GgDE7e58wFISvqX","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":835,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"117","issue":"3","pages":"288-303"}},"sort":[1989]}

Les sources gréco-arabes de la théorie médiévale de l'analogie de l'être, 1989
By: de Libera, Alain
Title Les sources gréco-arabes de la théorie médiévale de l'analogie de l'être
Type Article
Language French
Date 1989
Journal Les Études philosophiques
Volume 3
Issue 4
Pages 319-345
Categories no categories
Author(s) de Libera, Alain
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
C'est ici le lieu de revenir sur le concept de denominatio. Dans les versions latines d'Aristote, le mot denominativa désigne, on l'a dit, les « paronymes », c'est-à-dire ces « réalités qui, tout en différant d'une autre (réalité) par la désinence de leur nom, ont une appellation conforme au nom (de cette autre réalité) ». Chez Maître Eckhart, la notion de « prédication dénominative », empruntée à la Logica d'Avicenne (chap. 3, Venise, 1508, fol. 3 vb), rejoint la notion boécienne de praedicatio des accidentia secundum rem (De Trinitate, chap. 4), exprimant un aspect de la déficience ontologique constitutive de l’étant créé comme tel. Pour lui, dire que « les neuf catégories sont prédiquées dénominativement de la substance » (novem praedicamenta accidentium praedicantur denominative de substantia) signifie que tout étant créé est un dénominatif, c'est-à-dire un étant-ceci ou cela (ens hoc et hoc), et qu'aucun étant-ceci n'est en tant que ceci : tout « ceci » ajouté à la substance est l'expression de la défaillance (casus, πτῶσις) qui accidente le créé. C'est dans cette tradition complexe, à la fois liée à la théorie averroïste de l'accident et aux théories avicennienne (ontologique) et boécienne (théologique) de la prédication—et non à la théorie de l’analogie selon Simplicius—que se situe le célèbre passage d’In Exodum, où le Thuringien expose sa théorie des catégories, qu'on peut résumer ainsi : Les dix catégories ne sont pas les dix premiers étants (decem prima entia), mais les dix genres premiers des étants (decem prima entium genera). Il n'y a qu'un étant, la substance ; les autres réalités ne sont pas « étant » (ens), mais « de ou à l’étant » (entis), c’est-à-dire « étant seulement par analogie au seul étant au sens absolu, la substance, comme en témoigne la Métaphysique, livre VII ». Les neuf prédicaments de l’accident ne sont donc pas des étants « au cas régime » (entia in recto), mais des étants au « cas oblique » (in obliquo). C'est en ce sens « oblique » que l’urine est dite « saine », non par la santé « formellement inhérente », « mais seulement par analogie et renvoi extrinsèque à la santé elle-même, qui au sens propre et formel se trouve seulement dans l’animal » (non sanitate formaliter inhaerente, sed sola analogia et respectu ad ipsam sanitatem extra, quae proprie formaliter est in ipso animali). C’est également en ce sens que le vin est dit « être dans l’enseigne », signifiant qu’il se trouve dans la taverne et la bouteille. Telle est donc la théorie dont Nicolas prétend trouver les contours généraux, ou plus exactement l’instrumentation conceptuelle, chez Simplicius. Certes, il n'en laisse pas l’application métaphysique au commentateur lui-même—ce en quoi il a raison—mais il a tort lorsqu'il lui prête une formulation de l’analogia attributionis, qu'il ne pouvait lire que chez Dietrich de Freiberg et Eckhart. On peut spéculer à loisir sur une telle absence d'acribie. Mais n'est-ce pas Albert le Grand lui-même qui en inaugure le principe lorsque, dans sa dernière œuvre, la Summa theologiae, il prête à Proclus une distinction entre quatre types de « prédication commune » : une selon l’univocité stricte, trois selon l’analogie—un véritable montage qui, à partir de certaines expressions de Proclus sur le caractère salvifique du bien (« le bien est ce qui sauve tous les êtres et devient ainsi le terme de leur tendance »), lui permet de retrouver en fait l’interprétation averroïste de la triade porphyrienne des homonymes κατὰ διάνοιαν. Plutôt que d’incriminer les légèretés ou les insuffisances de la doxographie médiévale, nous préférons voir là le témoignage de la puissance d'assimilation et de la productivité de la grille de lecture originairement imposée par Porphyre aux textes d’Aristote. L’histoire des sources gréco-arabes de la théorie médiévale de l’analogie est celle d’un invariant structurel grec et de ses remplissements arabes, qui, pour finir, retrouve d’autres Grecs traduits par Guillaume de Moerbeke. C’est l’histoire d’une dérive péripatéticienne de l’aristotélisme qui commence chez Porphyre et s’achève dans le néoplatonisme. La production médiévale de l’analogie n’est pas seulement une « replatonisation » d’Aristote, c’est aussi la marque de l’affinité structurelle qui lie entre elles toutes les formes de néoplatonisme. Plus décisif encore, elle procède moins d’un rapprochement des πρός ἕν λεγόμενα avec les synonymes que d’une substitution des πρός ἕν λεγόμενα aux paronymes. Reconduite à ses sources gréco-arabes, l’analogie apparaît ainsi avant tout comme la théorie d’une transsumption catégorielle archi-fondatrice : celle qui articule toute pensée du rapport entre la substance et l’accident. [conclusion p. 343-345]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1296","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1296,"authors_free":[{"id":1889,"entry_id":1296,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":85,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"de Libera, Alain ","free_first_name":"Alain","free_last_name":"de Libera ","norm_person":{"id":85,"first_name":"Alain","last_name":"De Libera","full_name":"De Libera, Alain","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130219002","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les sources gr\u00e9co-arabes de la th\u00e9orie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l'analogie de l'\u00eatre","main_title":{"title":"Les sources gr\u00e9co-arabes de la th\u00e9orie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l'analogie de l'\u00eatre"},"abstract":"C'est ici le lieu de revenir sur le concept de denominatio. Dans les versions latines d'Aristote, le mot denominativa d\u00e9signe, on l'a dit, les \u00ab paronymes \u00bb, c'est-\u00e0-dire ces \u00ab r\u00e9alit\u00e9s qui, tout en diff\u00e9rant d'une autre (r\u00e9alit\u00e9) par la d\u00e9sinence de leur nom, ont une appellation conforme au nom (de cette autre r\u00e9alit\u00e9) \u00bb.\r\n\r\nChez Ma\u00eetre Eckhart, la notion de \u00ab pr\u00e9dication d\u00e9nominative \u00bb, emprunt\u00e9e \u00e0 la Logica d'Avicenne (chap. 3, Venise, 1508, fol. 3 vb), rejoint la notion bo\u00e9cienne de praedicatio des accidentia secundum rem (De Trinitate, chap. 4), exprimant un aspect de la d\u00e9ficience ontologique constitutive de l\u2019\u00e9tant cr\u00e9\u00e9 comme tel. Pour lui, dire que \u00ab les neuf cat\u00e9gories sont pr\u00e9diqu\u00e9es d\u00e9nominativement de la substance \u00bb (novem praedicamenta accidentium praedicantur denominative de substantia) signifie que tout \u00e9tant cr\u00e9\u00e9 est un d\u00e9nominatif, c'est-\u00e0-dire un \u00e9tant-ceci ou cela (ens hoc et hoc), et qu'aucun \u00e9tant-ceci n'est en tant que ceci : tout \u00ab ceci \u00bb ajout\u00e9 \u00e0 la substance est l'expression de la d\u00e9faillance (casus, \u03c0\u03c4\u1ff6\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) qui accidente le cr\u00e9\u00e9.\r\n\r\nC'est dans cette tradition complexe, \u00e0 la fois li\u00e9e \u00e0 la th\u00e9orie averro\u00efste de l'accident et aux th\u00e9ories avicennienne (ontologique) et bo\u00e9cienne (th\u00e9ologique) de la pr\u00e9dication\u2014et non \u00e0 la th\u00e9orie de l\u2019analogie selon Simplicius\u2014que se situe le c\u00e9l\u00e8bre passage d\u2019In Exodum, o\u00f9 le Thuringien expose sa th\u00e9orie des cat\u00e9gories, qu'on peut r\u00e9sumer ainsi :\r\n\r\n Les dix cat\u00e9gories ne sont pas les dix premiers \u00e9tants (decem prima entia), mais les dix genres premiers des \u00e9tants (decem prima entium genera).\r\n Il n'y a qu'un \u00e9tant, la substance ; les autres r\u00e9alit\u00e9s ne sont pas \u00ab \u00e9tant \u00bb (ens), mais \u00ab de ou \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9tant \u00bb (entis), c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire \u00ab \u00e9tant seulement par analogie au seul \u00e9tant au sens absolu, la substance, comme en t\u00e9moigne la M\u00e9taphysique, livre VII \u00bb.\r\n Les neuf pr\u00e9dicaments de l\u2019accident ne sont donc pas des \u00e9tants \u00ab au cas r\u00e9gime \u00bb (entia in recto), mais des \u00e9tants au \u00ab cas oblique \u00bb (in obliquo).\r\n C'est en ce sens \u00ab oblique \u00bb que l\u2019urine est dite \u00ab saine \u00bb, non par la sant\u00e9 \u00ab formellement inh\u00e9rente \u00bb, \u00ab mais seulement par analogie et renvoi extrins\u00e8que \u00e0 la sant\u00e9 elle-m\u00eame, qui au sens propre et formel se trouve seulement dans l\u2019animal \u00bb (non sanitate formaliter inhaerente, sed sola analogia et respectu ad ipsam sanitatem extra, quae proprie formaliter est in ipso animali).\r\n C\u2019est \u00e9galement en ce sens que le vin est dit \u00ab \u00eatre dans l\u2019enseigne \u00bb, signifiant qu\u2019il se trouve dans la taverne et la bouteille.\r\n\r\nTelle est donc la th\u00e9orie dont Nicolas pr\u00e9tend trouver les contours g\u00e9n\u00e9raux, ou plus exactement l\u2019instrumentation conceptuelle, chez Simplicius. Certes, il n'en laisse pas l\u2019application m\u00e9taphysique au commentateur lui-m\u00eame\u2014ce en quoi il a raison\u2014mais il a tort lorsqu'il lui pr\u00eate une formulation de l\u2019analogia attributionis, qu'il ne pouvait lire que chez Dietrich de Freiberg et Eckhart.\r\n\r\nOn peut sp\u00e9culer \u00e0 loisir sur une telle absence d'acribie. Mais n'est-ce pas Albert le Grand lui-m\u00eame qui en inaugure le principe lorsque, dans sa derni\u00e8re \u0153uvre, la Summa theologiae, il pr\u00eate \u00e0 Proclus une distinction entre quatre types de \u00ab pr\u00e9dication commune \u00bb : une selon l\u2019univocit\u00e9 stricte, trois selon l\u2019analogie\u2014un v\u00e9ritable montage qui, \u00e0 partir de certaines expressions de Proclus sur le caract\u00e8re salvifique du bien (\u00ab le bien est ce qui sauve tous les \u00eatres et devient ainsi le terme de leur tendance \u00bb), lui permet de retrouver en fait l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation averro\u00efste de la triade porphyrienne des homonymes \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03b4\u03b9\u03ac\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1\u03bd.\r\n\r\nPlut\u00f4t que d\u2019incriminer les l\u00e9g\u00e8ret\u00e9s ou les insuffisances de la doxographie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, nous pr\u00e9f\u00e9rons voir l\u00e0 le t\u00e9moignage de la puissance d'assimilation et de la productivit\u00e9 de la grille de lecture originairement impos\u00e9e par Porphyre aux textes d\u2019Aristote.\r\n\r\nL\u2019histoire des sources gr\u00e9co-arabes de la th\u00e9orie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l\u2019analogie est celle d\u2019un invariant structurel grec et de ses remplissements arabes, qui, pour finir, retrouve d\u2019autres Grecs traduits par Guillaume de Moerbeke. C\u2019est l\u2019histoire d\u2019une d\u00e9rive p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticienne de l\u2019aristot\u00e9lisme qui commence chez Porphyre et s\u2019ach\u00e8ve dans le n\u00e9oplatonisme. La production m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l\u2019analogie n\u2019est pas seulement une \u00ab replatonisation \u00bb d\u2019Aristote, c\u2019est aussi la marque de l\u2019affinit\u00e9 structurelle qui lie entre elles toutes les formes de n\u00e9oplatonisme. Plus d\u00e9cisif encore, elle proc\u00e8de moins d\u2019un rapprochement des \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u1f15\u03bd \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1 avec les synonymes que d\u2019une substitution des \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u1f15\u03bd \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1 aux paronymes.\r\n\r\nReconduite \u00e0 ses sources gr\u00e9co-arabes, l\u2019analogie appara\u00eet ainsi avant tout comme la th\u00e9orie d\u2019une transsumption cat\u00e9gorielle archi-fondatrice : celle qui articule toute pens\u00e9e du rapport entre la substance et l\u2019accident. [conclusion p. 343-345]","btype":3,"date":"1989","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FAqS35nEd0udN0w","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":85,"full_name":"De Libera, Alain","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1296,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"3","issue":"4","pages":"319-345"}},"sort":[1989]}

La Physique d’Empédocle selon Simplicius, 1989
By: Stevens, Annick
Title La Physique d’Empédocle selon Simplicius
Type Article
Language French
Date 1989
Journal Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire
Volume 67
Issue 1
Pages 65-74
Categories no categories
Author(s) Stevens, Annick
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
J'en arrive à faire la synthèse de l'apport positif et original qui résulte de l'étude de Simplicius. Tout d'abord, quand il ne se démarque pas de la tradition doxographique, c'est qu'elle transmet l'interprétation la plus plausible : ainsi, la matérialité des racines à partir desquelles sont créés tous les corps et l'explication de leurs mélanges par l'introduction de principes de création, auxquels il donne un nom assez prudent pour ne pas offrir prise à la réfutation. Remarquons en outre sa clairvoyance quant au choix de la désignation des principes créateurs à partir de notions connues dans le réel observable, pour décrire le réel invisible. D'autre part, Simplicius se démarque des autres doxographes anciens en refusant la conception d'un cycle cosmique à quatre phases. Là encore, si l'on veut respecter le texte d'Empédocle, on ne peut que lui donner raison : seuls deux stades cosmiques sont décrits : le tout unifié de la Sphère (où la Haine, néanmoins, n'est pas détruite mais retirée aux confins) et la multiplicité née de l'opposition des deux principes créateurs. Il fallait en effet souligner que ni l'un ni l'autre ne peut créer seul ; en ce sens, ils sont, autant qu'opposés, complémentaires. Reste à savoir si ces deux stades existent alternativement ou simultanément et, à ce propos, il est clair que Simplicius a voulu imposer la vision néo-platonicienne au détriment de la stricte observation du texte. Ses arguments en faveur de la « double disposition » sont faibles et parfois même péremptoires, dans la mesure où il annihile les passages qui le gênent en les qualifiant de « fiction poétique ». En revanche, sa « solution de rechange », qui fait état d'une coexistence entre le mouvement et une certaine forme d'immobilité (donc, d'une certaine manière, d'une double manifestation du réel) — cette immobilité résultant de l'incessant roulement du devenir —, cette conception, loin d'entrer en contradiction avec ce que nous savons des théories présocratiques en général et empédocléenne en particulier, est extrêmement intéressante et peut ouvrir la voie à un nouvel examen approfondi du poème d'Empédocle. [conclusion p. 74]

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Nous, the Concept of Ultimate Reality and Meaning in Anaxagoras, 1989
By: Silvestre, Maria Luisa
Title Nous, the Concept of Ultimate Reality and Meaning in Anaxagoras
Type Article
Language English
Date 1989
Journal Ultimate Reality and Meaning
Volume 12
Issue 4
Pages 248-255
Categories no categories
Author(s) Silvestre, Maria Luisa
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
That the world of Anaxagoras is without any soul entails that Nous is for him the ultimate reality. It is not the end of our life, but the origin of the world and of ourselves. It is that which brings life and at the same time that which gives human beings the possibility of knowing anything whatsoever. This is all that we can deduce from Plato and Aristotle's presentation of Anaxagoras' doctrine on Nous. Simplicius cites a passage in which we can see that Nous is infinite, has power over everything, and knows the past, the present, and even future time: While other things have a share of everything, Nous is infinite, self-governing, and has been mixed with nothing ... For it is the lightest of all things and the purest, and maintains complete understanding over everything and wields the greatest power. And Nous controls all, large and small, that has life ... and whatever sort of things were to be—what were and are no longer, what are, and what will be—Nous put all in order. (B12; Sider, 1981, p. 94). We are not sure if Anaxagoras' Nous really was all that Simplicius attributes to it, but there can be no doubt that Simplicius, like Plato and every other interpreter of Anaxagoras' Nous, agrees that Nous is the ultimate reality in Anaxagoras' philosophy. In our view, Anaxagoras' Nous can be described as a force originating in the interior of the All, which suddenly frees itself and introduces a movement that upsets, separates, aggregates, and distinguishes. Yet at the same time, it is a rational force of understanding, since its characteristic function—understanding—for Anaxagoras means nothing else but putting persons and things in their proper places in relation to each other. [conclusion p. 254-255]

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Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio, 1988
By: Linguiti, Alessandro
Title Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio
Type Article
Language Italian
Date 1988
Journal Studi Classici e Orientali
Volume 38
Pages 331–346
Categories no categories
Author(s) Linguiti, Alessandro
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
I commentatori neoplatonici di Aristotele sono stati probabilmente gli ultimi a beneficiare del generale risveglio d’interesse per il neoplatonismo che, manifestatosi a partire dal secondo dopoguerra, sta divenendo sempre più evidente negli ultimi anni. Per lungo tempo, come è stato osservato, essi hanno occupato una sorta di terra di nessuno tra la filosofia antica e quella medievale. Inoltre, gli studiosi di neoplatonismo hanno preferito concentrare la loro attenzione sulle opere teoriche originali piuttosto che sui commentari, mentre i moderni interpreti di Aristotele, a differenza di quelli medievali, arabi o cristiani, hanno generalmente trascurato il commento greco, interpellandolo perlopiù su questioni particolari e circoscritte, e quasi mai esaminandolo nel suo impianto generale. Anche Simplicio ha condiviso questa sorte, e se il suo nome suona più familiare di quello di altri autori neoplatonici, ciò è dovuto essenzialmente all’importanza della sua testimonianza sulla scuola eleatica e all’interesse suscitato dalle dottrine contenute nel Corollario sul tempo: due elementi tutto sommato marginali ai fini di una valutazione complessiva del suo pensiero. Negli ultimi tempi, tuttavia, il panorama si sta modificando. Basti pensare, ad esempio, al libro di Ilsetraut Hadot sul neoplatonismo alessandrino apparso dieci anni fa, o a un convegno tenutosi a Parigi nell’autunno del 1985, con il patrocinio del Centre de recherche sur les œuvres et la pensée de Simplicius. Questo evento ha confermato la serietà dell’intento di leggere oggi i commentari neoplatonici come opere filosofiche a sé stanti, dotate di una propria coerenza interna e di un’autonoma responsabilità teorica. Gli atti del convegno, curati da Ilsetraut Hadot, sono stati pubblicati nel 1987: le relazioni presentate sono state distribuite in quattro sezioni, riguardanti rispettivamente le vicende biografiche di Simplicio, gli aspetti dottrinali dell’opera, le questioni attinenti alla trasmissione dei testi e la fortuna dell’autore nell’arco di tempo compreso tra il XIII e il XVII secolo. [introduction p. 331-332]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"871","_score":null,"_source":{"id":871,"authors_free":[{"id":1280,"entry_id":871,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":250,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Linguiti, Alessandro","free_first_name":"Alessandro","free_last_name":"Linguiti","norm_person":{"id":250,"first_name":"Alessandro","last_name":"Linguiti","full_name":"Linguiti, Alessandro","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137059574","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio","main_title":{"title":"Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio"},"abstract":"I commentatori neoplatonici di Aristotele sono stati probabilmente gli ultimi a beneficiare del generale risveglio d\u2019interesse per il neoplatonismo che, manifestatosi a partire dal secondo dopoguerra, sta divenendo sempre pi\u00f9 evidente negli ultimi anni. Per lungo tempo, come \u00e8 stato osservato, essi hanno occupato una sorta di terra di nessuno tra la filosofia antica e quella medievale. Inoltre, gli studiosi di neoplatonismo hanno preferito concentrare la loro attenzione sulle opere teoriche originali piuttosto che sui commentari, mentre i moderni interpreti di Aristotele, a differenza di quelli medievali, arabi o cristiani, hanno generalmente trascurato il commento greco, interpellandolo perlopi\u00f9 su questioni particolari e circoscritte, e quasi mai esaminandolo nel suo impianto generale.\r\n\r\nAnche Simplicio ha condiviso questa sorte, e se il suo nome suona pi\u00f9 familiare di quello di altri autori neoplatonici, ci\u00f2 \u00e8 dovuto essenzialmente all\u2019importanza della sua testimonianza sulla scuola eleatica e all\u2019interesse suscitato dalle dottrine contenute nel Corollario sul tempo: due elementi tutto sommato marginali ai fini di una valutazione complessiva del suo pensiero.\r\n\r\nNegli ultimi tempi, tuttavia, il panorama si sta modificando. Basti pensare, ad esempio, al libro di Ilsetraut Hadot sul neoplatonismo alessandrino apparso dieci anni fa, o a un convegno tenutosi a Parigi nell\u2019autunno del 1985, con il patrocinio del Centre de recherche sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius. Questo evento ha confermato la seriet\u00e0 dell\u2019intento di leggere oggi i commentari neoplatonici come opere filosofiche a s\u00e9 stanti, dotate di una propria coerenza interna e di un\u2019autonoma responsabilit\u00e0 teorica.\r\n\r\nGli atti del convegno, curati da Ilsetraut Hadot, sono stati pubblicati nel 1987: le relazioni presentate sono state distribuite in quattro sezioni, riguardanti rispettivamente le vicende biografiche di Simplicio, gli aspetti dottrinali dell\u2019opera, le questioni attinenti alla trasmissione dei testi e la fortuna dell\u2019autore nell\u2019arco di tempo compreso tra il XIII e il XVII secolo.\r\n[introduction p. 331-332]","btype":3,"date":"1988","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6LG7LMnxCvxF7RE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":250,"full_name":"Linguiti, Alessandro","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":871,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Studi Classici e Orientali","volume":"38","issue":"","pages":"331\u2013346"}},"sort":[1988]}

Définition et description: Le problème de la saisie des genres premiers et des individus chez Aristote dans l'exégèse de Simplicius, 1987
By: Narbonne, Jean-Marc
Title Définition et description: Le problème de la saisie des genres premiers et des individus chez Aristote dans l'exégèse de Simplicius
Type Article
Language French
Date 1987
Journal Archives de Philosophie
Volume 50
Pages 529-554
Categories no categories
Author(s) Narbonne, Jean-Marc
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Simplicius uses (and distorts) the concept of hypographe (of Stoic origin) in order to describe the first genera and the particulars which, in Aristotle, are not susceptible to definition. However, a closer examination of the status of science in Aristotle (with reference to the doctrine of incommunicability of genera and the problem of individuation) shows that Simplicius’ attempt is incompatible, or at least difficult to reconcile, with the aristotelianism (of Aristotle). [Author's abstract]

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Empedocles Recycled, 1987
By: Osborne, Catherine
Title Empedocles Recycled
Type Article
Language English
Date 1987
Journal Classical Quarterly
Volume 37
Issue 1
Pages 24-50
Categories no categories
Author(s) Osborne, Catherine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
It is no longer generally believed that Empedocles was the divided character portrayed by nineteenth-century scholars, a man whose scientific and religious views were incompatible but untouched by each other. Yet it is still widely held that, however unitary his thought, nevertheless he still wrote more than one poem, and that his poems can be clearly divided between those which do, and those which do not, concern 'religious matters'.1 Once this assumption can be shown to be shaky or actually false, the grounds for dividing the quotations of Empedocles into two poems by subject matter disappear; and without that division our interpretation of Empedocles stands in need of radical revision. This paper starts with the modest task of showing that Empedocles may have written only one philosophical poem and not two, and goes on to suggest some of the ways in which we have to rethink the whole story if he did. If all our material belongs to one poem we are bound to link the cycle of the daimones with that of the elements, and this has far-reaching consequences for our interpretation. [Introduction, p. 24]

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John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?, 1986
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.
Title John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1986
Journal Hermes
Volume 114
Pages 314–335
Categories no categories
Author(s) Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
What, in the end, can we say about Philoponus’ position as a Platonist, bearing in mind that our conclusions must still in some respects be provision­al? That he was a Neoplatonist is indisputable. Since, however, few if any, of his differences with other Neoplatonists seem to arise from the adoption of a specifically Alexandrian philosophical point of view, we must attribute them to his own philosophical - and theological - orientation. It turns out that, in his case, »Alexandrian Platonist« may mean little more than a man whose philosophy was Neoplatonic, and who worked at Alexandria, though one might observe that there would not have been a warm welcome at Athens for a Christian Neoplatonist, however closely his views might conform to those codified by Proclus and developed by Damascius. One could go on to say that, apart from the concentration on Aristotle, his differences from other Alexandrians were greater than theirs from the Athenians. In this connection we should notice Philoponus’ frequent appeals to Plato against Aristotle in the passages Simplicius singles out for complaint, and his relatively frequent reservations about the agreement, symphônia, of Plato and Aristotle, which most others eagerly sought to demonstrate. And since we started with a critique of P r a e c h t e r , who did so much to initiate the serious study of the Aristotelian commentators, it might be appropriate to end with his characteri­ sation of Philoponus in the De aeternitate mundi: »es ist der gelehrte Platoniker der spricht«. [conclusion, p. 334-335]

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Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie, 1986
By: Isnardi Parente, Margherita
Title Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie
Type Article
Language Italian
Date 1986
Journal Rivista di storia della filosofia
Volume 41
Issue 1
Pages 3-18
Categories no categories
Author(s) Isnardi Parente, Margherita
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Simplicius, In Arist. Categ.,165, 32 sqq. Kalbfleisch, give us an example of the Stoic theory of the categories which seems to be inconsistent with the better known chrysippean theory of the ‘quadri¬partite division’. In Simplicius’ statement we find a first diaeresis (kath’hautá/prós ti) and a second division or hypodiaeresis (‘differentiated relations’ and ‘simple dispositions’ or correlations). Such a division follows a rather platonic-academic schematisms, and — as in Xenocratean or Hermodorean classification of being — the concept of relation occupies in it a privilegiate place. Instead of speaking simply of a continuity between Academy and Stoa, we can more probably hypothize a change in the development of the Stoic theory. The concept of ‘relation’ has an increas¬ing importance after Chrysippus, with the elaboration, by Antipater of Tarsus, of the concept of héxis and hektón; whereas the concept of quality — which is regarded, from Zeno to Chrysippus, as a corporeal entity, substratum, pneuma — is profoundly altered by the introduction of the new concept of ‘incorporeal qualities’. Perhaps later Stoics approached Academic thought in their attempt of a new kind of division, in order to find a better ontological status for ‘relation’ and ‘incorporeity’. [Author's abstract]

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The Cosmology of Parmenides, 1986
By: Finkelberg, Aryeh
Title The Cosmology of Parmenides
Type Article
Language English
Date 1986
Journal The American Journal of Philology
Volume 107
Issue 3
Pages 303-317
Categories no categories
Author(s) Finkelberg, Aryeh
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Our main source of information about the cosmological compo­nent of Parmenides’ doctrine of Opinion —apart from the first three and a half abstruse lines of fr. 12 — is Aetius’ account. This, however, is generally regarded as confused, garbled and incompatible with fr. 12. The reconstruction of Parmenides’ cosmology is thus considered a hope­less task, for “it must inevitably be based on many conjectures.” I, however, cannot accept this conclusion, for, as I argue below, it is possible to provide a reasonably intelligible account of Aetius’ report (except for the corrupt sentence about the goddess) which is also com­patible with fr. 12, provided, of course, that we are not bent upon prov­ing our sources incompatible, but rather seek to reconcile them. [Author's abstract]

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Colloque international sur la vie, l'œuvre et la survie de Simplicius, 1986
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut
Title Colloque international sur la vie, l'œuvre et la survie de Simplicius
Type Article
Language German
Date 1986
Journal Gnomon
Volume 58
Issue 2
Pages 191-192
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Vom 28. September bis zum 1. Oktober 1985 fand in Paris in der Fondation Hugot du Collège de France ein internationales Colloquium statt, das zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte der Klassischen Philologie und der Geschichte der Philosophie den neuplatonischen Philosophen Simplikios zum Gegenstand hatte. Das Ziel des Colloquiums war es, einen ersten Gedankenaustausch derjenigen, nicht sehr zahlreichen, Wissenschaftler zu ermöglichen, die etwa seit einem Jahrzehnt begonnen haben, das philosophische Denken des Simplikios systematisch zu erfassen, gesicherte Text grundlagen durch die Erstellung neuer kritischer Editionen zu liefern und die Texte selbst durch Übersetzungen einem weiteren, philosophisch interessierten Publikum zugänglich zu machen.

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Boethus' Psychology and the Neoplatonists, 1986
By: Gottschalk, Hans B.
Title Boethus' Psychology and the Neoplatonists
Type Article
Language English
Date 1986
Journal Phronesis
Volume 31
Issue 3
Pages 243-257
Categories no categories
Author(s) Gottschalk, Hans B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Three writers of late antiquity, all of them Neoplatonists, refer to the psychological doctrine of a certain Boethus. Several philosophers of that name are known, and the fragments have been variously assigned to the Stoic, Boethus of Sidon, who lived in the middle of the second century BC, and his Peripatetic namesake, active about a century later. ' The purpose of this article is to see what exactly we can learn about this thinker from the extant fragments and then to determine which of the various Boethi he is most likely to have been. [introduction, p. 243]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1331","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1331,"authors_free":[{"id":1964,"entry_id":1331,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":135,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Gottschalk, Hans B.","free_first_name":"Hans B.","free_last_name":"Gottschalk,","norm_person":{"id":135,"first_name":"Hans B.","last_name":"Gottschalk","full_name":"Gottschalk, Hans B.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1161498559","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Boethus' Psychology and the Neoplatonists","main_title":{"title":"Boethus' Psychology and the Neoplatonists"},"abstract":"Three writers of late antiquity, all of them Neoplatonists, refer to the psychological doctrine of a certain Boethus. Several philosophers of that name are known, and the fragments have been variously assigned to the Stoic, Boethus of Sidon, who lived in the middle of the second century BC, and his Peripatetic namesake, active about a century later. ' The purpose of this article is to see what exactly we can learn about this thinker from the extant fragments and then to determine which of the various Boethi he is most likely to have been. [introduction, p. 243]","btype":3,"date":"1986","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/5lu8RgGIGt7Wnhe","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":135,"full_name":"Gottschalk, Hans B.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1331,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"31","issue":"3","pages":"243-257"}},"sort":[1986]}

Les sources vénitiennes de l’édition aldine du Livre I du Commentaire de Simplicius sur la „Physique“ d’Aristote, 1985
By: Codero, Néstor-Luis
Title Les sources vénitiennes de l’édition aldine du Livre I du Commentaire de Simplicius sur la „Physique“ d’Aristote
Type Article
Language French
Date 1985
Journal Scriptorium
Volume 39
Issue 1
Pages 70–88
Categories no categories
Author(s) Codero, Néstor-Luis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Nous pouvons revenir maintenant à notre point de départ : qui a été le responsable de l'édition de 1526 ? Aucun des éléments nouveaux ne s'oppose à notre hypothèse initiale : l'édition est due aux soins de Francesco d'Asola, responsable de la plupart des titres publiés « ex aedibus Aldi » depuis 1518. Nous avons vu qu'il était le destinataire des manuscrits d'Aetius empruntés par Marcantonio Contarini à la Marciana, et nous avons supposé que le même procédé s'était appliqué aux deux textes de Simplicius édités en 1526. Nous conservons une image très floue de ce personnage, dont le nom complet était Gian Francesco Torresani d'Asola. Il était le beau-frère d'Alde Manuce ; son père, Andrea d'Asola, fut le responsable de l'imprimerie depuis la mort d'Alde (1514) jusqu'à 1529. Selon Degli Agostini, Francesco d'Asola était le protégé du cardinal Hercule de Gonzague — auquel est dédiée l'édition de la Physique — et il avait repris avec succès l'héritage d'Alde. Pour J. B. Egnazio, d'Asola était un « jeune homme cultivé ayant les meilleures habitudes » et, en 1542, Pellicier le remercie de l'envoi à la bibliothèque de Fontainebleau de quatre-vingts manuscrits grecs et de quelques autres manuscrits latins. Malgré sa gentillesse et ses « meilleures habitudes », il est évident que d'Asola n'adopte pas la devise d'Alde : « Non enim recipio emendaturum libros », car il a beaucoup amendé. Diels avait raison lorsqu'il signalait que « Aldini exempli editor haud pauca novavit, infeliciter plurima ». [conclusion p. 86]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"604","_score":null,"_source":{"id":604,"authors_free":[{"id":855,"entry_id":604,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":54,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Codero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_last_name":"Codero","norm_person":{"id":54,"first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","last_name":"Cordero","full_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1055808973","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les sources v\u00e9nitiennes de l\u2019\u00e9dition aldine du Livre I du Commentaire de Simplicius sur la \u201ePhysique\u201c d\u2019Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Les sources v\u00e9nitiennes de l\u2019\u00e9dition aldine du Livre I du Commentaire de Simplicius sur la \u201ePhysique\u201c d\u2019Aristote"},"abstract":"Nous pouvons revenir maintenant \u00e0 notre point de d\u00e9part : qui a \u00e9t\u00e9 le responsable de l'\u00e9dition de 1526 ? Aucun des \u00e9l\u00e9ments nouveaux ne s'oppose \u00e0 notre hypoth\u00e8se initiale : l'\u00e9dition est due aux soins de Francesco d'Asola, responsable de la plupart des titres publi\u00e9s \u00ab ex aedibus Aldi \u00bb depuis 1518.\r\n\r\nNous avons vu qu'il \u00e9tait le destinataire des manuscrits d'Aetius emprunt\u00e9s par Marcantonio Contarini \u00e0 la Marciana, et nous avons suppos\u00e9 que le m\u00eame proc\u00e9d\u00e9 s'\u00e9tait appliqu\u00e9 aux deux textes de Simplicius \u00e9dit\u00e9s en 1526.\r\n\r\nNous conservons une image tr\u00e8s floue de ce personnage, dont le nom complet \u00e9tait Gian Francesco Torresani d'Asola. Il \u00e9tait le beau-fr\u00e8re d'Alde Manuce ; son p\u00e8re, Andrea d'Asola, fut le responsable de l'imprimerie depuis la mort d'Alde (1514) jusqu'\u00e0 1529.\r\n\r\nSelon Degli Agostini, Francesco d'Asola \u00e9tait le prot\u00e9g\u00e9 du cardinal Hercule de Gonzague \u2014 auquel est d\u00e9di\u00e9e l'\u00e9dition de la Physique \u2014 et il avait repris avec succ\u00e8s l'h\u00e9ritage d'Alde. Pour J. B. Egnazio, d'Asola \u00e9tait un \u00ab jeune homme cultiv\u00e9 ayant les meilleures habitudes \u00bb et, en 1542, Pellicier le remercie de l'envoi \u00e0 la biblioth\u00e8que de Fontainebleau de quatre-vingts manuscrits grecs et de quelques autres manuscrits latins.\r\n\r\nMalgr\u00e9 sa gentillesse et ses \u00ab meilleures habitudes \u00bb, il est \u00e9vident que d'Asola n'adopte pas la devise d'Alde : \u00ab Non enim recipio emendaturum libros \u00bb, car il a beaucoup amend\u00e9.\r\n\r\nDiels avait raison lorsqu'il signalait que \u00ab Aldini exempli editor haud pauca novavit, infeliciter plurima \u00bb. [conclusion p. 86]","btype":3,"date":"1985","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Gj5dBBrkScJI1Gs","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":54,"full_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":604,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Scriptorium","volume":"39","issue":"1","pages":"70\u201388"}},"sort":[1985]}

The End of Aristotle's on Prayer, 1985
By: Rist, John M.
Title The End of Aristotle's on Prayer
Type Article
Language English
Date 1985
Journal The American Journal of Philology
Volume 106
Issue 1
Pages 110-113
Categories no categories
Author(s) Rist, John M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Jean Pépin recently devoted a lengthy study to Aristotle's On Prayer. There is good reason to think that the work never existed. On Prayer is listed in Diogenes Laertius' catalogue of Aristotle's writings (5.22) and in the Vita Hesychii. The only other evidence for its existence is a passage of Simplicius that tells us that at the end of On Prayer, Aristotle says clearly that God is either mind or somehow beyond mind (ἢ ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ). The claim that God is beyond mind is unique in an unemended Aristotelian text, but the notion would be acceptable to Simplicius both because, as a Neoplatonist, he would believe it to be true, and because as a Neoplatonic commentator on Aristotle, he would be happy to find evidence of the basic philosophical harmony of Aristotle and Plato. Our problem, therefore, is to see why Simplicius thought that Aristotle held this view. The immediate answer is that he thought he had found it in a text of Aristotle's called On Prayer (or perhaps more likely in an anthology of Aristotelian material claiming that this was Aristotle's view in such a work). But if there was no such work On Prayer, how could Simplicius (or his source) think there was, and what is the actual source of the apparent fragment that claims that for Aristotle, God might be "beyond mind"? It is possible to understand how Simplicius was misled. There is a Latin work in two chapters called De Bona Fortuna. It is composed of Magna Moralia 2.8 and Eudemian Ethics 8.2. Of the 56 surviving manuscripts of De Bona Fortuna, the earliest datable version is Vat. Lat. 2083, of the year 1284. The producer of this text is unknown. De Bona Fortuna is not an excerpt from existing Latin translations of Magna Moralia and Eudemian Ethics, because although Bartholomew of Messina translated the Magna Moralia between 1258 and 1266, and although a Greek manuscript of the Eudemian Ethics may have been known in Messina before 1250, there are no medieval Latin translations of the Eudemian Ethics as a whole; indeed, the only other section of the text translated is E.E. 8.3. The original sources of De Bona Fortuna were known to at least some of those who copied it in Latin, but the work itself is a direct translation from Greek. So, unless the translator also both excerpted and combined the two parts of the De Bona Fortuna himself, and showed no concern for the fact that the rest of the Eudemian Ethics was still untranslated, and perhaps even still unknown (which is highly unlikely), he must have used a Greek original of De Bona Fortuna in the form of a separate treatise composed of M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2. The title of the treatise, presumably, was the Greek equivalent of De Bona Fortuna, that is, Περὶ Εὐτυχίας. We have no means of telling when it was assembled, but there is no reason why it should not be ancient and indeed have been available to Simplicius or (if Simplicius is quoting an anthology of some sort) to his source. E.E. 8.2 (1248A28) unemended, reads as follows: Τί οὖν ἂν κρεῖττον καὶ ἐπισημότερον εἴποι τις ἢ θεὸς. Spengel added the words καὶ νοῦ after εἴποι, following the reading et intellectu found in De Bona Fortuna. Thus, the Greek original of De Bona Fortuna read: Τί οὖν ἂν κρεῖττον καὶ ἐπισημότερον εἴποι καὶ νοῦ πάλιν θεὸς. Thus, in Περὶ Εὐτυχίας, God is greater than mind. Admittedly, Περὶ Εὐτυχίας did not say that God is "beyond mind" (ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ), only that he is greater than mind. But in Platonic or Neopythagorean writings of late antiquity, these phrases are virtually interchangeable. The most striking evidence is from Plotinus, who uses ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ dozens of times and also gives the best examples of the One being "greater (κρείττων)" than mind (5.3.14.16-18, 5.3.16.38, 5.3.17.1-3). Simplicius thought he knew about an Aristotelian text On Prayer (Περὶ Εὐχῆς). Let us suppose that he had direct or indirect access to a work originally called On Good Fortune (Περὶ Εὐτυχίας). The corruption of Εὐτυχίας to Εὐχῆς is easy. In this text, Simplicius found the remark that God is "greater than mind." There is no reason to assume that Simplicius is quoting On Good Fortune verbatim. For Simplicius, as a Neoplatonist, to say that God is "greater than mind" is the same as to say that he is "beyond (ἐπέκεινα) mind." The use of ἐπέκεινα in this way derives, of course, from Neoplatonic, Middle Platonic, and Neopythagorean interpretations of Plato's Republic 509B. Let us therefore posit the following sequence of events. A Greek text, including (but not necessarily restricted to) M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2, is compiled and originally entitled Περὶ Εὐτυχίας. It comes to contain, at some point, an un-Aristotelian phrase (absent from the original text of the E.E. and based on a misinterpretation of that text) saying that God is "greater than mind." The title of the work is at some stage corrupted: Περὶ Εὐτυχίας becomes Περὶ Εὐχῆς. Simplicius either reads it under this title or, more likely, finds it so cited by an excerpter or commentator of Platonizing tendencies. Either Simplicius or the excerpter paraphrases κρείττον τοῦ νοῦ as ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ. Hence, our alleged fragment of Aristotle's work On Prayer, found in Simplicius, is really a corrupted fragment of Περὶ Εὐτυχίας, a work whose origin is lost but which reaches Simplicius, or becomes known to him, through the medium of a Platonizing tradition. The date of the original compilation Περὶ Εὐτυχίας remains unknown, but it must have been early enough for its title, in a mistaken form, to have found its way onto the lists of Aristotle's writings. The corruption of the title was probably achieved by a librarian's error long before the crucial phrase καὶ νοῦ (absent, as we have seen, from the Eudemian Ethics) was imported into the text itself. This can hardly have occurred before the revival of Neopythagoreanism, that is, before the second century B.C. It is not impossible that it was post-Plotinian. [the entire text]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"858","_score":null,"_source":{"id":858,"authors_free":[{"id":1262,"entry_id":858,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":303,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rist, John M.","free_first_name":"John M.","free_last_name":"Rist","norm_person":{"id":303,"first_name":"John M.","last_name":"Rist","full_name":"Rist, John M.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137060440","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The End of Aristotle's on Prayer","main_title":{"title":"The End of Aristotle's on Prayer"},"abstract":"Jean P\u00e9pin recently devoted a lengthy study to Aristotle's On Prayer. There is good reason to think that the work never existed. On Prayer is listed in Diogenes Laertius' catalogue of Aristotle's writings (5.22) and in the Vita Hesychii. The only other evidence for its existence is a passage of Simplicius that tells us that at the end of On Prayer, Aristotle says clearly that God is either mind or somehow beyond mind (\u1f22 \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6).\r\n\r\nThe claim that God is beyond mind is unique in an unemended Aristotelian text, but the notion would be acceptable to Simplicius both because, as a Neoplatonist, he would believe it to be true, and because as a Neoplatonic commentator on Aristotle, he would be happy to find evidence of the basic philosophical harmony of Aristotle and Plato. Our problem, therefore, is to see why Simplicius thought that Aristotle held this view. The immediate answer is that he thought he had found it in a text of Aristotle's called On Prayer (or perhaps more likely in an anthology of Aristotelian material claiming that this was Aristotle's view in such a work).\r\n\r\nBut if there was no such work On Prayer, how could Simplicius (or his source) think there was, and what is the actual source of the apparent fragment that claims that for Aristotle, God might be \"beyond mind\"? It is possible to understand how Simplicius was misled.\r\n\r\nThere is a Latin work in two chapters called De Bona Fortuna. It is composed of Magna Moralia 2.8 and Eudemian Ethics 8.2. Of the 56 surviving manuscripts of De Bona Fortuna, the earliest datable version is Vat. Lat. 2083, of the year 1284. The producer of this text is unknown. De Bona Fortuna is not an excerpt from existing Latin translations of Magna Moralia and Eudemian Ethics, because although Bartholomew of Messina translated the Magna Moralia between 1258 and 1266, and although a Greek manuscript of the Eudemian Ethics may have been known in Messina before 1250, there are no medieval Latin translations of the Eudemian Ethics as a whole; indeed, the only other section of the text translated is E.E. 8.3.\r\n\r\nThe original sources of De Bona Fortuna were known to at least some of those who copied it in Latin, but the work itself is a direct translation from Greek. So, unless the translator also both excerpted and combined the two parts of the De Bona Fortuna himself, and showed no concern for the fact that the rest of the Eudemian Ethics was still untranslated, and perhaps even still unknown (which is highly unlikely), he must have used a Greek original of De Bona Fortuna in the form of a separate treatise composed of M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2.\r\n\r\nThe title of the treatise, presumably, was the Greek equivalent of De Bona Fortuna, that is, \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2. We have no means of telling when it was assembled, but there is no reason why it should not be ancient and indeed have been available to Simplicius or (if Simplicius is quoting an anthology of some sort) to his source.\r\n\r\nE.E. 8.2 (1248A28) unemended, reads as follows: \u03a4\u03af \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u1f02\u03bd \u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03b7\u03bc\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f34\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9 \u03c4\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f22 \u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2. Spengel added the words \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 after \u03b5\u1f34\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9, following the reading et intellectu found in De Bona Fortuna. Thus, the Greek original of De Bona Fortuna read: \u03a4\u03af \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u1f02\u03bd \u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03b7\u03bc\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f34\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd \u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2. Thus, in \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2, God is greater than mind.\r\n\r\nAdmittedly, \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 did not say that God is \"beyond mind\" (\u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6), only that he is greater than mind. But in Platonic or Neopythagorean writings of late antiquity, these phrases are virtually interchangeable. The most striking evidence is from Plotinus, who uses \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 dozens of times and also gives the best examples of the One being \"greater (\u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03c4\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd)\" than mind (5.3.14.16-18, 5.3.16.38, 5.3.17.1-3).\r\n\r\nSimplicius thought he knew about an Aristotelian text On Prayer (\u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c7\u1fc6\u03c2). Let us suppose that he had direct or indirect access to a work originally called On Good Fortune (\u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2). The corruption of \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 to \u0395\u1f50\u03c7\u1fc6\u03c2 is easy. In this text, Simplicius found the remark that God is \"greater than mind.\" There is no reason to assume that Simplicius is quoting On Good Fortune verbatim. For Simplicius, as a Neoplatonist, to say that God is \"greater than mind\" is the same as to say that he is \"beyond (\u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1) mind.\"\r\n\r\nThe use of \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 in this way derives, of course, from Neoplatonic, Middle Platonic, and Neopythagorean interpretations of Plato's Republic 509B.\r\n\r\nLet us therefore posit the following sequence of events. A Greek text, including (but not necessarily restricted to) M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2, is compiled and originally entitled \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2. It comes to contain, at some point, an un-Aristotelian phrase (absent from the original text of the E.E. and based on a misinterpretation of that text) saying that God is \"greater than mind.\" The title of the work is at some stage corrupted: \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 becomes \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c7\u1fc6\u03c2.\r\n\r\nSimplicius either reads it under this title or, more likely, finds it so cited by an excerpter or commentator of Platonizing tendencies. Either Simplicius or the excerpter paraphrases \u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 as \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6. Hence, our alleged fragment of Aristotle's work On Prayer, found in Simplicius, is really a corrupted fragment of \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2, a work whose origin is lost but which reaches Simplicius, or becomes known to him, through the medium of a Platonizing tradition.\r\n\r\nThe date of the original compilation \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 remains unknown, but it must have been early enough for its title, in a mistaken form, to have found its way onto the lists of Aristotle's writings. The corruption of the title was probably achieved by a librarian's error long before the crucial phrase \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 (absent, as we have seen, from the Eudemian Ethics) was imported into the text itself. This can hardly have occurred before the revival of Neopythagoreanism, that is, before the second century B.C. It is not impossible that it was post-Plotinian. [the entire text]","btype":3,"date":"1985","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/7iwkew2wm2p3qeo","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":303,"full_name":"Rist, John M.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":858,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The American Journal of Philology","volume":"106","issue":"1","pages":"110-113"}},"sort":[1985]}

The Presidential Address: Analyses of Matter, Ancient and Modern, 1985
By: Sorabji, Richard
Title The Presidential Address: Analyses of Matter, Ancient and Modern
Type Article
Language English
Date 1985
Journal Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, New Series
Volume 86
Pages 1-22
Categories no categories
Author(s) Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
I want to draw attention to two recurrent themes in the analysis of matter or body. The first theme is the idea that body is extension endowed with properties. To explain this, I shall go back as far as a famous text in Aristotle's Metaphysics, Book 7, Chapter 3. Aristotle is here discussing matter in a rather special sense. He does not mean by 'matter' what we might mean, namely, body. He means rather the subject of the properties in a body. The table in front of me may be made of wood. From one point of view, the wood might be thought of as a subject which carries the properties of the table—its rectilinearity, its hardness, its brownness. But according to one persuasive interpretation, Aristotle is looking for the most fundamental subject of properties in a body. He calls it the first subject (hupokeimenon proton, 1029a1-2). The wood of the table is made up of the four elements—earth, air, fire, and water—and these might be thought of as a more fundamental subject carrying the properties of the wood. But the most fundamental subject would be one which carried the properties of the four elements: hot, cold, fluid, and dry. This first subject is referred to by commentators as first or prime matter. [introduction p. 1]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"490","_score":null,"_source":{"id":490,"authors_free":[{"id":671,"entry_id":490,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":133,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sorabji, Richard","free_first_name":"Richard","free_last_name":"Sorabji","norm_person":{"id":133,"first_name":"Richard","last_name":"Sorabji","full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130064165","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Presidential Address: Analyses of Matter, Ancient and Modern","main_title":{"title":"The Presidential Address: Analyses of Matter, Ancient and Modern"},"abstract":"I want to draw attention to two recurrent themes in the analysis of matter or body. The first theme is the idea that body is extension endowed with properties. To explain this, I shall go back as far as a famous text in Aristotle's Metaphysics, Book 7, Chapter 3.\r\n\r\nAristotle is here discussing matter in a rather special sense. He does not mean by 'matter' what we might mean, namely, body. He means rather the subject of the properties in a body. The table in front of me may be made of wood. From one point of view, the wood might be thought of as a subject which carries the properties of the table\u2014its rectilinearity, its hardness, its brownness.\r\n\r\nBut according to one persuasive interpretation, Aristotle is looking for the most fundamental subject of properties in a body. He calls it the first subject (hupokeimenon proton, 1029a1-2). The wood of the table is made up of the four elements\u2014earth, air, fire, and water\u2014and these might be thought of as a more fundamental subject carrying the properties of the wood.\r\n\r\nBut the most fundamental subject would be one which carried the properties of the four elements: hot, cold, fluid, and dry. This first subject is referred to by commentators as first or prime matter. [introduction p. 1]","btype":3,"date":"1985","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/Dk2wV9MF91LwVgZ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":133,"full_name":"Sorabji, Richard","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":490,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, New Series","volume":"86","issue":"","pages":"1-22"}},"sort":[1985]}

Aurore, Éros et Ananké autour des dieux Parménidiens (f. 12-f. 13), 1985
By: Frère, Jean
Title Aurore, Éros et Ananké autour des dieux Parménidiens (f. 12-f. 13)
Type Article
Language French
Date 1985
Journal Les Études philosophiques
Volume 4
Pages 459-470
Categories no categories
Author(s) Frère, Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Deux textes de Platon dans Le Banquet et un d'Aristote dans La Métaphysique commentent ce passage de Parménide sur Éros. Dans Le Banquet, en 195a, Agathon dit : « Je déclare que c'est Éros le plus jeune des dieux... ; qu'inversement ces antiques divinités qu'énoncent sur les dieux Hésiode et Parménide appartiendraient à la Nécessité et non pas à l'Amour. » Et en 178a, Phèdre s'exprimait ainsi : « Quant à Parménide, voici ce qu'il dit de la génération : le premier de tous les dieux dont s'avisa [la Déesse], ce fut l'Amour. » Pour ce qui est d'Aristote, au livre A, chapitre 4, de La Métaphysique, examinant la thèse des penseurs qui, tel Anaxagore, firent du « la fois la cause de la beauté et la cause du mouvement des êtres », Aristote rapproche à son tour Hésiode et Parménide comme penseurs qui ont posé l'Amour ou le Désir pour principes des êtres ; Aristote cite alors le vers que citait Le Banquet en 178a, vers qui constitue le fragment 13 du poème de Parménide. Ainsi, les deux témoignages de Platon et d'Aristote s'accordent-ils : dans le panthéon parménidien, Anankè est l'origine ; en provient l'Amour, Éros, lequel domine les autres dieux. Dans le commentaire de La Physique d'Aristote, Simplicius apporte à son tour des textes et des indications concernant Anankè et Éros. C'est grâce à ces passages de Simplicius que les éditeurs de Parménide ont ordonné plusieurs fragments de la seconde partie du poème (f. 9 et suiv.). Cependant, l'ordonnance des fragments ici retenue par la plupart des éditeurs, si l'on y apporte quelque attention, semble loin de s'imposer. Relisant de près le texte de Simplicius, nous voudrions ici dégager conjointement plusieurs thèmes. D'abord, en ce qui concerne Simplicius, nous voudrions apporter des précisions sur sa technique de citation des fragments. À partir de là, nous pourrions envisager une nouvelle structuration des fragments portant sur Anankè et Éros. Enfin, nous pourrions ainsi essayer de mieux dégager certains aspects de la place du divin dans l'œuvre parménidienne. [introduction p. 460]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"593","_score":null,"_source":{"id":593,"authors_free":[{"id":844,"entry_id":593,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":101,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","free_first_name":"Jean","free_last_name":"Fr\u00e8re","norm_person":{"id":101,"first_name":"Jean","last_name":"Fr\u00e8re","full_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130051187","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aurore, \u00c9ros et Anank\u00e9 autour des dieux Parm\u00e9nidiens (f. 12-f. 13)","main_title":{"title":"Aurore, \u00c9ros et Anank\u00e9 autour des dieux Parm\u00e9nidiens (f. 12-f. 13)"},"abstract":"Deux textes de Platon dans Le Banquet et un d'Aristote dans La M\u00e9taphysique commentent ce passage de Parm\u00e9nide sur \u00c9ros. Dans Le Banquet, en 195a, Agathon dit : \u00ab Je d\u00e9clare que c'est \u00c9ros le plus jeune des dieux... ; qu'inversement ces antiques divinit\u00e9s qu'\u00e9noncent sur les dieux H\u00e9siode et Parm\u00e9nide appartiendraient \u00e0 la N\u00e9cessit\u00e9 et non pas \u00e0 l'Amour. \u00bb Et en 178a, Ph\u00e8dre s'exprimait ainsi : \u00ab Quant \u00e0 Parm\u00e9nide, voici ce qu'il dit de la g\u00e9n\u00e9ration : le premier de tous les dieux dont s'avisa [la D\u00e9esse], ce fut l'Amour. \u00bb\r\n\r\nPour ce qui est d'Aristote, au livre A, chapitre 4, de La M\u00e9taphysique, examinant la th\u00e8se des penseurs qui, tel Anaxagore, firent du \u00ab la fois la cause de la beaut\u00e9 et la cause du mouvement des \u00eatres \u00bb, Aristote rapproche \u00e0 son tour H\u00e9siode et Parm\u00e9nide comme penseurs qui ont pos\u00e9 l'Amour ou le D\u00e9sir pour principes des \u00eatres ; Aristote cite alors le vers que citait Le Banquet en 178a, vers qui constitue le fragment 13 du po\u00e8me de Parm\u00e9nide. Ainsi, les deux t\u00e9moignages de Platon et d'Aristote s'accordent-ils : dans le panth\u00e9on parm\u00e9nidien, Anank\u00e8 est l'origine ; en provient l'Amour, \u00c9ros, lequel domine les autres dieux.\r\n\r\nDans le commentaire de La Physique d'Aristote, Simplicius apporte \u00e0 son tour des textes et des indications concernant Anank\u00e8 et \u00c9ros. C'est gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 ces passages de Simplicius que les \u00e9diteurs de Parm\u00e9nide ont ordonn\u00e9 plusieurs fragments de la seconde partie du po\u00e8me (f. 9 et suiv.). Cependant, l'ordonnance des fragments ici retenue par la plupart des \u00e9diteurs, si l'on y apporte quelque attention, semble loin de s'imposer. Relisant de pr\u00e8s le texte de Simplicius, nous voudrions ici d\u00e9gager conjointement plusieurs th\u00e8mes.\r\n\r\nD'abord, en ce qui concerne Simplicius, nous voudrions apporter des pr\u00e9cisions sur sa technique de citation des fragments. \u00c0 partir de l\u00e0, nous pourrions envisager une nouvelle structuration des fragments portant sur Anank\u00e8 et \u00c9ros. Enfin, nous pourrions ainsi essayer de mieux d\u00e9gager certains aspects de la place du divin dans l'\u0153uvre parm\u00e9nidienne. [introduction p. 460]","btype":3,"date":"1985","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RFpfl1LBytLVPZJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":101,"full_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":593,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"4","issue":"","pages":" 459-470"}},"sort":[1985]}

Empedocles B 96 (462 Bollack) and the Poetry of Adhesion, 1984
By: Sider, David
Title Empedocles B 96 (462 Bollack) and the Poetry of Adhesion
Type Article
Language English
Date 1984
Journal Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume 37
Issue 1-2
Pages 14-24
Categories no categories
Author(s) Sider, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Notes on Empedocles B 96

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(Neo-) Platonica, 1984
By: Steel, Carlos
Title (Neo-) Platonica
Type Article
Language Dutch
Date 1984
Journal Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume 46
Issue 2
Pages 319-330
Categories no categories
Author(s) Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Filosofie is ons vooral in de vorm van teksten toegankelijk. Wie filosofie wil studeren, zal onvermijdelijk teksten moeten bestuderen en zal het resultaat van zijn eigen onderzoek weer in de vorm van teksten produceren. Wel heeft de filosofie van oudsher ook met de mogelijkheid rekening gehouden dat men inzichten kan verwerven die niet discursief uitgedrukt kunnen worden, die niet „textfähig“ zijn; maar toch is de filosofie weinig beïnvloed geworden door deze principiële mogelijkheid. Tenslotte kan men weer reflecteren en schrijven over deze niet-tekstmatige inzichten, zodat het erop lijkt dat men nooit uit de toverban van de tekst geraken kan. Niemand zal eraan denken het voordeel prijs te geven dat de filosofie heeft door zich aan teksten te binden en zo haar inzichten te objectiveren. Maar toch is het bedenkelijk dat men de binding van filosofisch inzicht aan de tekst als vanzelfsprekend ziet. Zo wordt ook niet meer duidelijk wat de „zaak“ is waarop de filosofische tekst betrekking heeft. Is er wel een „zaak-los-van-de-tekst“? Het is bekend dat Plato tegenover het fenomeen „tekst“ bewust afstand heeft genomen. Men kan hem zeker niet verwijten dat hij een naïef vertrouwen heeft in de tekst als medium van filosofisch inzicht: waar het in de filosofie eigenlijk om gaat is niet in tekst uit te drukken. Al is hij zelf meer dan wie ook tekst-kunstenaar, hij blijft zich bewust van de grenzen van de tekst. Wie uit Plato’s dialogen een doctrine construeert, een systeem van uitspraken over „wat het geval is“, verliest deze reserve ten opzichte van de tekst en reduceert de vele „vormen van kennis“ tot objectief „propositioneel“ kennen. Dit is de invalshoek van waaruit Wolfgang Wieland, vooral bekend wegens zijn originele studie over Aristoteles’ Physica, zijn Plato-boek geschreven heeft: Platon und die Formen des Wissens. Het boek bevat drie delen. Het eerste is gewijd aan Plato’s verhouding tot de geschreven tekst. Uitgaande van de bekende passage in de Phaidros onderzoekt Wieland waarom Plato zo kritisch is ten opzichte van het schrift. Plato verzet zich tegen elke poging om het weten te objectiveren alsof men in de tekst over inzicht als over een stuk bezit zou kunnen beschikken. Elke formulering in taal blijft werktuig, iets voorlopigs. Het „gebruiksweten“ dat in de omgang met de dingen tot stand komt, heeft voorrang op het weten dat in proposities is uitgedrukt. Hier staan we meteen voor het centrale thema van Wielands boek. Het is echter de vraag of dit bij Plato wel zo centraal is. Bij Plato gaat het vooreerst om kritiek op het schrift, en niet op het propositionele weten als zodanig. Vanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook de dialoog als medium van filosofisch denken begrijpen. Indien men ondanks alle reserves toch niet aan tekst verzaken kan, dan biedt de dialoogvorm een uitweg. Eén van de tekorten van de tekst heeft namelijk te maken met het ontbreken van een reële context van het woord. De dialoog brengt deze context op dramatisch-fictieve wijze tot stand. De dialoog is geen didactisch hulpmiddel, geen inkleding van een leer. De uitspraken blijven er als „werktuigen“ in de gespreksactie fungeren. Vanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook het statuut van de mythe binnen de tekst begrijpen, het metaforische karakter van vele passages, het gebruik van de ironie. Tenslotte wijst Wieland in § 5 op het belang van de fictieve chronologie bij het beoordelen van een dialoog. Men kan namelijk, uitgaande van de dramatische situatie van de verschillende dialogen, een fictieve chronologie opstellen: zo zal niemand betwisten dat de Parmenides later is geschreven dan de Phaidon (reële chronologie), maar in de fictieve chronologie komt de Parmenides veel eerder, omdat hierin de jonge Socrates optreedt, terwijl in de Phaidon Socrates voor de dood staat. In de interpretatie heeft men te weinig rekening gehouden met de plaats van een dialoog in deze fictieve chronologie. [introduction p. 319-320] Übersetzung: Philosophie ist uns vor allem in der Form von Texten zugänglich. Wer Philosophie studieren will, muss zwangsläufig Texte studieren und wird die Ergebnisse seiner eigenen Forschung wiederum in Form von Texten präsentieren. Die Philosophie hat jedoch seit jeher auch die Möglichkeit berücksichtigt, dass Erkenntnisse gewonnen werden können, die nicht diskursiv ausgedrückt werden können, die also nicht „textfähig“ sind. Dennoch hat diese prinzipielle Möglichkeit die Philosophie kaum beeinflusst. Letztendlich kann man auch über diese nicht-textlichen Erkenntnisse reflektieren und schreiben, sodass es scheint, als könne man niemals aus dem Bann des Textes entkommen. Niemand wird daran denken, den Vorteil aufzugeben, den die Philosophie dadurch hat, sich an Texte zu binden und ihre Erkenntnisse so zu objektivieren. Doch es ist bedenklich, dass man die Bindung philosophischer Erkenntnis an den Text als selbstverständlich betrachtet. Dadurch wird auch unklar, was die „Sache“ ist, auf die sich der philosophische Text bezieht. Gibt es überhaupt eine „Sache außerhalb des Textes“? Es ist bekannt, dass Platon dem Phänomen „Text“ bewusst distanziert gegenüberstand. Man kann ihm sicher nicht vorwerfen, ein naives Vertrauen in den Text als Medium philosophischer Erkenntnis gehabt zu haben: Worauf es in der Philosophie eigentlich ankommt, lässt sich nicht in Texten ausdrücken. Auch wenn er selbst mehr als jeder andere ein Künstler des Textes war, war er sich stets der Grenzen des Textes bewusst. Wer aus Platons Dialogen eine Doktrin konstruiert, ein System von Aussagen über „das, was der Fall ist“, verliert diese kritische Distanz zum Text und reduziert die vielen „Formen des Wissens“ auf ein objektives „propositionales“ Wissen. Dies ist die Perspektive, aus der Wolfgang Wieland, vor allem bekannt für seine originelle Studie über Aristoteles’ Physik, sein Platon-Buch Platon und die Formen des Wissens geschrieben hat. Das Buch besteht aus drei Teilen. Der erste Teil widmet sich Platons Verhältnis zum geschriebenen Text. Ausgehend von der bekannten Passage im Phaidros untersucht Wieland, warum Platon dem Schreiben so kritisch gegenüberstand. Platon wendet sich gegen jede Versuchung, Wissen zu objektivieren, als könne man in einem Text über Erkenntnisse verfügen wie über einen Besitz. Jede Formulierung in Sprache bleibt ein Werkzeug, etwas Vorläufiges. Das „Gebrauchswissen“, das im Umgang mit den Dingen entsteht, hat Vorrang vor dem Wissen, das in Propositionen ausgedrückt ist. Hier begegnen wir dem zentralen Thema von Wielands Buch. Es bleibt jedoch die Frage, ob dies bei Platon tatsächlich zentral ist. Bei Platon geht es zunächst um Kritik am Schreiben und nicht um Kritik am propositionalen Wissen als solches. Aus der Schriftkritik lässt sich auch die Dialogform als Medium des philosophischen Denkens verstehen. Wenn man trotz aller Vorbehalte nicht auf den Text verzichten kann, bietet die Dialogform einen Ausweg. Ein Mangel des Textes liegt nämlich im Fehlen eines realen Kontexts des Wortes. Der Dialog stellt diesen Kontext auf dramatisch-fiktive Weise her. Der Dialog ist kein didaktisches Hilfsmittel, keine Verpackung einer Lehre. Die Aussagen fungieren in der Dialoghandlung weiterhin als „Werkzeuge“. Aus der Schriftkritik lässt sich auch der Status des Mythos im Text verstehen, ebenso wie der metaphorische Charakter vieler Passagen und die Verwendung von Ironie. Schließlich weist Wieland in § 5 auf die Bedeutung der fiktiven Chronologie für die Beurteilung eines Dialogs hin. Ausgehend von der dramatischen Situation der verschiedenen Dialoge lässt sich eine fiktive Chronologie erstellen: Niemand wird bestreiten, dass der Parmenides später geschrieben wurde als der Phaidon (reale Chronologie), aber in der fiktiven Chronologie kommt der Parmenides viel früher, da dort der junge Sokrates auftritt, während im Phaidon Sokrates vor seinem Tod steht. In der Interpretation hat man die Stellung eines Dialogs in dieser fiktiven Chronologie bisher zu wenig berücksichtigt.

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Wel heeft de filosofie van oudsher ook met de mogelijkheid rekening gehouden dat men inzichten kan verwerven die niet discursief uitgedrukt kunnen worden, die niet \u201etextf\u00e4hig\u201c zijn; maar toch is de filosofie weinig be\u00efnvloed geworden door deze principi\u00eble mogelijkheid. Tenslotte kan men weer reflecteren en schrijven over deze niet-tekstmatige inzichten, zodat het erop lijkt dat men nooit uit de toverban van de tekst geraken kan. Niemand zal eraan denken het voordeel prijs te geven dat de filosofie heeft door zich aan teksten te binden en zo haar inzichten te objectiveren. Maar toch is het bedenkelijk dat men de binding van filosofisch inzicht aan de tekst als vanzelfsprekend ziet. Zo wordt ook niet meer duidelijk wat de \u201ezaak\u201c is waarop de filosofische tekst betrekking heeft. Is er wel een \u201ezaak-los-van-de-tekst\u201c? Het is bekend dat Plato tegenover het fenomeen \u201etekst\u201c bewust afstand heeft genomen. Men kan hem zeker niet verwijten dat hij een na\u00efef vertrouwen heeft in de tekst als medium van filosofisch inzicht: waar het in de filosofie eigenlijk om gaat is niet in tekst uit te drukken. Al is hij zelf meer dan wie ook tekst-kunstenaar, hij blijft zich bewust van de grenzen van de tekst. Wie uit Plato\u2019s dialogen een doctrine construeert, een systeem van uitspraken over \u201ewat het geval is\u201c, verliest deze reserve ten opzichte van de tekst en reduceert de vele \u201evormen van kennis\u201c tot objectief \u201epropositioneel\u201c kennen.\r\n\r\nDit is de invalshoek van waaruit Wolfgang Wieland, vooral bekend wegens zijn originele studie over Aristoteles\u2019 Physica, zijn Plato-boek geschreven heeft: Platon und die Formen des Wissens. Het boek bevat drie delen. Het eerste is gewijd aan Plato\u2019s verhouding tot de geschreven tekst. Uitgaande van de bekende passage in de Phaidros onderzoekt Wieland waarom Plato zo kritisch is ten opzichte van het schrift. Plato verzet zich tegen elke poging om het weten te objectiveren alsof men in de tekst over inzicht als over een stuk bezit zou kunnen beschikken. Elke formulering in taal blijft werktuig, iets voorlopigs. Het \u201egebruiksweten\u201c dat in de omgang met de dingen tot stand komt, heeft voorrang op het weten dat in proposities is uitgedrukt. Hier staan we meteen voor het centrale thema van Wielands boek. Het is echter de vraag of dit bij Plato wel zo centraal is. Bij Plato gaat het vooreerst om kritiek op het schrift, en niet op het propositionele weten als zodanig.\r\n\r\nVanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook de dialoog als medium van filosofisch denken begrijpen. Indien men ondanks alle reserves toch niet aan tekst verzaken kan, dan biedt de dialoogvorm een uitweg. E\u00e9n van de tekorten van de tekst heeft namelijk te maken met het ontbreken van een re\u00eble context van het woord. De dialoog brengt deze context op dramatisch-fictieve wijze tot stand. De dialoog is geen didactisch hulpmiddel, geen inkleding van een leer. De uitspraken blijven er als \u201ewerktuigen\u201c in de gespreksactie fungeren. Vanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook het statuut van de mythe binnen de tekst begrijpen, het metaforische karakter van vele passages, het gebruik van de ironie. Tenslotte wijst Wieland in \u00a7 5 op het belang van de fictieve chronologie bij het beoordelen van een dialoog. Men kan namelijk, uitgaande van de dramatische situatie van de verschillende dialogen, een fictieve chronologie opstellen: zo zal niemand betwisten dat de Parmenides later is geschreven dan de Phaidon (re\u00eble chronologie), maar in de fictieve chronologie komt de Parmenides veel eerder, omdat hierin de jonge Socrates optreedt, terwijl in de Phaidon Socrates voor de dood staat. In de interpretatie heeft men te weinig rekening gehouden met de plaats van een dialoog in deze fictieve chronologie.\r\n[introduction p. 319-320] \u00dcbersetzung: Philosophie ist uns vor allem in der Form von Texten zug\u00e4nglich. Wer Philosophie studieren will, muss zwangsl\u00e4ufig Texte studieren und wird die Ergebnisse seiner eigenen Forschung wiederum in Form von Texten pr\u00e4sentieren. Die Philosophie hat jedoch seit jeher auch die M\u00f6glichkeit ber\u00fccksichtigt, dass Erkenntnisse gewonnen werden k\u00f6nnen, die nicht diskursiv ausgedr\u00fcckt werden k\u00f6nnen, die also nicht \u201etextf\u00e4hig\u201c sind. Dennoch hat diese prinzipielle M\u00f6glichkeit die Philosophie kaum beeinflusst. Letztendlich kann man auch \u00fcber diese nicht-textlichen Erkenntnisse reflektieren und schreiben, sodass es scheint, als k\u00f6nne man niemals aus dem Bann des Textes entkommen. Niemand wird daran denken, den Vorteil aufzugeben, den die Philosophie dadurch hat, sich an Texte zu binden und ihre Erkenntnisse so zu objektivieren. Doch es ist bedenklich, dass man die Bindung philosophischer Erkenntnis an den Text als selbstverst\u00e4ndlich betrachtet. Dadurch wird auch unklar, was die \u201eSache\u201c ist, auf die sich der philosophische Text bezieht. Gibt es \u00fcberhaupt eine \u201eSache au\u00dferhalb des Textes\u201c?\r\n\r\nEs ist bekannt, dass Platon dem Ph\u00e4nomen \u201eText\u201c bewusst distanziert gegen\u00fcberstand. Man kann ihm sicher nicht vorwerfen, ein naives Vertrauen in den Text als Medium philosophischer Erkenntnis gehabt zu haben: Worauf es in der Philosophie eigentlich ankommt, l\u00e4sst sich nicht in Texten ausdr\u00fccken. Auch wenn er selbst mehr als jeder andere ein K\u00fcnstler des Textes war, war er sich stets der Grenzen des Textes bewusst. Wer aus Platons Dialogen eine Doktrin konstruiert, ein System von Aussagen \u00fcber \u201edas, was der Fall ist\u201c, verliert diese kritische Distanz zum Text und reduziert die vielen \u201eFormen des Wissens\u201c auf ein objektives \u201epropositionales\u201c Wissen.\r\n\r\nDies ist die Perspektive, aus der Wolfgang Wieland, vor allem bekannt f\u00fcr seine originelle Studie \u00fcber Aristoteles\u2019 Physik, sein Platon-Buch Platon und die Formen des Wissens geschrieben hat. Das Buch besteht aus drei Teilen. Der erste Teil widmet sich Platons Verh\u00e4ltnis zum geschriebenen Text. Ausgehend von der bekannten Passage im Phaidros untersucht Wieland, warum Platon dem Schreiben so kritisch gegen\u00fcberstand. Platon wendet sich gegen jede Versuchung, Wissen zu objektivieren, als k\u00f6nne man in einem Text \u00fcber Erkenntnisse verf\u00fcgen wie \u00fcber einen Besitz. Jede Formulierung in Sprache bleibt ein Werkzeug, etwas Vorl\u00e4ufiges. Das \u201eGebrauchswissen\u201c, das im Umgang mit den Dingen entsteht, hat Vorrang vor dem Wissen, das in Propositionen ausgedr\u00fcckt ist. Hier begegnen wir dem zentralen Thema von Wielands Buch. Es bleibt jedoch die Frage, ob dies bei Platon tats\u00e4chlich zentral ist. Bei Platon geht es zun\u00e4chst um Kritik am Schreiben und nicht um Kritik am propositionalen Wissen als solches.\r\n\r\nAus der Schriftkritik l\u00e4sst sich auch die Dialogform als Medium des philosophischen Denkens verstehen. Wenn man trotz aller Vorbehalte nicht auf den Text verzichten kann, bietet die Dialogform einen Ausweg. Ein Mangel des Textes liegt n\u00e4mlich im Fehlen eines realen Kontexts des Wortes. Der Dialog stellt diesen Kontext auf dramatisch-fiktive Weise her. Der Dialog ist kein didaktisches Hilfsmittel, keine Verpackung einer Lehre. Die Aussagen fungieren in der Dialoghandlung weiterhin als \u201eWerkzeuge\u201c. Aus der Schriftkritik l\u00e4sst sich auch der Status des Mythos im Text verstehen, ebenso wie der metaphorische Charakter vieler Passagen und die Verwendung von Ironie. Schlie\u00dflich weist Wieland in \u00a7 5 auf die Bedeutung der fiktiven Chronologie f\u00fcr die Beurteilung eines Dialogs hin. Ausgehend von der dramatischen Situation der verschiedenen Dialoge l\u00e4sst sich eine fiktive Chronologie erstellen: Niemand wird bestreiten, dass der Parmenides sp\u00e4ter geschrieben wurde als der Phaidon (reale Chronologie), aber in der fiktiven Chronologie kommt der Parmenides viel fr\u00fcher, da dort der junge Sokrates auftritt, w\u00e4hrend im Phaidon Sokrates vor seinem Tod steht. In der Interpretation hat man die Stellung eines Dialogs in dieser fiktiven Chronologie bisher zu wenig ber\u00fccksichtigt.","btype":3,"date":"1984","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/H1e3T5fZsfMIh5O","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":845,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Tijdschrift voor Filosofie","volume":"46","issue":"2","pages":"319-330"}},"sort":[1984]}

Conférence de M. Philippe Hoffmann: Sens et dénomination. Homonymie, analogie, métaphore selon le commentaire de Simplicius sur les Catégories d'Aristote, 1984
By: Hoffmann, Philippe
Title Conférence de M. Philippe Hoffmann: Sens et dénomination. Homonymie, analogie, métaphore selon le commentaire de Simplicius sur les Catégories d'Aristote
Type Article
Language French
Date 1984
Journal École pratique des hautes études, Section des sciences religieuses. Annuaire
Volume 93
Pages 343-356
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Notre lecture du Commentaire de Simplicius s'est organisée selon plusieurs fils directeurs. Nous avons examiné, tout d'abord, les méthodes mêmes de l'exégèse : Simplicius lit le texte d'Aristote mot à mot (kata tên lexin), en scrutant au besoin tous les sens possibles d'un même mot ; l'explication proprement doctrinale procède en partie par des citations (ou paraphrases) d'auteurs antérieurs : Porphyre (Commentaire par questions et réponses, et surtout Commentaire à Gédalios), Jamblique et Syrianus. Nous avons aussi tenté de dégager les traits proprement néoplatoniciens du commentaire : ainsi, à propos du couple « nom-définition », dont l'interprétation ne peut se comprendre que dans la perspective plus générale du système néoplatonicien. Il apparaît en outre que la condition de possibilité de l'homonymie, et de son contraire la polyonymie, est le caractère « conventionnel » (thesei et non phusei) du langage : il fallait donc situer la réflexion néoplatonicienne dans le cadre des discussions traditionnelles sur l'origine du langage. D'autres questions se posaient encore : quelle est, au fond, la justification et l'utilité d'un tel exposé préliminaire dans un ouvrage consacré aux catégories ? La doctrine des homonymes, synonymes et paronymes exprime-t-elle des propriétés des réalités, ou des noms (onomata) ? Quelle est la spécificité de la recherche philosophique d'Aristote par rapport à la grammaire, ou à l'étude littéraire du langage, qui relève de la Rhétorique ? Le commentaire de Simplicius cite le témoignage de Boèthos de Sidon sur la doctrine de Speusippe, qui, à la différence d'Aristote, divise les onomata : ce fut l'occasion d'une mise au point portant à la fois sur les théories antiques de l'homonymie et de la synonymie, et sur l'importance de ces commentaires comme sources de nos connaissances en matière de philosophie antique. [introduction p. 344-345]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"507","_score":null,"_source":{"id":507,"authors_free":[{"id":701,"entry_id":507,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Conf\u00e9rence de M. Philippe Hoffmann: Sens et d\u00e9nomination. Homonymie, analogie, m\u00e9taphore selon le commentaire de Simplicius sur les Cat\u00e9gories d'Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Conf\u00e9rence de M. Philippe Hoffmann: Sens et d\u00e9nomination. Homonymie, analogie, m\u00e9taphore selon le commentaire de Simplicius sur les Cat\u00e9gories d'Aristote"},"abstract":"Notre lecture du Commentaire de Simplicius s'est organis\u00e9e selon plusieurs fils directeurs. Nous avons examin\u00e9, tout d'abord, les m\u00e9thodes m\u00eames de l'ex\u00e9g\u00e8se : Simplicius lit le texte d'Aristote mot \u00e0 mot (kata t\u00ean lexin), en scrutant au besoin tous les sens possibles d'un m\u00eame mot ; l'explication proprement doctrinale proc\u00e8de en partie par des citations (ou paraphrases) d'auteurs ant\u00e9rieurs : Porphyre (Commentaire par questions et r\u00e9ponses, et surtout Commentaire \u00e0 G\u00e9dalios), Jamblique et Syrianus.\r\n\r\nNous avons aussi tent\u00e9 de d\u00e9gager les traits proprement n\u00e9oplatoniciens du commentaire : ainsi, \u00e0 propos du couple \u00ab nom-d\u00e9finition \u00bb, dont l'interpr\u00e9tation ne peut se comprendre que dans la perspective plus g\u00e9n\u00e9rale du syst\u00e8me n\u00e9oplatonicien. Il appara\u00eet en outre que la condition de possibilit\u00e9 de l'homonymie, et de son contraire la polyonymie, est le caract\u00e8re \u00ab conventionnel \u00bb (thesei et non phusei) du langage : il fallait donc situer la r\u00e9flexion n\u00e9oplatonicienne dans le cadre des discussions traditionnelles sur l'origine du langage.\r\n\r\nD'autres questions se posaient encore : quelle est, au fond, la justification et l'utilit\u00e9 d'un tel expos\u00e9 pr\u00e9liminaire dans un ouvrage consacr\u00e9 aux cat\u00e9gories ? La doctrine des homonymes, synonymes et paronymes exprime-t-elle des propri\u00e9t\u00e9s des r\u00e9alit\u00e9s, ou des noms (onomata) ? Quelle est la sp\u00e9cificit\u00e9 de la recherche philosophique d'Aristote par rapport \u00e0 la grammaire, ou \u00e0 l'\u00e9tude litt\u00e9raire du langage, qui rel\u00e8ve de la Rh\u00e9torique ?\r\n\r\nLe commentaire de Simplicius cite le t\u00e9moignage de Bo\u00e8thos de Sidon sur la doctrine de Speusippe, qui, \u00e0 la diff\u00e9rence d'Aristote, divise les onomata : ce fut l'occasion d'une mise au point portant \u00e0 la fois sur les th\u00e9ories antiques de l'homonymie et de la synonymie, et sur l'importance de ces commentaires comme sources de nos connaissances en mati\u00e8re de philosophie antique. [introduction p. 344-345]","btype":3,"date":"1984","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/oqTrFiRR6jzhlNL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":507,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":" \u00c9cole pratique des hautes \u00e9tudes, Section des sciences religieuses. Annuaire","volume":"93","issue":"","pages":"343-356"}},"sort":[1984]}

Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs à une définition du temps dans le néoplatonisme tardif, 1983
By: Hoffmann, Philippe
Title Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs à une définition du temps dans le néoplatonisme tardif
Type Article
Language French
Date 1983
Journal Revue des Études Grecques
Volume 96
Issue 455/459
Pages 1-26
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Ainsi, le concept de paralasis est profondément solidaire d’un thème qui est au cœur de la pensée de Damascius : la distinction entre ce qui est en train de se différencier et ce dont la différenciation est achevée. C’est aussi la distinction entre la procession et la conversion, entre la puissance et l’activité, entre la vie et l’intellect, entre le second diacosme (intelligible et intellectif) et le troisième (intellectif) : dans tous ces couples, le premier terme se distingue du second comme, dans Physique VI, « l’action de se mouvoir se distingue du mouvement accompli » (95). Aristote est la source avouée de Damascius, qui lui consacrait des cours (on sait par exemple que le premier livre du Commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo a vraisemblablement été rédigé à partir de notes prises au cours de Damascius) (96) : il « pense le temps à la fois à partir du Parménide de Platon et à partir des livres IV et VI de la Physique d’Aristote. C’est à la lumière d’Aristote qu’il interprète Platon. C’est à Aristote lui-même qu’il emprunte les éléments de sa résolution des apories posées en Physique IV. Et la clé de sa doctrine du temps est à chercher en Physique VI » (97). Il faut ajouter immédiatement que c’est à partir de la pensée stoïcienne du temps que Damascius lit Physique VI et élabore sa théorie du « temps intégral ». Le « temps intégral », qui demeure « tout entier à la fois dans la subsistance », est pensé selon l’être-ensemble de ses parties. Analogue au maintenant diastèmatique, qui est partie et non limite du temps, il a pour image le présent de la danse, en qui passé et futur sont contenus et résorbés : bien qu’elle se déroute dans une succession, la danse est présentement en train d’être dansée (98), et c’est sur le même mode que le combat est lui aussi présent. La subsistance d’un tel présent se fonde sur l’unité d’une action en devenir, qui s’exprime par un verbe au présent extensif. L’influence du stoïcisme sur Damascius semble déterminante : on reconnaît sans peine dans ses analyses le présent étendu qui est le présent sensible de l’expérience pratique, celui en qui vient se loger une action comme « je marche » (action portée à élocution par un présent extensif) ; et son « temps intégral » n’est pas sans analogie avec le mode de présence de la période cosmique stoïcienne (99). À cette influence philosophique du stoïcisme, il faut ajouter son influence grammaticale. Damascius fut pendant neuf ans professeur de rhétorique. C’est sans aucun doute à cette longue pratique des textes et des mots qu’il faut rapporter l’attention extrême qu’il prête au langage, ainsi que la thématisation des problèmes du langage au sein même de sa pensée philosophique (100). C’est à une grammaire d’inspiration stoïcienne qu’il faut rapporter sa méthode d’exégèse, ou plutôt le contenu de son exégèse de Physique IV (221 a 6-9) : l’infinitif être, compris comme activité d’être, est envisagé dans l’extension aspectuelle, et Damascius le considère comme l’équivalent de paratasis tou einai. Cette explication de texte scrupuleuse, qui est bien dans la manière de Damascius, permet à celui-ci de proposer sa définition du temps, tout en soulignant sa fidélité par rapport à la double autorité d’Archytas et d’Aristote. [conclusion p. 23-25]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"713","_score":null,"_source":{"id":713,"authors_free":[{"id":1063,"entry_id":713,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs \u00e0 une d\u00e9finition du temps dans le n\u00e9oplatonisme tardif","main_title":{"title":"Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs \u00e0 une d\u00e9finition du temps dans le n\u00e9oplatonisme tardif"},"abstract":"Ainsi, le concept de paralasis est profond\u00e9ment solidaire d\u2019un th\u00e8me qui est au c\u0153ur de la pens\u00e9e de Damascius : la distinction entre ce qui est en train de se diff\u00e9rencier et ce dont la diff\u00e9renciation est achev\u00e9e. C\u2019est aussi la distinction entre la procession et la conversion, entre la puissance et l\u2019activit\u00e9, entre la vie et l\u2019intellect, entre le second diacosme (intelligible et intellectif) et le troisi\u00e8me (intellectif) : dans tous ces couples, le premier terme se distingue du second comme, dans Physique VI, \u00ab l\u2019action de se mouvoir se distingue du mouvement accompli \u00bb (95).\r\n\r\nAristote est la source avou\u00e9e de Damascius, qui lui consacrait des cours (on sait par exemple que le premier livre du Commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo a vraisemblablement \u00e9t\u00e9 r\u00e9dig\u00e9 \u00e0 partir de notes prises au cours de Damascius) (96) : il \u00ab pense le temps \u00e0 la fois \u00e0 partir du Parm\u00e9nide de Platon et \u00e0 partir des livres IV et VI de la Physique d\u2019Aristote. C\u2019est \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re d\u2019Aristote qu\u2019il interpr\u00e8te Platon. C\u2019est \u00e0 Aristote lui-m\u00eame qu\u2019il emprunte les \u00e9l\u00e9ments de sa r\u00e9solution des apories pos\u00e9es en Physique IV. Et la cl\u00e9 de sa doctrine du temps est \u00e0 chercher en Physique VI \u00bb (97).\r\n\r\nIl faut ajouter imm\u00e9diatement que c\u2019est \u00e0 partir de la pens\u00e9e sto\u00efcienne du temps que Damascius lit Physique VI et \u00e9labore sa th\u00e9orie du \u00ab temps int\u00e9gral \u00bb. Le \u00ab temps int\u00e9gral \u00bb, qui demeure \u00ab tout entier \u00e0 la fois dans la subsistance \u00bb, est pens\u00e9 selon l\u2019\u00eatre-ensemble de ses parties. Analogue au maintenant diast\u00e8matique, qui est partie et non limite du temps, il a pour image le pr\u00e9sent de la danse, en qui pass\u00e9 et futur sont contenus et r\u00e9sorb\u00e9s : bien qu\u2019elle se d\u00e9route dans une succession, la danse est pr\u00e9sentement en train d\u2019\u00eatre dans\u00e9e (98), et c\u2019est sur le m\u00eame mode que le combat est lui aussi pr\u00e9sent.\r\n\r\nLa subsistance d\u2019un tel pr\u00e9sent se fonde sur l\u2019unit\u00e9 d\u2019une action en devenir, qui s\u2019exprime par un verbe au pr\u00e9sent extensif. L\u2019influence du sto\u00efcisme sur Damascius semble d\u00e9terminante : on reconna\u00eet sans peine dans ses analyses le pr\u00e9sent \u00e9tendu qui est le pr\u00e9sent sensible de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience pratique, celui en qui vient se loger une action comme \u00ab je marche \u00bb (action port\u00e9e \u00e0 \u00e9locution par un pr\u00e9sent extensif) ; et son \u00ab temps int\u00e9gral \u00bb n\u2019est pas sans analogie avec le mode de pr\u00e9sence de la p\u00e9riode cosmique sto\u00efcienne (99).\r\n\r\n\u00c0 cette influence philosophique du sto\u00efcisme, il faut ajouter son influence grammaticale. Damascius fut pendant neuf ans professeur de rh\u00e9torique. C\u2019est sans aucun doute \u00e0 cette longue pratique des textes et des mots qu\u2019il faut rapporter l\u2019attention extr\u00eame qu\u2019il pr\u00eate au langage, ainsi que la th\u00e9matisation des probl\u00e8mes du langage au sein m\u00eame de sa pens\u00e9e philosophique (100). C\u2019est \u00e0 une grammaire d\u2019inspiration sto\u00efcienne qu\u2019il faut rapporter sa m\u00e9thode d\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se, ou plut\u00f4t le contenu de son ex\u00e9g\u00e8se de Physique IV (221 a 6-9) : l\u2019infinitif \u00eatre, compris comme activit\u00e9 d\u2019\u00eatre, est envisag\u00e9 dans l\u2019extension aspectuelle, et Damascius le consid\u00e8re comme l\u2019\u00e9quivalent de paratasis tou einai. Cette explication de texte scrupuleuse, qui est bien dans la mani\u00e8re de Damascius, permet \u00e0 celui-ci de proposer sa d\u00e9finition du temps, tout en soulignant sa fid\u00e9lit\u00e9 par rapport \u00e0 la double autorit\u00e9 d\u2019Archytas et d\u2019Aristote. [conclusion p. 23-25]","btype":3,"date":"1983","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/LNb8H8UiMDNsVyS","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":713,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue des \u00c9tudes Grecques","volume":"96","issue":"455\/459","pages":"1-26"}},"sort":[1983]}

On Some Epicurean and Lucretian Arguments for the Infinity of the Universe, 1983
By: Avotins, Ivars
Title On Some Epicurean and Lucretian Arguments for the Infinity of the Universe
Type Article
Language English
Date 1983
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 33
Issue 2
Pages 421-427
Categories no categories
Author(s) Avotins, Ivars
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
As is well known, Epicurus and his followers held that the universe was infinite and that its two primary components, void and atoms, were each infinite. The void was infinite in extension, the atoms were infinite in number and their total was infinite also in extension.' The chief Epicurean proofs of these infinities are found in Epicurus, Ad Herod. 41-2, and in Lucretius 1. 951-1020. As far as I can see, both the commentators to these works and writers on Epicurean physics in general have neglected to take into account some material pertinent to these proofs, material found in Aristotle and especially in his commentators Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius, Simplicius, and Philoponus.2 In this article I wish to compare this neglected information with the proofs of infinity found in Epicurus and Lucretius and to discuss their authorship. [p. 421]

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Review of Erwin Sonderegger: Simplikios: Über die Zeit, 1983
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.
Title Review of Erwin Sonderegger: Simplikios: Über die Zeit
Type Article
Language English
Date 1983
Journal The Classical Review, New Series
Volume 33
Issue 2
Pages 337-338
Categories no categories
Author(s) Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Like a well-trained Neoplatonist commentator, Sonderegger outlines the skopos of his book on the first page. It is to consider Simplicius' thought about time and make it available to a wider audience (an audience that would, however, need to know Greek). His basis is the 28-page excursus at the end of Simplicius' commentary on Physics 4, known as the Corollarium de Tempore (hereafter, with S., CdT), to which, in the main body of the book, he attends with the minimum of excursions. This is partly dictated by his announced interest in Simplicius himself rather than his relation to other thinkers: as he rightly says, that cannot be treated until it is clear what Simplicius himself thought. In the present state of work on late Neoplatonism, this is not a trivial point. Sonderegger's aims have produced a very different book from the little-noticed work of H. Meyer, Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles über die Zeit (Meisenheim am Glan, 1969). Meyer's book is more philosophical and also differs in that his purpose was primarily to understand Aristotle, with no notion of being exoteric. Of this book, Sonderegger takes virtually no account, on the grounds that its presuppositions are very different from his own. What Sonderegger has given us is a very detailed and careful descriptive analysis of CdT, with special attention to the organization of the discussions (pp. 38–139), preceded by an introduction on Simplicius' Physics commentary, his excursuses, and Neoplatonism in general, and followed by some 30 pages of translation and 20 of appendices. These include a table of the uses and contexts of key terms in CdT, examinations of the extent and authenticity of quotations from Ps.-Archytas, Iamblichus, and Damascius, and a translation of Simplicius In Categorias 356.8–25, which contains in nuce much of the thought of CdT. Sonderegger is clearly aware that Simplicius wrote commentaries to expound his own philosophy, yet he tends to exaggerate the difference in thought rather than merely presentation, which might be expected in CdT and the analogous digressions on chance and place, as opposed to those parts of the commentary that start from specific lemmata. Even if CdT is more connected, it still proceeds largely by discussing quoted texts, and, as Sonderegger reminds us, Simplicius' aim is always to arrive at his own view of time. That, he claims, will help us to understand Aristotle (773.12–14): one recalls uneasily the project of expounding the De anima while following Iamblichus (In De an. 1.18–20). Sonderegger perhaps underestimates the extent to which Simplicius saw himself as engaged in the same enterprise as Aristotle—and Plato. Though he can cite texts for Simplicius' awareness of the difference between what he and Aristotle say, it does not always follow that Simplicius saw the difference between what he and Aristotle think. The texts Sonderegger quotes at p. 25 n.50 rather point out that Aristotle's intentions are the same, even if his language is not. Thus, 356.31 ff. clearly shows that Simplicius thinks the views on time (chronos) of Aristotle and hoi Neoteroi (the Neoplatonists) are not different. Conversely, in his sketch of the Neoplatonist background, which, as he says, constantly appears in Simplicius' commentary, Sonderegger is inclined to underplay divergences. It is only in the broadest sense true that the outlines of Simplicius' Neoplatonism were determined by Plotinus. The qualification that he liked to attach himself to Iamblichus and used terminology that can be traced back to Proclus is more important. The extent of Proclus' influence is thoroughly documented by I. Hadot, Le Problème du Néoplatonisme Alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius (Paris, 1978), cited on p. 26 n. 51. I cannot understand the arguments here (29–35) that, for Simplicius, the hypostases are somehow unreal. This is conducted in terms drawn from Husserl and Heidegger, which, to an English-speaking reader, are not immediately illuminating. Incidentally, diakrisis is not an entity. To treat it as if it were is a kind of hyper-Neoplatonic realism: the meaning of "differentiation" is normally adequate. On time itself, there is a major difference between Plotinus and his post-Iamblichean successors on a point which concerns Sonderegger throughout: the invention of a further type of time that almost becomes a separate hypostasis. This is the psychic time that Simplicius calls protos chronos, as opposed to ordinary physical time on the one hand and aion on the other. The exposition and defense of this first time is the main aim of CdT. It is even more clearly a product of late Neoplatonic triadic thinking than Sonderegger's discussion (69–74) shows. If there is a triad of things permanent and ungenerated, permanent and generated, impermanent and generated, a mediating time is required for the second member of the triad. That this is Simplicius' thinking is shown by the way he has opposed aion as adiakritos and physical time as ho en ti thesei theôrmenos (784.34 ff.), a relation justifying, if not requiring, a higher time. The most notable recasting of Aristotle in Neoplatonist terms is the transformation of his definition into metron tou kata to einai rhontos (not quite "Mass des Seins des Physischen"), which, for all his concern to show that Simplicius distinguishes between Aristotle's views and his own, Sonderegger seems inclined to accept (cf. esp. 43 f. and 138). The translation aims at utility rather than elegance. Its value is greater at a time when interest in the thought of late antiquity is spreading among the wholly or nearly Greekless. Translations are increasingly called for. But who would translate the 1,366 pages of Simplicius' Physics commentary, or, indeed, publish the translation? [the entire review]

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His basis is the 28-page excursus at the end of Simplicius' commentary on Physics 4, known as the Corollarium de Tempore (hereafter, with S., CdT), to which, in the main body of the book, he attends with the minimum of excursions. This is partly dictated by his announced interest in Simplicius himself rather than his relation to other thinkers: as he rightly says, that cannot be treated until it is clear what Simplicius himself thought. In the present state of work on late Neoplatonism, this is not a trivial point.\r\n\r\nSonderegger's aims have produced a very different book from the little-noticed work of H. Meyer, Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles \u00fcber die Zeit (Meisenheim am Glan, 1969). Meyer's book is more philosophical and also differs in that his purpose was primarily to understand Aristotle, with no notion of being exoteric. Of this book, Sonderegger takes virtually no account, on the grounds that its presuppositions are very different from his own. What Sonderegger has given us is a very detailed and careful descriptive analysis of CdT, with special attention to the organization of the discussions (pp. 38\u2013139), preceded by an introduction on Simplicius' Physics commentary, his excursuses, and Neoplatonism in general, and followed by some 30 pages of translation and 20 of appendices. These include a table of the uses and contexts of key terms in CdT, examinations of the extent and authenticity of quotations from Ps.-Archytas, Iamblichus, and Damascius, and a translation of Simplicius In Categorias 356.8\u201325, which contains in nuce much of the thought of CdT.\r\n\r\nSonderegger is clearly aware that Simplicius wrote commentaries to expound his own philosophy, yet he tends to exaggerate the difference in thought rather than merely presentation, which might be expected in CdT and the analogous digressions on chance and place, as opposed to those parts of the commentary that start from specific lemmata. Even if CdT is more connected, it still proceeds largely by discussing quoted texts, and, as Sonderegger reminds us, Simplicius' aim is always to arrive at his own view of time. That, he claims, will help us to understand Aristotle (773.12\u201314): one recalls uneasily the project of expounding the De anima while following Iamblichus (In De an. 1.18\u201320). Sonderegger perhaps underestimates the extent to which Simplicius saw himself as engaged in the same enterprise as Aristotle\u2014and Plato.\r\n\r\nThough he can cite texts for Simplicius' awareness of the difference between what he and Aristotle say, it does not always follow that Simplicius saw the difference between what he and Aristotle think. The texts Sonderegger quotes at p. 25 n.50 rather point out that Aristotle's intentions are the same, even if his language is not. Thus, 356.31 ff. clearly shows that Simplicius thinks the views on time (chronos) of Aristotle and hoi Neoteroi (the Neoplatonists) are not different. Conversely, in his sketch of the Neoplatonist background, which, as he says, constantly appears in Simplicius' commentary, Sonderegger is inclined to underplay divergences. It is only in the broadest sense true that the outlines of Simplicius' Neoplatonism were determined by Plotinus. The qualification that he liked to attach himself to Iamblichus and used terminology that can be traced back to Proclus is more important.\r\n\r\nThe extent of Proclus' influence is thoroughly documented by I. Hadot, Le Probl\u00e8me du N\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin: Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius (Paris, 1978), cited on p. 26 n. 51. I cannot understand the arguments here (29\u201335) that, for Simplicius, the hypostases are somehow unreal. This is conducted in terms drawn from Husserl and Heidegger, which, to an English-speaking reader, are not immediately illuminating. Incidentally, diakrisis is not an entity. To treat it as if it were is a kind of hyper-Neoplatonic realism: the meaning of \"differentiation\" is normally adequate.\r\n\r\nOn time itself, there is a major difference between Plotinus and his post-Iamblichean successors on a point which concerns Sonderegger throughout: the invention of a further type of time that almost becomes a separate hypostasis. This is the psychic time that Simplicius calls protos chronos, as opposed to ordinary physical time on the one hand and aion on the other. The exposition and defense of this first time is the main aim of CdT. It is even more clearly a product of late Neoplatonic triadic thinking than Sonderegger's discussion (69\u201374) shows.\r\n\r\nIf there is a triad of things permanent and ungenerated, permanent and generated, impermanent and generated, a mediating time is required for the second member of the triad. That this is Simplicius' thinking is shown by the way he has opposed aion as adiakritos and physical time as ho en ti thesei the\u00f4rmenos (784.34 ff.), a relation justifying, if not requiring, a higher time. The most notable recasting of Aristotle in Neoplatonist terms is the transformation of his definition into metron tou kata to einai rhontos (not quite \"Mass des Seins des Physischen\"), which, for all his concern to show that Simplicius distinguishes between Aristotle's views and his own, Sonderegger seems inclined to accept (cf. esp. 43 f. and 138).\r\n\r\nThe translation aims at utility rather than elegance. Its value is greater at a time when interest in the thought of late antiquity is spreading among the wholly or nearly Greekless. Translations are increasingly called for. But who would translate the 1,366 pages of Simplicius' Physics commentary, or, indeed, publish the translation? [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"1983","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ZCYOjLO9LGrxQNt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":770,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review, New Series","volume":"33","issue":"2","pages":"337-338"}},"sort":[1983]}

La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle "Categorie" di Aristotele, 1983
By: Conti, Alessandro D.
Title La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle "Categorie" di Aristotele
Type Article
Language Italian
Date 1983
Journal Rivista critica di storia della filosofia
Volume 38
Issue 3
Pages 259-283
Categories no categories
Author(s) Conti, Alessandro D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Uno dei contributi particolari più rilevanti che i commentatori neoplatonici hanno recato allo sviluppo e alla sistemazione della dottrina categoriale aristotelica è senza dubbio quello relativo all'analisi della nozione di πρός τι. Essi, infatti, nel tentativo di fornire un'interpretazione del settimo capitolo delle Categorie che fosse (i) internamente coerente e (ii) solidale con la lettura generale del trattato, sono giunti a elaborare in forma sufficientemente compiuta un concetto di relazione analogo al moderno concetto di relazione binaria, del tutto assente, invece, negli scritti di Aristotele, che pare conoscere solo un non ben definito concetto di relativo (πρός τι). In altre parole: mentre lo Stagirita (i) operava con la sola nozione di relativo e (ii) concepiva i relativi — sotto l'influenza di evidenti suggestioni grammaticali — come le entità che corrispondono ai termini non assoluti del linguaggio (cioè non aventi significato se non in riferimento a un altro termine), i neoplatonici, al contrario, saranno in grado (i) di servirsi sia della nozione di relativo che di quella di relazione (σχέσις), e (ii) di concepire, in un certo qual modo, le relazioni come funzioni diadiche (o meglio, come una sorta di corrispettivo ontologico delle nostre funzioni diadiche) e i relativi come gli argomenti che tali funzioni soddisfano. Le precise scelte interpretative su alcuni problemi cruciali del trattato, e cioè: la valenza della tavola categoriale, la distinzione delle categorie, il tipo d'esistenza degli accidenti da una parte, e l'accettazione dell'idea, aristotelicamente corretta, che i πρός τι devono essere presi a coppie, dall'altra, sono gli elementi che hanno reso possibile ai neoplatonici la formulazione del concetto di relazione (binaria). Essi infatti ritenevano: che la tavola categoriale avesse una precisa valenza ontologica, ripartendo non solo nomi e concetti, ma anche cose; che la distinzione tra le dieci categorie fosse reale e non concettuale; che gli accidenti fossero forme inerenti alle sostanze. In conseguenza dei primi due punti, i neoplatonici erano indotti a difendere l'oggettività, la realtà e l'indipendenza della categoria dei πρός τι e dei suoi appartenenti, e a rifiutare, quindi, qualsiasi tentativo di interpretazione che volesse ridurla, direttamente o indirettamente, alle altre categorie. D'altra parte, concepire gli accidenti come forme inerenti alle sostanze equivaleva a considerare il rapporto tra ciascun genere degli accidenti e la sostanza alla stregua di quello della qualità, e quindi secondo il modello qualità-cosa qualificata. Così, nel caso dei πρός τι, i neoplatonici pensavano che l'entità "padre" fosse un'entità composta di una sostanza e di una certa forma accidentale, la paternità, ad essa inerente, non diversamente da come "bianco" è un'entità composta da una sostanza e dalla forma della bianchezza. Per avere un concetto corretto di relazione bastava, a questo punto, assumere, coerentemente con l'idea che i πρός τι vanno presi a coppie, che la caratteristica peculiare di queste particolari forme accidentali fosse quella di riferirsi e collegare tra loro due entità distinte. Scrive, ad esempio, Simplicio: «È proprio soltanto della relazione il sussistere una in molti enti, cosa che non capita a nessuna delle altre categorie» (Simplicio, In Cat., p. 161, 6-8). E si legge in Olimpiodoro: «Infatti nei relativi una è la relazione, ma distinte le entità che l'accolgono» (Olimpiodoro, In Cat., p. 97, 30-1). Su queste nuove basi concettuali, i commentatori neoplatonici potranno sviluppare una teoria dei πρός τι sufficientemente omogenea e coerente nelle sue linee più generali, che adopereranno come modello interpretativo della confusa dottrina aristotelica. In questo modo, essi riusciranno a presentare quest'ultima come un sistema sostanzialmente compiuto e ordinato. E anzi, i punti e gli elementi incongrui che ancora vi sopravviveranno saranno dovuti più a un evidente desiderio di giustificare e spiegare comunque — per lo meno parzialmente se non in toto — le affermazioni dello Stagirita, che a delle effettive carenze nella teoria da essi elaborata. [introduction p. 259-263]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1275","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1275,"authors_free":[{"id":1864,"entry_id":1275,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":52,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Conti, Alessandro D.","free_first_name":"Alessandro D.","free_last_name":"Conti","norm_person":{"id":52,"first_name":"Alessandro D.","last_name":"Conti","full_name":"Conti, Alessandro D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1047115123","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle \"Categorie\" di Aristotele","main_title":{"title":"La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle \"Categorie\" di Aristotele"},"abstract":"Uno dei contributi particolari pi\u00f9 rilevanti che i commentatori neoplatonici hanno recato allo sviluppo e alla sistemazione della dottrina categoriale aristotelica \u00e8 senza dubbio quello relativo all'analisi della nozione di \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9.\r\n\r\nEssi, infatti, nel tentativo di fornire un'interpretazione del settimo capitolo delle Categorie che fosse (i) internamente coerente e (ii) solidale con la lettura generale del trattato, sono giunti a elaborare in forma sufficientemente compiuta un concetto di relazione analogo al moderno concetto di relazione binaria, del tutto assente, invece, negli scritti di Aristotele, che pare conoscere solo un non ben definito concetto di relativo (\u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9).\r\n\r\nIn altre parole: mentre lo Stagirita (i) operava con la sola nozione di relativo e (ii) concepiva i relativi \u2014 sotto l'influenza di evidenti suggestioni grammaticali \u2014 come le entit\u00e0 che corrispondono ai termini non assoluti del linguaggio (cio\u00e8 non aventi significato se non in riferimento a un altro termine), i neoplatonici, al contrario, saranno in grado (i) di servirsi sia della nozione di relativo che di quella di relazione (\u03c3\u03c7\u03ad\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2), e (ii) di concepire, in un certo qual modo, le relazioni come funzioni diadiche (o meglio, come una sorta di corrispettivo ontologico delle nostre funzioni diadiche) e i relativi come gli argomenti che tali funzioni soddisfano.\r\n\r\nLe precise scelte interpretative su alcuni problemi cruciali del trattato, e cio\u00e8:\r\n\r\n la valenza della tavola categoriale,\r\n la distinzione delle categorie,\r\n il tipo d'esistenza degli accidenti\r\n\r\nda una parte, e l'accettazione dell'idea, aristotelicamente corretta, che i \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9 devono essere presi a coppie, dall'altra, sono gli elementi che hanno reso possibile ai neoplatonici la formulazione del concetto di relazione (binaria).\r\n\r\nEssi infatti ritenevano:\r\n\r\n che la tavola categoriale avesse una precisa valenza ontologica, ripartendo non solo nomi e concetti, ma anche cose;\r\n che la distinzione tra le dieci categorie fosse reale e non concettuale;\r\n che gli accidenti fossero forme inerenti alle sostanze.\r\n\r\nIn conseguenza dei primi due punti, i neoplatonici erano indotti a difendere l'oggettivit\u00e0, la realt\u00e0 e l'indipendenza della categoria dei \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9 e dei suoi appartenenti, e a rifiutare, quindi, qualsiasi tentativo di interpretazione che volesse ridurla, direttamente o indirettamente, alle altre categorie.\r\n\r\nD'altra parte, concepire gli accidenti come forme inerenti alle sostanze equivaleva a considerare il rapporto tra ciascun genere degli accidenti e la sostanza alla stregua di quello della qualit\u00e0, e quindi secondo il modello qualit\u00e0-cosa qualificata.\r\n\r\nCos\u00ec, nel caso dei \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9, i neoplatonici pensavano che l'entit\u00e0 \"padre\" fosse un'entit\u00e0 composta di una sostanza e di una certa forma accidentale, la paternit\u00e0, ad essa inerente, non diversamente da come \"bianco\" \u00e8 un'entit\u00e0 composta da una sostanza e dalla forma della bianchezza.\r\n\r\nPer avere un concetto corretto di relazione bastava, a questo punto, assumere, coerentemente con l'idea che i \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9 vanno presi a coppie, che la caratteristica peculiare di queste particolari forme accidentali fosse quella di riferirsi e collegare tra loro due entit\u00e0 distinte.\r\n\r\nScrive, ad esempio, Simplicio:\r\n\r\n \u00ab\u00c8 proprio soltanto della relazione il sussistere una in molti enti, cosa che non capita a nessuna delle altre categorie\u00bb (Simplicio, In Cat., p. 161, 6-8).\r\n\r\nE si legge in Olimpiodoro:\r\n\r\n \u00abInfatti nei relativi una \u00e8 la relazione, ma distinte le entit\u00e0 che l'accolgono\u00bb (Olimpiodoro, In Cat., p. 97, 30-1).\r\n\r\nSu queste nuove basi concettuali, i commentatori neoplatonici potranno sviluppare una teoria dei \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9 sufficientemente omogenea e coerente nelle sue linee pi\u00f9 generali, che adopereranno come modello interpretativo della confusa dottrina aristotelica.\r\n\r\nIn questo modo, essi riusciranno a presentare quest'ultima come un sistema sostanzialmente compiuto e ordinato.\r\n\r\nE anzi, i punti e gli elementi incongrui che ancora vi sopravviveranno saranno dovuti pi\u00f9 a un evidente desiderio di giustificare e spiegare comunque \u2014 per lo meno parzialmente se non in toto \u2014 le affermazioni dello Stagirita, che a delle effettive carenze nella teoria da essi elaborata. [introduction p. 259-263]","btype":3,"date":"1983","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9gdQy8F1p83C8kj","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":52,"full_name":"Conti, Alessandro D.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1275,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rivista critica di storia della filosofia","volume":"38","issue":"3","pages":"259-283"}},"sort":[1983]}

La teoria della relazione nei commenti neoplatonici alle Categorie di Aristotele, 1983
By: Conti, A. D.
Title La teoria della relazione nei commenti neoplatonici alle Categorie di Aristotele
Type Article
Language Italian
Date 1983
Journal Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofía
Volume 3
Pages 159-283
Categories no categories
Author(s) Conti, A. D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1563","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1563,"authors_free":[{"id":2730,"entry_id":1563,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Conti, A. D. ","free_first_name":"A. D. ","free_last_name":"Conti","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"La teoria della relazione nei commenti neoplatonici alle Categorie di Aristotele","main_title":{"title":"La teoria della relazione nei commenti neoplatonici alle Categorie di Aristotele"},"abstract":"","btype":3,"date":"1983","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/OTIdcLG5JO15mv8","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1563,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosof\u00eda ","volume":"3","issue":"","pages":"159-283"}},"sort":[1983]}

La tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d'Épictète. Addenda et Corrigenda, 1983
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut
Title La tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d'Épictète. Addenda et Corrigenda
Type Article
Language French
Date 1983
Journal Revue d'histoire des textes
Volume 11
Pages 387-395
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The present study, as the title indicates, brings some supplementary information and minor corrections to my article on La tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius sur le « Manuel » d'Épictète, which appeared in volume VIII (1978) if the Revue d'Histoire des Textes (pp. 1-108). As part of these addenda, I have identified two new Greek texts, contained in the Neapolitans III. B. 12 : one fragment of Aristotle's Metaphysics, and another fragment of the commentary by Simplicius on Aristotle's De caelo ; each of these fragments is the length of a quaternion. [author's abstract]

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La taille et la forme des atomes dans les systèmes de Démocrite et d'Épicure («Préjugé» et «présupposé» en histoire de la philosophie), 1982
By: O'Brien, Denis
Title La taille et la forme des atomes dans les systèmes de Démocrite et d'Épicure («Préjugé» et «présupposé» en histoire de la philosophie)
Type Article
Language French
Date 1982
Journal Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume 172
Issue 2
Pages 187-203
Categories no categories
Author(s) O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Qu'on n'aille pas en conclure que nous suivons aveuglément tout propos du Stagirite. Une observation permettra d'atténuer la valeur de son témoignage et de nuancer la conclusion à laquelle nous sommes arrivés jusqu'ici. Selon l'hypothèse élaborée ci-dessus, Démocrite et Épicure ne se seraient pas opposés sur la question de la grandeur des atomes. Pour l'un et l'autre philosophe, la gamme des grandeurs aura été en effet finie. Mais scrutons de plus près les deux thèses concernant la forme des atomes. Épicure précise que les variétés de forme sont, non pas « infinies », mais « insaisissables » (ἀπερίληπτοι). Quant à Démocrite et à Leucippe, Aristote affirme deux fois que les variétés de forme sont « infinies », d'une part en parlant de la multiplicité « infinie » des atomes, d'autre part en opposant la théorie de Leucippe à celle de Platon. En revanche, lorsqu'il présente le système atomiste dans le fragment Sur Démocrite, les différences de forme sont dites, non plus « infinies », mais « innombrables » (ἀναρίθμητος). À en juger d'après l'Index de Bonitz, ce dernier terme est un hapax dans l'œuvre d'Aristote. S'ensuit-il qu'il soit, sinon un vocable d'emprunt, du moins un terme transposé, plus proche de l'expression originale de Démocrite ? Mais qu'est-ce qui sépare alors la doctrine des Abdéritains et celle d'Épicure ? Où passe la distinction entre différences « innombrables » (Démocrite) et différences « insaisissables » (Épicure) ? Un dernier paradoxe semble poindre : on peut en effet se demander si, en refusant l'hypothèse d'une variété infinie de formes, Épicure ne s'opposait pas à la formulation qu'en avait donnée Aristote, bien plus qu'il ne songeait à rectifier la théorie de Démocrite. Mais nous effleurons ici un problème nouveau, celui de l'élaboration progressive des notions d'infini et de fini ; impossible de l'approfondir sans balayer les « préjugés » et les « présupposés » qui, sur ce point aussi, nous séparent des notions primitives par une proximité illusoire. Problème trop vaste pour qu'on puisse l'aborder dans cet article. [conclusion 201-203]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1101","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1101,"authors_free":[{"id":1664,"entry_id":1101,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":144,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"O'Brien, Denis","free_first_name":"Denis","free_last_name":"O'Brien","norm_person":{"id":144,"first_name":"Denis","last_name":"O'Brien","full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134134079","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La taille et la forme des atomes dans les syst\u00e8mes de D\u00e9mocrite et d'\u00c9picure (\u00abPr\u00e9jug\u00e9\u00bb et \u00abpr\u00e9suppos\u00e9\u00bb en histoire de la philosophie)","main_title":{"title":"La taille et la forme des atomes dans les syst\u00e8mes de D\u00e9mocrite et d'\u00c9picure (\u00abPr\u00e9jug\u00e9\u00bb et \u00abpr\u00e9suppos\u00e9\u00bb en histoire de la philosophie)"},"abstract":"Qu'on n'aille pas en conclure que nous suivons aveugl\u00e9ment tout propos du Stagirite. Une observation permettra d'att\u00e9nuer la valeur de son t\u00e9moignage et de nuancer la conclusion \u00e0 laquelle nous sommes arriv\u00e9s jusqu'ici.\r\n\r\nSelon l'hypoth\u00e8se \u00e9labor\u00e9e ci-dessus, D\u00e9mocrite et \u00c9picure ne se seraient pas oppos\u00e9s sur la question de la grandeur des atomes. Pour l'un et l'autre philosophe, la gamme des grandeurs aura \u00e9t\u00e9 en effet finie. Mais scrutons de plus pr\u00e8s les deux th\u00e8ses concernant la forme des atomes. \u00c9picure pr\u00e9cise que les vari\u00e9t\u00e9s de forme sont, non pas \u00ab infinies \u00bb, mais \u00ab insaisissables \u00bb (\u1f00\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af\u03bb\u03b7\u03c0\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9). Quant \u00e0 D\u00e9mocrite et \u00e0 Leucippe, Aristote affirme deux fois que les vari\u00e9t\u00e9s de forme sont \u00ab infinies \u00bb, d'une part en parlant de la multiplicit\u00e9 \u00ab infinie \u00bb des atomes, d'autre part en opposant la th\u00e9orie de Leucippe \u00e0 celle de Platon.\r\n\r\nEn revanche, lorsqu'il pr\u00e9sente le syst\u00e8me atomiste dans le fragment Sur D\u00e9mocrite, les diff\u00e9rences de forme sont dites, non plus \u00ab infinies \u00bb, mais \u00ab innombrables \u00bb (\u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03c1\u03af\u03b8\u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2).\r\n\r\n\u00c0 en juger d'apr\u00e8s l'Index de Bonitz, ce dernier terme est un hapax dans l'\u0153uvre d'Aristote. S'ensuit-il qu'il soit, sinon un vocable d'emprunt, du moins un terme transpos\u00e9, plus proche de l'expression originale de D\u00e9mocrite ?\r\n\r\nMais qu'est-ce qui s\u00e9pare alors la doctrine des Abd\u00e9ritains et celle d'\u00c9picure ? O\u00f9 passe la distinction entre diff\u00e9rences \u00ab innombrables \u00bb (D\u00e9mocrite) et diff\u00e9rences \u00ab insaisissables \u00bb (\u00c9picure) ?\r\n\r\nUn dernier paradoxe semble poindre : on peut en effet se demander si, en refusant l'hypoth\u00e8se d'une vari\u00e9t\u00e9 infinie de formes, \u00c9picure ne s'opposait pas \u00e0 la formulation qu'en avait donn\u00e9e Aristote, bien plus qu'il ne songeait \u00e0 rectifier la th\u00e9orie de D\u00e9mocrite.\r\n\r\nMais nous effleurons ici un probl\u00e8me nouveau, celui de l'\u00e9laboration progressive des notions d'infini et de fini ; impossible de l'approfondir sans balayer les \u00ab pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s \u00bb et les \u00ab pr\u00e9suppos\u00e9s \u00bb qui, sur ce point aussi, nous s\u00e9parent des notions primitives par une proximit\u00e9 illusoire.\r\n\r\nProbl\u00e8me trop vaste pour qu'on puisse l'aborder dans cet article. [conclusion 201-203]","btype":3,"date":"1982","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/AhK7pfqowUhUex4","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":144,"full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1101,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'\u00c9tranger","volume":"172","issue":"2","pages":"187-203"}},"sort":[1982]}

Digging up a Paradox: A Philological Note on Zeno's Stadium, 1982
By: Mansfeld, Jaap
Title Digging up a Paradox: A Philological Note on Zeno's Stadium
Type Article
Language English
Date 1982
Journal Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume 125
Issue 1
Pages 1-24
Categories no categories
Author(s) Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Of Zeno's four arguments against the reality of motion transmitted by Aristotle, the fourth, the so-called Stadium (Vors. 29 A 28), is perhaps the most difficult. The difficulties involved are of two sorts: philological problems on the one hand, questions of a philosophical nature on the other. In the present paper, I am concerned with the first sort, not the second, although I shall perhaps not be successful in keeping the latter out altogether. A study of the philosophical discussions to be found in the learned literature, however, has convinced me that the first problem to be solved is that of the interpretation of Aristotle's text. There is a general feeling that Aristotle, in reporting and arguing against Zeno's argument, somehow failed. I believe his report is sufficiently clear; although Aristotle's argument contra Zeno is not, perhaps, satisfactory in every respect, Zeno's original paradox can be found in his text. I shall attempt to show that, in order to find it, we must begin by taking both the topography of the stadium and the position of the bodies in it into account, which several recent reconstructions, however satisfactory they may appear to be in other respects, fail to do. I wish to start from a consideration concerned with a non-philosophical feature the four arguments against motion have in common: the fact that they are fun. They undoubtedly are very serious arguments, but they were also written in order to épater le bourgeois. The first argument proves that a runner will never get to the end of the stadium: once he has got halfway, he still has to get halfway the remaining half, halfway the remaining quarter, and so on, in infinitum. The second proves that swift-footed Achilles will never catch up with the slowest thing on earth, because the distance in between, although constantly diminishing, forever remains proportionally the same. The third proves that a flying arrow, which occupies a place equal to its own size, is at rest, because it does not move at the place where it is, and not at the place where it is not either. The first three arguments, then, are genuine and rather hilarious paradoxes. They reveal Zeno as a wit. To ask what is so funny about the fourth argument against motion, therefore, is a legitimate question. Yet I have hardly ever read an account of the fourth paradox which brought out the inevitable smile fetched by the others. Instead, one finds complicated discussions about infinite divisibility versus discrete or granular structure, and endless shufflings and reshufflings of the runners on the course. There are several reasons for this unfortunate situation, the most important of which, I believe, is that both ancient commentators (to judge from Simplicius' account) and modern scholars have failed to distinguish (or to distinguish sufficiently) between Zeno's paradox on the one hand and Aristotle's refutation on the other. Another reason is that Aristotle's text is plagued in parts with variae lectiones that seriously affect the meaning of the argument as a whole. Some of these readings enjoy the support of Simplicius, but this does not prove them right, for Simplicius points out one passage where Alexander of Aphrodisias followed a reading different from that accepted by himself and which, as he believes, Alexander "found in some manuscripts" (ἐν ταῖς ἀντιγράφοις εὗρον, In Phys. 1017, 19). Furthermore, as Simplicius likewise tells us (In Phys. 1019, 27–31), Alexander proposed to interpolate Phys. Z 9, 240a15-16 λαὸν-φρήσιν immediately after 240a11 διελῆλυθεν. Alexander, then, found it difficult to understand the argument of the text as transmitted (which, at at least one other point, differed from Simplicius’). Simplicius' lengthy reconstruction of the fourth argument against motion and of Aristotle's critique thereof (In Phys. 1016, 7–1020, 6, printed—as far as 1019, 9—by Lee as T 36) appears to have no other authority than his own, for he differs from Alexander, and the only other person cited (Eudemus, Fr. 106 Wehrli) is only adduced for points which do not affect the interpretation of the more difficult parts of Phys. Z 9, 239b33–240a17. Although scholars have dealt rather freely with Simplicius' commentary, using only those sections which fit their own views, it should be acknowledged that his reconstruction of the paradox, and especially his diagram of the stadium featuring three rows of runners, have been of crucial importance to the modern history of interpretation of Zeno's argument. I believe, however, that Simplicius (and perhaps Alexander as well) already made the fundamental mistake of failing to distinguish in the proper way between Zeno's paradox and Aristotle's refutation, although in Simplicius' case this is somewhat mitigated by the fact that he apparently noticed the joke of Zeno's argument (one doesn’t know if Alexander did). We are not bound, then, to follow Simplicius all, or even half the way, and need not even accept his guidance as to the choice to be made among the variae lectiones. These different readings themselves, so it seems, reflect different ancient interpretations of Aristotle's exposition. In some manuscripts, interpretamenta may have got into the text (as at 240a6), or even have ousted other, more difficult readings (as at 240a11). [introduction p. 1-3]

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The difficulties involved are of two sorts: philological problems on the one hand, questions of a philosophical nature on the other. In the present paper, I am concerned with the first sort, not the second, although I shall perhaps not be successful in keeping the latter out altogether. A study of the philosophical discussions to be found in the learned literature, however, has convinced me that the first problem to be solved is that of the interpretation of Aristotle's text. There is a general feeling that Aristotle, in reporting and arguing against Zeno's argument, somehow failed. I believe his report is sufficiently clear; although Aristotle's argument contra Zeno is not, perhaps, satisfactory in every respect, Zeno's original paradox can be found in his text. I shall attempt to show that, in order to find it, we must begin by taking both the topography of the stadium and the position of the bodies in it into account, which several recent reconstructions, however satisfactory they may appear to be in other respects, fail to do.\r\n\r\nI wish to start from a consideration concerned with a non-philosophical feature the four arguments against motion have in common: the fact that they are fun. They undoubtedly are very serious arguments, but they were also written in order to \u00e9pater le bourgeois. The first argument proves that a runner will never get to the end of the stadium: once he has got halfway, he still has to get halfway the remaining half, halfway the remaining quarter, and so on, in infinitum. The second proves that swift-footed Achilles will never catch up with the slowest thing on earth, because the distance in between, although constantly diminishing, forever remains proportionally the same. The third proves that a flying arrow, which occupies a place equal to its own size, is at rest, because it does not move at the place where it is, and not at the place where it is not either.\r\n\r\nThe first three arguments, then, are genuine and rather hilarious paradoxes. They reveal Zeno as a wit. To ask what is so funny about the fourth argument against motion, therefore, is a legitimate question. Yet I have hardly ever read an account of the fourth paradox which brought out the inevitable smile fetched by the others. Instead, one finds complicated discussions about infinite divisibility versus discrete or granular structure, and endless shufflings and reshufflings of the runners on the course. There are several reasons for this unfortunate situation, the most important of which, I believe, is that both ancient commentators (to judge from Simplicius' account) and modern scholars have failed to distinguish (or to distinguish sufficiently) between Zeno's paradox on the one hand and Aristotle's refutation on the other. Another reason is that Aristotle's text is plagued in parts with variae lectiones that seriously affect the meaning of the argument as a whole. Some of these readings enjoy the support of Simplicius, but this does not prove them right, for Simplicius points out one passage where Alexander of Aphrodisias followed a reading different from that accepted by himself and which, as he believes, Alexander \"found in some manuscripts\" (\u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9\u03b3\u03c1\u03ac\u03c6\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f57\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd, In Phys. 1017, 19). Furthermore, as Simplicius likewise tells us (In Phys. 1019, 27\u201331), Alexander proposed to interpolate Phys. Z 9, 240a15-16 \u03bb\u03b1\u1f78\u03bd-\u03c6\u03c1\u03ae\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd immediately after 240a11 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b5\u03bb\u1fc6\u03bb\u03c5\u03b8\u03b5\u03bd. Alexander, then, found it difficult to understand the argument of the text as transmitted (which, at at least one other point, differed from Simplicius\u2019). Simplicius' lengthy reconstruction of the fourth argument against motion and of Aristotle's critique thereof (In Phys. 1016, 7\u20131020, 6, printed\u2014as far as 1019, 9\u2014by Lee as T 36) appears to have no other authority than his own, for he differs from Alexander, and the only other person cited (Eudemus, Fr. 106 Wehrli) is only adduced for points which do not affect the interpretation of the more difficult parts of Phys. Z 9, 239b33\u2013240a17.\r\n\r\nAlthough scholars have dealt rather freely with Simplicius' commentary, using only those sections which fit their own views, it should be acknowledged that his reconstruction of the paradox, and especially his diagram of the stadium featuring three rows of runners, have been of crucial importance to the modern history of interpretation of Zeno's argument. I believe, however, that Simplicius (and perhaps Alexander as well) already made the fundamental mistake of failing to distinguish in the proper way between Zeno's paradox and Aristotle's refutation, although in Simplicius' case this is somewhat mitigated by the fact that he apparently noticed the joke of Zeno's argument (one doesn\u2019t know if Alexander did). We are not bound, then, to follow Simplicius all, or even half the way, and need not even accept his guidance as to the choice to be made among the variae lectiones. These different readings themselves, so it seems, reflect different ancient interpretations of Aristotle's exposition. In some manuscripts, interpretamenta may have got into the text (as at 240a6), or even have ousted other, more difficult readings (as at 240a11). [introduction p. 1-3]","btype":3,"date":"1982","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/y2jILmoDyxD389y","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":29,"full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1108,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rheinisches Museum f\u00fcr Philologie","volume":"125","issue":"1","pages":"1-24"}},"sort":[1982]}

Zeno on Plurality, 1982
By: Makin, Stephen
Title Zeno on Plurality
Type Article
Language English
Date 1982
Journal Phronesis
Volume 27
Issue 3
Pages 223-238
Categories no categories
Author(s) Makin, Stephen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
We want to discuss some Eleatic arguments against plurality, which are of interest both in themselves and as precursors of Atomist thought. The arguments to be considered are from Zeno. We will have two guides in interpreting the arguments. First, they should be such that Atomist theory provides a plausible response to them; second, they should pose no threat to the Eleatic theory. [introduction p. 223]

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Simplikios in der arabischen Überlieferung, 1982
By: Gätje, Helmut
Title Simplikios in der arabischen Überlieferung
Type Article
Language German
Date 1982
Journal Der Islam; Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients
Volume 59
Pages 6-31
Categories no categories
Author(s) Gätje, Helmut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Wenn Simplikios in der philosophischen Tradition des Islams nicht zu einer so festen Größe geworden ist wie Alexander von Aphrodisias oder Themistios, so hängt das mit der historischen Stellung dieser Exegeten inner­halb der peripatetischen Schule zusammen. Ihnen gegenüber ist Simplikios nachgeboren. Auf der anderen Seite hat aber offenbar sein Zeitgenosse Johannes Philoponos, dem freilich im islamischen Bereich zu Unrecht eine Reihe medizinischer Werke zugeschrieben wurden, einen größeren Wider­hall gefunden, was wiederum mit Ausgangspunkt und Wegen der Überlie­ferung zusammenhängt. Wenn man dem Urteil Praechters folgt und in Simplikios einen der bedeutendsten Kommentatoren des Altertums sieht, so stehen diese Bewertung des Simplikios und seine Wirkung im Islam nicht im rechten Verhältnis zueinander. [Author's abstract]

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A Fragment of Aristotle's Poetics from Porphyry, concerning Synonymy, 1982
By: Janko, Richard
Title A Fragment of Aristotle's Poetics from Porphyry, concerning Synonymy
Type Article
Language English
Date 1982
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 32
Issue 2
Pages 323-326
Categories no categories
Author(s) Janko, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
An important fragment of the lost portion of Aristotle's Poetics is the definition of synonyms preserved by Simplicius,' which corresponds to Aristotle's own citation of the Poetics for synonyms in the Rhetoric, 3. 2. 1404b 37 ff. I shall argue elsewhere that this derives from a discussion of the sources of verbal humour in the lost account of comedy and humour. Here it is my aim to show that Simplicius definitely derived the quotation from Porphyry, which pushes back the attestation of this part of the Poetics by more than two centuries (although the citation in the Antiatticist, Poet. fr. 4 Kassel, is older still). Furthermore, I shall show that some of the words in the definition are a gloss added by Porphyry for the purposes of his own polemic. [introduction, p. 323]

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L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs néo-platoniciens, 1981
By: Narcy, Michel
Title L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs néo-platoniciens
Type Article
Language French
Date 1981
Journal Les Études philosophiques
Volume 1
Pages 35-52
Categories no categories
Author(s) Narcy, Michel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This text discusses the expression of Neoplatonism after Plotinus, which was primarily in the form of commentary on earlier works. However, this method can lead to errors and departures from the original ideas. The article examines how this applies to interpretations of homonymy in Aristotle's Categories, which are inconsistent among commentators. The author suggests that by examining how homonymy is used to resolve specific problems, one can better understand its meaning and transformation from Aristotle to Neoplatonism. The discussion centers on a passage in Simplicius's commentary on Categories in which he comments on Aristotle's remarks about the paronymous naming of beings defined by their quality. The author compares Simplicius's comments to Aristotle's original text, and argues that the former intentionally misrepresents the latter. [derived from the introduction]

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Les présocratiques et la question de l'infini, 1981
By: Frère, Jean
Title Les présocratiques et la question de l'infini
Type Article
Language French
Date 1981
Journal Les Études philosophiques
Volume 1
Pages 19-33
Categories no categories
Author(s) Frère, Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Bien avant la philosophie de Platon et celle d'Aristote, la pensée grecque a rencontré la question du rapport entre l'infini (apeiros) et la perfection. Mais, pour aborder ce que les Grecs veulent nommer par le « non-limité », il convient de partir du débat que les linguistes ont engagé autour du terme. Plusieurs interprétations sémantiques sont envisagées dans le rapport entre apeiros et peirar/peras. Dans une première solution, le préfixe négatif a- se combine avec peras ; dans une seconde, le a- privatif porte sur la racine per (perô, peirô, perainô), qui signifie passage et traversée. En ce qui concerne peras, les linguistes sont de nouveau partagés entre « limite, bout, extrémité » ou « lien ». Pour ce qui est de la langue grecque, non encore conceptualisée par la démarche philosophique, ce que « illimité » peut véhiculer de non clair pour la raison ou de non rassurant pour le sentiment ne comporte pourtant aucune dimension de cette angoisse et de ce vertige que retiendra Pascal. Lorsque Homère ou Hésiode parlent de la « terre sans limite », lorsque Pindare chante la « renommée infinie » du héros, l’adjectif apeirôn se relie généralement à l’éloge de qualités concernant choses ou hommes. Il y a aussi l’idée de profondeur sans fin (le sommeil, hypnos, Odyssée VII, 286) ou d’ampleur (une foule d’hommes, Iliade XXIV, 776). C’est moins son aspect infini que son pouvoir d’engloutir qui fait caractériser comme terrible la mer infinie. De même, l’adjectif apeirôn, infini, renvoie à l’immensité comme profusion et comme richesse, qu’il s’agisse du lieu, du temps ou du nombre. Avec les présocratiques, apeiros/to apeiron s’installent dans la pensée philosophique. À travers des textes fragmentaires, il est difficile de savoir avec certitude la conception de l’infini (apeiron) que les présocratiques, de Thalès à Anaxagore et aux sophistes, avaient pu élaborer. Néanmoins, le problème de apeiron n’a pas été sans importance pour eux. Que l’un d’eux, Anaximandre, ait fait de l’apeiron l’archê de l’univers en est la marque. Et Mélissos caractérise le principe (archê) comme infini (apeiron). L’apeiron n’est donc point pour les présocratiques uniquement lié à l’imperfection que sera l’apeiron du Philebe. Il y a dans la pensée grecque des premiers temps comme un pressentiment de la richesse de l’infini, aussi bien qu’il désigne une absence de limite où la raison se perd. L’apeiron renvoie surtout à la spatialité, se lie à la grandeur (megethos), comme l’éternité (to aidion) se lie au temps. Dans les philosophies où la nature (physis) est aux confins du divin et du matériel, le principe, le tout, les mondes sont caractérisés d’abord par l’infini de grandeur, l’illimité. Mais l’infini est aussi envisagé comme indéfini qualitatif. Toutefois, face à l’infini qui est déterminé par sa richesse, certains présocratiques ont envisagé aussi l’infini qui est pure indétermination, degré incomplet de l’Être et forme du moindre Être. On trouve ici l’esquisse des conceptions philosophiques qui vont se préciser dans les théories plus élaborées de Platon et d’Aristote. [introduction p. 19-20]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"745","_score":null,"_source":{"id":745,"authors_free":[{"id":1108,"entry_id":745,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":101,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","free_first_name":"Jean","free_last_name":"Fr\u00e8re","norm_person":{"id":101,"first_name":"Jean","last_name":"Fr\u00e8re","full_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130051187","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les pr\u00e9socratiques et la question de l'infini","main_title":{"title":"Les pr\u00e9socratiques et la question de l'infini"},"abstract":"Bien avant la philosophie de Platon et celle d'Aristote, la pens\u00e9e grecque a rencontr\u00e9 la question du rapport entre l'infini (apeiros) et la perfection. Mais, pour aborder ce que les Grecs veulent nommer par le \u00ab non-limit\u00e9 \u00bb, il convient de partir du d\u00e9bat que les linguistes ont engag\u00e9 autour du terme. Plusieurs interpr\u00e9tations s\u00e9mantiques sont envisag\u00e9es dans le rapport entre apeiros et peirar\/peras. Dans une premi\u00e8re solution, le pr\u00e9fixe n\u00e9gatif a- se combine avec peras ; dans une seconde, le a- privatif porte sur la racine per (per\u00f4, peir\u00f4, perain\u00f4), qui signifie passage et travers\u00e9e. En ce qui concerne peras, les linguistes sont de nouveau partag\u00e9s entre \u00ab limite, bout, extr\u00e9mit\u00e9 \u00bb ou \u00ab lien \u00bb.\r\n\r\nPour ce qui est de la langue grecque, non encore conceptualis\u00e9e par la d\u00e9marche philosophique, ce que \u00ab illimit\u00e9 \u00bb peut v\u00e9hiculer de non clair pour la raison ou de non rassurant pour le sentiment ne comporte pourtant aucune dimension de cette angoisse et de ce vertige que retiendra Pascal. Lorsque Hom\u00e8re ou H\u00e9siode parlent de la \u00ab terre sans limite \u00bb, lorsque Pindare chante la \u00ab renomm\u00e9e infinie \u00bb du h\u00e9ros, l\u2019adjectif apeir\u00f4n se relie g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9loge de qualit\u00e9s concernant choses ou hommes. Il y a aussi l\u2019id\u00e9e de profondeur sans fin (le sommeil, hypnos, Odyss\u00e9e VII, 286) ou d\u2019ampleur (une foule d\u2019hommes, Iliade XXIV, 776). C\u2019est moins son aspect infini que son pouvoir d\u2019engloutir qui fait caract\u00e9riser comme terrible la mer infinie. De m\u00eame, l\u2019adjectif apeir\u00f4n, infini, renvoie \u00e0 l\u2019immensit\u00e9 comme profusion et comme richesse, qu\u2019il s\u2019agisse du lieu, du temps ou du nombre.\r\n\r\nAvec les pr\u00e9socratiques, apeiros\/to apeiron s\u2019installent dans la pens\u00e9e philosophique. \u00c0 travers des textes fragmentaires, il est difficile de savoir avec certitude la conception de l\u2019infini (apeiron) que les pr\u00e9socratiques, de Thal\u00e8s \u00e0 Anaxagore et aux sophistes, avaient pu \u00e9laborer. N\u00e9anmoins, le probl\u00e8me de apeiron n\u2019a pas \u00e9t\u00e9 sans importance pour eux. Que l\u2019un d\u2019eux, Anaximandre, ait fait de l\u2019apeiron l\u2019arch\u00ea de l\u2019univers en est la marque. Et M\u00e9lissos caract\u00e9rise le principe (arch\u00ea) comme infini (apeiron). L\u2019apeiron n\u2019est donc point pour les pr\u00e9socratiques uniquement li\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019imperfection que sera l\u2019apeiron du Philebe.\r\n\r\nIl y a dans la pens\u00e9e grecque des premiers temps comme un pressentiment de la richesse de l\u2019infini, aussi bien qu\u2019il d\u00e9signe une absence de limite o\u00f9 la raison se perd. L\u2019apeiron renvoie surtout \u00e0 la spatialit\u00e9, se lie \u00e0 la grandeur (megethos), comme l\u2019\u00e9ternit\u00e9 (to aidion) se lie au temps. Dans les philosophies o\u00f9 la nature (physis) est aux confins du divin et du mat\u00e9riel, le principe, le tout, les mondes sont caract\u00e9ris\u00e9s d\u2019abord par l\u2019infini de grandeur, l\u2019illimit\u00e9. Mais l\u2019infini est aussi envisag\u00e9 comme ind\u00e9fini qualitatif.\r\n\r\nToutefois, face \u00e0 l\u2019infini qui est d\u00e9termin\u00e9 par sa richesse, certains pr\u00e9socratiques ont envisag\u00e9 aussi l\u2019infini qui est pure ind\u00e9termination, degr\u00e9 incomplet de l\u2019\u00catre et forme du moindre \u00catre. On trouve ici l\u2019esquisse des conceptions philosophiques qui vont se pr\u00e9ciser dans les th\u00e9ories plus \u00e9labor\u00e9es de Platon et d\u2019Aristote. [introduction p. 19-20]","btype":3,"date":"1981","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TpFRmhxNzvv4XUL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":101,"full_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":745,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"1","issue":"","pages":"19-33"}},"sort":[1981]}

An Excerpt from Boethus of Sidon's Commentary on the Categories?, 1981
By: Huby, Pamela M.
Title An Excerpt from Boethus of Sidon's Commentary on the Categories?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1981
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 31
Issue 2
Pages 398-409
Categories no categories
Author(s) Huby, Pamela M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The text discusses an excerpt of a set of leaves from a fourteenth-century manuscript called Laurentianus 71, 32, containing paraphrases of several works. Theodore Waitz uses these leaves for scholia on Aristotle's Categories and De Interpretatione. The heading of the leaves is "Peri tês tou pote katêgorias," and the work consists of two parts. The first part discusses Time, based on Physics 4, while the second part deals with the category of When, which Aristotle only briefly mentions. The author of the work is believed to be Boethus of Sidon, the Peripatetic, who wrote a commentary on the Categories, as mentioned by Simplicius in his own commentary on the same work. Boethus is seen as a conservative who defended Aristotle against innovations, particularly Andronicus of Rhodes' attempt to substitute the category of Time for When. [introduction]

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Jamblique exégète du pythagoricien Archytas: trois originalités d’une doctrine du temps, 1980
By: Hoffmann, Philippe
Title Jamblique exégète du pythagoricien Archytas: trois originalités d’une doctrine du temps
Type Article
Language French
Date 1980
Journal Les Études philosophiques
Volume 3
Pages 307-323
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Le développement de la philosophie grecque tardive est inséparable de l'exégèse de textes canoniques, parmi lesquels les traités d'Aristote et les dialogues de Platon occupent une place tout à fait particulière. Dans le cadre d'une pratique essentiellement scolaire, la tâche du commentateur est d'expliciter une vérité supposée donnée à l'origine, présente dans le texte qui est lu. On a déjà fait remarquer la fécondité philosophique des faux sens, contresens ou déviations qui ne manquent pas de se produire à l'occasion de ces exégèses : c'est par ce travail de l'erreur qu'apparaît souvent une nouveauté doctrinale, et tout se passe comme si la philosophie aimait à se nourrir d'analyses philologiquement erronées ou insoutenables. Nous voudrions présenter ici un exemple typique de ce phénomène : comment une exégèse néoplatonicienne d'un "faux" pythagoricien a permis l'apparition d'une pensée nouvelle du temps. Lorsqu'il explique la doctrine aristotélicienne du temps dans ses commentaires aux Catégories et à la Physique, Simplicius suit les traces de Jamblique, aux yeux de qui la source d'Aristote est le pythagoricien Archytas de Tarente. [introduction p. 307]

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La Récupération d'Anaxagore, 1980
By: Ramnoux, Clémence
Title La Récupération d'Anaxagore
Type Article
Language French
Date 1980
Journal Archives de Philosophie
Volume 43
Issue 1
Pages 75-98
Categories no categories
Author(s) Ramnoux, Clémence
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The author meant to «recuperate» the Fragments of Anaxagoras, most of which are transmitted in the Commentary of Simplicius on Aristotle's Physics I, 4, without severing them from their context. While doing so he was interested in the neo-platonicist presentation itself, and also in the modern interpretations proceeding from it, enhancing an interpretative tradition. The first article inquires into the presentation of doctrines by dichotomic confrontation and into the problem of contrary couples. Following on the recuperation of the Fragments of Anaxagoras in a neo-platonic context, the second article presents the doctrine of the Spirit as agent both of thinking discrimination and of mechanical separation which starts from the original gathering, and which is both thought and subtantial. It examines subsequently how far a doctrine of the plurality of worlds can be attributed to Anaxagoras. [Author's abstract]

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Some Concepts in Physical Theory in John Philoponus' Aristotelian Commentaries, 1980
By: Todd, Robert B.
Title Some Concepts in Physical Theory in John Philoponus' Aristotelian Commentaries
Type Article
Language English
Date 1980
Journal Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume 24
Issue 2
Pages 151-170
Categories no categories
Author(s) Todd, Robert B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
I have tried, then, to establish the significance of some ideas in Philoponus' commentaries that, in different ways, reveal this commentator's individuality. Individuality is not, of course, the same as originality, and indeed both my examples have shown how dependent Philoponus was on the many philosophical sources that converge in his commentaries. But this very complexity, at times reaching an eclectic inconsistency, is what makes the Aristotelian exegetical tradition in antiquity worth continued study. At their best, these commentaries involve the interaction between, on the one hand, an inventive commentator with prejudices of his own and, on the other hand, a mass of inherited material. The result may not always illuminate Aristotle, but it will invariably shed light on the continuity of the Greek philosophical tradition in late antiquity. [conclusion p. 170]

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Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le problème du néoplatonisme Alexandrin, Hiéroclès et Simplicius, 1980
By: Steel, Carlos
Title Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le problème du néoplatonisme Alexandrin, Hiéroclès et Simplicius
Type Article
Language Dutch
Date 1980
Journal Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume 42
Issue 3
Pages 606-608
Categories no categories
Author(s) Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The whole review: In een historisch overzicht van de antieke wijsbegeerte wordt doorgaans, wanneer over het Neoplatonisme gehandeld wordt, een onderscheid gemaakt tussen de 'school' van Athene en die van Alexandrië. Dit onderscheid gaat terug op de bekende studies van K. Praechter (1910-12). Volgens deze geleerde zou er een opvallend doctrineel verschil bestaan tussen beide richtingen in het latere Neoplatonisme. In Alexandrië zou de invloed van de christelijke omgeving zo groot geweest zijn dat de heidense filosofen zich verplicht zagen bepaalde wijzigingen in de doctrine aan te brengen. Het Neoplatonisme vertoont hier niet de complexe structuur die kenmerkend is voor het Atheense speculatieve denken (cf. de hiërarchie van de goddelijke principes zoals die door Proclus ontwikkeld is); het geeft een eenvoudiger verklaring van de leer waarbij dikwijls teruggegrepen wordt naar het Midden-Platonisme (vóór Plotinus); op sommige gebieden (zoals de scheppingsleer) benadert het christelijke standpunten. Deze originaliteit van het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme komt het duidelijkst tot uiting in het œuvre van Hierocles (eerste helft 5de eeuw) en in de commentaar van Simplicius (eerste helft 6de eeuw) op Epictetus. Deze visie van Praechter werd kritiekloos overgenomen in talrijke studies over deze periode. Zo verscheen in 1976 nog een boek over Hierocles (Th. Kobusch, Studien zur Philosophie des Hierokles von Alexandrien, München) waarin de thesis verdedigd wordt dat Hierocles' filosofie „vermittelt“ tussen het Christendom en het „excessieve“ Neoplatonisme zoals het vooral door Proclus uitgewerkt is. „Die Interpretation ergab dass die Hierokleische Philosophie im wesentlichen auf vorneuplatonischer Basis beruht“ (Besluit, p. 193). Het boek van Mme Hadot, die sinds jaren een uitgave voorbereidt van Simplicius' commentaar op Epictetus, komt tot een conclusie die precies het tegenovergestelde beweert. Op grond van een nieuwe lectuur van Hierocles en Simplicius toont zij aan dat de hypothese van Praechter over het latere Neoplatonisme totaal ongegrond is; er bestaat geen enkel doctrineel verschil tussen het Atheense en het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme: „l'évolution du néoplatonisme s'est poursuivie d'une manière homogène“. Het is verkeerd Hierocles of Simplicius vanuit het Midden-Platonisme te willen interpreteren: hun uiteenzetting veronderstelt de ontwikkeling van het latere Neoplatonisme, wat kan geïllustreerd worden door talrijke parallelle passages met Iamblichus en Proclus, en zelfs – voor Simplicius – met Damascius. In het eerste deel van dit boek worden de historische gegevens over beide filosofen onderzocht. Het tweede deel onderzoekt in welke mate zij kunnen beschouwd worden als vertegenwoordigers van een originele Alexandrijnse traditie. Achtereenvolgens worden bestudeerd: de theologie van Simplicius in het Epictetus-commentaar, de opvattingen van Hierocles over de ontwikkeling van het Platonisme, over de materie, over de demiurg en de schepping, over de voorzienigheid en het noodlot. In het derde deel volgen enige capita selecta betreffende de commentaar van Simplicius (o.a. zijn leer over de ziel). Uit al deze analyses komt de auteur tot het besluit dat er geen enkele doctrinaire divergentie aan te wijzen is ten opzichte van de Atheense school. Wel geven beide werken – de commentaar van Hierocles op Pythagoras en die van Simplicius op Epictetus – een eenvoudiger en minder complexe versie van het Neoplatonisme. Dit kan echter verklaard worden door het feit dat beide commentaren bedoeld waren als inleidingen en gericht tot beginnelingen in de school. In een appendix gaat de auteur uitvoerig in op een artikel dat ik zelf samen met F. Bossier in dit tijdschrift gepubliceerd heb (1972, 761-822) over de authenticiteit van de De Anima-commentaar die aan Simplicius wordt toegeschreven. Alhoewel zij onze conclusie aanvaardt – het werk is waarschijnlijk door Priscianus Lydus geschreven – toch meent zij dat er geen enkel doctrineel verschil met de authentieke Simplicius kan aangewezen worden. Haar argumenten lijken ons soms erg zwak: het is echter niet mogelijk om hierover in deze recensie polemiek te voeren. Slechts één ding: indien men aanvaardt dat de In de Anima door iemand anders geschreven is dan Simplicius, waarom is het dan zo nodig te beklemtonen dat zijn opvattingen over de ziel in niets van die van Simplicius verschillen? Dit bezwaar geldt ook voor het gehele werk. Terecht wijst de auteur op de continuïteit die er bestond tussen de school van Athene en die van Alexandrië (zoals dit o.m. tot uiting komt in de veelvuldige persoonlijke relaties van docenten en studenten). Het lijkt ons echter overdreven elk doctrineel verschil tussen beide scholen te ontkennen. De ontwikkeling binnen het latere Neoplatonisme was zeker niet zo homogeen als mevrouw Hadot beweert. Reeds ten tijde van Plotinus bestonden er belangrijke controversen over de doctrine, en die discussies werden verder gezet in de latere school. Indien men de originaliteit van de Alexandrijnse school in vraag stelt, dan volstaat het niet Hierocles en één werk van Simplicius te onderzoeken. Men zou er ook de andere filosofen uit de school moeten bij betrekken, voornamelijk Ammonius. Men kan moeilijk betwisten dat het Neoplatonisme dat door Ammonius uiteengezet werd nogal verschillend is van het systeem van Damascius. En is het ook niet opvallend dat Simplicius, die zowel bij Ammonius als Damascius studeerde, dikwijls afstand neemt van de al te speculatieve beschouwingen van Iamblichus en Damascius? Het boek van mevrouw Hadot is, zoals de auteur zelf toegeeft, vooral polemisch van aard: zij weerlegt hypothesen en interpretaties die niet op de teksten gegrond zijn. Door een nauwkeurige analyse van de teksten ontmaskert zij het stereotiepe beeld dat men over het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme geeft. Haar studie is zo een waardevolle bijdrage tot beter inzicht in deze laatste ontwikkeling van het antieke denken. [p. 606-608]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"484","_score":null,"_source":{"id":484,"authors_free":[{"id":659,"entry_id":484,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le probl\u00e8me du n\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin, Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le probl\u00e8me du n\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin, Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius"},"abstract":"The whole review: In een historisch overzicht van de antieke wijsbegeerte wordt doorgaans, wanneer over het Neoplatonisme gehandeld wordt, een onderscheid gemaakt tussen de 'school' van Athene en die van Alexandri\u00eb. Dit onderscheid gaat terug op de bekende studies van K. Praechter (1910-12). Volgens deze geleerde zou er een opvallend doctrineel verschil bestaan tussen beide richtingen in het latere Neoplatonisme. In Alexandri\u00eb zou de invloed van de christelijke omgeving zo groot geweest zijn dat de heidense filosofen zich verplicht zagen bepaalde wijzigingen in de doctrine aan te brengen.\r\n\r\nHet Neoplatonisme vertoont hier niet de complexe structuur die kenmerkend is voor het Atheense speculatieve denken (cf. de hi\u00ebrarchie van de goddelijke principes zoals die door Proclus ontwikkeld is); het geeft een eenvoudiger verklaring van de leer waarbij dikwijls teruggegrepen wordt naar het Midden-Platonisme (v\u00f3\u00f3r Plotinus); op sommige gebieden (zoals de scheppingsleer) benadert het christelijke standpunten. Deze originaliteit van het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme komt het duidelijkst tot uiting in het \u0153uvre van Hierocles (eerste helft 5de eeuw) en in de commentaar van Simplicius (eerste helft 6de eeuw) op Epictetus.\r\n\r\nDeze visie van Praechter werd kritiekloos overgenomen in talrijke studies over deze periode. Zo verscheen in 1976 nog een boek over Hierocles (Th. Kobusch, Studien zur Philosophie des Hierokles von Alexandrien, M\u00fcnchen) waarin de thesis verdedigd wordt dat Hierocles' filosofie \u201evermittelt\u201c tussen het Christendom en het \u201eexcessieve\u201c Neoplatonisme zoals het vooral door Proclus uitgewerkt is. \u201eDie Interpretation ergab dass die Hierokleische Philosophie im wesentlichen auf vorneuplatonischer Basis beruht\u201c (Besluit, p. 193).\r\n\r\nHet boek van Mme Hadot, die sinds jaren een uitgave voorbereidt van Simplicius' commentaar op Epictetus, komt tot een conclusie die precies het tegenovergestelde beweert. Op grond van een nieuwe lectuur van Hierocles en Simplicius toont zij aan dat de hypothese van Praechter over het latere Neoplatonisme totaal ongegrond is; er bestaat geen enkel doctrineel verschil tussen het Atheense en het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme: \u201el'\u00e9volution du n\u00e9oplatonisme s'est poursuivie d'une mani\u00e8re homog\u00e8ne\u201c.\r\n\r\nHet is verkeerd Hierocles of Simplicius vanuit het Midden-Platonisme te willen interpreteren: hun uiteenzetting veronderstelt de ontwikkeling van het latere Neoplatonisme, wat kan ge\u00efllustreerd worden door talrijke parallelle passages met Iamblichus en Proclus, en zelfs \u2013 voor Simplicius \u2013 met Damascius.\r\n\r\nIn het eerste deel van dit boek worden de historische gegevens over beide filosofen onderzocht. Het tweede deel onderzoekt in welke mate zij kunnen beschouwd worden als vertegenwoordigers van een originele Alexandrijnse traditie. Achtereenvolgens worden bestudeerd: de theologie van Simplicius in het Epictetus-commentaar, de opvattingen van Hierocles over de ontwikkeling van het Platonisme, over de materie, over de demiurg en de schepping, over de voorzienigheid en het noodlot. In het derde deel volgen enige capita selecta betreffende de commentaar van Simplicius (o.a. zijn leer over de ziel).\r\n\r\nUit al deze analyses komt de auteur tot het besluit dat er geen enkele doctrinaire divergentie aan te wijzen is ten opzichte van de Atheense school. Wel geven beide werken \u2013 de commentaar van Hierocles op Pythagoras en die van Simplicius op Epictetus \u2013 een eenvoudiger en minder complexe versie van het Neoplatonisme. Dit kan echter verklaard worden door het feit dat beide commentaren bedoeld waren als inleidingen en gericht tot beginnelingen in de school.\r\n\r\nIn een appendix gaat de auteur uitvoerig in op een artikel dat ik zelf samen met F. Bossier in dit tijdschrift gepubliceerd heb (1972, 761-822) over de authenticiteit van de De Anima-commentaar die aan Simplicius wordt toegeschreven. Alhoewel zij onze conclusie aanvaardt \u2013 het werk is waarschijnlijk door Priscianus Lydus geschreven \u2013 toch meent zij dat er geen enkel doctrineel verschil met de authentieke Simplicius kan aangewezen worden.\r\n\r\nHaar argumenten lijken ons soms erg zwak: het is echter niet mogelijk om hierover in deze recensie polemiek te voeren. Slechts \u00e9\u00e9n ding: indien men aanvaardt dat de In de Anima door iemand anders geschreven is dan Simplicius, waarom is het dan zo nodig te beklemtonen dat zijn opvattingen over de ziel in niets van die van Simplicius verschillen?\r\n\r\nDit bezwaar geldt ook voor het gehele werk. Terecht wijst de auteur op de continu\u00efteit die er bestond tussen de school van Athene en die van Alexandri\u00eb (zoals dit o.m. tot uiting komt in de veelvuldige persoonlijke relaties van docenten en studenten). Het lijkt ons echter overdreven elk doctrineel verschil tussen beide scholen te ontkennen.\r\n\r\nDe ontwikkeling binnen het latere Neoplatonisme was zeker niet zo homogeen als mevrouw Hadot beweert. Reeds ten tijde van Plotinus bestonden er belangrijke controversen over de doctrine, en die discussies werden verder gezet in de latere school. Indien men de originaliteit van de Alexandrijnse school in vraag stelt, dan volstaat het niet Hierocles en \u00e9\u00e9n werk van Simplicius te onderzoeken. Men zou er ook de andere filosofen uit de school moeten bij betrekken, voornamelijk Ammonius.\r\n\r\nMen kan moeilijk betwisten dat het Neoplatonisme dat door Ammonius uiteengezet werd nogal verschillend is van het systeem van Damascius. En is het ook niet opvallend dat Simplicius, die zowel bij Ammonius als Damascius studeerde, dikwijls afstand neemt van de al te speculatieve beschouwingen van Iamblichus en Damascius?\r\n\r\nHet boek van mevrouw Hadot is, zoals de auteur zelf toegeeft, vooral polemisch van aard: zij weerlegt hypothesen en interpretaties die niet op de teksten gegrond zijn. Door een nauwkeurige analyse van de teksten ontmaskert zij het stereotiepe beeld dat men over het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme geeft. Haar studie is zo een waardevolle bijdrage tot beter inzicht in deze laatste ontwikkeling van het antieke denken. [p. 606-608]","btype":3,"date":"1980","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lIWBQQ2Q5dbWMLm","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":484,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Tijdschrift voor Filosofie","volume":"42","issue":"3","pages":"606-608"}},"sort":[1980]}

Le temps intégral selon Damascius, 1980
By: Galperine, Marie-Claire
Title Le temps intégral selon Damascius
Type Article
Language French
Date 1980
Journal Les Études philosophiques
Volume 3: Doctrines du temps
Pages 325-341
Categories no categories
Author(s) Galperine, Marie-Claire
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This text explores Aristotle's unresolved aporias on the nature of time in Physics IV (217b30 - 218a30), highlighting a metaphysical dilemma: whether time belongs to being or non-being. Aristotle leaves the question undecided, shifting focus to the nature of time, a problem he may have deliberately avoided. Ancient thinkers, however, did not shy away from addressing these aporias. Damascius offers a resolution to Aristotle’s dilemmas in his commentary on Plato’s Parmenides and his lost treatise on number, place, and time, fragments of which are preserved by Simplicius. Damascius’ concept of "integral time" distinguishes between two meanings of "now": Aristotle’s punctual "now," a limit of time, and Damascius’ "present," a temporal continuum. Simplicius, though critical of Damascius’ ideas, acknowledges this distinction as key to resolving Aristotle’s aporias. Simplicius' Corollarium de tempore expands on this, presenting time as simultaneously existent in its entirety ("integral time"), a concept rooted in Damascius’ philosophy. However, Simplicius’ partial understanding of Damascius’ thought highlights his struggle to reconcile Damascius’ notion of time with Aristotelian paradigms. The analysis situates Damascius’ ideas within the framework of both Plato’s Parmenides and Aristotle’s Physics, showcasing how he integrates Platonic metaphysics with Aristotelian logic to address foundational questions about the nature and being of time. [introduction p. 325-327]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"544","_score":null,"_source":{"id":544,"authors_free":[{"id":768,"entry_id":544,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":123,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Galperine, Marie-Claire","free_first_name":"Marie-Claire","free_last_name":"Galperine","norm_person":{"id":123,"first_name":"Marie-Claire","last_name":"Galperine","full_name":"Galperine, Marie-Claire","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le temps int\u00e9gral selon Damascius","main_title":{"title":"Le temps int\u00e9gral selon Damascius"},"abstract":"This text explores Aristotle's unresolved aporias on the nature of time in Physics IV (217b30 - 218a30), highlighting a metaphysical dilemma: whether time belongs to being or non-being. Aristotle leaves the question undecided, shifting focus to the nature of time, a problem he may have deliberately avoided. Ancient thinkers, however, did not shy away from addressing these aporias.\r\n\r\nDamascius offers a resolution to Aristotle\u2019s dilemmas in his commentary on Plato\u2019s Parmenides and his lost treatise on number, place, and time, fragments of which are preserved by Simplicius. Damascius\u2019 concept of \"integral time\" distinguishes between two meanings of \"now\": Aristotle\u2019s punctual \"now,\" a limit of time, and Damascius\u2019 \"present,\" a temporal continuum. Simplicius, though critical of Damascius\u2019 ideas, acknowledges this distinction as key to resolving Aristotle\u2019s aporias.\r\n\r\nSimplicius' Corollarium de tempore expands on this, presenting time as simultaneously existent in its entirety (\"integral time\"), a concept rooted in Damascius\u2019 philosophy. However, Simplicius\u2019 partial understanding of Damascius\u2019 thought highlights his struggle to reconcile Damascius\u2019 notion of time with Aristotelian paradigms.\r\n\r\nThe analysis situates Damascius\u2019 ideas within the framework of both Plato\u2019s Parmenides and Aristotle\u2019s Physics, showcasing how he integrates Platonic metaphysics with Aristotelian logic to address foundational questions about the nature and being of time. [introduction p. 325-327]","btype":3,"date":"1980","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/K2X5R1lQigoI37E","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":123,"full_name":"Galperine, Marie-Claire","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":544,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"3: Doctrines du temps","issue":"","pages":"325-341"}},"sort":[1980]}

La Récupération d'Anaxagore II, 1980
By: Ramnoux, Clémence
Title La Récupération d'Anaxagore II
Type Article
Language French
Date 1980
Journal Archives de Philosophie
Volume 43
Pages 279-297
Categories no categories
Author(s) Ramnoux, Clémence
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The text discusses the concept of the mind and plurality of worlds in Anaxagoras' philosophy. It focuses on a fragment that is the longest and most extensive in relation to the mind. The author explores the vocabulary used by Anaxagoras to articulate his doctrine and how it uses oppositions such as one and multiple, similar and different, light and dark, hot and cold, dry and wet to categorize things. The author also discusses Anaxagoras' use of the concept of infinity in relation to both numbers and spatial dimensions. The text also highlights the attributes of the mind, such as its spatial greatness, lightness, and purity, which allow for quick movement and perception. The author concludes that Anaxagoras' conception of the mind is not divine, but rather characterized by its separation from everything else. [introduction]

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The Interpretation of Parmenides by the Neoplatonist Simplicius, 1979
By: Bormann, Karl
Title The Interpretation of Parmenides by the Neoplatonist Simplicius
Type Article
Language English
Date 1979
Journal The Monist
Volume 62
Issue 1
Pages 30–42
Categories no categories
Author(s) Bormann, Karl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The doctrines of Parmenides of the one being and of the world of seeming were—as is well known—interpreted in different ways in the course of the history of philosophy, and even in twentieth-century historic-philosophical research, there is no agreement on the meaning of the two parts of the poem.Regarding the one being, there are four attempts of explanation to be distinguished: (1) The being is material; (2) the being is immaterial; (3) it is the esse copulae or must be seen as a modal category; (4) it is the entity of being ("Sein des Seienden"). This latter interpretation, if we can call it an interpretation, is chiefly influenced by Heidegger. The Doxa-part, however, is seen as (1) a more or less critical demography; (2) a second-best, hypothetic explanation of phenomena which is not truth but verisimilitude; (3) a systematic unit together with the First part, the aletheia. We do not have to discuss the differences between the outlined explanations separately; in the following, we shall show that some modern interpretations were already expressed in a similar way in antiquity. With this, we shall concentrate especially on the Neoplatonist Simplicius who in his commentary on Aristotle's Physics expounds the first part of the Parmenidean poem completely and, in addition, the most important doctrines of the second part. [Introduction, p. 30]

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Confirmation of Two "Conjectures" in the Presocratics: Parmenides B 12 and Anaxagoras B 15, 1979
By: Sider, David
Title Confirmation of Two "Conjectures" in the Presocratics: Parmenides B 12 and Anaxagoras B 15
Type Article
Language English
Date 1979
Journal Phoenix
Volume 33
Issue 1
Pages 67-69
Categories no categories
Author(s) Sider, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In each of the two passages discussed below, the indisputably correct reading is given by Diels as an editorial conjecture, when in fact, for each, there is manuscript authority. [introduction p. 67]

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Speusippus and Aristotle on Homonymy and Synonymy, 1978
By: Tarán, Leonardo
Title Speusippus and Aristotle on Homonymy and Synonymy
Type Article
Language English
Date 1978
Journal Hermes
Volume 106
Issue 1
Pages 73-99
Categories no categories
Author(s) Tarán, Leonardo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Modern scholarship since the middle of the last century has generally accepted it as an established fact that Speusippus made an exhaustive classification of words or names (onomata) in relation to the concepts they express and that he gave definitions of homonyma and synonyma only in reference to words and their meanings. That is to say, for him, homonyma and synonyma are properties of linguistic terms and not of things, whereas for Aristotle, especially in the first chapter of the Categories, they are properties of things. In 1904, E. Hambruch attempted to show that sometimes Aristotle himself uses synonyma in the Speusippean sense just outlined and that in so doing, he was influenced by Speusippus. This thesis of Hambruch has been accepted by several scholars, including Lang, Stenzel, and Cherniss. Although some doubts about its soundness were expressed from different perspectives, it was only in 1971 that Mr. Jonathan Barnes made a systematic assault on it. Barnes contends, first, that Speusippus’s conception of homonyma and synonyma is essentially the same as that of Aristotle, with the slight differences between their respective definitions being trivial, and second, that even though Aristotle occasionally uses homonyma and synonyma as properties of linguistic terms, this is because Aristotle's use of these words is not as rigid as the Categories might suggest. Barnes argues that Aristotle could not have been influenced by Speusippus, because Speusippus conceived homonymy and synonymy as properties of things, and, in any case, if influence were assumed, it could as well have been Aristotle influencing Speusippus. Though I believe Barnes’ two main contentions are mistaken, I am here mainly concerned with the first part of his thesis. If he were right in believing that, for Speusippus, homonyma and synonyma are properties of things and not of names or linguistic terms, then Hambruch’s notion that Speusippus influenced Aristotle when the latter uses synonymon as a property of names would be wrong, even if Barnes were mistaken in his analysis of the Aristotelian passages he reviews in the second part of his paper. On the other hand, if Speusippus's classification is truly of onomata, then, since Barnes himself admits that Aristotle sometimes uses homonyma and synonyma as properties of names, the influence of Speusippus on Aristotle is at least possible. It becomes plausible and probable—regardless of the relative chronology of their respective works—when it is seen, as I shall try to show, that in some cases, Aristotle is in fact attacking doctrines that presuppose a use of homonyma and synonyma such as can be ascribed to Speusippus or is using synonymon in the Speusippean sense, different from Aristotle's own notion of synonymous words. [introduction p. 73-75]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"843","_score":null,"_source":{"id":843,"authors_free":[{"id":1247,"entry_id":843,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":330,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tar\u00e1n, Leonardo","free_first_name":"Leonardo","free_last_name":"Tar\u00e1n","norm_person":{"id":330,"first_name":"Tar\u00e1n","last_name":" Leonardo ","full_name":"Tar\u00e1n, Leonardo ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1168065100","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Speusippus and Aristotle on Homonymy and Synonymy","main_title":{"title":"Speusippus and Aristotle on Homonymy and Synonymy"},"abstract":"Modern scholarship since the middle of the last century has generally accepted it as an established fact that Speusippus made an exhaustive classification of words or names (onomata) in relation to the concepts they express and that he gave definitions of homonyma and synonyma only in reference to words and their meanings. That is to say, for him, homonyma and synonyma are properties of linguistic terms and not of things, whereas for Aristotle, especially in the first chapter of the Categories, they are properties of things.\r\n\r\nIn 1904, E. Hambruch attempted to show that sometimes Aristotle himself uses synonyma in the Speusippean sense just outlined and that in so doing, he was influenced by Speusippus. This thesis of Hambruch has been accepted by several scholars, including Lang, Stenzel, and Cherniss. Although some doubts about its soundness were expressed from different perspectives, it was only in 1971 that Mr. Jonathan Barnes made a systematic assault on it. Barnes contends, first, that Speusippus\u2019s conception of homonyma and synonyma is essentially the same as that of Aristotle, with the slight differences between their respective definitions being trivial, and second, that even though Aristotle occasionally uses homonyma and synonyma as properties of linguistic terms, this is because Aristotle's use of these words is not as rigid as the Categories might suggest. Barnes argues that Aristotle could not have been influenced by Speusippus, because Speusippus conceived homonymy and synonymy as properties of things, and, in any case, if influence were assumed, it could as well have been Aristotle influencing Speusippus.\r\n\r\nThough I believe Barnes\u2019 two main contentions are mistaken, I am here mainly concerned with the first part of his thesis. If he were right in believing that, for Speusippus, homonyma and synonyma are properties of things and not of names or linguistic terms, then Hambruch\u2019s notion that Speusippus influenced Aristotle when the latter uses synonymon as a property of names would be wrong, even if Barnes were mistaken in his analysis of the Aristotelian passages he reviews in the second part of his paper.\r\n\r\nOn the other hand, if Speusippus's classification is truly of onomata, then, since Barnes himself admits that Aristotle sometimes uses homonyma and synonyma as properties of names, the influence of Speusippus on Aristotle is at least possible. It becomes plausible and probable\u2014regardless of the relative chronology of their respective works\u2014when it is seen, as I shall try to show, that in some cases, Aristotle is in fact attacking doctrines that presuppose a use of homonyma and synonyma such as can be ascribed to Speusippus or is using synonymon in the Speusippean sense, different from Aristotle's own notion of synonymous words. [introduction p. 73-75]","btype":3,"date":"1978","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/DXL3umbA2JfHxYC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":330,"full_name":"Tar\u00e1n, Leonardo ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":843,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"106","issue":"1","pages":"73-99"}},"sort":[1978]}

529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?, 1978
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.
Title 529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1978
Journal Byzantion
Volume 48
Issue 2
Pages 369–385
Categories no categories
Author(s) Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In an excellent and already well-known article, Professor Alan Cameron has made a strong case for the thesis that, notwithstanding the evidence of Malalas and a long-established tradition, Justinian did not succeed in finally closing the Platonic Academy in 529, and that its activities continued after a short interruption. The purpose of this paper is, firstly, to argue that some of the evidence usually adduced in favor of the view that the Academy was closed may not be applicable, but that it seems nevertheless to have succumbed to some form of imperial pressure, and, secondly, to question the view that philosophy continued to be taught, or even studied, at Athens from 532 until the Slavs sacked the city nearly fifty years later. The most important piece of evidence for the continued existence of the Academy is a passage from Olympiodorus' commentary on Plato's 1st Alcibiades which says, "Perhaps Plato made a practice of taking no fees because he was well-off. That is why the diadochika have lasted till now, in spite of many confiscations." Diadochika is left untranslated since its meaning is by no means certain. It could refer to the salary of the Head of the Academy. It could also, however, be a term for the Academy's endowments in general. A third meaning, suggested by J. Whittaker, is spiritual rather than material heritage, but despite arguments, it is unlikely that the word in its context does not refer to some form of funding. To this point, we must return shortly. Cameron argues convincingly that this passage was written somewhere around 560, on the grounds that it refers to an incident in the career of a grammaticus called Anatolius, dateable to the late 540s, as one that his readers can no longer be expected to remember. He infers from this that the Academy was still operating at that time and, moreover, in possession of substantial funds some thirty years after its alleged closure and expropriation. At about the same time, Whittaker, apparently writing before the appearance of Cameron's paper and arguing against Westerink, questioned whether the text adduced provided evidence either for confiscations at the time when Olympiodorus was writing or for the continued availability of material resources. Olympiodorus' report certainly raises some serious problems. The first relates to the confiscations. Cameron has discussed a number of possible occasions between 529 and the date of the composition of Olympiodorus' commentary about 560. If Academy funds were being confiscated during that period, then clearly there must have been a conspicuous Academy to be subject to the confiscations. But, as Whittaker has pointed out, the reference of the present participle stating that there were confiscations could be to any time during the reference of the main verb, that is, to the whole period between Plato and the time of writing. One possible inference is that the funds had been subjected to confiscations even before 529 but still survived in the hands of the scholarchs after that date. Justinian's edict is quite likely not to have been new but, like much of his legislation, a re-enactment of former decrees—some of which were in any case disregarded. Nevertheless, it is difficult to find a suitable earlier occasion, or occasions, to be the time of the confiscations in question. A second, and more basic, problem attaches to the funds themselves. There is no other evidence, except a report in the Suda article on Plato, and a parallel text in Photius, which attributes any of the late Academy's resources, or those of its office-holders, to inheritance from Plato. This Suda article, which is based on Damascius' Life of Isidore, tells us that only the Academy garden had been Plato's—he was not well-off—and that there were large accretions of funds in the fifth century. We know that most of the major buildings in Athens were destroyed by the Heruls in 267. Damascius, moreover, in the extract provided by Photius, made a point of denying what he says was a commonly held view that the resources of the Academy went back to Plato himself: τῶν δὲ διαδόχων οὐσία οὐκ ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ νομίζουσι Πλάτωνος ἦν τὸ ἀνέκαθεν. This summary too continues with the points that Plato was not rich, that only the garden was his, and that there were large additions through bequests later. From this text, we may infer that Olympiodorus' diadochika must have been school resources under the control of the school's head: Damascius is talking about sums of money, and the garden could hardly have been part of the scholarch's salary. If, then, such funds as were available to the Academy in the 5th and 6th centuries were not the product of Plato's own endowments, Olympiodorus—or his source—has wrongly inferred from the Academy's current, or recent, wealth, and Plato's aristocratic background and refusal to take fees, that Plato himself was responsible for the endowments. Damascius' disclaimer shows that he was not the first to do so. And if Olympiodorus was wrong about that, then he might also, though less obviously, have been wrong in saying that the funds existed in his own day. His information could have been some thirty years out of date, a period for the survival of obsolete information by no means inconceivable even with modern methods of disseminating information. We need look no further than the reputations of university departments in our own times. If the close relation between Athenian and Alexandrian philosophers that had obtained in the fifth century were by now a thing of the past—whether because of odium academicum, as manifested in the bitter attacks launched by Philoponus on the views of Proclus in a previous generation, and Simplicius in his own, the latter being furiously reciprocated—or because nothing was any longer happening at Athens, or for some other reason, that would be sufficient to explain such an error. To return to the question of a re-endowment in the 5th century. There are a number of indications that this happened. In the first place, negatively, there is little if any evidence that the Academy, or any but insignificant Platonists, were active at Athens in the preceding period. Positively, we have a report from Synesius that he went to Athens and found nothing going on at all: "It is like a sacrificial victim at the end of the proceedings, with only the skin left as a token of the animal that once was. So philosophy has moved its home, and all that is left for a visitor is to wander around looking at the Academy, the Lyceum, and, yes, the Stoa Poikile..." [introduction p. 369-372]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"876","_score":null,"_source":{"id":876,"authors_free":[{"id":1287,"entry_id":876,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?","main_title":{"title":"529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?"},"abstract":"In an excellent and already well-known article, Professor Alan Cameron has made a strong case for the thesis that, notwithstanding the evidence of Malalas and a long-established tradition, Justinian did not succeed in finally closing the Platonic Academy in 529, and that its activities continued after a short interruption. The purpose of this paper is, firstly, to argue that some of the evidence usually adduced in favor of the view that the Academy was closed may not be applicable, but that it seems nevertheless to have succumbed to some form of imperial pressure, and, secondly, to question the view that philosophy continued to be taught, or even studied, at Athens from 532 until the Slavs sacked the city nearly fifty years later.\r\n\r\nThe most important piece of evidence for the continued existence of the Academy is a passage from Olympiodorus' commentary on Plato's 1st Alcibiades which says, \"Perhaps Plato made a practice of taking no fees because he was well-off. That is why the diadochika have lasted till now, in spite of many confiscations.\" Diadochika is left untranslated since its meaning is by no means certain. It could refer to the salary of the Head of the Academy. It could also, however, be a term for the Academy's endowments in general. A third meaning, suggested by J. Whittaker, is spiritual rather than material heritage, but despite arguments, it is unlikely that the word in its context does not refer to some form of funding. To this point, we must return shortly.\r\n\r\nCameron argues convincingly that this passage was written somewhere around 560, on the grounds that it refers to an incident in the career of a grammaticus called Anatolius, dateable to the late 540s, as one that his readers can no longer be expected to remember. He infers from this that the Academy was still operating at that time and, moreover, in possession of substantial funds some thirty years after its alleged closure and expropriation. At about the same time, Whittaker, apparently writing before the appearance of Cameron's paper and arguing against Westerink, questioned whether the text adduced provided evidence either for confiscations at the time when Olympiodorus was writing or for the continued availability of material resources.\r\n\r\nOlympiodorus' report certainly raises some serious problems. The first relates to the confiscations. Cameron has discussed a number of possible occasions between 529 and the date of the composition of Olympiodorus' commentary about 560. If Academy funds were being confiscated during that period, then clearly there must have been a conspicuous Academy to be subject to the confiscations. But, as Whittaker has pointed out, the reference of the present participle stating that there were confiscations could be to any time during the reference of the main verb, that is, to the whole period between Plato and the time of writing. One possible inference is that the funds had been subjected to confiscations even before 529 but still survived in the hands of the scholarchs after that date. Justinian's edict is quite likely not to have been new but, like much of his legislation, a re-enactment of former decrees\u2014some of which were in any case disregarded. Nevertheless, it is difficult to find a suitable earlier occasion, or occasions, to be the time of the confiscations in question.\r\n\r\nA second, and more basic, problem attaches to the funds themselves. There is no other evidence, except a report in the Suda article on Plato, and a parallel text in Photius, which attributes any of the late Academy's resources, or those of its office-holders, to inheritance from Plato. This Suda article, which is based on Damascius' Life of Isidore, tells us that only the Academy garden had been Plato's\u2014he was not well-off\u2014and that there were large accretions of funds in the fifth century. We know that most of the major buildings in Athens were destroyed by the Heruls in 267. Damascius, moreover, in the extract provided by Photius, made a point of denying what he says was a commonly held view that the resources of the Academy went back to Plato himself: \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03b4\u03cc\u03c7\u03c9\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u1f61\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f31 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03af\u03b6\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03a0\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f26\u03bd \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f00\u03bd\u03ad\u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b5\u03bd. This summary too continues with the points that Plato was not rich, that only the garden was his, and that there were large additions through bequests later. From this text, we may infer that Olympiodorus' diadochika must have been school resources under the control of the school's head: Damascius is talking about sums of money, and the garden could hardly have been part of the scholarch's salary.\r\n\r\nIf, then, such funds as were available to the Academy in the 5th and 6th centuries were not the product of Plato's own endowments, Olympiodorus\u2014or his source\u2014has wrongly inferred from the Academy's current, or recent, wealth, and Plato's aristocratic background and refusal to take fees, that Plato himself was responsible for the endowments. Damascius' disclaimer shows that he was not the first to do so. And if Olympiodorus was wrong about that, then he might also, though less obviously, have been wrong in saying that the funds existed in his own day. His information could have been some thirty years out of date, a period for the survival of obsolete information by no means inconceivable even with modern methods of disseminating information. We need look no further than the reputations of university departments in our own times. If the close relation between Athenian and Alexandrian philosophers that had obtained in the fifth century were by now a thing of the past\u2014whether because of odium academicum, as manifested in the bitter attacks launched by Philoponus on the views of Proclus in a previous generation, and Simplicius in his own, the latter being furiously reciprocated\u2014or because nothing was any longer happening at Athens, or for some other reason, that would be sufficient to explain such an error.\r\n\r\nTo return to the question of a re-endowment in the 5th century. There are a number of indications that this happened. In the first place, negatively, there is little if any evidence that the Academy, or any but insignificant Platonists, were active at Athens in the preceding period. Positively, we have a report from Synesius that he went to Athens and found nothing going on at all:\r\n\r\n\"It is like a sacrificial victim at the end of the proceedings, with only the skin left as a token of the animal that once was. So philosophy has moved its home, and all that is left for a visitor is to wander around looking at the Academy, the Lyceum, and, yes, the Stoa Poikile...\" [introduction p. 369-372]","btype":3,"date":"1978","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/8waAtP8ixbo8cmC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":876,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Byzantion","volume":"48","issue":"2","pages":"369\u2013385"}},"sort":[1978]}

Ficino's Lecture on the Good?, 1977
By: Allen, Michael J. B.
Title Ficino's Lecture on the Good?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1977
Journal Renaissance Quarterly
Volume 30
Issue 2
Pages 160-171
Categories no categories
Author(s) Allen, Michael J. B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This article discusses Plato's Lecture on the Good, the only lecture attributed to Plato by ancient sources. The lecture was attended by Aristotle and other students of Plato and was described as a blend of formal exposition, digressions, and asides. Although it was not a public success, the Lecture became famous in the ancient world for what the Neoplatonists presumed was its Pythagorean content. The Lecture played a role in the history of fifteenth-century Florentine Platonism under its chief architect, Marsilio Ficino, who was interested in reviving Neoplatonism and wedding it to Christianity while also dreaming of revitalizing the day-to-day life of the ancient Athenian Academy. [introduction/conclusion]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1261","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1261,"authors_free":[{"id":1847,"entry_id":1261,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":33,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Allen, Michael J. B.","free_first_name":"Michael J. B.","free_last_name":"Allen","norm_person":{"id":33,"first_name":"Michael J. B. ","last_name":"Allen","full_name":"Allen, Michael J. B. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/12310405X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ficino's Lecture on the Good?","main_title":{"title":"Ficino's Lecture on the Good?"},"abstract":"This article discusses Plato's Lecture on the Good, the only lecture attributed to Plato by ancient sources. The lecture was attended by Aristotle and other students of Plato and was described as a blend of formal exposition, digressions, and asides. Although it was not a public success, the Lecture became famous in the ancient world for what the Neoplatonists presumed was its Pythagorean content. The Lecture played a role in the history of fifteenth-century Florentine Platonism under its chief architect, Marsilio Ficino, who was interested in reviving Neoplatonism and wedding it to Christianity while also dreaming of revitalizing the day-to-day life of the ancient Athenian Academy. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":3,"date":"1977","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/P2WTHK3pKgeUa4u","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":33,"full_name":"Allen, Michael J. B. ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1261,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Renaissance Quarterly ","volume":"30","issue":"2","pages":"160-171"}},"sort":[1977]}

Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note, 1977
By: Clay, Diskin
Title Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note
Type Article
Language English
Date 1977
Journal The Classical Journal
Volume 73
Issue 1
Pages 27-29
Categories no categories
Author(s) Clay, Diskin
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In what must be the shortest textual note ever published, Bailey and Maas recovered the text of Lucretius I. 744: aera solem imbrem terras animalia fruges Imbrem scripsimus; ignem codd. This is their note. Why they wrote imbrem for ignem, they did not say, perhaps because any reader familiar with Lucretius' argument and Empedocles' poem On Nature knows why. Our manuscripts present us with a world composed of air, the sun, fire, the earth, and the products of the earth (aera solem ignem terras animalia fruges); Empedocles presents us with a world that is rooted in the four elements of air, earth, fire, and water. These he describes variously, but Lucretius has already powerfully invoked them at the very beginning of his poem, well before he returns to them in his refutation of Empedocles' theory of matter. Within the first nine lines of his proem, he evokes the stars (which are soon associated with fire, I. 231, 1034), the sea, the earth, the light of the sun, winds, the earth, the sea, and again light: in short, not the familiar Roman universe of three elements—the heaven, earth, and water—but the Greek world of air, earth, fire, and water. This world he returns to as he presents the elemental theories of "those who multiply the elements which generate the world," and who join air to fire and earth to water: I 714 et qui quattuor ex rebus posse omnia rentur ex igni terra atque anima procrescere et imbri. There are no textual problems here, although anima and imber are striking and unusual as descriptions of air and water. Nevertheless, they stand in the text. But the theory of four elements presents a problem when it is reduced by one in the manuscripts of Lucretius: aera, solem, ignem, terras. Christ saw the problem, and in 1853 he emended the text to give a world of four elements: he took the offending term to be solem, which he emended to rorem—creating a world of air, dew, fire, and earth. This emendation has the virtue of changing only two letters of the manuscripts to create water from the sun, and rorem is a perfectly good Lucretian word for water (cf. I. 771). Dew is a form of water, but Empedocles does not use it as a term to represent this elemental mass. ὕδωρ (hydor) is a word he used to represent water: Simplicius (commenting on Aristotle's Physics) noticed this—καλεῖ ὕδωρ ὄμβρον—and at least three passages from Empedocles survive to prove him right. Simplicius knew of Empedocles' various ways of naming his elements, but neither Lucretius' ancient nor modern editors seem to. Imber seemed strange for water, so an early editor or reader of Lucretius emended the text of I. 784-785 to read: "first these followers of Empedocles make fire transform itself into the gusts of air," I 784 hinc ignem gigni terramque creari ex igni retroque in terram cuncta reverti. Marullus understood what had gone wrong and emended ignem by imbrem and igni by imbri, making water out of fire and recovering how a Presocratic could imagine a ladder of elemental transformations moving down from air to precipitation to earth. Lucretius' attack on Empedocles' elemental theory is only one of the many signs of his knowledge of the Περὶ φύσεως (Peri Physeōs). De Rerum Natura I. 744 and 784-785 are not the only passages that reveal this, and these passages are not the only ones where Empedocles' Greek allows Lucretius' modern reader to recover his original text: II. 1114 ignem ignes procudent aetheraque (aether) This is restored by Empedocles (DK 31 B 37): (πυρὶ γὰρ αἰεὶ πῦρ ἐπὶ πυρὶ) αἰεὶ δὲ ξυνοίσει καὶ ἀὴρ ἀέρι Lachmann, with the confidence inspired by knowing too much and too little, emended aeraque (aer). Simplicius could have pointed him in the right direction when he gave one of Empedocles' terms for aether as aer, as could Empedocles himself. This has become a long note on one word in the manuscripts of Lucretius. Its justification is this: Bailey and Maas published their note in 1943. The emendation was incorporated into the text that accompanies Bailey's three-volume commentary on Lucretius (Oxford 1947), but unaccountably, it did not appear in the Oxford text reprinted in 1947 or in any later reprinting. In the tenth edition of his Lucrèce (Paris 1959), Ernout prints the text of our manuscripts; so does Josef Martin in the five editions of his Lucretius published since 1953. Büchner (Wiesbaden 1966) accepts Christ's rorem as "less drastic" (levior) than imbrem, and so, evidently, does Müller (Fribourg 1975). Only one of the major editions of Lucretius to appear since 1943, that of Martin Ferguson Smith (London and Cambridge, Mass. 1975), prints what Lucretius wrote: the rest prefer dew to rain. So weak is the force of ratio et res ipsa. [the entire text p. 27-29]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1272","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1272,"authors_free":[{"id":1862,"entry_id":1272,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":50,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Clay, Diskin","free_first_name":"Diskin","free_last_name":"Clay","norm_person":{"id":50,"first_name":"Diskin","last_name":"Clay","full_name":"Clay, Diskin","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1069425435","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note","main_title":{"title":"Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note"},"abstract":"In what must be the shortest textual note ever published, Bailey and Maas recovered the text of Lucretius I. 744:\r\n\r\n aera solem imbrem terras animalia fruges\r\n Imbrem scripsimus; ignem codd.\r\n\r\nThis is their note. Why they wrote imbrem for ignem, they did not say, perhaps because any reader familiar with Lucretius' argument and Empedocles' poem On Nature knows why.\r\n\r\nOur manuscripts present us with a world composed of air, the sun, fire, the earth, and the products of the earth (aera solem ignem terras animalia fruges); Empedocles presents us with a world that is rooted in the four elements of air, earth, fire, and water. These he describes variously, but Lucretius has already powerfully invoked them at the very beginning of his poem, well before he returns to them in his refutation of Empedocles' theory of matter.\r\n\r\nWithin the first nine lines of his proem, he evokes the stars (which are soon associated with fire, I. 231, 1034), the sea, the earth, the light of the sun, winds, the earth, the sea, and again light: in short, not the familiar Roman universe of three elements\u2014the heaven, earth, and water\u2014but the Greek world of air, earth, fire, and water.\r\n\r\nThis world he returns to as he presents the elemental theories of \"those who multiply the elements which generate the world,\" and who join air to fire and earth to water:\r\n\r\n I 714 et qui quattuor ex rebus posse omnia rentur\r\n ex igni terra atque anima procrescere et imbri.\r\n\r\nThere are no textual problems here, although anima and imber are striking and unusual as descriptions of air and water. Nevertheless, they stand in the text. But the theory of four elements presents a problem when it is reduced by one in the manuscripts of Lucretius: aera, solem, ignem, terras.\r\n\r\nChrist saw the problem, and in 1853 he emended the text to give a world of four elements: he took the offending term to be solem, which he emended to rorem\u2014creating a world of air, dew, fire, and earth. This emendation has the virtue of changing only two letters of the manuscripts to create water from the sun, and rorem is a perfectly good Lucretian word for water (cf. I. 771).\r\n\r\nDew is a form of water, but Empedocles does not use it as a term to represent this elemental mass. \u1f55\u03b4\u03c9\u03c1 (hydor) is a word he used to represent water: Simplicius (commenting on Aristotle's Physics) noticed this\u2014\u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6 \u1f55\u03b4\u03c9\u03c1 \u1f44\u03bc\u03b2\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd\u2014and at least three passages from Empedocles survive to prove him right.\r\n\r\nSimplicius knew of Empedocles' various ways of naming his elements, but neither Lucretius' ancient nor modern editors seem to. Imber seemed strange for water, so an early editor or reader of Lucretius emended the text of I. 784-785 to read:\r\n\r\n\"first these followers of Empedocles make fire transform itself into the gusts of air,\"\r\n\r\n I 784 hinc ignem gigni terramque creari\r\n ex igni retroque in terram cuncta reverti.\r\n\r\nMarullus understood what had gone wrong and emended ignem by imbrem and igni by imbri, making water out of fire and recovering how a Presocratic could imagine a ladder of elemental transformations moving down from air to precipitation to earth.\r\n\r\nLucretius' attack on Empedocles' elemental theory is only one of the many signs of his knowledge of the \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 (Peri Physe\u014ds). De Rerum Natura I. 744 and 784-785 are not the only passages that reveal this, and these passages are not the only ones where Empedocles' Greek allows Lucretius' modern reader to recover his original text:\r\n\r\n II. 1114 ignem ignes procudent aetheraque (aether)\r\n\r\nThis is restored by Empedocles (DK 31 B 37):\r\n\r\n (\u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03b1\u1f30\u03b5\u1f76 \u03c0\u1fe6\u03c1 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u1f76) \u03b1\u1f30\u03b5\u1f76 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03be\u03c5\u03bd\u03bf\u03af\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\r\n \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u1f74\u03c1 \u1f00\u03ad\u03c1\u03b9\r\n\r\nLachmann, with the confidence inspired by knowing too much and too little, emended aeraque (aer). Simplicius could have pointed him in the right direction when he gave one of Empedocles' terms for aether as aer, as could Empedocles himself.\r\n\r\nThis has become a long note on one word in the manuscripts of Lucretius. Its justification is this: Bailey and Maas published their note in 1943. The emendation was incorporated into the text that accompanies Bailey's three-volume commentary on Lucretius (Oxford 1947), but unaccountably, it did not appear in the Oxford text reprinted in 1947 or in any later reprinting.\r\n\r\nIn the tenth edition of his Lucr\u00e8ce (Paris 1959), Ernout prints the text of our manuscripts; so does Josef Martin in the five editions of his Lucretius published since 1953. B\u00fcchner (Wiesbaden 1966) accepts Christ's rorem as \"less drastic\" (levior) than imbrem, and so, evidently, does M\u00fcller (Fribourg 1975).\r\n\r\nOnly one of the major editions of Lucretius to appear since 1943, that of Martin Ferguson Smith (London and Cambridge, Mass. 1975), prints what Lucretius wrote: the rest prefer dew to rain.\r\n\r\nSo weak is the force of ratio et res ipsa. [the entire text p. 27-29]","btype":3,"date":"1977","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/a3Cc8mgHkQFW4AL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":50,"full_name":"Clay, Diskin","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1272,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Journal","volume":"73","issue":"1","pages":"27-29"}},"sort":[1977]}

Light from Aristotle's "Physics" on the Text of Parmenides B 8 D-K, 1977
By: Solmsen, Friedrich
Title Light from Aristotle's "Physics" on the Text of Parmenides B 8 D-K
Type Article
Language English
Date 1977
Journal Phronesis
Volume 22
Issue 1
Pages 10-12
Categories no categories
Author(s) Solmsen, Friedrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Aristotle's reputation as a historian of philosophy is far from good. We do not plead for a revision of the current estimate. The last sentence copied above suggests a causal relation of doctrines that is hard to square with the facts. On the whole, however, he has in this instance done better than usual; for he has, with genuine historical understanding, realized how the early Presocratics, whose search was for physical explanations, were stopped in their tracks when Parmenides issued his peremptory veto of genesis and phthora (how they worked themselves out of this deadlock is irrelevant). It would be futile to assign this refutation of genesis in both of its forms to any thinker other than Parmenides and no less futile to surmise that Aristotle here, for the sake of completeness or for reasons similar to those operative with Parmenides’ modern interpreters, credited him with an argument he did not use but would have been well advised to use. Throughout a large part of Physics I, Parmenides’ (and Melissus’) position presents the great obstacle to Aristotle's efforts at treating genesis as a reality. The monolithic, unchanging ὄν deprives physics of the principles (archai) without which it cannot build. Aristotle launches attack after attack against the fortress that had so long been considered impregnable. Having conquered it, he constructs his own theory of genesis. It is the "only solution" (monoeidês lysis, 191a23; see above), he declares triumphantly and proceeds to look once more at the objections raised by the Eleatics. In the remainder of chapter 8, he sets forth, on the basis of his own theory, why genesis from Being and from not-Being are perfectly valid concepts. There are more ways than one to show that they are legitimate. [p. 11-12]

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Place and Space in Late Neoplatonism, 1977
By: Sambûrsqî, Šemûʾēl
Title Place and Space in Late Neoplatonism
Type Article
Language English
Date 1977
Journal Studies in History and Philosophy of Science
Volume 8
Issue 3
Pages 173–187
Categories no categories
Author(s) Sambûrsqî, Šemûʾēl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Three basic notions characterize the physical world, namely space, time and matter, the first of which is usually held by scientists to be simpler than the other two. The history of physics and philosophy has shown, however, that even the concept of space abounds with difficulties, to which the doctrines of the later Neoplatonic philosophers form an impressive witness. It is proposed to give here a brief survey of the theories of topos, meaning variously “place” or “space”, from Iamblichus at the beginning of the fourth century to Simplicius in the middle of the sixth. Although most of their treatises were clad in the modest garb of commentaries on works by Plato or Aristotle, the ideas of these thinkers undoubtedly represent one of the peaks of sophistication and metaphysical acumen in the whole history of philosophy. The deliberations and inquiries of these philosophers on the concept of topos took place against a long historical background, spanning nearly a thousand years from the Presocratics to Plotinus. A short synopsis, however condensed, of the earlier developments of the concept will serve as a useful introduction, leading up to the period in which Iamblichus and his successors started to elaborate their ideas on topos. This summary will be concerned with merely the conceptual aspects of the subject and thus will not adhere to a strict chronological order. [introduction p. 173]

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Neoplatonic Interpretations of Aristotle on "Phantasia", 1977
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.
Title Neoplatonic Interpretations of Aristotle on "Phantasia"
Type Article
Language English
Date 1977
Journal The Review of Metaphysics
Volume 31
Issue 2
Pages 242-257
Categories no categories
Author(s) Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The ancient commentaries on Aristotle have for the most part remained in that strange kind of no-man's land between Classical and Medieval studies that even now holds so many of the productions of later antiquity. On the whole it would be true to say that students of Neoplatonism?for the commentators were usually Neoplatonists ?prefer to occupy themselves with openly Neoplatonic writings. Modern Aristotelian scholars, on the other hand, tend to take very little account of the opinions of their ancient predecessors. In this way they differ from the Medie vals, both Christian and Moslem: as is well known, Aquinas instigated the translation of many of these commentaries by his fellow Dominican, William of Moerbeke, while a century before, Averroes, the greatest of the Arabic commentators, had made ample use of at least the earlier Greek expositions. [Introduction, p. 242]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"877","_score":null,"_source":{"id":877,"authors_free":[{"id":1288,"entry_id":877,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Neoplatonic Interpretations of Aristotle on \"Phantasia\"","main_title":{"title":"Neoplatonic Interpretations of Aristotle on \"Phantasia\""},"abstract":"The ancient commentaries on Aristotle have for the most part \r\nremained in that strange kind of no-man's land between Classical \r\nand Medieval studies that even now holds so many of the productions \r\nof later antiquity. On the whole it would be true to say that students \r\nof Neoplatonism?for the commentators were usually Neoplatonists \r\n?prefer to occupy themselves with openly Neoplatonic writings. \r\nModern Aristotelian scholars, on the other hand, tend to take very \r\nlittle account of the opinions of their ancient predecessors. In this \r\nway they differ from the Medie vals, both Christian and Moslem: as \r\nis well known, Aquinas instigated the translation of many of these \r\ncommentaries by his fellow Dominican, William of Moerbeke, while a \r\ncentury before, Averroes, the greatest of the Arabic commentators, \r\nhad made ample use of at least the earlier Greek expositions. [Introduction, p. 242]","btype":3,"date":"1977","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/xdGhkQhUkY7sWbE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":877,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Review of Metaphysics","volume":"31","issue":"2","pages":"242-257"}},"sort":[1977]}

Analyse de l'édition Aldine du Commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d'Aristote, 1977
By: Cordero, Néstor-Luis
Title Analyse de l'édition Aldine du Commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d'Aristote
Type Article
Language French
Date 1977
Journal Hermes
Volume 105
Issue 1
Pages 42-54
Categories no categories
Author(s) Cordero, Néstor-Luis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Pour compléter notre analyse, nous devrions identifier l’éditeur de Simplicius de 1526. Du temps d’Alde, la plupart des ouvrages d’auteurs grecs (rappelons qu’il éditait aussi des ouvrages latins et italiens) étaient réservés à Musurus. À la mort d’Alde, comme nous l’avons dit, Musurus a continué de collaborer avec Andrea d’Asola, mais seulement jusqu’en 1516. En 1517, le fils d’Andrea, Francesco d’Asola, a commencé à travailler à l’imprimerie, et l’année suivante, il figure déjà en tant qu’éditeur responsable de Térence, de Dioscoride et d’Eschyle. À partir de 1518, sauf pour l’édition de Cicéron de 1519, Francesco d’Asola figure en tant que responsable direct de la plupart des éditions aldines où l’on indique le nom de l’éditeur, tout au moins jusqu’en 1529. Mais nous avons des ouvrages d’éditeur anonyme où Francesco d’Asola ne figure qu’en tant qu’auteur de la préface. C’est précisément le cas de l’édition de Simplicius, dont la préface est dédicacée par F. Asulanus au cardinal Hercule Gonzaga. Avec certaines réserves, nous pouvons donc supposer que, d’une manière ou d’une autre, Francesco d’Asola est le responsable de l’édition et, ainsi, l’auteur des conjectures qu’elle présente. En ce qui concerne sa valeur, Renouard fait remarquer qu’il s’agit d’un éditeur intelligent « mais beaucoup trop hardi dans ses conjectures », ainsi qu’il apparaît dans son édition des Argonautica de C. V. Flaccus, en 1523. Cependant, le cas le plus illustratif est son édition d’Homère (à laquelle nous avons fait précédemment allusion) de 1524, qui présente de telles divergences par rapport aux précédentes qu’elle semblerait être fondée sur un nouveau manuscrit. Mais Renouard rejette cette hypothèse : « Il s’agit simplement de conjectures de Francesco d’Asola lui-même, car s’il avait été appuyé de nouveaux manuscrits, il n’eût pas manqué d’en avertir dans une nouvelle préface, au lieu de copier celle d’Alde de l’édition de 1504, déjà imprimée dans celle de 1517. » Tout porte à croire, par conséquent, que l’édition de Simplicius de 1526 a été effectuée sous la responsabilité de Francesco d’Asola, dont les conjectures, en général, n’ont pas été tellement heureuses. Cependant, nous devons reconnaître une fois de plus que nous nous trouvons sur le plan des conjectures et que la possibilité — lointaine, certes — n’est pas exclue que Francesco d’Asola ait disposé de l’archétype de l’œuvre de Simplicius. Toutefois, nous pouvons constater que les manuscrits conservés actuellement présentent le même texte que E et F et, par conséquent, ne justifient pas quelques conjectures "trop hardies". [conclusion p. 53-54]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1277","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1277,"authors_free":[{"id":1866,"entry_id":1277,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":54,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","free_last_name":"Cordero","norm_person":{"id":54,"first_name":"N\u00e9stor-Luis","last_name":"Cordero","full_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1055808973","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Analyse de l'\u00e9dition Aldine du Commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique d'Aristote","main_title":{"title":"Analyse de l'\u00e9dition Aldine du Commentaire de Simplicius \u00e0 la Physique d'Aristote"},"abstract":"Pour compl\u00e9ter notre analyse, nous devrions identifier l\u2019\u00e9diteur de Simplicius de 1526. Du temps d\u2019Alde, la plupart des ouvrages d\u2019auteurs grecs (rappelons qu\u2019il \u00e9ditait aussi des ouvrages latins et italiens) \u00e9taient r\u00e9serv\u00e9s \u00e0 Musurus.\r\n\r\n\u00c0 la mort d\u2019Alde, comme nous l\u2019avons dit, Musurus a continu\u00e9 de collaborer avec Andrea d\u2019Asola, mais seulement jusqu\u2019en 1516. En 1517, le fils d\u2019Andrea, Francesco d\u2019Asola, a commenc\u00e9 \u00e0 travailler \u00e0 l\u2019imprimerie, et l\u2019ann\u00e9e suivante, il figure d\u00e9j\u00e0 en tant qu\u2019\u00e9diteur responsable de T\u00e9rence, de Dioscoride et d\u2019Eschyle.\r\n\r\n\u00c0 partir de 1518, sauf pour l\u2019\u00e9dition de Cic\u00e9ron de 1519, Francesco d\u2019Asola figure en tant que responsable direct de la plupart des \u00e9ditions aldines o\u00f9 l\u2019on indique le nom de l\u2019\u00e9diteur, tout au moins jusqu\u2019en 1529.\r\n\r\nMais nous avons des ouvrages d\u2019\u00e9diteur anonyme o\u00f9 Francesco d\u2019Asola ne figure qu\u2019en tant qu\u2019auteur de la pr\u00e9face. C\u2019est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment le cas de l\u2019\u00e9dition de Simplicius, dont la pr\u00e9face est d\u00e9dicac\u00e9e par F. Asulanus au cardinal Hercule Gonzaga.\r\n\r\nAvec certaines r\u00e9serves, nous pouvons donc supposer que, d\u2019une mani\u00e8re ou d\u2019une autre, Francesco d\u2019Asola est le responsable de l\u2019\u00e9dition et, ainsi, l\u2019auteur des conjectures qu\u2019elle pr\u00e9sente.\r\n\r\nEn ce qui concerne sa valeur, Renouard fait remarquer qu\u2019il s\u2019agit d\u2019un \u00e9diteur intelligent \u00ab mais beaucoup trop hardi dans ses conjectures \u00bb, ainsi qu\u2019il appara\u00eet dans son \u00e9dition des Argonautica de C. V. Flaccus, en 1523.\r\n\r\nCependant, le cas le plus illustratif est son \u00e9dition d\u2019Hom\u00e8re (\u00e0 laquelle nous avons fait pr\u00e9c\u00e9demment allusion) de 1524, qui pr\u00e9sente de telles divergences par rapport aux pr\u00e9c\u00e9dentes qu\u2019elle semblerait \u00eatre fond\u00e9e sur un nouveau manuscrit. Mais Renouard rejette cette hypoth\u00e8se :\r\n\r\n \u00ab Il s\u2019agit simplement de conjectures de Francesco d\u2019Asola lui-m\u00eame, car s\u2019il avait \u00e9t\u00e9 appuy\u00e9 de nouveaux manuscrits, il n\u2019e\u00fbt pas manqu\u00e9 d\u2019en avertir dans une nouvelle pr\u00e9face, au lieu de copier celle d\u2019Alde de l\u2019\u00e9dition de 1504, d\u00e9j\u00e0 imprim\u00e9e dans celle de 1517. \u00bb\r\n\r\nTout porte \u00e0 croire, par cons\u00e9quent, que l\u2019\u00e9dition de Simplicius de 1526 a \u00e9t\u00e9 effectu\u00e9e sous la responsabilit\u00e9 de Francesco d\u2019Asola, dont les conjectures, en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, n\u2019ont pas \u00e9t\u00e9 tellement heureuses.\r\n\r\nCependant, nous devons reconna\u00eetre une fois de plus que nous nous trouvons sur le plan des conjectures et que la possibilit\u00e9 \u2014 lointaine, certes \u2014 n\u2019est pas exclue que Francesco d\u2019Asola ait dispos\u00e9 de l\u2019arch\u00e9type de l\u2019\u0153uvre de Simplicius.\r\n\r\nToutefois, nous pouvons constater que les manuscrits conserv\u00e9s actuellement pr\u00e9sentent le m\u00eame texte que E et F et, par cons\u00e9quent, ne justifient pas quelques conjectures \"trop hardies\".\r\n[conclusion p. 53-54]","btype":3,"date":"1977","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ooZGKSisiH1j9G1","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":54,"full_name":"Cordero, N\u00e9stor-Luis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1277,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"105","issue":"1","pages":"42-54"}},"sort":[1977]}

Neoplatonic Elements in the "de Anima" Commentaries, 1976
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.
Title Neoplatonic Elements in the "de Anima" Commentaries
Type Article
Language English
Date 1976
Journal Phronesis
Volume 21
Issue 1
Pages 64-87
Categories no categories
Author(s) Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Most scholars who refer to the Greek commentators for help in the understanding of difficult Aristotelian texts seem to expect straightforward scholarly treatment of their problems. Not infrequently they are disappointed and complain about the irrelevance of the commentary they read, or inveigh against the incompetence of the commentators. Only Alexander is generally exempt from such censure, and that in itself is significant. For he is the only major commentator whose work survives in any considerable quantity who wrote before Neoplatonism. Shortly after Alexander, the kind of thought that is conveniently described by this label came to dominate Greek philosophy, and nearly all pagan philosophy and philosophical scholarship was pursued under its influence, if not by its active adherents. It is the purpose of this paper to argue that these facts are not trivial items of background interest but are fundamental to a proper assessment of the later commentators' opinions on points of Aristotelian scholarship. It is necessary to take account of the ideas and purpose of these commentators if one is to make any serious critical use of their work, and this cannot be done if one merely dips into their voluminous works in the hope of occasional enlightenment. That these men were swayed by their own opinions and preconceptions is perhaps obvious once stated. Even Simplicius, notwithstanding his reputation for careful scholarship, is no exception. Simplicius may have done us a great service by preserving fragments of the pre-Socratics, but he was nevertheless a man who entertained ideas which were not likely to lead to the correct interpretation of Aristotle, as Hicks for one saw—Ross, it seems, did not. In fact, one might go so far as to say that Simplicius was less well-fitted than some of the other commentators to give a good account of his subject. Those whose immediate reaction to such a statement is that it is grossly unfair to so fine a scholar might be disturbed by some of the material in the preface to Simplicius' De Anima commentary—as they would by that in Philoponus' as well—material which often escapes notice for the simple reason that one normally refers to these works for help with specific passages and does not read them as a whole. This is not to say that there are no obvious signs of what is going on in the body of the commentaries, for there certainly are. A case in point is Simplicius' claim in the De Caelo commentary (640.27–32) that Aristotle's criticisms of Plato are directed not against Plato himself but against those who failed to grasp Plato's real meaning. In the preface to the commentary on the Categories, Simplicius goes further and says that in dealing with Aristotle's attacks on Plato, one should not consider only the philosophers' language and complain about their discord, but rather one should concentrate on their thought and seek out their accord on most matters (In Cat. 7.29–32). Here we have two expressions of the normal Neoplatonic view that Plato and Aristotle were usually trying to say the same thing. This view can, of course, be traced back to the revival of positive teaching in the New Academy. This is not to say that no Neoplatonist was aware of the differences, and certain Aristotelian doctrines remained unacceptable. In the passage we have just mentioned, Simplicius talks about he en tois pleistois symphonia, and elsewhere he shows that he is alive to differences (e.g., In De Caelo 454.23 ff.), even if he does regard Aristotle as Plato's truest pupil (ib. 378.20 f.) or his best interpreter (In De An. 245.12). Philoponus, moreover, actually protested against the view that Aristotle's attacks on Plato's ideas were not directed at Plato himself, a view that seems to have had some currency (cf. De Aet. M. II.2 29.2–8 R). None the less, ever since Plotinus, whose adoption of much Aristotelian thought would be clear enough without Porphyry's explicit statement on the point (Vita Plot. 14.4 ff.), the new Platonism had been more or less Aristotelianized: the controversies about whether or not Aristotelian views could be accepted by Platonists which had been current in the Middle Platonic period were no longer live. By the time Simplicius and Philoponus composed their commentaries, Aristotle's philosophy had been used as the standard introduction to Plato for at least two centuries. The tendency among certain modern scholars to see Aristotle simply as a Platonist has a precedent in the activities of the Neoplatonists: in both cases, it depends on a somewhat special understanding of Plato. [introduction 64-66]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"612","_score":null,"_source":{"id":612,"authors_free":[{"id":867,"entry_id":612,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Neoplatonic Elements in the \"de Anima\" Commentaries","main_title":{"title":"Neoplatonic Elements in the \"de Anima\" Commentaries"},"abstract":"Most scholars who refer to the Greek commentators for help in the understanding of difficult Aristotelian texts seem to expect straightforward scholarly treatment of their problems. Not infrequently they are disappointed and complain about the irrelevance of the commentary they read, or inveigh against the incompetence of the commentators. Only Alexander is generally exempt from such censure, and that in itself is significant. For he is the only major commentator whose work survives in any considerable quantity who wrote before Neoplatonism.\r\n\r\nShortly after Alexander, the kind of thought that is conveniently described by this label came to dominate Greek philosophy, and nearly all pagan philosophy and philosophical scholarship was pursued under its influence, if not by its active adherents. It is the purpose of this paper to argue that these facts are not trivial items of background interest but are fundamental to a proper assessment of the later commentators' opinions on points of Aristotelian scholarship. It is necessary to take account of the ideas and purpose of these commentators if one is to make any serious critical use of their work, and this cannot be done if one merely dips into their voluminous works in the hope of occasional enlightenment.\r\n\r\nThat these men were swayed by their own opinions and preconceptions is perhaps obvious once stated. Even Simplicius, notwithstanding his reputation for careful scholarship, is no exception. Simplicius may have done us a great service by preserving fragments of the pre-Socratics, but he was nevertheless a man who entertained ideas which were not likely to lead to the correct interpretation of Aristotle, as Hicks for one saw\u2014Ross, it seems, did not. In fact, one might go so far as to say that Simplicius was less well-fitted than some of the other commentators to give a good account of his subject.\r\n\r\nThose whose immediate reaction to such a statement is that it is grossly unfair to so fine a scholar might be disturbed by some of the material in the preface to Simplicius' De Anima commentary\u2014as they would by that in Philoponus' as well\u2014material which often escapes notice for the simple reason that one normally refers to these works for help with specific passages and does not read them as a whole.\r\n\r\nThis is not to say that there are no obvious signs of what is going on in the body of the commentaries, for there certainly are. A case in point is Simplicius' claim in the De Caelo commentary (640.27\u201332) that Aristotle's criticisms of Plato are directed not against Plato himself but against those who failed to grasp Plato's real meaning.\r\n\r\nIn the preface to the commentary on the Categories, Simplicius goes further and says that in dealing with Aristotle's attacks on Plato, one should not consider only the philosophers' language and complain about their discord, but rather one should concentrate on their thought and seek out their accord on most matters (In Cat. 7.29\u201332). Here we have two expressions of the normal Neoplatonic view that Plato and Aristotle were usually trying to say the same thing.\r\n\r\nThis view can, of course, be traced back to the revival of positive teaching in the New Academy. This is not to say that no Neoplatonist was aware of the differences, and certain Aristotelian doctrines remained unacceptable. In the passage we have just mentioned, Simplicius talks about he en tois pleistois symphonia, and elsewhere he shows that he is alive to differences (e.g., In De Caelo 454.23 ff.), even if he does regard Aristotle as Plato's truest pupil (ib. 378.20 f.) or his best interpreter (In De An. 245.12).\r\n\r\nPhiloponus, moreover, actually protested against the view that Aristotle's attacks on Plato's ideas were not directed at Plato himself, a view that seems to have had some currency (cf. De Aet. M. II.2 29.2\u20138 R). None the less, ever since Plotinus, whose adoption of much Aristotelian thought would be clear enough without Porphyry's explicit statement on the point (Vita Plot. 14.4 ff.), the new Platonism had been more or less Aristotelianized: the controversies about whether or not Aristotelian views could be accepted by Platonists which had been current in the Middle Platonic period were no longer live.\r\n\r\nBy the time Simplicius and Philoponus composed their commentaries, Aristotle's philosophy had been used as the standard introduction to Plato for at least two centuries. The tendency among certain modern scholars to see Aristotle simply as a Platonist has a precedent in the activities of the Neoplatonists: in both cases, it depends on a somewhat special understanding of Plato. [introduction 64-66]","btype":3,"date":"1976","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3j2gfRYnCCVhtJC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":612,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"21","issue":"1","pages":"64-87"}},"sort":[1976]}

Anaxagoras B 14 DK, 1976
By: Marcovich, Miroslav
Title Anaxagoras B 14 DK
Type Article
Language English
Date 1976
Journal Hermes
Volume 104
Issue 2
Pages 240-241
Categories no categories
Author(s) Marcovich, Miroslav
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Notes about Anaxagoras B 14 DK

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Doxographica Anaxagorea, 1975
By: Schofield, Malcom
Title Doxographica Anaxagorea
Type Article
Language English
Date 1975
Journal Hermes
Volume 103
Issue 1
Pages 1-24
Categories no categories
Author(s) Schofield, Malcom
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The information provided by these three texts that Anaxagoras made special application of his general theory of mixture to problems of growth and nutrition derives in each case from Theophrastus, whose word we have no reason to doubt, and who is in any case supported by Aristotle in De Generatione Animalium. The view, again presented in all three texts, that it was from reflection upon such problems, chiefly or in part, that Anaxagoras was led to formulate his general theory again derives from Theophrastus (and solely from him in Aetius's case) or from Aristotle glossed by Theophrastus (in the case of Simplicius and the scholium). For it is Aristotle who says that it was from seeing everything coming out of everything that Anaxagoras arrived at the theory of mixture, it is Aristotle who invariably illustrates Anaxagoras's "all things" by flesh and bone, and it is upon texts of Aristotle containing this explanation and these illustrations that both Simplicius's commentary and the scholium are based. Aristotle does not concentrate on biological processes exclusively, to be sure, but no doubt Theophrastus was acting in the spirit of Aristotle when he illustrates his own Aristotelian exposition of Anaxagoras's train of thought by reference to the problem of nutrition. How much, then, are the texts to which Jaeger appealed for his account of Anaxagoras's "methodical point of departure" worth? Just and only as much as are Aristotle and Theophrastus. But whether they are right is, as I have said, another story. [conclusion p. 24]

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Anaxagoras Fr. 14 DK, 1974
By: Sider, David
Title Anaxagoras Fr. 14 DK
Type Article
Language English
Date 1974
Journal Hermes
Volume 102
Issue 2
Pages 365-367
Categories no categories
Author(s) Sider, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Note on Anaxagoras Fr. 14 DK

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Zur Methodik antiker Exegese, 1974
By: Dörrie, Heinrich
Title Zur Methodik antiker Exegese
Type Article
Language German
Date 1974
Journal Zeitschrift für die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der Älteren Kirche
Volume 65
Pages 121-138
Categories no categories
Author(s) Dörrie, Heinrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Der Artikel behandelt die Exegese antiker Texte und beginnt mit einem Fokus auf die Auslegung Homers. Die homerischen Epen wurden für mehr als 1000 Jahre als Quelle für Bildung und Literatur betrachtet und waren daher von großer Bedeutung für die antike Exegese. Obwohl sich die Sprache, die Werte und die mythologischen Überzeugungen von antiken Texten von der modernen Welt unterscheiden, blieben sie von Bedeutung. Die allegorische Auslegung Homers war ein Schlüsselthema, das später auch auf die christliche Exegese angewendet wurde. Die antike Exegese befasste sich nicht nur mit literarischen Werken, sondern auch mit Orakeln, Sprichwörtern und Riten. Die Methode der antiken Exegese wurde in Alexandrien von den Philologen auf wenige, einfache Fakten reduziert, aber im Allgemeinen blieb sie kontinuierlich und bestätigte das Bildungserbe, auf das sie zurückgriff. Die christliche Exegese wurde stark von der vorausgehenden antiken Exegese beeinflusst, insbesondere von der stoischen Exegese, die Werkzeuge zur Interpretation von Texten bereitstellte. Die Artikel erörtert die Kontinuität der Exegese im Laufe der Jahrhunderte und betont, dass antike Exegese ein Bildungserbe darstellt, das über Jahrhunderte hinweg bewahrt wurde. [introduction/conclusion]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1293","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1293,"authors_free":[{"id":1882,"entry_id":1293,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":69,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"D\u00f6rrie, Heinrich","free_first_name":"Heinrich","free_last_name":"D\u00f6rrie","norm_person":{"id":69,"first_name":"Heinrich ","last_name":"D\u00f6rrie","full_name":"D\u00f6rrie, Heinrich ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/118526375","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Zur Methodik antiker Exegese","main_title":{"title":"Zur Methodik antiker Exegese"},"abstract":"Der Artikel behandelt die Exegese antiker Texte und beginnt mit einem Fokus auf die Auslegung Homers. Die homerischen Epen wurden f\u00fcr mehr als 1000 Jahre als Quelle f\u00fcr Bildung und Literatur betrachtet und waren daher von gro\u00dfer Bedeutung f\u00fcr die antike Exegese. Obwohl sich die Sprache, die Werte und die mythologischen \u00dcberzeugungen von antiken Texten von der modernen Welt unterscheiden, blieben sie von Bedeutung. Die allegorische Auslegung Homers war ein Schl\u00fcsselthema, das sp\u00e4ter auch auf die christliche Exegese angewendet wurde. Die antike Exegese befasste sich nicht nur mit literarischen Werken, sondern auch mit Orakeln, Sprichw\u00f6rtern und Riten. Die Methode der antiken Exegese wurde in Alexandrien von den Philologen auf wenige, einfache Fakten reduziert, aber im Allgemeinen blieb sie kontinuierlich und best\u00e4tigte das Bildungserbe, auf das sie zur\u00fcckgriff. Die christliche Exegese wurde stark von der vorausgehenden antiken Exegese beeinflusst, insbesondere von der stoischen Exegese, die Werkzeuge zur Interpretation von Texten bereitstellte. Die Artikel er\u00f6rtert die Kontinuit\u00e4t der Exegese im Laufe der Jahrhunderte und betont, dass antike Exegese ein Bildungserbe darstellt, das \u00fcber Jahrhunderte hinweg bewahrt wurde. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":3,"date":"1974","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/pWm7MqqJ0rmmM7F","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":69,"full_name":"D\u00f6rrie, Heinrich ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1293,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Zeitschrift f\u00fcr die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der \u00c4lteren Kirche","volume":"65","issue":"","pages":"121-138"}},"sort":[1974]}

Did Iamblichus Write a Commentary on the De Anima?, 1974
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.
Title Did Iamblichus Write a Commentary on the De Anima?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1974
Journal Hermes
Volume 102
Issue 4
Pages 540–556
Categories no categories
Author(s) Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Bearing in mind the reservations already made, what conclusions can we draw? In the first place, it is fair to say that the evidence from Simplicius does, taken overall, suggest that Iamblichus did not write a commentary on the de Anima. Consideration of Stephanus' commentary on de Anima G points in the same direction, but it must not be forgotten that that commentary contains a reference to Iamblichus' that looks more like a quotation from a de Anima commentary than any other that we have. Philoponus is less helpful, as are other members of the Alexandrian school. He certainly gives no positive indication that Iamblichus wrote a commentary, but for the reasons that we have given, the lack of such positive evidence in his case does not amount to anything like conclusive negative evidence. We cannot entirely rule out the possibility that Iamblichus did write a commentary, either on the de Anima as a whole, or on some extended part of it, but it seems probably that he did not. If he did it would certainly be fair to say that his commentary was probably of no great importance. Discussions of isolated texts of Aristotle are another matter: they are only to be expected in the work of any Neoplatonist. [conclusion, p. 556]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"569","_score":null,"_source":{"id":569,"authors_free":[{"id":808,"entry_id":569,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Did Iamblichus Write a Commentary on the De Anima?","main_title":{"title":"Did Iamblichus Write a Commentary on the De Anima?"},"abstract":"Bearing in mind the reservations already made, what conclusions can we draw? In the first place, it is fair to say that the evidence from Simplicius does, taken overall, suggest that Iamblichus did not write a commentary on the de Anima. Consideration of Stephanus' commentary on de Anima G points in the same direction, but it must not be forgotten that that commentary contains \r\na reference to Iamblichus' that looks more like a quotation from a de Anima commentary than any other that we have. Philoponus is less helpful, as are other members of the Alexandrian school. He certainly gives no positive indication that Iamblichus wrote a commentary, but for the reasons that we have given, the lack of such positive evidence in his case does not amount to \r\nanything like conclusive negative evidence. We cannot entirely rule out the possibility that Iamblichus did write a commentary, either on the de Anima as a whole, or on some extended part of it, but it seems probably that he did \r\nnot. If he did it would certainly be fair to say that his commentary was probably of no great importance. Discussions of isolated texts of Aristotle are another matter: they are only to be expected in the work of any Neoplatonist. [conclusion, p. 556]","btype":3,"date":"1974","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/sl42R04H6zbpEIJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":569,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"102","issue":"4","pages":"540\u2013556"}},"sort":[1974]}

Antisthenes Fg. 50B (Caizzi): A Possible Section of περί τῆς ’Αληθείας, 1973
By: Rankin, Herbert David
Title Antisthenes Fg. 50B (Caizzi): A Possible Section of περί τῆς ’Αληθείας
Type Article
Language English
Date 1973
Journal L'Antiquité Classique
Volume 42
Issue 1
Pages 178-180
Categories no categories
Author(s) Rankin, Herbert David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This passage (Simplicii in Categoriarum c. 8 [Arist. p. ]) is placed by Caizzi among a group of passages of epistemological interest but not clearly attributable to any of the works which Antisthenes is said to have composed. Its argument is characteristic enough, being one of the representations of Antisthenes' opposition to Plato's eîdē, and an assertion of his view that the concrete phenomenal object is the starting point of our capability of knowledge, which in his view is probably limited by the restrictions placed upon us by the narrow capacity of our language with regard to logical discourse. The purpose of this article is to consider whether a part of this passage is a quotation from Antisthenes' own writings and to suggest a possible place for it in one of the works with which he is credited. [introduction p. 178]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"861","_score":null,"_source":{"id":861,"authors_free":[{"id":1265,"entry_id":861,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":296,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Rankin, Herbert David","free_first_name":"Herbert David","free_last_name":"Rankin","norm_person":{"id":296,"first_name":"Herbert David","last_name":"Rankin","full_name":"Rankin, Herbert David","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1058155474","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Antisthenes Fg. 50B (Caizzi): A Possible Section of \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u2019\u0391\u03bb\u03b7\u03b8\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03c2","main_title":{"title":"Antisthenes Fg. 50B (Caizzi): A Possible Section of \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u2019\u0391\u03bb\u03b7\u03b8\u03b5\u03af\u03b1\u03c2"},"abstract":"This passage (Simplicii in Categoriarum c. 8 [Arist. p. ]) is placed by Caizzi among a group of passages of epistemological interest but not clearly attributable to any of the works which Antisthenes is said to have composed. Its argument is characteristic enough, being one of the representations of Antisthenes' opposition to Plato's e\u00eed\u0113, and an assertion of his view that the concrete phenomenal object is the starting point of our capability of knowledge, which in his view is probably limited by the restrictions placed upon us by the narrow capacity of our language with regard to logical discourse.\r\n\r\nThe purpose of this article is to consider whether a part of this passage is a quotation from Antisthenes' own writings and to suggest a possible place for it in one of the works with which he is credited. [introduction p. 178]","btype":3,"date":"1973","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/a36SykFCN2qyzot","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":296,"full_name":"Rankin, Herbert David","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":861,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"L'Antiquit\u00e9 Classique","volume":"42","issue":"1","pages":"178-180"}},"sort":[1973]}

Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists, 1972
By: Edmunds, Lowell
Title Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists
Type Article
Language English
Date 1972
Journal Phoenix
Volume 26
Issue 4
Pages 342-357
Categories no categories
Author(s) Edmunds, Lowell
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In sum, the position of Democritus is decidedly against tyche (chance), and tyche is regarded as a subjective phenomenon. "Men have fashioned an image of Chance as an excuse for their own stupidity. For Chance rarely conflicts with Intelligence, and most things in life can be set in order by an intelligent sharp-sightedness." There remains only one noteworthy fragment that mentions chance: "Daring is the beginning of action, but chance is responsible for the end." Since this fragment contradicts everything else Democritus says about chance, and since the form of Stobaeus' quotation obscures the reference of these words, we are entitled to ask whether we should think of this as Democritus' view of chance in general, or whether he was referring to persons who, contrary to the advice of his other sententiae on chance, relied on moderation and committed themselves to overreaching and tychistic projects. The note of moral exhortation suggests that man has a free choice between alternative ways of life, and thus that he is not in the grip of the original necessity which created the cosmos and him and endowed him with the arts. From the ethical point of view, man seems to emerge as an island of freedom—a floating island, perhaps, in a sea of necessity. If so, then Democritus' system is either dualistic or self-contradictory. However, the example of chance in the ethical thought of Democritus has shown how freedom, if it has any place at all in Democritus' system, should be understood. Man is free to trust to luck through willful disregard for or ignorance of the laws of nature, given by necessity. But he is powerless to change the facts of necessity, and from this point of view, his freedom is an illusion, like the appearance of color. His freedom is merely subjective and of infinite unconcern to the rest of the universe. The atomic theory, which accounted so well for the various appearances of the same phenomena to various people—tragedies and comedies are composed of the same alphabet—also accounted for a specious freedom. [conclusion p. 356-357]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"753","_score":null,"_source":{"id":753,"authors_free":[{"id":1118,"entry_id":753,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":80,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Edmunds, Lowell","free_first_name":"Lowell","free_last_name":"Edmunds","norm_person":{"id":80,"first_name":"Lowell","last_name":"Edmunds","full_name":"Edmunds, Lowell","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116147319X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists","main_title":{"title":"Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists"},"abstract":"In sum, the position of Democritus is decidedly against tyche (chance), and tyche is regarded as a subjective phenomenon. \"Men have fashioned an image of Chance as an excuse for their own stupidity. For Chance rarely conflicts with Intelligence, and most things in life can be set in order by an intelligent sharp-sightedness.\" There remains only one noteworthy fragment that mentions chance: \"Daring is the beginning of action, but chance is responsible for the end.\" Since this fragment contradicts everything else Democritus says about chance, and since the form of Stobaeus' quotation obscures the reference of these words, we are entitled to ask whether we should think of this as Democritus' view of chance in general, or whether he was referring to persons who, contrary to the advice of his other sententiae on chance, relied on moderation and committed themselves to overreaching and tychistic projects.\r\n\r\nThe note of moral exhortation suggests that man has a free choice between alternative ways of life, and thus that he is not in the grip of the original necessity which created the cosmos and him and endowed him with the arts. From the ethical point of view, man seems to emerge as an island of freedom\u2014a floating island, perhaps, in a sea of necessity. If so, then Democritus' system is either dualistic or self-contradictory.\r\n\r\nHowever, the example of chance in the ethical thought of Democritus has shown how freedom, if it has any place at all in Democritus' system, should be understood. Man is free to trust to luck through willful disregard for or ignorance of the laws of nature, given by necessity. But he is powerless to change the facts of necessity, and from this point of view, his freedom is an illusion, like the appearance of color. His freedom is merely subjective and of infinite unconcern to the rest of the universe.\r\n\r\nThe atomic theory, which accounted so well for the various appearances of the same phenomena to various people\u2014tragedies and comedies are composed of the same alphabet\u2014also accounted for a specious freedom. [conclusion p. 356-357]","btype":3,"date":"1972","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NNiKvwijO2dtwFP","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":80,"full_name":"Edmunds, Lowell","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":753,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phoenix","volume":"26","issue":"4","pages":"342-357"}},"sort":[1972]}

Priscianus Lydus en de "In De Anima" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius, 1972
By: Bossier, Fernand, Steel, Carlos
Title Priscianus Lydus en de "In De Anima" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius
Type Article
Language Dutch
Date 1972
Journal Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume 34
Issue 4
Pages 761-822
Categories no categories
Author(s) Bossier, Fernand , Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Dans cet article, nous avons essayé d'examiner la valeur de l'attribution traditionnelle du commentaire In De Anima à Simplicius. En comparant ce traité aux grands commentaires de Simplicius (sur les Catégories, la Physique et le De Caelo d'Aristote), nous avons en effet été frappés par les divergences de style et de langue, ainsi que par la différente manière de commenter. Dans la première partie, nous démontrons que l'auteur de In D.A. a également écrit la Metaphrasis in Theophrastum, qui nous a été transmise sous le nom de Priscien le Lydien. 1° Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie à une de ses œuvres, qu'il appelle Epitomé de la Physique de Théophraste. En réalité, cette référence se rapporte à un passage de la Metaphrase de Priscien, où la même problématique est exposée dans des termes identiques. 2° Une comparaison détaillée portant sur l'ensemble des deux œuvres nous révèle une telle ressemblance de style et de pensée – il y a même des phrases à peu près identiques – qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer que par l'hypothèse de l'identité de l'auteur. Dans la deuxième partie, nous essayons d'identifier l'auteur de ces deux œuvres qui, pourtant, nous ont été transmises sous deux noms différents. L'étude de la tradition directe et indirecte n'apporte guère de solution, puisque l'attribution des deux textes, l'un à Simplicius, l'autre à Priscien, y paraît très solide. Ce n'est donc que par une critique interne de In D.A., notamment par la confrontation avec les commentaires de Simplicius, dont l'attribution est certaine, que la question pourra être tranchée. 1° Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie trois fois à son commentaire sur la Physique. Pourtant, il est bien difficile de retrouver dans le grand commentaire de Simplicius trois passages dont le contenu et surtout le vocabulaire prouvent que l'auteur s'y réfère. 2° Dans In D.A., on ne retrouve pas les traits caractéristiques de la méthode de commentaire de Simplicius, ni l'approche du texte par la documentation historique, ni les longues discussions avec les exégètes antérieurs, ni l'exposé prolixe et bien structuré. D'autre part, aucun des commentaires de Simplicius ne témoigne de la phraséologie tortueuse de notre œuvre, ni de ses formules stéréotypées. 3° La différence doctrinale est encore plus importante. Nulle part chez Simplicius n'apparaît la théorie de l'âme comme epistêmê, qui est si fondamentale dans In D.A. (epistêmê y est un concept-clé). Les rares digressions de In D.A. à propos de questions physiques et logiques ne correspondent pas aux exposés de Simplicius sur les mêmes problèmes. Ainsi, nous avons confronté la doctrine de la physis, de l'âme et de son automotion, et enfin le rapport entre le genre et les différences constitutives et diérétiques. De tout cela se dégage une telle divergence entre In D.A. et les autres commentaires qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer par une évolution chez Simplicius lui-même. In D.A. lui est donc faussement attribué ; et puisque nous avons établi que ce commentaire est du même auteur que la Metaphrase, nous pouvons conclure qu'il a été vraisemblablement écrit par Priscien le Lydien, un philosophe néoplatonicien dont nous savons seulement qu'il a accompagné Damascius et Simplicius en exil en exil en Perse. [author's abstract]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1077","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1077,"authors_free":[{"id":1632,"entry_id":1077,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":12,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bossier, Fernand","free_first_name":"Fernand","free_last_name":"Bossier","norm_person":{"id":12,"first_name":"Fernand ","last_name":"Bossier","full_name":"Bossier, Fernand ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1017981663","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}},{"id":1633,"entry_id":1077,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Priscianus Lydus en de \"In De Anima\" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Priscianus Lydus en de \"In De Anima\" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius"},"abstract":"Dans cet article, nous avons essay\u00e9 d'examiner la valeur de l'attribution traditionnelle du commentaire In De Anima \u00e0 Simplicius. En comparant ce trait\u00e9 aux grands commentaires de Simplicius (sur les Cat\u00e9gories, la Physique et le De Caelo d'Aristote), nous avons en effet \u00e9t\u00e9 frapp\u00e9s par les divergences de style et de langue, ainsi que par la diff\u00e9rente mani\u00e8re de commenter.\r\n\r\nDans la premi\u00e8re partie, nous d\u00e9montrons que l'auteur de In D.A. a \u00e9galement \u00e9crit la Metaphrasis in Theophrastum, qui nous a \u00e9t\u00e9 transmise sous le nom de Priscien le Lydien.\r\n1\u00b0 Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie \u00e0 une de ses \u0153uvres, qu'il appelle Epitom\u00e9 de la Physique de Th\u00e9ophraste. En r\u00e9alit\u00e9, cette r\u00e9f\u00e9rence se rapporte \u00e0 un passage de la Metaphrase de Priscien, o\u00f9 la m\u00eame probl\u00e9matique est expos\u00e9e dans des termes identiques.\r\n2\u00b0 Une comparaison d\u00e9taill\u00e9e portant sur l'ensemble des deux \u0153uvres nous r\u00e9v\u00e8le une telle ressemblance de style et de pens\u00e9e \u2013 il y a m\u00eame des phrases \u00e0 peu pr\u00e8s identiques \u2013 qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer que par l'hypoth\u00e8se de l'identit\u00e9 de l'auteur.\r\n\r\nDans la deuxi\u00e8me partie, nous essayons d'identifier l'auteur de ces deux \u0153uvres qui, pourtant, nous ont \u00e9t\u00e9 transmises sous deux noms diff\u00e9rents. L'\u00e9tude de la tradition directe et indirecte n'apporte gu\u00e8re de solution, puisque l'attribution des deux textes, l'un \u00e0 Simplicius, l'autre \u00e0 Priscien, y para\u00eet tr\u00e8s solide. Ce n'est donc que par une critique interne de In D.A., notamment par la confrontation avec les commentaires de Simplicius, dont l'attribution est certaine, que la question pourra \u00eatre tranch\u00e9e.\r\n1\u00b0 Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie trois fois \u00e0 son commentaire sur la Physique. Pourtant, il est bien difficile de retrouver dans le grand commentaire de Simplicius trois passages dont le contenu et surtout le vocabulaire prouvent que l'auteur s'y r\u00e9f\u00e8re.\r\n2\u00b0 Dans In D.A., on ne retrouve pas les traits caract\u00e9ristiques de la m\u00e9thode de commentaire de Simplicius, ni l'approche du texte par la documentation historique, ni les longues discussions avec les ex\u00e9g\u00e8tes ant\u00e9rieurs, ni l'expos\u00e9 prolixe et bien structur\u00e9. D'autre part, aucun des commentaires de Simplicius ne t\u00e9moigne de la phras\u00e9ologie tortueuse de notre \u0153uvre, ni de ses formules st\u00e9r\u00e9otyp\u00e9es.\r\n3\u00b0 La diff\u00e9rence doctrinale est encore plus importante. Nulle part chez Simplicius n'appara\u00eet la th\u00e9orie de l'\u00e2me comme epist\u00eam\u00ea, qui est si fondamentale dans In D.A. (epist\u00eam\u00ea y est un concept-cl\u00e9). Les rares digressions de In D.A. \u00e0 propos de questions physiques et logiques ne correspondent pas aux expos\u00e9s de Simplicius sur les m\u00eames probl\u00e8mes.\r\n\r\nAinsi, nous avons confront\u00e9 la doctrine de la physis, de l'\u00e2me et de son automotion, et enfin le rapport entre le genre et les diff\u00e9rences constitutives et di\u00e9r\u00e9tiques. De tout cela se d\u00e9gage une telle divergence entre In D.A. et les autres commentaires qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer par une \u00e9volution chez Simplicius lui-m\u00eame. In D.A. lui est donc faussement attribu\u00e9 ; et puisque nous avons \u00e9tabli que ce commentaire est du m\u00eame auteur que la Metaphrase, nous pouvons conclure qu'il a \u00e9t\u00e9 vraisemblablement \u00e9crit par Priscien le Lydien, un philosophe n\u00e9oplatonicien dont nous savons seulement qu'il a accompagn\u00e9 Damascius et Simplicius en exil en exil en Perse. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1972","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/r917awdAL4tkrdc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":12,"full_name":"Bossier, Fernand ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1077,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Tijdschrift voor Filosofie","volume":"34","issue":"4","pages":"761-822"}},"sort":[1972]}

The Nature of Zeno's Argument against Plurality in DK 29 B 1, 1972
By: Abraham, William E.
Title The Nature of Zeno's Argument against Plurality in DK 29 B 1
Type Article
Language English
Date 1972
Journal Phronesis
Volume 17
Issue 1
Pages 40-52
Categories no categories
Author(s) Abraham, William E.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Simplicius has preserved (Phys. 140, 34) a Zenonian argument purporting to show that if an object of positive magnitude has parts from which it derives its size, then any such object must be at once of infinite magnitude and zero magnitude. This surprising consequence is based upon a construction which Zeno makes, but his argument is widely thought to be grossly fallacious. Most often he is supposed to have misunderstood the arithmetic of his own construction. Evidently, any such charge must be premised on some view of the particular nature of the sequence to which Zeno's construction gives rise. I seek to develop a view that Zeno's argument is in fact free from fallacy, and offer reason to fear that his real argument has usually been missed. [p. 40]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"780","_score":null,"_source":{"id":780,"authors_free":[{"id":1145,"entry_id":780,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":3,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Abraham, William E.","free_first_name":"William E.","free_last_name":"Abraham","norm_person":{"id":3,"first_name":"William E.","last_name":"Abraham","full_name":"Abraham, William E.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1120967007","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Nature of Zeno's Argument against Plurality in DK 29 B 1","main_title":{"title":"The Nature of Zeno's Argument against Plurality in DK 29 B 1"},"abstract":"Simplicius has preserved (Phys. 140, 34) a Zenonian argument purporting to show that if an object of positive magnitude has parts from \r\nwhich it derives its size, then any such object must be at once of \r\ninfinite magnitude and zero magnitude. This surprising consequence \r\nis based upon a construction which Zeno makes, but his argument is \r\nwidely thought to be grossly fallacious. Most often he is supposed to \r\nhave misunderstood the arithmetic of his own construction. Evidently, \r\nany such charge must be premised on some view of the particular \r\nnature of the sequence to which Zeno's construction gives rise. I seek \r\nto develop a view that Zeno's argument is in fact free from fallacy, \r\nand offer reason to fear that his real argument has usually been missed. [p. 40]","btype":3,"date":"1972","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/QHBs8Wv701RyPQh","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":3,"full_name":"Abraham, William E.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":780,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"17","issue":"1","pages":"40-52"}},"sort":[1972]}

Poion and Poiotes in Stoic Philosophy, 1972
By: Reesor, Margaret E.
Title Poion and Poiotes in Stoic Philosophy
Type Article
Language English
Date 1972
Journal Phronesis
Volume 17
Issue 3
Pages 279-285
Categories no categories
Author(s) Reesor, Margaret E.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The second category, poia, is the most puzzling of the four Stoic categories. The general term poion (qualified) included the koinos poion (generically qualified) and the idios poion (individually qualified), but the relationship between these two concepts is by no means clear. It is even more difficult to see how they were connected with the idia poiotes (particular quality) and the koine poiotis (common quality). In order to explain how the four terms were related, I shall undertake in this paper as thorough an investigation as possible of a diaeresis described by Boethius in his Commentary on Aristotle's De Interpretatione. Boethius outlines a diaeresis of possible and necessary propositions in Stoic philosophy. He writes: "They (the Stoics) divide propositions in this way: of propositions, they say, some are possible, others impossible; of the possible, some are necessary, others non-necessary; again, of the non-necessary, some are possible and others impossible, foolishly and recklessly deciding that the possible is both a genus and a species of the non-necessary." In the chart below, I have reconstructed this diaeresis, using the definitions of the terms and the examples given by Diogenes Laertius. [introduction p. 279]

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Epitêdeiolês in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis, 1972
By: Todd, R. B.
Title Epitêdeiolês in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis
Type Article
Language undefined
Date 1972
Journal Acta Classica
Volume 15
Pages 25-35
Categories no categories
Author(s) Todd, R. B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

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The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined, 1971
By: Solmsen, Friedrich
Title The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined
Type Article
Language English
Date 1971
Journal Phronesis
Volume 16
Issue 2
Pages 116-141
Categories no categories
Author(s) Solmsen, Friedrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This paper makes no attempt to compete with the brilliant studies through which, in the last thirty years, several scholars have advanced our understanding of the evidence for Zeno of Elea, and in particular of the verbatim preserved fragments. In fact, my intention is not to replace theories with other theories but to create doubt about matters that, for some time, have been taken for granted, and to change confident assumptions into hypotheses that would tolerate others alongside them. Accounts of Zeno's philosophy generally take as their starting point some well-known statements at the beginning of Plato's Parmenides. Given the paucity of reports bearing on his work as a whole, the information here vouchsafed about its content and purpose must seem priceless. It also seems authoritative, the idea of examining it critically almost sacrilegious. Zeno, we read here, wrote against those who ridiculed the thesis of his master Parmenides that "all is one." The opponents tried to discredit this thesis by pointing out contradictions and "ridiculous" consequences resulting from the Parmenidean "One." In return, Zeno took the adversaries' position that "there are many" as the basis for his reasoning, deducing from it, in each of his arguments, contradictions and other results even more "ridiculous" than what the opponents had found in Parmenides' theory. It is easy to see why this testimony is so irresistible. Plato himself distinguishes between what is certain and what allows doubt and more than one explanation. Doubt is possible about certain accidental aspects (tôn symbebêkotôn ti, Zeno says, 128c5 ff.), i.e., whether the ultimate convergence of the two treatises was meant to be obvious or to be concealed from the reader, and also whether Zeno was anxious to build up a philosophical stature for himself or merely to help Parmenides against the detractors. Yet, precisely because doubt is allowed on such items of secondary importance, the far more important statements concerning the subject matter, the method, and the objectives of Zeno's treatise seem immune to attack. Scholars writing on Zeno have usually accepted Plato's testimony as a matter of course or with the most perfunctory justification. A few have given reasons why the testimony deserves confidence, and no reason could be more attractive than the sensitive comments of Hermann Fränkel about Plato as being, by his own individuality and temperament, exceptionally qualified to appreciate the peculiar, rather wanton humor that Fränkel has found lurking in Zeno's sallies. I should be loath to disagree with this argument, even if it did not form part of what Gregory Vlastos has justly called "easily the most important philological monograph published on the subject in several decades." Still, I am not the first to question the element of wantonness and trickery in Zeno's proofs, and even if it were granted, one might wonder whether Plato's own humor is not normally more gentle and urbane (asteion)—the exuberance of the "youthful" Protagoras being an exception—and whether even a congenial sense of humor would guarantee the correct understanding of a philosophical endeavor. But it is perhaps more profitable to develop Fränkel's doubts "as to how much Plato, or his readers for that matter, would be interested in problems of mere historicity." For these doubts apply even farther than Fränkel may be inclined to think. Would Plato really wish to make sure that his readers had a correct knowledge of what Zeno's treatise intended and achieved? Had he carefully and with something approaching philological accuracy worked his way through all the ὑποθέσεις in the treatise and found out to his satisfaction what purpose they served? Does he now, to communicate this discovery to the readers, use the dramatic device of making Socrates ask whether his interpretation is correct and Zeno confirm that in substance it is? Why, anyhow, must this be more, or much more, than a dramatic device—especially if the device has a bearing on the later developments in the dialogue? [introduction p. 116-118]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1016","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1016,"authors_free":[{"id":1532,"entry_id":1016,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":316,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","free_first_name":"Friedrich","free_last_name":"Solmsen","norm_person":{"id":316,"first_name":"Friedrich","last_name":"Solmsen","full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117754641","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined","main_title":{"title":"The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined"},"abstract":"This paper makes no attempt to compete with the brilliant studies through which, in the last thirty years, several scholars have advanced our understanding of the evidence for Zeno of Elea, and in particular of the verbatim preserved fragments. In fact, my intention is not to replace theories with other theories but to create doubt about matters that, for some time, have been taken for granted, and to change confident assumptions into hypotheses that would tolerate others alongside them.\r\nAccounts of Zeno's philosophy generally take as their starting point some well-known statements at the beginning of Plato's Parmenides. Given the paucity of reports bearing on his work as a whole, the information here vouchsafed about its content and purpose must seem priceless. It also seems authoritative, the idea of examining it critically almost sacrilegious. Zeno, we read here, wrote against those who ridiculed the thesis of his master Parmenides that \"all is one.\" The opponents tried to discredit this thesis by pointing out contradictions and \"ridiculous\" consequences resulting from the Parmenidean \"One.\" In return, Zeno took the adversaries' position that \"there are many\" as the basis for his reasoning, deducing from it, in each of his arguments, contradictions and other results even more \"ridiculous\" than what the opponents had found in Parmenides' theory.\r\nIt is easy to see why this testimony is so irresistible. Plato himself distinguishes between what is certain and what allows doubt and more than one explanation. Doubt is possible about certain accidental aspects (t\u00f4n symbeb\u00eakot\u00f4n ti, Zeno says, 128c5 ff.), i.e., whether the ultimate convergence of the two treatises was meant to be obvious or to be concealed from the reader, and also whether Zeno was anxious to build up a philosophical stature for himself or merely to help Parmenides against the detractors. Yet, precisely because doubt is allowed on such items of secondary importance, the far more important statements concerning the subject matter, the method, and the objectives of Zeno's treatise seem immune to attack.\r\nScholars writing on Zeno have usually accepted Plato's testimony as a matter of course or with the most perfunctory justification. A few have given reasons why the testimony deserves confidence, and no reason could be more attractive than the sensitive comments of Hermann Fr\u00e4nkel about Plato as being, by his own individuality and temperament, exceptionally qualified to appreciate the peculiar, rather wanton humor that Fr\u00e4nkel has found lurking in Zeno's sallies. I should be loath to disagree with this argument, even if it did not form part of what Gregory Vlastos has justly called \"easily the most important philological monograph published on the subject in several decades.\" Still, I am not the first to question the element of wantonness and trickery in Zeno's proofs, and even if it were granted, one might wonder whether Plato's own humor is not normally more gentle and urbane (asteion)\u2014the exuberance of the \"youthful\" Protagoras being an exception\u2014and whether even a congenial sense of humor would guarantee the correct understanding of a philosophical endeavor.\r\nBut it is perhaps more profitable to develop Fr\u00e4nkel's doubts \"as to how much Plato, or his readers for that matter, would be interested in problems of mere historicity.\" For these doubts apply even farther than Fr\u00e4nkel may be inclined to think. Would Plato really wish to make sure that his readers had a correct knowledge of what Zeno's treatise intended and achieved? Had he carefully and with something approaching philological accuracy worked his way through all the \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03b8\u03ad\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 in the treatise and found out to his satisfaction what purpose they served? Does he now, to communicate this discovery to the readers, use the dramatic device of making Socrates ask whether his interpretation is correct and Zeno confirm that in substance it is? Why, anyhow, must this be more, or much more, than a dramatic device\u2014especially if the device has a bearing on the later developments in the dialogue? [introduction p. 116-118]","btype":3,"date":"1971","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6pPpfWHeO2IY3ri","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":316,"full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1016,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"16","issue":"2","pages":"116-141"}},"sort":[1971]}

ΟΜΟΥ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΑ ΠΑΝΤΑ ΗΝ, 1971
By: Rösler, Wolfgang
Title ΟΜΟΥ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΑ ΠΑΝΤΑ ΗΝ
Type Article
Language German
Date 1971
Journal Hermes
Volume 99
Issue 2
Pages 246-248
Categories no categories
Author(s) Rösler, Wolfgang
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Wie alle umfangreicheren Fragmente der Abhandlung Περί φύσεως des Anaxagoras ist auch Fragment 1 (VS 59 B 1) durch den Kommentar des Simplikios zur aristotelischen Physik überliefert. Simplikios hatte die Möglichkeit, ein Exemplar der Schrift des ionischen Philosophen zu benutzen. In seiner ganzen Länge erscheint das Fragment, dessen Stellung am Anfang des Buches ausdrücklich bezeugt ist, nur einmal (155, 26); daneben gibt es weitere Passagen, in denen lediglich der einleitende Satz bzw. dessen Beginn zitiert wird. Ein Überblick zeigt, dass zwischen den einzelnen Zitaten Unterschiede in der Wortstellung bestehen. Deshalb soll im Folgenden der Versuch unternommen werden, die ursprüngliche Anordnung in der Textvorlage des Simplikios zu rekonstruieren. Bekanntlich wird der Anfang der Schrift des Anaxagoras seit Platon in der griechischen Literatur häufig zitiert. Untersucht man jedoch die entsprechenden Stellen – mit Ausnahme derer bei Simplikios – auf ihren Wert als Zeugen für den genauen Wortlaut des Anaxagoras-Textes, so zeigt sich ihre Bedeutungslosigkeit rasch. Platon und Aristoteles zitieren nicht direkt aus dem Buch des Anaxagoras, was auch ihrer sonst geübten Praxis bei der Wiedergabe fremder Meinungen widerspräche, sondern paraphrasieren frei nach dem Gedächtnis. Die beiden Zitate bei Platon bieten zwar eine einheitliche Wortstellung (ὁμοῦ πάντα χρήματα), doch fehlt jeweils ἦν. In einem Fall (Gorg. 465d) sind die Worte des Anaxagoras sogar völlig in die betreffende Satzkonstruktion eingegangen. Letzteres trifft auch auf viele der Zitate bei Aristoteles zu, die im Übrigen Unterschiede in der Wortfolge zeigen und häufig unvollständig sind. Wie bei Platon umfassen auch die Zitate bei Aristoteles lediglich den unmittelbaren Beginn des Einleitungssatzes. Nur einmal (Met. 1056b 29) erscheint auch der folgende Satzabschnitt (bis πλῆθος καὶ σμικρότης, wobei diese beiden Substantive bei Aristoteles allerdings im Dativ stehen). Auch dieses Zitat besteht jedoch nur aus insgesamt neun Wörtern und konnte daher leicht aus dem Gedächtnis niedergeschrieben werden. Noch geringeren Quellenwert haben die Zitate bei späteren Autoren, da diese ihre Kenntnis Platon, Aristoteles oder einer ihrerseits aus zweiter Hand schöpfenden doxographischen Vorlage verdankten oder die Einleitungsworte des Anaxagoras, die im Laufe der Zeit regelrecht zur παροιμία wurden, überhaupt nur vom Hörensagen kannten. In der Wortstellung treten fast alle denkbaren Variationen auf, kein Zitat reicht über den unmittelbaren Anfang der Schrift Περί φύσεως hinaus. Als Grundlage der Rekonstruktion bleiben somit nur die Passagen bei Simplikios. Wie eingangs bemerkt, wird Fragment 1 im Physik-Kommentar nur an einer Stelle (155, 26) in seiner Gesamtheit zitiert, während die übrigen Zitate nur den Anfang wiedergeben; im günstigsten Fall reichen sie (wie schon bei Aristoteles) bis σμικρότης. Nun bietet 155, 26 eine Wortstellung, die nur bei Simplikios und im Physik-Kommentar nur hier begegnet, nämlich ὁμοῦ χρήματα πάντα ἦν. Angesichts der Isoliertheit dieser Version trugen H. Diels und W. Kranz, die Herausgeber der Vorsokratiker-Fragmente, keine Bedenken, sich an dieser Stelle über die Überlieferung hinwegzusetzen und für χρήματα πάντα die seit Platon häufig vorkommende Wortfolge πάντα χρήματα in den Text aufzunehmen, die im Übrigen auch in den Kurzzitaten bei Simplikios die Regel ist. Dennoch ist nicht daran zu zweifeln, dass der Anfang der Schrift des Anaxagoras gerade in 155, 26 richtig wiedergegeben ist. Denn nur hier im Physik-Kommentar zitiert Simplikios nachweislich unmittelbar aus seinem Anaxagoras-Text, den er für die übrigen Zitate ihrer Kürze wegen nicht eigens einsah. Dass er in diesen Fällen die geläufige, freilich unkorrekte Wortfolge übernahm, kann nicht verwundern, zumal sie auch in der von ihm kommentierten Schrift des Aristoteles erschien. Diese Auswertung der Zitate von Fragment 1 im Physik-Kommentar des Simplikios wird dadurch gesichert, dass in einer anderen Abhandlung desselben Autors, im Kommentar zu Aristoteles' De caelo (608, 21), ein zweites Mal der Anfang der Schrift Περί φύσεως in der Version ὁμοῦ χρήματα πάντα ἦν zitiert wird. Entscheidend ist, dass es sich auch in diesem Fall um ein so langes Zitat handelt (bis σμικρότης), dass Simplikios dafür eigens im Anaxagoras-Text nachschlagen musste. [the entire text]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"774","_score":null,"_source":{"id":774,"authors_free":[{"id":1138,"entry_id":774,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":383,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"R\u00f6sler, Wolfgang","free_first_name":"Wolfgang","free_last_name":"R\u00f6sler","norm_person":{"id":383,"first_name":"Wolfgang","last_name":"R\u00f6sler","full_name":"R\u00f6sler, Wolfgang","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/133199266","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"\u039f\u039c\u039f\u03a5 \u03a7\u03a1\u0397\u039c\u0391\u03a4\u0391 \u03a0\u0391\u039d\u03a4\u0391 \u0397\u039d","main_title":{"title":"\u039f\u039c\u039f\u03a5 \u03a7\u03a1\u0397\u039c\u0391\u03a4\u0391 \u03a0\u0391\u039d\u03a4\u0391 \u0397\u039d"},"abstract":"Wie alle umfangreicheren Fragmente der Abhandlung \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 des Anaxagoras ist auch Fragment 1 (VS 59 B 1) durch den Kommentar des Simplikios zur aristotelischen Physik \u00fcberliefert. Simplikios hatte die M\u00f6glichkeit, ein Exemplar der Schrift des ionischen Philosophen zu benutzen. In seiner ganzen L\u00e4nge erscheint das Fragment, dessen Stellung am Anfang des Buches ausdr\u00fccklich bezeugt ist, nur einmal (155, 26); daneben gibt es weitere Passagen, in denen lediglich der einleitende Satz bzw. dessen Beginn zitiert wird.\r\n\r\nEin \u00dcberblick zeigt, dass zwischen den einzelnen Zitaten Unterschiede in der Wortstellung bestehen. Deshalb soll im Folgenden der Versuch unternommen werden, die urspr\u00fcngliche Anordnung in der Textvorlage des Simplikios zu rekonstruieren.\r\n\r\nBekanntlich wird der Anfang der Schrift des Anaxagoras seit Platon in der griechischen Literatur h\u00e4ufig zitiert. Untersucht man jedoch die entsprechenden Stellen \u2013 mit Ausnahme derer bei Simplikios \u2013 auf ihren Wert als Zeugen f\u00fcr den genauen Wortlaut des Anaxagoras-Textes, so zeigt sich ihre Bedeutungslosigkeit rasch. Platon und Aristoteles zitieren nicht direkt aus dem Buch des Anaxagoras, was auch ihrer sonst ge\u00fcbten Praxis bei der Wiedergabe fremder Meinungen widerspr\u00e4che, sondern paraphrasieren frei nach dem Ged\u00e4chtnis.\r\n\r\nDie beiden Zitate bei Platon bieten zwar eine einheitliche Wortstellung (\u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1), doch fehlt jeweils \u1f26\u03bd. In einem Fall (Gorg. 465d) sind die Worte des Anaxagoras sogar v\u00f6llig in die betreffende Satzkonstruktion eingegangen. Letzteres trifft auch auf viele der Zitate bei Aristoteles zu, die im \u00dcbrigen Unterschiede in der Wortfolge zeigen und h\u00e4ufig unvollst\u00e4ndig sind. Wie bei Platon umfassen auch die Zitate bei Aristoteles lediglich den unmittelbaren Beginn des Einleitungssatzes. Nur einmal (Met. 1056b 29) erscheint auch der folgende Satzabschnitt (bis \u03c0\u03bb\u1fc6\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c3\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2, wobei diese beiden Substantive bei Aristoteles allerdings im Dativ stehen). Auch dieses Zitat besteht jedoch nur aus insgesamt neun W\u00f6rtern und konnte daher leicht aus dem Ged\u00e4chtnis niedergeschrieben werden.\r\n\r\nNoch geringeren Quellenwert haben die Zitate bei sp\u00e4teren Autoren, da diese ihre Kenntnis Platon, Aristoteles oder einer ihrerseits aus zweiter Hand sch\u00f6pfenden doxographischen Vorlage verdankten oder die Einleitungsworte des Anaxagoras, die im Laufe der Zeit regelrecht zur \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u03bc\u03af\u03b1 wurden, \u00fcberhaupt nur vom H\u00f6rensagen kannten. In der Wortstellung treten fast alle denkbaren Variationen auf, kein Zitat reicht \u00fcber den unmittelbaren Anfang der Schrift \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 hinaus.\r\n\r\nAls Grundlage der Rekonstruktion bleiben somit nur die Passagen bei Simplikios. Wie eingangs bemerkt, wird Fragment 1 im Physik-Kommentar nur an einer Stelle (155, 26) in seiner Gesamtheit zitiert, w\u00e4hrend die \u00fcbrigen Zitate nur den Anfang wiedergeben; im g\u00fcnstigsten Fall reichen sie (wie schon bei Aristoteles) bis \u03c3\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2. Nun bietet 155, 26 eine Wortstellung, die nur bei Simplikios und im Physik-Kommentar nur hier begegnet, n\u00e4mlich \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f26\u03bd.\r\n\r\nAngesichts der Isoliertheit dieser Version trugen H. Diels und W. Kranz, die Herausgeber der Vorsokratiker-Fragmente, keine Bedenken, sich an dieser Stelle \u00fcber die \u00dcberlieferung hinwegzusetzen und f\u00fcr \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 die seit Platon h\u00e4ufig vorkommende Wortfolge \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 in den Text aufzunehmen, die im \u00dcbrigen auch in den Kurzzitaten bei Simplikios die Regel ist. Dennoch ist nicht daran zu zweifeln, dass der Anfang der Schrift des Anaxagoras gerade in 155, 26 richtig wiedergegeben ist.\r\n\r\nDenn nur hier im Physik-Kommentar zitiert Simplikios nachweislich unmittelbar aus seinem Anaxagoras-Text, den er f\u00fcr die \u00fcbrigen Zitate ihrer K\u00fcrze wegen nicht eigens einsah. Dass er in diesen F\u00e4llen die gel\u00e4ufige, freilich unkorrekte Wortfolge \u00fcbernahm, kann nicht verwundern, zumal sie auch in der von ihm kommentierten Schrift des Aristoteles erschien.\r\n\r\nDiese Auswertung der Zitate von Fragment 1 im Physik-Kommentar des Simplikios wird dadurch gesichert, dass in einer anderen Abhandlung desselben Autors, im Kommentar zu Aristoteles' De caelo (608, 21), ein zweites Mal der Anfang der Schrift \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 in der Version \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f26\u03bd zitiert wird. Entscheidend ist, dass es sich auch in diesem Fall um ein so langes Zitat handelt (bis \u03c3\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2), dass Simplikios daf\u00fcr eigens im Anaxagoras-Text nachschlagen musste. [the entire text]","btype":3,"date":"1971","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/JNAa63ZtXiLxTdb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":383,"full_name":"R\u00f6sler, Wolfgang","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":774,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"99","issue":"2","pages":"246-248"}},"sort":[1971]}

'Planets' in Simplicius De caelo 471.1 ff., 1971
By: Hall, J.J
Title 'Planets' in Simplicius De caelo 471.1 ff.
Type Article
Language English
Date 1971
Journal The Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume 91
Pages 138-139
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hall, J.J
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Thus all that Simplicius is saying, on Eudemus’ authority, is that Anaximander ‘was the first to discuss’ the sizes and distances of ‘planets’, using the latter term to include sun and moon; and this agrees with what the doxographers tell us: Anaximander had views about the distances of sun and moon, and the size of the sun.11 A sceptic, like Dicks, may question this whole tradition; but it should not be claimed that what Simplicius says of Anaximander and planômena in 471.2-6 is incon­sistent with our other authorities. [conclusion, p. 139]

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  • PAGE 1 OF 1
'Planets' in Simplicius De caelo 471.1 ff., 1971
By: Hall, J.J
Title 'Planets' in Simplicius De caelo 471.1 ff.
Type Article
Language English
Date 1971
Journal The Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume 91
Pages 138-139
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hall, J.J
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Thus  all  that  Simplicius  is  saying,  on  Eudemus’ 
authority,  is  that  Anaximander  ‘was  the  first  to 
discuss’  the  sizes  and  distances  of  ‘planets’,  using the  latter  term  to  include  sun  and  moon;  and this  agrees  with  what  the  doxographers  tell  us: Anaximander  had  views  about  the  distances  of  sun and  moon,  and  the  size  of the  sun.11  A   sceptic,  like Dicks,  may  question  this  whole  tradition;  but  it should  not  be  claimed  that  what  Simplicius  says  of Anaximander  and  planômena in  471.2-6  is  incon­sistent with  our  other authorities. [conclusion, p. 139]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1342","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1342,"authors_free":[{"id":2000,"entry_id":1342,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":165,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hall, J.J","free_first_name":"J.J.","free_last_name":"Hall","norm_person":{"id":165,"first_name":"J.J","last_name":"Hall","full_name":"Hall, J. J","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"'Planets' in Simplicius De caelo 471.1 ff.","main_title":{"title":"'Planets' in Simplicius De caelo 471.1 ff."},"abstract":"Thus all that Simplicius is saying, on Eudemus\u2019 \r\nauthority, is that Anaximander \u2018was the first to \r\ndiscuss\u2019 the sizes and distances of \u2018planets\u2019, using the latter term to include sun and moon; and this agrees with what the doxographers tell us: Anaximander had views about the distances of sun and moon, and the size of the sun.11 A sceptic, like Dicks, may question this whole tradition; but it should not be claimed that what Simplicius says of Anaximander and plan\u00f4mena in 471.2-6 is incon\u00adsistent with our other authorities. [conclusion, p. 139]","btype":3,"date":"1971","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/K5sTJaihiZL0lG5","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":165,"full_name":"Hall, J. J","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1342,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Journal of Hellenic Studies","volume":"91","issue":"","pages":"138-139"}},"sort":["'Planets' in Simplicius De caelo 471.1 ff."]}

(Neo-) Platonica, 1984
By: Steel, Carlos
Title (Neo-) Platonica
Type Article
Language Dutch
Date 1984
Journal Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume 46
Issue 2
Pages 319-330
Categories no categories
Author(s) Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Filosofie is ons vooral in de vorm van teksten toegankelijk. Wie filosofie wil studeren, zal onvermijdelijk teksten moeten bestuderen en zal het resultaat van zijn eigen onderzoek weer in de vorm van teksten produceren. Wel heeft de filosofie van oudsher ook met de mogelijkheid rekening gehouden dat men inzichten kan verwerven die niet discursief uitgedrukt kunnen worden, die niet „textfähig“ zijn; maar toch is de filosofie weinig beïnvloed geworden door deze principiële mogelijkheid. Tenslotte kan men weer reflecteren en schrijven over deze niet-tekstmatige inzichten, zodat het erop lijkt dat men nooit uit de toverban van de tekst geraken kan. Niemand zal eraan denken het voordeel prijs te geven dat de filosofie heeft door zich aan teksten te binden en zo haar inzichten te objectiveren. Maar toch is het bedenkelijk dat men de binding van filosofisch inzicht aan de tekst als vanzelfsprekend ziet. Zo wordt ook niet meer duidelijk wat de „zaak“ is waarop de filosofische tekst betrekking heeft. Is er wel een „zaak-los-van-de-tekst“? Het is bekend dat Plato tegenover het fenomeen „tekst“ bewust afstand heeft genomen. Men kan hem zeker niet verwijten dat hij een naïef vertrouwen heeft in de tekst als medium van filosofisch inzicht: waar het in de filosofie eigenlijk om gaat is niet in tekst uit te drukken. Al is hij zelf meer dan wie ook tekst-kunstenaar, hij blijft zich bewust van de grenzen van de tekst. Wie uit Plato’s dialogen een doctrine construeert, een systeem van uitspraken over „wat het geval is“, verliest deze reserve ten opzichte van de tekst en reduceert de vele „vormen van kennis“ tot objectief „propositioneel“ kennen.

Dit is de invalshoek van waaruit Wolfgang Wieland, vooral bekend wegens zijn originele studie over Aristoteles’ Physica, zijn Plato-boek geschreven heeft: Platon und die Formen des Wissens. Het boek bevat drie delen. Het eerste is gewijd aan Plato’s verhouding tot de geschreven tekst. Uitgaande van de bekende passage in de Phaidros onderzoekt Wieland waarom Plato zo kritisch is ten opzichte van het schrift. Plato verzet zich tegen elke poging om het weten te objectiveren alsof men in de tekst over inzicht als over een stuk bezit zou kunnen beschikken. Elke formulering in taal blijft werktuig, iets voorlopigs. Het „gebruiksweten“ dat in de omgang met de dingen tot stand komt, heeft voorrang op het weten dat in proposities is uitgedrukt. Hier staan we meteen voor het centrale thema van Wielands boek. Het is echter de vraag of dit bij Plato wel zo centraal is. Bij Plato gaat het vooreerst om kritiek op het schrift, en niet op het propositionele weten als zodanig.

Vanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook de dialoog als medium van filosofisch denken begrijpen. Indien men ondanks alle reserves toch niet aan tekst verzaken kan, dan biedt de dialoogvorm een uitweg. Eén van de tekorten van de tekst heeft namelijk te maken met het ontbreken van een reële context van het woord. De dialoog brengt deze context op dramatisch-fictieve wijze tot stand. De dialoog is geen didactisch hulpmiddel, geen inkleding van een leer. De uitspraken blijven er als „werktuigen“ in de gespreksactie fungeren. Vanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook het statuut van de mythe binnen de tekst begrijpen, het metaforische karakter van vele passages, het gebruik van de ironie. Tenslotte wijst Wieland in § 5 op het belang van de fictieve chronologie bij het beoordelen van een dialoog. Men kan namelijk, uitgaande van de dramatische situatie van de verschillende dialogen, een fictieve chronologie opstellen: zo zal niemand betwisten dat de Parmenides later is geschreven dan de Phaidon (reële chronologie), maar in de fictieve chronologie komt de Parmenides veel eerder, omdat hierin de jonge Socrates optreedt, terwijl in de Phaidon Socrates voor de dood staat. In de interpretatie heeft men te weinig rekening gehouden met de plaats van een dialoog in deze fictieve chronologie.
[introduction p. 319-320] Übersetzung: Philosophie ist uns vor allem in der Form von Texten zugänglich. Wer Philosophie studieren will, muss zwangsläufig Texte studieren und wird die Ergebnisse seiner eigenen Forschung wiederum in Form von Texten präsentieren. Die Philosophie hat jedoch seit jeher auch die Möglichkeit berücksichtigt, dass Erkenntnisse gewonnen werden können, die nicht diskursiv ausgedrückt werden können, die also nicht „textfähig“ sind. Dennoch hat diese prinzipielle Möglichkeit die Philosophie kaum beeinflusst. Letztendlich kann man auch über diese nicht-textlichen Erkenntnisse reflektieren und schreiben, sodass es scheint, als könne man niemals aus dem Bann des Textes entkommen. Niemand wird daran denken, den Vorteil aufzugeben, den die Philosophie dadurch hat, sich an Texte zu binden und ihre Erkenntnisse so zu objektivieren. Doch es ist bedenklich, dass man die Bindung philosophischer Erkenntnis an den Text als selbstverständlich betrachtet. Dadurch wird auch unklar, was die „Sache“ ist, auf die sich der philosophische Text bezieht. Gibt es überhaupt eine „Sache außerhalb des Textes“?

Es ist bekannt, dass Platon dem Phänomen „Text“ bewusst distanziert gegenüberstand. Man kann ihm sicher nicht vorwerfen, ein naives Vertrauen in den Text als Medium philosophischer Erkenntnis gehabt zu haben: Worauf es in der Philosophie eigentlich ankommt, lässt sich nicht in Texten ausdrücken. Auch wenn er selbst mehr als jeder andere ein Künstler des Textes war, war er sich stets der Grenzen des Textes bewusst. Wer aus Platons Dialogen eine Doktrin konstruiert, ein System von Aussagen über „das, was der Fall ist“, verliert diese kritische Distanz zum Text und reduziert die vielen „Formen des Wissens“ auf ein objektives „propositionales“ Wissen.

Dies ist die Perspektive, aus der Wolfgang Wieland, vor allem bekannt für seine originelle Studie über Aristoteles’ Physik, sein Platon-Buch Platon und die Formen des Wissens geschrieben hat. Das Buch besteht aus drei Teilen. Der erste Teil widmet sich Platons Verhältnis zum geschriebenen Text. Ausgehend von der bekannten Passage im Phaidros untersucht Wieland, warum Platon dem Schreiben so kritisch gegenüberstand. Platon wendet sich gegen jede Versuchung, Wissen zu objektivieren, als könne man in einem Text über Erkenntnisse verfügen wie über einen Besitz. Jede Formulierung in Sprache bleibt ein Werkzeug, etwas Vorläufiges. Das „Gebrauchswissen“, das im Umgang mit den Dingen entsteht, hat Vorrang vor dem Wissen, das in Propositionen ausgedrückt ist. Hier begegnen wir dem zentralen Thema von Wielands Buch. Es bleibt jedoch die Frage, ob dies bei Platon tatsächlich zentral ist. Bei Platon geht es zunächst um Kritik am Schreiben und nicht um Kritik am propositionalen Wissen als solches.

Aus der Schriftkritik lässt sich auch die Dialogform als Medium des philosophischen Denkens verstehen. Wenn man trotz aller Vorbehalte nicht auf den Text verzichten kann, bietet die Dialogform einen Ausweg. Ein Mangel des Textes liegt nämlich im Fehlen eines realen Kontexts des Wortes. Der Dialog stellt diesen Kontext auf dramatisch-fiktive Weise her. Der Dialog ist kein didaktisches Hilfsmittel, keine Verpackung einer Lehre. Die Aussagen fungieren in der Dialoghandlung weiterhin als „Werkzeuge“. Aus der Schriftkritik lässt sich auch der Status des Mythos im Text verstehen, ebenso wie der metaphorische Charakter vieler Passagen und die Verwendung von Ironie. Schließlich weist Wieland in § 5 auf die Bedeutung der fiktiven Chronologie für die Beurteilung eines Dialogs hin. Ausgehend von der dramatischen Situation der verschiedenen Dialoge lässt sich eine fiktive Chronologie erstellen: Niemand wird bestreiten, dass der Parmenides später geschrieben wurde als der Phaidon (reale Chronologie), aber in der fiktiven Chronologie kommt der Parmenides viel früher, da dort der junge Sokrates auftritt, während im Phaidon Sokrates vor seinem Tod steht. In der Interpretation hat man die Stellung eines Dialogs in dieser fiktiven Chronologie bisher zu wenig berücksichtigt.

{"_index":"sire","_id":"845","_score":null,"_source":{"id":845,"authors_free":[{"id":1249,"entry_id":845,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"(Neo-) Platonica","main_title":{"title":"(Neo-) Platonica"},"abstract":"Filosofie is ons vooral in de vorm van teksten toegankelijk. Wie filosofie wil studeren, zal onvermijdelijk teksten moeten bestuderen en zal het resultaat van zijn eigen onderzoek weer in de vorm van teksten produceren. Wel heeft de filosofie van oudsher ook met de mogelijkheid rekening gehouden dat men inzichten kan verwerven die niet discursief uitgedrukt kunnen worden, die niet \u201etextf\u00e4hig\u201c zijn; maar toch is de filosofie weinig be\u00efnvloed geworden door deze principi\u00eble mogelijkheid. Tenslotte kan men weer reflecteren en schrijven over deze niet-tekstmatige inzichten, zodat het erop lijkt dat men nooit uit de toverban van de tekst geraken kan. Niemand zal eraan denken het voordeel prijs te geven dat de filosofie heeft door zich aan teksten te binden en zo haar inzichten te objectiveren. Maar toch is het bedenkelijk dat men de binding van filosofisch inzicht aan de tekst als vanzelfsprekend ziet. Zo wordt ook niet meer duidelijk wat de \u201ezaak\u201c is waarop de filosofische tekst betrekking heeft. Is er wel een \u201ezaak-los-van-de-tekst\u201c? Het is bekend dat Plato tegenover het fenomeen \u201etekst\u201c bewust afstand heeft genomen. Men kan hem zeker niet verwijten dat hij een na\u00efef vertrouwen heeft in de tekst als medium van filosofisch inzicht: waar het in de filosofie eigenlijk om gaat is niet in tekst uit te drukken. Al is hij zelf meer dan wie ook tekst-kunstenaar, hij blijft zich bewust van de grenzen van de tekst. Wie uit Plato\u2019s dialogen een doctrine construeert, een systeem van uitspraken over \u201ewat het geval is\u201c, verliest deze reserve ten opzichte van de tekst en reduceert de vele \u201evormen van kennis\u201c tot objectief \u201epropositioneel\u201c kennen.\r\n\r\nDit is de invalshoek van waaruit Wolfgang Wieland, vooral bekend wegens zijn originele studie over Aristoteles\u2019 Physica, zijn Plato-boek geschreven heeft: Platon und die Formen des Wissens. Het boek bevat drie delen. Het eerste is gewijd aan Plato\u2019s verhouding tot de geschreven tekst. Uitgaande van de bekende passage in de Phaidros onderzoekt Wieland waarom Plato zo kritisch is ten opzichte van het schrift. Plato verzet zich tegen elke poging om het weten te objectiveren alsof men in de tekst over inzicht als over een stuk bezit zou kunnen beschikken. Elke formulering in taal blijft werktuig, iets voorlopigs. Het \u201egebruiksweten\u201c dat in de omgang met de dingen tot stand komt, heeft voorrang op het weten dat in proposities is uitgedrukt. Hier staan we meteen voor het centrale thema van Wielands boek. Het is echter de vraag of dit bij Plato wel zo centraal is. Bij Plato gaat het vooreerst om kritiek op het schrift, en niet op het propositionele weten als zodanig.\r\n\r\nVanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook de dialoog als medium van filosofisch denken begrijpen. Indien men ondanks alle reserves toch niet aan tekst verzaken kan, dan biedt de dialoogvorm een uitweg. E\u00e9n van de tekorten van de tekst heeft namelijk te maken met het ontbreken van een re\u00eble context van het woord. De dialoog brengt deze context op dramatisch-fictieve wijze tot stand. De dialoog is geen didactisch hulpmiddel, geen inkleding van een leer. De uitspraken blijven er als \u201ewerktuigen\u201c in de gespreksactie fungeren. Vanuit de schriftkritiek kan men ook het statuut van de mythe binnen de tekst begrijpen, het metaforische karakter van vele passages, het gebruik van de ironie. Tenslotte wijst Wieland in \u00a7 5 op het belang van de fictieve chronologie bij het beoordelen van een dialoog. Men kan namelijk, uitgaande van de dramatische situatie van de verschillende dialogen, een fictieve chronologie opstellen: zo zal niemand betwisten dat de Parmenides later is geschreven dan de Phaidon (re\u00eble chronologie), maar in de fictieve chronologie komt de Parmenides veel eerder, omdat hierin de jonge Socrates optreedt, terwijl in de Phaidon Socrates voor de dood staat. In de interpretatie heeft men te weinig rekening gehouden met de plaats van een dialoog in deze fictieve chronologie.\r\n[introduction p. 319-320] \u00dcbersetzung: Philosophie ist uns vor allem in der Form von Texten zug\u00e4nglich. Wer Philosophie studieren will, muss zwangsl\u00e4ufig Texte studieren und wird die Ergebnisse seiner eigenen Forschung wiederum in Form von Texten pr\u00e4sentieren. Die Philosophie hat jedoch seit jeher auch die M\u00f6glichkeit ber\u00fccksichtigt, dass Erkenntnisse gewonnen werden k\u00f6nnen, die nicht diskursiv ausgedr\u00fcckt werden k\u00f6nnen, die also nicht \u201etextf\u00e4hig\u201c sind. Dennoch hat diese prinzipielle M\u00f6glichkeit die Philosophie kaum beeinflusst. Letztendlich kann man auch \u00fcber diese nicht-textlichen Erkenntnisse reflektieren und schreiben, sodass es scheint, als k\u00f6nne man niemals aus dem Bann des Textes entkommen. Niemand wird daran denken, den Vorteil aufzugeben, den die Philosophie dadurch hat, sich an Texte zu binden und ihre Erkenntnisse so zu objektivieren. Doch es ist bedenklich, dass man die Bindung philosophischer Erkenntnis an den Text als selbstverst\u00e4ndlich betrachtet. Dadurch wird auch unklar, was die \u201eSache\u201c ist, auf die sich der philosophische Text bezieht. Gibt es \u00fcberhaupt eine \u201eSache au\u00dferhalb des Textes\u201c?\r\n\r\nEs ist bekannt, dass Platon dem Ph\u00e4nomen \u201eText\u201c bewusst distanziert gegen\u00fcberstand. Man kann ihm sicher nicht vorwerfen, ein naives Vertrauen in den Text als Medium philosophischer Erkenntnis gehabt zu haben: Worauf es in der Philosophie eigentlich ankommt, l\u00e4sst sich nicht in Texten ausdr\u00fccken. Auch wenn er selbst mehr als jeder andere ein K\u00fcnstler des Textes war, war er sich stets der Grenzen des Textes bewusst. Wer aus Platons Dialogen eine Doktrin konstruiert, ein System von Aussagen \u00fcber \u201edas, was der Fall ist\u201c, verliert diese kritische Distanz zum Text und reduziert die vielen \u201eFormen des Wissens\u201c auf ein objektives \u201epropositionales\u201c Wissen.\r\n\r\nDies ist die Perspektive, aus der Wolfgang Wieland, vor allem bekannt f\u00fcr seine originelle Studie \u00fcber Aristoteles\u2019 Physik, sein Platon-Buch Platon und die Formen des Wissens geschrieben hat. Das Buch besteht aus drei Teilen. Der erste Teil widmet sich Platons Verh\u00e4ltnis zum geschriebenen Text. Ausgehend von der bekannten Passage im Phaidros untersucht Wieland, warum Platon dem Schreiben so kritisch gegen\u00fcberstand. Platon wendet sich gegen jede Versuchung, Wissen zu objektivieren, als k\u00f6nne man in einem Text \u00fcber Erkenntnisse verf\u00fcgen wie \u00fcber einen Besitz. Jede Formulierung in Sprache bleibt ein Werkzeug, etwas Vorl\u00e4ufiges. Das \u201eGebrauchswissen\u201c, das im Umgang mit den Dingen entsteht, hat Vorrang vor dem Wissen, das in Propositionen ausgedr\u00fcckt ist. Hier begegnen wir dem zentralen Thema von Wielands Buch. Es bleibt jedoch die Frage, ob dies bei Platon tats\u00e4chlich zentral ist. Bei Platon geht es zun\u00e4chst um Kritik am Schreiben und nicht um Kritik am propositionalen Wissen als solches.\r\n\r\nAus der Schriftkritik l\u00e4sst sich auch die Dialogform als Medium des philosophischen Denkens verstehen. Wenn man trotz aller Vorbehalte nicht auf den Text verzichten kann, bietet die Dialogform einen Ausweg. Ein Mangel des Textes liegt n\u00e4mlich im Fehlen eines realen Kontexts des Wortes. Der Dialog stellt diesen Kontext auf dramatisch-fiktive Weise her. Der Dialog ist kein didaktisches Hilfsmittel, keine Verpackung einer Lehre. Die Aussagen fungieren in der Dialoghandlung weiterhin als \u201eWerkzeuge\u201c. Aus der Schriftkritik l\u00e4sst sich auch der Status des Mythos im Text verstehen, ebenso wie der metaphorische Charakter vieler Passagen und die Verwendung von Ironie. Schlie\u00dflich weist Wieland in \u00a7 5 auf die Bedeutung der fiktiven Chronologie f\u00fcr die Beurteilung eines Dialogs hin. Ausgehend von der dramatischen Situation der verschiedenen Dialoge l\u00e4sst sich eine fiktive Chronologie erstellen: Niemand wird bestreiten, dass der Parmenides sp\u00e4ter geschrieben wurde als der Phaidon (reale Chronologie), aber in der fiktiven Chronologie kommt der Parmenides viel fr\u00fcher, da dort der junge Sokrates auftritt, w\u00e4hrend im Phaidon Sokrates vor seinem Tod steht. In der Interpretation hat man die Stellung eines Dialogs in dieser fiktiven Chronologie bisher zu wenig ber\u00fccksichtigt.","btype":3,"date":"1984","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/H1e3T5fZsfMIh5O","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":845,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Tijdschrift voor Filosofie","volume":"46","issue":"2","pages":"319-330"}},"sort":["(Neo-) Platonica"]}

529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?, 1978
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.
Title 529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1978
Journal Byzantion
Volume 48
Issue 2
Pages 369–385
Categories no categories
Author(s) Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In an excellent and already well-known article, Professor Alan Cameron has made a strong case for the thesis that, notwithstanding the evidence of Malalas and a long-established tradition, Justinian did not succeed in finally closing the Platonic Academy in 529, and that its activities continued after a short interruption. The purpose of this paper is, firstly, to argue that some of the evidence usually adduced in favor of the view that the Academy was closed may not be applicable, but that it seems nevertheless to have succumbed to some form of imperial pressure, and, secondly, to question the view that philosophy continued to be taught, or even studied, at Athens from 532 until the Slavs sacked the city nearly fifty years later.

The most important piece of evidence for the continued existence of the Academy is a passage from Olympiodorus' commentary on Plato's 1st Alcibiades which says, "Perhaps Plato made a practice of taking no fees because he was well-off. That is why the diadochika have lasted till now, in spite of many confiscations." Diadochika is left untranslated since its meaning is by no means certain. It could refer to the salary of the Head of the Academy. It could also, however, be a term for the Academy's endowments in general. A third meaning, suggested by J. Whittaker, is spiritual rather than material heritage, but despite arguments, it is unlikely that the word in its context does not refer to some form of funding. To this point, we must return shortly.

Cameron argues convincingly that this passage was written somewhere around 560, on the grounds that it refers to an incident in the career of a grammaticus called Anatolius, dateable to the late 540s, as one that his readers can no longer be expected to remember. He infers from this that the Academy was still operating at that time and, moreover, in possession of substantial funds some thirty years after its alleged closure and expropriation. At about the same time, Whittaker, apparently writing before the appearance of Cameron's paper and arguing against Westerink, questioned whether the text adduced provided evidence either for confiscations at the time when Olympiodorus was writing or for the continued availability of material resources.

Olympiodorus' report certainly raises some serious problems. The first relates to the confiscations. Cameron has discussed a number of possible occasions between 529 and the date of the composition of Olympiodorus' commentary about 560. If Academy funds were being confiscated during that period, then clearly there must have been a conspicuous Academy to be subject to the confiscations. But, as Whittaker has pointed out, the reference of the present participle stating that there were confiscations could be to any time during the reference of the main verb, that is, to the whole period between Plato and the time of writing. One possible inference is that the funds had been subjected to confiscations even before 529 but still survived in the hands of the scholarchs after that date. Justinian's edict is quite likely not to have been new but, like much of his legislation, a re-enactment of former decrees—some of which were in any case disregarded. Nevertheless, it is difficult to find a suitable earlier occasion, or occasions, to be the time of the confiscations in question.

A second, and more basic, problem attaches to the funds themselves. There is no other evidence, except a report in the Suda article on Plato, and a parallel text in Photius, which attributes any of the late Academy's resources, or those of its office-holders, to inheritance from Plato. This Suda article, which is based on Damascius' Life of Isidore, tells us that only the Academy garden had been Plato's—he was not well-off—and that there were large accretions of funds in the fifth century. We know that most of the major buildings in Athens were destroyed by the Heruls in 267. Damascius, moreover, in the extract provided by Photius, made a point of denying what he says was a commonly held view that the resources of the Academy went back to Plato himself: τῶν δὲ διαδόχων οὐσία οὐκ ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ νομίζουσι Πλάτωνος ἦν τὸ ἀνέκαθεν. This summary too continues with the points that Plato was not rich, that only the garden was his, and that there were large additions through bequests later. From this text, we may infer that Olympiodorus' diadochika must have been school resources under the control of the school's head: Damascius is talking about sums of money, and the garden could hardly have been part of the scholarch's salary.

If, then, such funds as were available to the Academy in the 5th and 6th centuries were not the product of Plato's own endowments, Olympiodorus—or his source—has wrongly inferred from the Academy's current, or recent, wealth, and Plato's aristocratic background and refusal to take fees, that Plato himself was responsible for the endowments. Damascius' disclaimer shows that he was not the first to do so. And if Olympiodorus was wrong about that, then he might also, though less obviously, have been wrong in saying that the funds existed in his own day. His information could have been some thirty years out of date, a period for the survival of obsolete information by no means inconceivable even with modern methods of disseminating information. We need look no further than the reputations of university departments in our own times. If the close relation between Athenian and Alexandrian philosophers that had obtained in the fifth century were by now a thing of the past—whether because of odium academicum, as manifested in the bitter attacks launched by Philoponus on the views of Proclus in a previous generation, and Simplicius in his own, the latter being furiously reciprocated—or because nothing was any longer happening at Athens, or for some other reason, that would be sufficient to explain such an error.

To return to the question of a re-endowment in the 5th century. There are a number of indications that this happened. In the first place, negatively, there is little if any evidence that the Academy, or any but insignificant Platonists, were active at Athens in the preceding period. Positively, we have a report from Synesius that he went to Athens and found nothing going on at all:

"It is like a sacrificial victim at the end of the proceedings, with only the skin left as a token of the animal that once was. So philosophy has moved its home, and all that is left for a visitor is to wander around looking at the Academy, the Lyceum, and, yes, the Stoa Poikile..." [introduction p. 369-372]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"876","_score":null,"_source":{"id":876,"authors_free":[{"id":1287,"entry_id":876,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?","main_title":{"title":"529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?"},"abstract":"In an excellent and already well-known article, Professor Alan Cameron has made a strong case for the thesis that, notwithstanding the evidence of Malalas and a long-established tradition, Justinian did not succeed in finally closing the Platonic Academy in 529, and that its activities continued after a short interruption. The purpose of this paper is, firstly, to argue that some of the evidence usually adduced in favor of the view that the Academy was closed may not be applicable, but that it seems nevertheless to have succumbed to some form of imperial pressure, and, secondly, to question the view that philosophy continued to be taught, or even studied, at Athens from 532 until the Slavs sacked the city nearly fifty years later.\r\n\r\nThe most important piece of evidence for the continued existence of the Academy is a passage from Olympiodorus' commentary on Plato's 1st Alcibiades which says, \"Perhaps Plato made a practice of taking no fees because he was well-off. That is why the diadochika have lasted till now, in spite of many confiscations.\" Diadochika is left untranslated since its meaning is by no means certain. It could refer to the salary of the Head of the Academy. It could also, however, be a term for the Academy's endowments in general. A third meaning, suggested by J. Whittaker, is spiritual rather than material heritage, but despite arguments, it is unlikely that the word in its context does not refer to some form of funding. To this point, we must return shortly.\r\n\r\nCameron argues convincingly that this passage was written somewhere around 560, on the grounds that it refers to an incident in the career of a grammaticus called Anatolius, dateable to the late 540s, as one that his readers can no longer be expected to remember. He infers from this that the Academy was still operating at that time and, moreover, in possession of substantial funds some thirty years after its alleged closure and expropriation. At about the same time, Whittaker, apparently writing before the appearance of Cameron's paper and arguing against Westerink, questioned whether the text adduced provided evidence either for confiscations at the time when Olympiodorus was writing or for the continued availability of material resources.\r\n\r\nOlympiodorus' report certainly raises some serious problems. The first relates to the confiscations. Cameron has discussed a number of possible occasions between 529 and the date of the composition of Olympiodorus' commentary about 560. If Academy funds were being confiscated during that period, then clearly there must have been a conspicuous Academy to be subject to the confiscations. But, as Whittaker has pointed out, the reference of the present participle stating that there were confiscations could be to any time during the reference of the main verb, that is, to the whole period between Plato and the time of writing. One possible inference is that the funds had been subjected to confiscations even before 529 but still survived in the hands of the scholarchs after that date. Justinian's edict is quite likely not to have been new but, like much of his legislation, a re-enactment of former decrees\u2014some of which were in any case disregarded. Nevertheless, it is difficult to find a suitable earlier occasion, or occasions, to be the time of the confiscations in question.\r\n\r\nA second, and more basic, problem attaches to the funds themselves. There is no other evidence, except a report in the Suda article on Plato, and a parallel text in Photius, which attributes any of the late Academy's resources, or those of its office-holders, to inheritance from Plato. This Suda article, which is based on Damascius' Life of Isidore, tells us that only the Academy garden had been Plato's\u2014he was not well-off\u2014and that there were large accretions of funds in the fifth century. We know that most of the major buildings in Athens were destroyed by the Heruls in 267. Damascius, moreover, in the extract provided by Photius, made a point of denying what he says was a commonly held view that the resources of the Academy went back to Plato himself: \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b1\u03b4\u03cc\u03c7\u03c9\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u1f61\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f31 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u03bc\u03af\u03b6\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9 \u03a0\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f26\u03bd \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f00\u03bd\u03ad\u03ba\u03b1\u03b8\u03b5\u03bd. This summary too continues with the points that Plato was not rich, that only the garden was his, and that there were large additions through bequests later. From this text, we may infer that Olympiodorus' diadochika must have been school resources under the control of the school's head: Damascius is talking about sums of money, and the garden could hardly have been part of the scholarch's salary.\r\n\r\nIf, then, such funds as were available to the Academy in the 5th and 6th centuries were not the product of Plato's own endowments, Olympiodorus\u2014or his source\u2014has wrongly inferred from the Academy's current, or recent, wealth, and Plato's aristocratic background and refusal to take fees, that Plato himself was responsible for the endowments. Damascius' disclaimer shows that he was not the first to do so. And if Olympiodorus was wrong about that, then he might also, though less obviously, have been wrong in saying that the funds existed in his own day. His information could have been some thirty years out of date, a period for the survival of obsolete information by no means inconceivable even with modern methods of disseminating information. We need look no further than the reputations of university departments in our own times. If the close relation between Athenian and Alexandrian philosophers that had obtained in the fifth century were by now a thing of the past\u2014whether because of odium academicum, as manifested in the bitter attacks launched by Philoponus on the views of Proclus in a previous generation, and Simplicius in his own, the latter being furiously reciprocated\u2014or because nothing was any longer happening at Athens, or for some other reason, that would be sufficient to explain such an error.\r\n\r\nTo return to the question of a re-endowment in the 5th century. There are a number of indications that this happened. In the first place, negatively, there is little if any evidence that the Academy, or any but insignificant Platonists, were active at Athens in the preceding period. Positively, we have a report from Synesius that he went to Athens and found nothing going on at all:\r\n\r\n\"It is like a sacrificial victim at the end of the proceedings, with only the skin left as a token of the animal that once was. So philosophy has moved its home, and all that is left for a visitor is to wander around looking at the Academy, the Lyceum, and, yes, the Stoa Poikile...\" [introduction p. 369-372]","btype":3,"date":"1978","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/8waAtP8ixbo8cmC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":876,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Byzantion","volume":"48","issue":"2","pages":"369\u2013385"}},"sort":["529 and its Sequel: What Happened to the Academy?"]}

A Fragment of Aristotle's Poetics from Porphyry, concerning Synonymy, 1982
By: Janko, Richard
Title A Fragment of Aristotle's Poetics from Porphyry, concerning Synonymy
Type Article
Language English
Date 1982
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 32
Issue 2
Pages 323-326
Categories no categories
Author(s) Janko, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
An  important fragment of  the lost  portion  of  Aristotle's Poetics is  the definition of synonyms preserved by Simplicius,' which corresponds to Aristotle's own citation of the Poetics for synonyms in the Rhetoric, 3. 2. 1404b 37 ff. I shall argue elsewhere that this derives from a discussion of  the sources of  verbal humour in the lost account of 
comedy  and humour. Here it is  my  aim to  show  that  Simplicius definitely derived the quotation  from Porphyry, which pushes back the attestation of  this part of  the Poetics  by  more  than  two  centuries (although  the citation  in  the Antiatticist,  Poet. fr. 4  Kassel, is  older still). Furthermore, I  shall show  that some  of  the words in  the 
definition are a  gloss  added by Porphyry for the purposes of  his own  polemic. [introduction, p. 323]

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An Excerpt from Boethus of Sidon's Commentary on the Categories?, 1981
By: Huby, Pamela M.
Title An Excerpt from Boethus of Sidon's Commentary on the Categories?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1981
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 31
Issue 2
Pages 398-409
Categories no categories
Author(s) Huby, Pamela M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The text discusses an excerpt of a set of leaves from a fourteenth-century manuscript called Laurentianus 71, 32, containing paraphrases of several works. Theodore Waitz uses these leaves for scholia on Aristotle's Categories and De Interpretatione. The heading of the leaves is "Peri tês tou pote katêgorias," and the work consists of two parts. The first part discusses Time, based on Physics 4, while the second part deals with the category of When, which Aristotle only briefly mentions. The author of the work is believed to be Boethus of Sidon, the Peripatetic, who wrote a commentary on the Categories, as mentioned by Simplicius in his own commentary on the same work. Boethus is seen as a conservative who defended Aristotle against innovations, particularly Andronicus of Rhodes' attempt to substitute the category of Time for When. [introduction]

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Analyse de l'édition Aldine du Commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d'Aristote, 1977
By: Cordero, Néstor-Luis
Title Analyse de l'édition Aldine du Commentaire de Simplicius à la Physique d'Aristote
Type Article
Language French
Date 1977
Journal Hermes
Volume 105
Issue 1
Pages 42-54
Categories no categories
Author(s) Cordero, Néstor-Luis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Pour compléter notre analyse, nous devrions identifier l’éditeur de Simplicius de 1526. Du temps d’Alde, la plupart des ouvrages d’auteurs grecs (rappelons qu’il éditait aussi des ouvrages latins et italiens) étaient réservés à Musurus.

À la mort d’Alde, comme nous l’avons dit, Musurus a continué de collaborer avec Andrea d’Asola, mais seulement jusqu’en 1516. En 1517, le fils d’Andrea, Francesco d’Asola, a commencé à travailler à l’imprimerie, et l’année suivante, il figure déjà en tant qu’éditeur responsable de Térence, de Dioscoride et d’Eschyle.

À partir de 1518, sauf pour l’édition de Cicéron de 1519, Francesco d’Asola figure en tant que responsable direct de la plupart des éditions aldines où l’on indique le nom de l’éditeur, tout au moins jusqu’en 1529.

Mais nous avons des ouvrages d’éditeur anonyme où Francesco d’Asola ne figure qu’en tant qu’auteur de la préface. C’est précisément le cas de l’édition de Simplicius, dont la préface est dédicacée par F. Asulanus au cardinal Hercule Gonzaga.

Avec certaines réserves, nous pouvons donc supposer que, d’une manière ou d’une autre, Francesco d’Asola est le responsable de l’édition et, ainsi, l’auteur des conjectures qu’elle présente.

En ce qui concerne sa valeur, Renouard fait remarquer qu’il s’agit d’un éditeur intelligent « mais beaucoup trop hardi dans ses conjectures », ainsi qu’il apparaît dans son édition des Argonautica de C. V. Flaccus, en 1523.

Cependant, le cas le plus illustratif est son édition d’Homère (à laquelle nous avons fait précédemment allusion) de 1524, qui présente de telles divergences par rapport aux précédentes qu’elle semblerait être fondée sur un nouveau manuscrit. Mais Renouard rejette cette hypothèse :

    « Il s’agit simplement de conjectures de Francesco d’Asola lui-même, car s’il avait été appuyé de nouveaux manuscrits, il n’eût pas manqué d’en avertir dans une nouvelle préface, au lieu de copier celle d’Alde de l’édition de 1504, déjà imprimée dans celle de 1517. »

Tout porte à croire, par conséquent, que l’édition de Simplicius de 1526 a été effectuée sous la responsabilité de Francesco d’Asola, dont les conjectures, en général, n’ont pas été tellement heureuses.

Cependant, nous devons reconnaître une fois de plus que nous nous trouvons sur le plan des conjectures et que la possibilité — lointaine, certes — n’est pas exclue que Francesco d’Asola ait disposé de l’archétype de l’œuvre de Simplicius.

Toutefois, nous pouvons constater que les manuscrits conservés actuellement présentent le même texte que E et F et, par conséquent, ne justifient pas quelques conjectures "trop hardies".
[conclusion p. 53-54]

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Anaxagoras B 14 DK, 1976
By: Marcovich, Miroslav
Title Anaxagoras B 14 DK
Type Article
Language English
Date 1976
Journal Hermes
Volume 104
Issue 2
Pages 240-241
Categories no categories
Author(s) Marcovich, Miroslav
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Notes about Anaxagoras B 14 DK

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Anaxagoras Fr. 14 DK, 1974
By: Sider, David
Title Anaxagoras Fr. 14 DK
Type Article
Language English
Date 1974
Journal Hermes
Volume 102
Issue 2
Pages 365-367
Categories no categories
Author(s) Sider, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Note on Anaxagoras Fr. 14 DK

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Ancora su Simplicio e le Categorie, 1990
By: Isnardi Parente, Margherita
Title Ancora su Simplicio e le Categorie
Type Article
Language Italian
Date 1990
Journal Rivista di Storia della Filosofia
Volume 45
Issue 4
Pages 723-732
Categories no categories
Author(s) Isnardi Parente, Margherita
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
La storia del concetto di relativo ha già precedenti che sarebbe troppo lungo ricordare. Basti accennare qui a due essenziali limitazioni che i relativi hanno già subito nella storia della tradizione platonico-aristotelica: la negazione di un modello ideale per la relazione (i modelli ideali esistono per le realtà poste in relazione, non per la relazione stessa o per ciò che è solo in funzione della relazione); la definizione di paraphyas per il relativo, definizione che va da Aristotele (EN I, 1096 a 21) ad Andronico ed oltre: paraphyas, cioè ciò che si pone accanto alla vera phýsis, come una sorta di natura aggiunta e secondaria.

Gli stoici hanno una loro parte nella storia di questa riduzione della relazione a fatto di ordine mentale o soggettivo. I pros ti pôs echonta sono una nuova forma di incorporeo che viene ad aggiungersi alle altre, anche se nessuna lista riveduta ci è fornita dalla tradizione. E di questa nuova importanza dell'incorporeità in rapporto con la teoria dei generi dell'essere, passi come quello di Simplicio o come questo di Sesto offrono una attestazione fondamentale. [conclusion p. 731-732]

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Antisthenes Fg. 50B (Caizzi): A Possible Section of περί τῆς ’Αληθείας, 1973
By: Rankin, Herbert David
Title Antisthenes Fg. 50B (Caizzi): A Possible Section of περί τῆς ’Αληθείας
Type Article
Language English
Date 1973
Journal L'Antiquité Classique
Volume 42
Issue 1
Pages 178-180
Categories no categories
Author(s) Rankin, Herbert David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This passage (Simplicii in Categoriarum c. 8 [Arist. p. ]) is placed by Caizzi among a group of passages of epistemological interest but not clearly attributable to any of the works which Antisthenes is said to have composed. Its argument is characteristic enough, being one of the representations of Antisthenes' opposition to Plato's eîdē, and an assertion of his view that the concrete phenomenal object is the starting point of our capability of knowledge, which in his view is probably limited by the restrictions placed upon us by the narrow capacity of our language with regard to logical discourse.

The purpose of this article is to consider whether a part of this passage is a quotation from Antisthenes' own writings and to suggest a possible place for it in one of the works with which he is credited. [introduction p. 178]

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Aurore, Éros et Ananké autour des dieux Parménidiens (f. 12-f. 13), 1985
By: Frère, Jean
Title Aurore, Éros et Ananké autour des dieux Parménidiens (f. 12-f. 13)
Type Article
Language French
Date 1985
Journal Les Études philosophiques
Volume 4
Pages 459-470
Categories no categories
Author(s) Frère, Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Deux textes de Platon dans Le Banquet et un d'Aristote dans La Métaphysique commentent ce passage de Parménide sur Éros. Dans Le Banquet, en 195a, Agathon dit : « Je déclare que c'est Éros le plus jeune des dieux... ; qu'inversement ces antiques divinités qu'énoncent sur les dieux Hésiode et Parménide appartiendraient à la Nécessité et non pas à l'Amour. » Et en 178a, Phèdre s'exprimait ainsi : « Quant à Parménide, voici ce qu'il dit de la génération : le premier de tous les dieux dont s'avisa [la Déesse], ce fut l'Amour. »

Pour ce qui est d'Aristote, au livre A, chapitre 4, de La Métaphysique, examinant la thèse des penseurs qui, tel Anaxagore, firent du « la fois la cause de la beauté et la cause du mouvement des êtres », Aristote rapproche à son tour Hésiode et Parménide comme penseurs qui ont posé l'Amour ou le Désir pour principes des êtres ; Aristote cite alors le vers que citait Le Banquet en 178a, vers qui constitue le fragment 13 du poème de Parménide. Ainsi, les deux témoignages de Platon et d'Aristote s'accordent-ils : dans le panthéon parménidien, Anankè est l'origine ; en provient l'Amour, Éros, lequel domine les autres dieux.

Dans le commentaire de La Physique d'Aristote, Simplicius apporte à son tour des textes et des indications concernant Anankè et Éros. C'est grâce à ces passages de Simplicius que les éditeurs de Parménide ont ordonné plusieurs fragments de la seconde partie du poème (f. 9 et suiv.). Cependant, l'ordonnance des fragments ici retenue par la plupart des éditeurs, si l'on y apporte quelque attention, semble loin de s'imposer. Relisant de près le texte de Simplicius, nous voudrions ici dégager conjointement plusieurs thèmes.

D'abord, en ce qui concerne Simplicius, nous voudrions apporter des précisions sur sa technique de citation des fragments. À partir de là, nous pourrions envisager une nouvelle structuration des fragments portant sur Anankè et Éros. Enfin, nous pourrions ainsi essayer de mieux dégager certains aspects de la place du divin dans l'œuvre parménidienne. [introduction p. 460]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"593","_score":null,"_source":{"id":593,"authors_free":[{"id":844,"entry_id":593,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":101,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","free_first_name":"Jean","free_last_name":"Fr\u00e8re","norm_person":{"id":101,"first_name":"Jean","last_name":"Fr\u00e8re","full_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130051187","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Aurore, \u00c9ros et Anank\u00e9 autour des dieux Parm\u00e9nidiens (f. 12-f. 13)","main_title":{"title":"Aurore, \u00c9ros et Anank\u00e9 autour des dieux Parm\u00e9nidiens (f. 12-f. 13)"},"abstract":"Deux textes de Platon dans Le Banquet et un d'Aristote dans La M\u00e9taphysique commentent ce passage de Parm\u00e9nide sur \u00c9ros. Dans Le Banquet, en 195a, Agathon dit : \u00ab Je d\u00e9clare que c'est \u00c9ros le plus jeune des dieux... ; qu'inversement ces antiques divinit\u00e9s qu'\u00e9noncent sur les dieux H\u00e9siode et Parm\u00e9nide appartiendraient \u00e0 la N\u00e9cessit\u00e9 et non pas \u00e0 l'Amour. \u00bb Et en 178a, Ph\u00e8dre s'exprimait ainsi : \u00ab Quant \u00e0 Parm\u00e9nide, voici ce qu'il dit de la g\u00e9n\u00e9ration : le premier de tous les dieux dont s'avisa [la D\u00e9esse], ce fut l'Amour. \u00bb\r\n\r\nPour ce qui est d'Aristote, au livre A, chapitre 4, de La M\u00e9taphysique, examinant la th\u00e8se des penseurs qui, tel Anaxagore, firent du \u00ab la fois la cause de la beaut\u00e9 et la cause du mouvement des \u00eatres \u00bb, Aristote rapproche \u00e0 son tour H\u00e9siode et Parm\u00e9nide comme penseurs qui ont pos\u00e9 l'Amour ou le D\u00e9sir pour principes des \u00eatres ; Aristote cite alors le vers que citait Le Banquet en 178a, vers qui constitue le fragment 13 du po\u00e8me de Parm\u00e9nide. Ainsi, les deux t\u00e9moignages de Platon et d'Aristote s'accordent-ils : dans le panth\u00e9on parm\u00e9nidien, Anank\u00e8 est l'origine ; en provient l'Amour, \u00c9ros, lequel domine les autres dieux.\r\n\r\nDans le commentaire de La Physique d'Aristote, Simplicius apporte \u00e0 son tour des textes et des indications concernant Anank\u00e8 et \u00c9ros. C'est gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 ces passages de Simplicius que les \u00e9diteurs de Parm\u00e9nide ont ordonn\u00e9 plusieurs fragments de la seconde partie du po\u00e8me (f. 9 et suiv.). Cependant, l'ordonnance des fragments ici retenue par la plupart des \u00e9diteurs, si l'on y apporte quelque attention, semble loin de s'imposer. Relisant de pr\u00e8s le texte de Simplicius, nous voudrions ici d\u00e9gager conjointement plusieurs th\u00e8mes.\r\n\r\nD'abord, en ce qui concerne Simplicius, nous voudrions apporter des pr\u00e9cisions sur sa technique de citation des fragments. \u00c0 partir de l\u00e0, nous pourrions envisager une nouvelle structuration des fragments portant sur Anank\u00e8 et \u00c9ros. Enfin, nous pourrions ainsi essayer de mieux d\u00e9gager certains aspects de la place du divin dans l'\u0153uvre parm\u00e9nidienne. [introduction p. 460]","btype":3,"date":"1985","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RFpfl1LBytLVPZJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":101,"full_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":593,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"4","issue":"","pages":" 459-470"}},"sort":["Aurore, \u00c9ros et Anank\u00e9 autour des dieux Parm\u00e9nidiens (f. 12-f. 13)"]}

Boethus' Psychology and the Neoplatonists, 1986
By: Gottschalk, Hans B.
Title Boethus' Psychology and the Neoplatonists
Type Article
Language English
Date 1986
Journal Phronesis
Volume 31
Issue 3
Pages 243-257
Categories no categories
Author(s) Gottschalk, Hans B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Three  writers  of  late  antiquity,  all  of  them  Neoplatonists, refer  to  the psychological  doctrine  of  a certain  Boethus. Several  philosophers  of  that name  are  known,  and the  fragments have  been  variously assigned  to  the Stoic,  Boethus  of Sidon, who lived in the middle of the second century BC, and his Peripatetic namesake,  active about a century later. ' The purpose of this article is to  see  what exactly we  can learn about  this thinker from the extant fragments and then  to determine  which of  the  various Boethi  he  is most  likely  to  have  been. [introduction, p. 243]

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Colloque international sur la vie, l'œuvre et la survie de Simplicius, 1986
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut
Title Colloque international sur la vie, l'œuvre et la survie de Simplicius
Type Article
Language German
Date 1986
Journal Gnomon
Volume 58
Issue 2
Pages 191-192
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Vom 28. September bis zum 1. Oktober 1985 fand in Paris in der Fondation Hugot du Collège de France ein internationales Colloquium statt, das zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte der Klassischen Philologie und der Geschichte der Philosophie den neuplatonischen Philosophen Simplikios zum Gegenstand hatte. Das Ziel des Colloquiums war es, einen ersten Gedankenaustausch derjenigen, nicht sehr zahlreichen, Wissenschaftler zu ermöglichen, die etwa seit einem Jahrzehnt begonnen haben, das philosophische Denken des Simplikios systematisch zu erfassen, gesicherte Text grundlagen durch die Erstellung neuer kritischer Editionen zu liefern und die Texte selbst durch Übersetzungen einem weiteren, philosophisch interessierten Publikum zugänglich zu machen. 

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Confirmation of Two "Conjectures" in the Presocratics: Parmenides B 12 and Anaxagoras B 15, 1979
By: Sider, David
Title Confirmation of Two "Conjectures" in the Presocratics: Parmenides B 12 and Anaxagoras B 15
Type Article
Language English
Date 1979
Journal Phoenix
Volume 33
Issue 1
Pages 67-69
Categories no categories
Author(s) Sider, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In each of the two passages discussed below, the indisputably correct reading is given by Diels as an editorial conjecture, when in fact, for each, there is manuscript authority. [introduction p. 67]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"850","_score":null,"_source":{"id":850,"authors_free":[{"id":1254,"entry_id":850,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":320,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Sider, David","free_first_name":"David","free_last_name":"Sider","norm_person":{"id":320,"first_name":"David","last_name":"Sider","full_name":"Sider, David","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1129478610","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Confirmation of Two \"Conjectures\" in the Presocratics: Parmenides B 12 and Anaxagoras B 15","main_title":{"title":"Confirmation of Two \"Conjectures\" in the Presocratics: Parmenides B 12 and Anaxagoras B 15"},"abstract":"In each of the two passages discussed below, the indisputably correct reading is given by Diels as an editorial conjecture, when in fact, for each, there is manuscript authority. [introduction p. 67]","btype":3,"date":"1979","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/RDFVugAzW2NIhCB","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":320,"full_name":"Sider, David","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":850,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phoenix","volume":"33","issue":"1","pages":"67-69"}},"sort":["Confirmation of Two \"Conjectures\" in the Presocratics: Parmenides B 12 and Anaxagoras B 15"]}

Conférence de M. Philippe Hoffmann: Sens et dénomination. Homonymie, analogie, métaphore selon le commentaire de Simplicius sur les Catégories d'Aristote, 1984
By: Hoffmann, Philippe
Title Conférence de M. Philippe Hoffmann: Sens et dénomination. Homonymie, analogie, métaphore selon le commentaire de Simplicius sur les Catégories d'Aristote
Type Article
Language French
Date 1984
Journal École pratique des hautes études, Section des sciences religieuses. Annuaire
Volume 93
Pages 343-356
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Notre lecture du Commentaire de Simplicius s'est organisée selon plusieurs fils directeurs. Nous avons examiné, tout d'abord, les méthodes mêmes de l'exégèse : Simplicius lit le texte d'Aristote mot à mot (kata tên lexin), en scrutant au besoin tous les sens possibles d'un même mot ; l'explication proprement doctrinale procède en partie par des citations (ou paraphrases) d'auteurs antérieurs : Porphyre (Commentaire par questions et réponses, et surtout Commentaire à Gédalios), Jamblique et Syrianus.

Nous avons aussi tenté de dégager les traits proprement néoplatoniciens du commentaire : ainsi, à propos du couple « nom-définition », dont l'interprétation ne peut se comprendre que dans la perspective plus générale du système néoplatonicien. Il apparaît en outre que la condition de possibilité de l'homonymie, et de son contraire la polyonymie, est le caractère « conventionnel » (thesei et non phusei) du langage : il fallait donc situer la réflexion néoplatonicienne dans le cadre des discussions traditionnelles sur l'origine du langage.

D'autres questions se posaient encore : quelle est, au fond, la justification et l'utilité d'un tel exposé préliminaire dans un ouvrage consacré aux catégories ? La doctrine des homonymes, synonymes et paronymes exprime-t-elle des propriétés des réalités, ou des noms (onomata) ? Quelle est la spécificité de la recherche philosophique d'Aristote par rapport à la grammaire, ou à l'étude littéraire du langage, qui relève de la Rhétorique ?

Le commentaire de Simplicius cite le témoignage de Boèthos de Sidon sur la doctrine de Speusippe, qui, à la différence d'Aristote, divise les onomata : ce fut l'occasion d'une mise au point portant à la fois sur les théories antiques de l'homonymie et de la synonymie, et sur l'importance de ces commentaires comme sources de nos connaissances en matière de philosophie antique. [introduction p. 344-345]

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Did Iamblichus Write a Commentary on the De Anima?, 1974
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.
Title Did Iamblichus Write a Commentary on the De Anima?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1974
Journal Hermes
Volume 102
Issue 4
Pages 540–556
Categories no categories
Author(s) Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Bearing  in  mind  the  reservations  already  made,  what  conclusions  can  we draw?  In the first place, it is fair to say that the evidence from Simplicius does, taken  overall,  suggest  that  Iamblichus did not  write a commentary on  the de Anima. Consideration of  Stephanus'  commentary on de Anima G points in the same  direction,  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  that  commentary  contains 
a reference to  Iamblichus'  that  looks  more like  a  quotation from  a de  Anima commentary  than  any  other  that  we  have.  Philoponus  is  less  helpful,  as  are other  members  of  the  Alexandrian  school.  He  certainly  gives  no  positive indication  that  Iamblichus  wrote  a  commentary,  but  for  the  reasons  that  we have given,  the lack  of  such positive  evidence  in  his case does not  amount  to 
anything  like  conclusive  negative  evidence.  We  cannot  entirely  rule  out  the possibility  that  Iamblichus  did  write  a  commentary,  either  on  the  de  Anima as  a whole,  or on some extended part  of  it,  but it seems probably that he  did 
not.  If  he  did  it  would  certainly  be  fair  to  say  that  his  commentary  was probably  of  no  great  importance.  Discussions  of  isolated  texts  of  Aristotle are  another  matter:  they  are  only  to  be  expected  in  the  work  of  any  Neoplatonist. [conclusion, p. 556]

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Digging up a Paradox: A Philological Note on Zeno's Stadium, 1982
By: Mansfeld, Jaap
Title Digging up a Paradox: A Philological Note on Zeno's Stadium
Type Article
Language English
Date 1982
Journal Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
Volume 125
Issue 1
Pages 1-24
Categories no categories
Author(s) Mansfeld, Jaap
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Of Zeno's four arguments against the reality of motion transmitted by Aristotle, the fourth, the so-called Stadium (Vors. 29 A 28), is perhaps the most difficult. The difficulties involved are of two sorts: philological problems on the one hand, questions of a philosophical nature on the other. In the present paper, I am concerned with the first sort, not the second, although I shall perhaps not be successful in keeping the latter out altogether. A study of the philosophical discussions to be found in the learned literature, however, has convinced me that the first problem to be solved is that of the interpretation of Aristotle's text. There is a general feeling that Aristotle, in reporting and arguing against Zeno's argument, somehow failed. I believe his report is sufficiently clear; although Aristotle's argument contra Zeno is not, perhaps, satisfactory in every respect, Zeno's original paradox can be found in his text. I shall attempt to show that, in order to find it, we must begin by taking both the topography of the stadium and the position of the bodies in it into account, which several recent reconstructions, however satisfactory they may appear to be in other respects, fail to do.

I wish to start from a consideration concerned with a non-philosophical feature the four arguments against motion have in common: the fact that they are fun. They undoubtedly are very serious arguments, but they were also written in order to épater le bourgeois. The first argument proves that a runner will never get to the end of the stadium: once he has got halfway, he still has to get halfway the remaining half, halfway the remaining quarter, and so on, in infinitum. The second proves that swift-footed Achilles will never catch up with the slowest thing on earth, because the distance in between, although constantly diminishing, forever remains proportionally the same. The third proves that a flying arrow, which occupies a place equal to its own size, is at rest, because it does not move at the place where it is, and not at the place where it is not either.

The first three arguments, then, are genuine and rather hilarious paradoxes. They reveal Zeno as a wit. To ask what is so funny about the fourth argument against motion, therefore, is a legitimate question. Yet I have hardly ever read an account of the fourth paradox which brought out the inevitable smile fetched by the others. Instead, one finds complicated discussions about infinite divisibility versus discrete or granular structure, and endless shufflings and reshufflings of the runners on the course. There are several reasons for this unfortunate situation, the most important of which, I believe, is that both ancient commentators (to judge from Simplicius' account) and modern scholars have failed to distinguish (or to distinguish sufficiently) between Zeno's paradox on the one hand and Aristotle's refutation on the other. Another reason is that Aristotle's text is plagued in parts with variae lectiones that seriously affect the meaning of the argument as a whole. Some of these readings enjoy the support of Simplicius, but this does not prove them right, for Simplicius points out one passage where Alexander of Aphrodisias followed a reading different from that accepted by himself and which, as he believes, Alexander "found in some manuscripts" (ἐν ταῖς ἀντιγράφοις εὗρον, In Phys. 1017, 19). Furthermore, as Simplicius likewise tells us (In Phys. 1019, 27–31), Alexander proposed to interpolate Phys. Z 9, 240a15-16 λαὸν-φρήσιν immediately after 240a11 διελῆλυθεν. Alexander, then, found it difficult to understand the argument of the text as transmitted (which, at at least one other point, differed from Simplicius’). Simplicius' lengthy reconstruction of the fourth argument against motion and of Aristotle's critique thereof (In Phys. 1016, 7–1020, 6, printed—as far as 1019, 9—by Lee as T 36) appears to have no other authority than his own, for he differs from Alexander, and the only other person cited (Eudemus, Fr. 106 Wehrli) is only adduced for points which do not affect the interpretation of the more difficult parts of Phys. Z 9, 239b33–240a17.

Although scholars have dealt rather freely with Simplicius' commentary, using only those sections which fit their own views, it should be acknowledged that his reconstruction of the paradox, and especially his diagram of the stadium featuring three rows of runners, have been of crucial importance to the modern history of interpretation of Zeno's argument. I believe, however, that Simplicius (and perhaps Alexander as well) already made the fundamental mistake of failing to distinguish in the proper way between Zeno's paradox and Aristotle's refutation, although in Simplicius' case this is somewhat mitigated by the fact that he apparently noticed the joke of Zeno's argument (one doesn’t know if Alexander did). We are not bound, then, to follow Simplicius all, or even half the way, and need not even accept his guidance as to the choice to be made among the variae lectiones. These different readings themselves, so it seems, reflect different ancient interpretations of Aristotle's exposition. In some manuscripts, interpretamenta may have got into the text (as at 240a6), or even have ousted other, more difficult readings (as at 240a11). [introduction p. 1-3]

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The difficulties involved are of two sorts: philological problems on the one hand, questions of a philosophical nature on the other. In the present paper, I am concerned with the first sort, not the second, although I shall perhaps not be successful in keeping the latter out altogether. A study of the philosophical discussions to be found in the learned literature, however, has convinced me that the first problem to be solved is that of the interpretation of Aristotle's text. There is a general feeling that Aristotle, in reporting and arguing against Zeno's argument, somehow failed. I believe his report is sufficiently clear; although Aristotle's argument contra Zeno is not, perhaps, satisfactory in every respect, Zeno's original paradox can be found in his text. I shall attempt to show that, in order to find it, we must begin by taking both the topography of the stadium and the position of the bodies in it into account, which several recent reconstructions, however satisfactory they may appear to be in other respects, fail to do.\r\n\r\nI wish to start from a consideration concerned with a non-philosophical feature the four arguments against motion have in common: the fact that they are fun. They undoubtedly are very serious arguments, but they were also written in order to \u00e9pater le bourgeois. The first argument proves that a runner will never get to the end of the stadium: once he has got halfway, he still has to get halfway the remaining half, halfway the remaining quarter, and so on, in infinitum. The second proves that swift-footed Achilles will never catch up with the slowest thing on earth, because the distance in between, although constantly diminishing, forever remains proportionally the same. The third proves that a flying arrow, which occupies a place equal to its own size, is at rest, because it does not move at the place where it is, and not at the place where it is not either.\r\n\r\nThe first three arguments, then, are genuine and rather hilarious paradoxes. They reveal Zeno as a wit. To ask what is so funny about the fourth argument against motion, therefore, is a legitimate question. Yet I have hardly ever read an account of the fourth paradox which brought out the inevitable smile fetched by the others. Instead, one finds complicated discussions about infinite divisibility versus discrete or granular structure, and endless shufflings and reshufflings of the runners on the course. There are several reasons for this unfortunate situation, the most important of which, I believe, is that both ancient commentators (to judge from Simplicius' account) and modern scholars have failed to distinguish (or to distinguish sufficiently) between Zeno's paradox on the one hand and Aristotle's refutation on the other. Another reason is that Aristotle's text is plagued in parts with variae lectiones that seriously affect the meaning of the argument as a whole. Some of these readings enjoy the support of Simplicius, but this does not prove them right, for Simplicius points out one passage where Alexander of Aphrodisias followed a reading different from that accepted by himself and which, as he believes, Alexander \"found in some manuscripts\" (\u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u03b1\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f00\u03bd\u03c4\u03b9\u03b3\u03c1\u03ac\u03c6\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2 \u03b5\u1f57\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd, In Phys. 1017, 19). Furthermore, as Simplicius likewise tells us (In Phys. 1019, 27\u201331), Alexander proposed to interpolate Phys. Z 9, 240a15-16 \u03bb\u03b1\u1f78\u03bd-\u03c6\u03c1\u03ae\u03c3\u03b9\u03bd immediately after 240a11 \u03b4\u03b9\u03b5\u03bb\u1fc6\u03bb\u03c5\u03b8\u03b5\u03bd. Alexander, then, found it difficult to understand the argument of the text as transmitted (which, at at least one other point, differed from Simplicius\u2019). Simplicius' lengthy reconstruction of the fourth argument against motion and of Aristotle's critique thereof (In Phys. 1016, 7\u20131020, 6, printed\u2014as far as 1019, 9\u2014by Lee as T 36) appears to have no other authority than his own, for he differs from Alexander, and the only other person cited (Eudemus, Fr. 106 Wehrli) is only adduced for points which do not affect the interpretation of the more difficult parts of Phys. Z 9, 239b33\u2013240a17.\r\n\r\nAlthough scholars have dealt rather freely with Simplicius' commentary, using only those sections which fit their own views, it should be acknowledged that his reconstruction of the paradox, and especially his diagram of the stadium featuring three rows of runners, have been of crucial importance to the modern history of interpretation of Zeno's argument. I believe, however, that Simplicius (and perhaps Alexander as well) already made the fundamental mistake of failing to distinguish in the proper way between Zeno's paradox and Aristotle's refutation, although in Simplicius' case this is somewhat mitigated by the fact that he apparently noticed the joke of Zeno's argument (one doesn\u2019t know if Alexander did). We are not bound, then, to follow Simplicius all, or even half the way, and need not even accept his guidance as to the choice to be made among the variae lectiones. These different readings themselves, so it seems, reflect different ancient interpretations of Aristotle's exposition. In some manuscripts, interpretamenta may have got into the text (as at 240a6), or even have ousted other, more difficult readings (as at 240a11). [introduction p. 1-3]","btype":3,"date":"1982","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/y2jILmoDyxD389y","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":29,"full_name":"Mansfeld, Jaap","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1108,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rheinisches Museum f\u00fcr Philologie","volume":"125","issue":"1","pages":"1-24"}},"sort":["Digging up a Paradox: A Philological Note on Zeno's Stadium"]}

Doxographica Anaxagorea, 1975
By: Schofield, Malcom
Title Doxographica Anaxagorea
Type Article
Language English
Date 1975
Journal Hermes
Volume 103
Issue 1
Pages 1-24
Categories no categories
Author(s) Schofield, Malcom
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The information provided by these three texts that Anaxagoras made special application of his general theory of mixture to problems of growth and nutrition derives in each case from Theophrastus, whose word we have no reason to doubt, and who is in any case supported by Aristotle in De Generatione Animalium. The view, again presented in all three texts, that it was from reflection upon such problems, chiefly or in part, that Anaxagoras was led to formulate his general theory again derives from Theophrastus (and solely from him in Aetius's case) or from Aristotle glossed by Theophrastus (in the case of Simplicius and the scholium). For it is Aristotle who says that it was from seeing everything coming out of everything that Anaxagoras arrived at the theory of mixture, it is Aristotle who invariably illustrates Anaxagoras's "all things" by flesh and bone, and it is upon texts of Aristotle containing this explanation and these illustrations that both Simplicius's commentary and the scholium are based. Aristotle does not concentrate on biological processes exclusively, to be sure, but no doubt Theophrastus was acting in the spirit of Aristotle when he illustrates his own Aristotelian exposition of Anaxagoras's train of thought by reference to the problem of nutrition.

How much, then, are the texts to which Jaeger appealed for his account of Anaxagoras's "methodical point of departure" worth? Just and only as much as are Aristotle and Theophrastus. But whether they are right is, as I have said, another story. [conclusion p. 24]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"854","_score":null,"_source":{"id":854,"authors_free":[{"id":1258,"entry_id":854,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":285,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Schofield, Malcom","free_first_name":"Malcom","free_last_name":"Schofield","norm_person":{"id":285,"first_name":"Malcolm","last_name":"Schofield","full_name":"Schofield, Malcolm","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132323737","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Doxographica Anaxagorea","main_title":{"title":"Doxographica Anaxagorea"},"abstract":"The information provided by these three texts that Anaxagoras made special application of his general theory of mixture to problems of growth and nutrition derives in each case from Theophrastus, whose word we have no reason to doubt, and who is in any case supported by Aristotle in De Generatione Animalium. The view, again presented in all three texts, that it was from reflection upon such problems, chiefly or in part, that Anaxagoras was led to formulate his general theory again derives from Theophrastus (and solely from him in Aetius's case) or from Aristotle glossed by Theophrastus (in the case of Simplicius and the scholium). For it is Aristotle who says that it was from seeing everything coming out of everything that Anaxagoras arrived at the theory of mixture, it is Aristotle who invariably illustrates Anaxagoras's \"all things\" by flesh and bone, and it is upon texts of Aristotle containing this explanation and these illustrations that both Simplicius's commentary and the scholium are based. Aristotle does not concentrate on biological processes exclusively, to be sure, but no doubt Theophrastus was acting in the spirit of Aristotle when he illustrates his own Aristotelian exposition of Anaxagoras's train of thought by reference to the problem of nutrition.\r\n\r\nHow much, then, are the texts to which Jaeger appealed for his account of Anaxagoras's \"methodical point of departure\" worth? Just and only as much as are Aristotle and Theophrastus. But whether they are right is, as I have said, another story. [conclusion p. 24]","btype":3,"date":"1975","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/dX7s9j2RuDMGCdU","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":285,"full_name":"Schofield, Malcolm","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":854,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"103","issue":"1","pages":"1-24"}},"sort":["Doxographica Anaxagorea"]}

Définition et description: Le problème de la saisie des genres premiers et des individus chez Aristote dans l'exégèse de Simplicius, 1987
By: Narbonne, Jean-Marc
Title Définition et description: Le problème de la saisie des genres premiers et des individus chez Aristote dans l'exégèse de Simplicius
Type Article
Language French
Date 1987
Journal Archives de Philosophie
Volume 50
Pages 529-554
Categories no categories
Author(s) Narbonne, Jean-Marc
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Simplicius uses (and distorts) the concept of hypographe (of  Stoic origin) in order to describe the first genera and the particulars which, in Aristotle, are not susceptible to definition. However, a closer examination of the status of science in Aristotle (with reference to the doctrine of incommunicability of genera and the problem of individuation) shows that Simplicius’ attempt is incompatible, or at least difficult to reconcile, with the aristotelianism (of Aristotle). [Author's abstract]

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Empedocles B 96 (462 Bollack) and the Poetry of Adhesion, 1984
By: Sider, David
Title Empedocles B 96 (462 Bollack) and the Poetry of Adhesion
Type Article
Language English
Date 1984
Journal Mnemosyne, Fourth Series
Volume 37
Issue 1-2
Pages 14-24
Categories no categories
Author(s) Sider, David
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Notes on Empedocles B 96

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Empedocles Recycled, 1987
By: Osborne, Catherine
Title Empedocles Recycled
Type Article
Language English
Date 1987
Journal Classical Quarterly
Volume 37
Issue 1
Pages 24-50
Categories no categories
Author(s) Osborne, Catherine
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
It is no longer generally believed that Empedocles was the divided character portrayed by  nineteenth-century  scholars,  a  man  whose  scientific  and  religious  views  were incompatible but untouched  by each  other.  Yet  it  is  still widely held that,  however unitary his  thought,  nevertheless he  still  wrote  more  than  one  poem,  and  that  his poems can be clearly divided between those which do, and those which do not, concern 
'religious matters'.1 Once this assumption can be shown to be shaky or actually false, the  grounds  for  dividing the  quotations  of  Empedocles  into  two  poems  by  subject matter disappear; and without that division our interpretation of  Empedocles stands in  need of  radical revision. This paper starts with  the modest  task  of  showing  that Empedocles may have  written only  one  philosophical  poem  and  not  two,  and  goes on to suggest some of the ways in which we have to rethink the whole story if he did. If all our material belongs to one poem we are bound to link the cycle of the daimones with that of the elements, and this has far-reaching  consequences for our 
interpretation. [Introduction, p. 24]

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Epitêdeiolês in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis, 1972
By: Todd, R. B.
Title Epitêdeiolês in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis
Type Article
Language undefined
Date 1972
Journal Acta Classica
Volume 15
Pages 25-35
Categories no categories
Author(s) Todd, R. B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1562","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1562,"authors_free":[{"id":2729,"entry_id":1562,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":null,"person_id":null,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Todd, R. B.","free_first_name":"R. B.","free_last_name":"Todd","norm_person":null}],"entry_title":"Epit\u00eadeiol\u00eas in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis","main_title":{"title":"Epit\u00eadeiol\u00eas in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis"},"abstract":"","btype":3,"date":"1972","language":"","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/i1HyYnNymEt19CA","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1562,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Acta Classica","volume":"15","issue":"","pages":"25-35"}},"sort":["Epit\u00eadeiol\u00eas in Philosophical Literature: Towards an Analysis"]}

Ficino's Lecture on the Good?, 1977
By: Allen, Michael J. B.
Title Ficino's Lecture on the Good?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1977
Journal Renaissance Quarterly
Volume 30
Issue 2
Pages 160-171
Categories no categories
Author(s) Allen, Michael J. B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This article discusses Plato's Lecture on the Good, the only lecture attributed to Plato by ancient sources. The lecture was attended by Aristotle and other students of Plato and was described as a blend of formal exposition, digressions, and asides. Although it was not a public success, the Lecture became famous in the ancient world for what the Neoplatonists presumed was its Pythagorean content. The Lecture played a role in the history of fifteenth-century Florentine Platonism under its chief architect, Marsilio Ficino, who was interested in reviving Neoplatonism and wedding it to Christianity while also dreaming of revitalizing the day-to-day life of the ancient Athenian Academy. [introduction/conclusion]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1261","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1261,"authors_free":[{"id":1847,"entry_id":1261,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":33,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Allen, Michael J. B.","free_first_name":"Michael J. B.","free_last_name":"Allen","norm_person":{"id":33,"first_name":"Michael J. B. ","last_name":"Allen","full_name":"Allen, Michael J. B. ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/12310405X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Ficino's Lecture on the Good?","main_title":{"title":"Ficino's Lecture on the Good?"},"abstract":"This article discusses Plato's Lecture on the Good, the only lecture attributed to Plato by ancient sources. The lecture was attended by Aristotle and other students of Plato and was described as a blend of formal exposition, digressions, and asides. Although it was not a public success, the Lecture became famous in the ancient world for what the Neoplatonists presumed was its Pythagorean content. The Lecture played a role in the history of fifteenth-century Florentine Platonism under its chief architect, Marsilio Ficino, who was interested in reviving Neoplatonism and wedding it to Christianity while also dreaming of revitalizing the day-to-day life of the ancient Athenian Academy. [introduction\/conclusion]","btype":3,"date":"1977","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/P2WTHK3pKgeUa4u","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":33,"full_name":"Allen, Michael J. B. ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1261,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Renaissance Quarterly ","volume":"30","issue":"2","pages":"160-171"}},"sort":["Ficino's Lecture on the Good?"]}

Jamblique exégète du pythagoricien Archytas: trois originalités d’une doctrine du temps, 1980
By: Hoffmann, Philippe
Title Jamblique exégète du pythagoricien Archytas: trois originalités d’une doctrine du temps
Type Article
Language French
Date 1980
Journal Les Études philosophiques
Volume 3
Pages 307-323
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Le développement de la philosophie grecque tardive est inséparable de l'exégèse de textes canoniques, parmi lesquels les traités d'Aristote et les dialogues de Platon occupent une place tout à fait particulière. Dans le cadre d'une pratique essentiellement scolaire, la tâche du commentateur est d'expliciter une vérité supposée donnée à l'origine, présente dans le texte qui est lu. On a déjà fait remarquer la fécondité philosophique des faux sens, contresens ou déviations qui ne manquent pas de se produire à l'occasion de ces exégèses : c'est par ce travail de l'erreur qu'apparaît souvent une nouveauté doctrinale, et tout se passe comme si la philosophie aimait à se nourrir d'analyses philologiquement erronées ou insoutenables.

Nous voudrions présenter ici un exemple typique de ce phénomène : comment une exégèse néoplatonicienne d'un "faux" pythagoricien a permis l'apparition d'une pensée nouvelle du temps.

Lorsqu'il explique la doctrine aristotélicienne du temps dans ses commentaires aux Catégories et à la Physique, Simplicius suit les traces de Jamblique, aux yeux de qui la source d'Aristote est le pythagoricien Archytas de Tarente. [introduction p. 307]

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John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?, 1986
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.
Title John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?
Type Article
Language English
Date 1986
Journal Hermes
Volume 114
Pages 314–335
Categories no categories
Author(s) Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
What, in the end, can we say about Philoponus’ position as a Platonist, bearing in mind that our conclusions must still in some respects be provision­al? That he was a Neoplatonist is indisputable. Since, however, few if any, of 
his differences with other Neoplatonists seem to arise from the adoption of a specifically Alexandrian philosophical point of view, we must attribute them to his own philosophical -  and theological -  orientation. It turns out that, in 
his case,  »Alexandrian Platonist« may mean little more than a man whose philosophy  was  Neoplatonic,  and  who  worked  at Alexandria,  though  one might observe that there would not have been a warm welcome at Athens for a 
Christian  Neoplatonist,  however closely his  views  might  conform to those codified by Proclus and developed by Damascius.  One could go on to say 
that,  apart from the concentration on Aristotle, his differences from other Alexandrians were greater than theirs from the Athenians. In this connection 
we should notice Philoponus’ frequent appeals to Plato against Aristotle in the passages Simplicius singles out for complaint, and his relatively frequent reservations about the agreement, symphônia, of Plato and Aristotle, which 
most  others  eagerly  sought  to  demonstrate.  And  since  we  started  with  a critique of P r a e c h t e r ,  who did so much to initiate the serious study of the 
Aristotelian commentators, it might be appropriate to end with his characteri­
sation of Philoponus in the De aeternitate mundi: »es ist der gelehrte Platoniker der spricht«. [conclusion, p. 334-335]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"628","_score":null,"_source":{"id":628,"authors_free":[{"id":888,"entry_id":628,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?","main_title":{"title":"John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?"},"abstract":"What, in the end, can we say about Philoponus\u2019 position as a Platonist, bearing in mind that our conclusions must still in some respects be provision\u00adal? That he was a Neoplatonist is indisputable. Since, however, few if any, of \r\nhis differences with other Neoplatonists seem to arise from the adoption of a specifically Alexandrian philosophical point of view, we must attribute them to his own philosophical - and theological - orientation. It turns out that, in \r\nhis case, \u00bbAlexandrian Platonist\u00ab may mean little more than a man whose philosophy was Neoplatonic, and who worked at Alexandria, though one might observe that there would not have been a warm welcome at Athens for a \r\nChristian Neoplatonist, however closely his views might conform to those codified by Proclus and developed by Damascius. One could go on to say \r\nthat, apart from the concentration on Aristotle, his differences from other Alexandrians were greater than theirs from the Athenians. In this connection \r\nwe should notice Philoponus\u2019 frequent appeals to Plato against Aristotle in the passages Simplicius singles out for complaint, and his relatively frequent reservations about the agreement, symph\u00f4nia, of Plato and Aristotle, which \r\nmost others eagerly sought to demonstrate. And since we started with a critique of P r a e c h t e r , who did so much to initiate the serious study of the \r\nAristotelian commentators, it might be appropriate to end with his characteri\u00ad\r\nsation of Philoponus in the De aeternitate mundi: \u00bbes ist der gelehrte Platoniker der spricht\u00ab. [conclusion, p. 334-335]\r\n","btype":3,"date":"1986","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/cP5twq2fWJQvBVn","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":628,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"114","issue":"","pages":"314\u2013335"}},"sort":["John Philoponus: Alexandrian Platonist?"]}

L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs néo-platoniciens, 1981
By: Narcy, Michel
Title L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs néo-platoniciens
Type Article
Language French
Date 1981
Journal Les Études philosophiques
Volume 1
Pages 35-52
Categories no categories
Author(s) Narcy, Michel
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This text discusses the expression of Neoplatonism after Plotinus, which was primarily in the form of commentary on earlier works. However, this method can lead to errors and departures from the original ideas. The article examines how this applies to interpretations of homonymy in Aristotle's Categories, which are inconsistent among commentators. The author suggests that by examining how homonymy is used to resolve specific problems, one can better understand its meaning and transformation from Aristotle to Neoplatonism. The discussion centers on a passage in Simplicius's commentary on Categories in which he comments on Aristotle's remarks about the paronymous naming of beings defined by their quality. The author compares Simplicius's comments to Aristotle's original text, and argues that the former intentionally misrepresents the latter. [derived from the introduction]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1104","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1104,"authors_free":[{"id":1667,"entry_id":1104,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":277,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Narcy, Michel","free_first_name":"Michel","free_last_name":"Narcy","norm_person":{"id":277,"first_name":"Michel","last_name":"Narcy","full_name":"Narcy, Michel","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/129449512","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs n\u00e9o-platoniciens","main_title":{"title":"L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs n\u00e9o-platoniciens"},"abstract":"This text discusses the expression of Neoplatonism after Plotinus, which was primarily in the form of commentary on earlier works. However, this method can lead to errors and departures from the original ideas. The article examines how this applies to interpretations of homonymy in Aristotle's Categories, which are inconsistent among commentators. The author suggests that by examining how homonymy is used to resolve specific problems, one can better understand its meaning and transformation from Aristotle to Neoplatonism. The discussion centers on a passage in Simplicius's commentary on Categories in which he comments on Aristotle's remarks about the paronymous naming of beings defined by their quality. The author compares Simplicius's comments to Aristotle's original text, and argues that the former intentionally misrepresents the latter. [derived from the introduction]","btype":3,"date":"1981","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/LehHtPQbB1BKLEC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":277,"full_name":"Narcy, Michel","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1104,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"1","issue":"","pages":"35-52"}},"sort":["L'homonymie entre Aristote et ses commentateurs n\u00e9o-platoniciens"]}

La Physique d’Empédocle selon Simplicius, 1989
By: Stevens, Annick
Title La Physique d’Empédocle selon Simplicius
Type Article
Language French
Date 1989
Journal Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire
Volume 67
Issue 1
Pages 65-74
Categories no categories
Author(s) Stevens, Annick
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
J'en arrive à faire la synthèse de l'apport positif et original qui résulte de l'étude de Simplicius. Tout d'abord, quand il ne se démarque pas de la tradition doxographique, c'est qu'elle transmet l'interprétation la plus plausible : ainsi, la matérialité des racines à partir desquelles sont créés tous les corps et l'explication de leurs mélanges par l'introduction de principes de création, auxquels il donne un nom assez prudent pour ne pas offrir prise à la réfutation. Remarquons en outre sa clairvoyance quant au choix de la désignation des principes créateurs à partir de notions connues dans le réel observable, pour décrire le réel invisible.

D'autre part, Simplicius se démarque des autres doxographes anciens en refusant la conception d'un cycle cosmique à quatre phases. Là encore, si l'on veut respecter le texte d'Empédocle, on ne peut que lui donner raison : seuls deux stades cosmiques sont décrits : le tout unifié de la Sphère (où la Haine, néanmoins, n'est pas détruite mais retirée aux confins) et la multiplicité née de l'opposition des deux principes créateurs. Il fallait en effet souligner que ni l'un ni l'autre ne peut créer seul ; en ce sens, ils sont, autant qu'opposés, complémentaires.

Reste à savoir si ces deux stades existent alternativement ou simultanément et, à ce propos, il est clair que Simplicius a voulu imposer la vision néo-platonicienne au détriment de la stricte observation du texte. Ses arguments en faveur de la « double disposition » sont faibles et parfois même péremptoires, dans la mesure où il annihile les passages qui le gênent en les qualifiant de « fiction poétique ».

En revanche, sa « solution de rechange », qui fait état d'une coexistence entre le mouvement et une certaine forme d'immobilité (donc, d'une certaine manière, d'une double manifestation du réel) — cette immobilité résultant de l'incessant roulement du devenir —, cette conception, loin d'entrer en contradiction avec ce que nous savons des théories présocratiques en général et empédocléenne en particulier, est extrêmement intéressante et peut ouvrir la voie à un nouvel examen approfondi du poème d'Empédocle. [conclusion p. 74]

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La Récupération d'Anaxagore, 1980
By: Ramnoux, Clémence
Title La Récupération d'Anaxagore
Type Article
Language French
Date 1980
Journal Archives de Philosophie
Volume 43
Issue 1
Pages 75-98
Categories no categories
Author(s) Ramnoux, Clémence
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The author meant to «recuperate» the Fragments of Anaxagoras, most of which are transmitted in the Commentary of Simplicius on Aristotle's Physics I, 4, without severing them from their context. While doing so he was interested in the neo-platonicist presentation itself, and also in the modern interpretations proceeding from it, enhancing an interpretative tradition. The first article inquires into the presentation of doctrines by dichotomic confrontation and into the problem of contrary couples. Following on the recuperation of the Fragments of Anaxagoras in a neo-platonic context, the second article presents the doctrine of the Spirit as agent both of thinking discrimination and of mechanical separation which starts from the original gathering, and which is both thought and subtantial. It examines subsequently how far a doctrine of the plurality of worlds can be attributed to Anaxagoras. [Author's abstract]

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La Récupération d'Anaxagore II, 1980
By: Ramnoux, Clémence
Title La Récupération d'Anaxagore II
Type Article
Language French
Date 1980
Journal Archives de Philosophie
Volume 43
Pages 279-297
Categories no categories
Author(s) Ramnoux, Clémence
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The text discusses the concept of the mind and plurality of worlds in Anaxagoras' philosophy. It focuses on a fragment that is the longest and most extensive in relation to the mind. The author explores the vocabulary used by Anaxagoras to articulate his doctrine and how it uses oppositions such as one and multiple, similar and different, light and dark, hot and cold, dry and wet to categorize things. The author also discusses Anaxagoras' use of the concept of infinity in relation to both numbers and spatial dimensions. The text also highlights the attributes of the mind, such as its spatial greatness, lightness, and purity, which allow for quick movement and perception. The author concludes that Anaxagoras' conception of the mind is not divine, but rather characterized by its separation from everything else. [introduction]

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La taille et la forme des atomes dans les systèmes de Démocrite et d'Épicure («Préjugé» et «présupposé» en histoire de la philosophie), 1982
By: O'Brien, Denis
Title La taille et la forme des atomes dans les systèmes de Démocrite et d'Épicure («Préjugé» et «présupposé» en histoire de la philosophie)
Type Article
Language French
Date 1982
Journal Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'Étranger
Volume 172
Issue 2
Pages 187-203
Categories no categories
Author(s) O'Brien, Denis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Qu'on n'aille pas en conclure que nous suivons aveuglément tout propos du Stagirite. Une observation permettra d'atténuer la valeur de son témoignage et de nuancer la conclusion à laquelle nous sommes arrivés jusqu'ici.

Selon l'hypothèse élaborée ci-dessus, Démocrite et Épicure ne se seraient pas opposés sur la question de la grandeur des atomes. Pour l'un et l'autre philosophe, la gamme des grandeurs aura été en effet finie. Mais scrutons de plus près les deux thèses concernant la forme des atomes. Épicure précise que les variétés de forme sont, non pas « infinies », mais « insaisissables » (ἀπερίληπτοι). Quant à Démocrite et à Leucippe, Aristote affirme deux fois que les variétés de forme sont « infinies », d'une part en parlant de la multiplicité « infinie » des atomes, d'autre part en opposant la théorie de Leucippe à celle de Platon.

En revanche, lorsqu'il présente le système atomiste dans le fragment Sur Démocrite, les différences de forme sont dites, non plus « infinies », mais « innombrables » (ἀναρίθμητος).

À en juger d'après l'Index de Bonitz, ce dernier terme est un hapax dans l'œuvre d'Aristote. S'ensuit-il qu'il soit, sinon un vocable d'emprunt, du moins un terme transposé, plus proche de l'expression originale de Démocrite ?

Mais qu'est-ce qui sépare alors la doctrine des Abdéritains et celle d'Épicure ? Où passe la distinction entre différences « innombrables » (Démocrite) et différences « insaisissables » (Épicure) ?

Un dernier paradoxe semble poindre : on peut en effet se demander si, en refusant l'hypothèse d'une variété infinie de formes, Épicure ne s'opposait pas à la formulation qu'en avait donnée Aristote, bien plus qu'il ne songeait à rectifier la théorie de Démocrite.

Mais nous effleurons ici un problème nouveau, celui de l'élaboration progressive des notions d'infini et de fini ; impossible de l'approfondir sans balayer les « préjugés » et les « présupposés » qui, sur ce point aussi, nous séparent des notions primitives par une proximité illusoire.

Problème trop vaste pour qu'on puisse l'aborder dans cet article. [conclusion 201-203]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1101","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1101,"authors_free":[{"id":1664,"entry_id":1101,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":144,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"O'Brien, Denis","free_first_name":"Denis","free_last_name":"O'Brien","norm_person":{"id":144,"first_name":"Denis","last_name":"O'Brien","full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/134134079","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La taille et la forme des atomes dans les syst\u00e8mes de D\u00e9mocrite et d'\u00c9picure (\u00abPr\u00e9jug\u00e9\u00bb et \u00abpr\u00e9suppos\u00e9\u00bb en histoire de la philosophie)","main_title":{"title":"La taille et la forme des atomes dans les syst\u00e8mes de D\u00e9mocrite et d'\u00c9picure (\u00abPr\u00e9jug\u00e9\u00bb et \u00abpr\u00e9suppos\u00e9\u00bb en histoire de la philosophie)"},"abstract":"Qu'on n'aille pas en conclure que nous suivons aveugl\u00e9ment tout propos du Stagirite. Une observation permettra d'att\u00e9nuer la valeur de son t\u00e9moignage et de nuancer la conclusion \u00e0 laquelle nous sommes arriv\u00e9s jusqu'ici.\r\n\r\nSelon l'hypoth\u00e8se \u00e9labor\u00e9e ci-dessus, D\u00e9mocrite et \u00c9picure ne se seraient pas oppos\u00e9s sur la question de la grandeur des atomes. Pour l'un et l'autre philosophe, la gamme des grandeurs aura \u00e9t\u00e9 en effet finie. Mais scrutons de plus pr\u00e8s les deux th\u00e8ses concernant la forme des atomes. \u00c9picure pr\u00e9cise que les vari\u00e9t\u00e9s de forme sont, non pas \u00ab infinies \u00bb, mais \u00ab insaisissables \u00bb (\u1f00\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af\u03bb\u03b7\u03c0\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9). Quant \u00e0 D\u00e9mocrite et \u00e0 Leucippe, Aristote affirme deux fois que les vari\u00e9t\u00e9s de forme sont \u00ab infinies \u00bb, d'une part en parlant de la multiplicit\u00e9 \u00ab infinie \u00bb des atomes, d'autre part en opposant la th\u00e9orie de Leucippe \u00e0 celle de Platon.\r\n\r\nEn revanche, lorsqu'il pr\u00e9sente le syst\u00e8me atomiste dans le fragment Sur D\u00e9mocrite, les diff\u00e9rences de forme sont dites, non plus \u00ab infinies \u00bb, mais \u00ab innombrables \u00bb (\u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03c1\u03af\u03b8\u03bc\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2).\r\n\r\n\u00c0 en juger d'apr\u00e8s l'Index de Bonitz, ce dernier terme est un hapax dans l'\u0153uvre d'Aristote. S'ensuit-il qu'il soit, sinon un vocable d'emprunt, du moins un terme transpos\u00e9, plus proche de l'expression originale de D\u00e9mocrite ?\r\n\r\nMais qu'est-ce qui s\u00e9pare alors la doctrine des Abd\u00e9ritains et celle d'\u00c9picure ? O\u00f9 passe la distinction entre diff\u00e9rences \u00ab innombrables \u00bb (D\u00e9mocrite) et diff\u00e9rences \u00ab insaisissables \u00bb (\u00c9picure) ?\r\n\r\nUn dernier paradoxe semble poindre : on peut en effet se demander si, en refusant l'hypoth\u00e8se d'une vari\u00e9t\u00e9 infinie de formes, \u00c9picure ne s'opposait pas \u00e0 la formulation qu'en avait donn\u00e9e Aristote, bien plus qu'il ne songeait \u00e0 rectifier la th\u00e9orie de D\u00e9mocrite.\r\n\r\nMais nous effleurons ici un probl\u00e8me nouveau, celui de l'\u00e9laboration progressive des notions d'infini et de fini ; impossible de l'approfondir sans balayer les \u00ab pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s \u00bb et les \u00ab pr\u00e9suppos\u00e9s \u00bb qui, sur ce point aussi, nous s\u00e9parent des notions primitives par une proximit\u00e9 illusoire.\r\n\r\nProbl\u00e8me trop vaste pour qu'on puisse l'aborder dans cet article. [conclusion 201-203]","btype":3,"date":"1982","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/AhK7pfqowUhUex4","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":144,"full_name":"O'Brien, Denis","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1101,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue Philosophique de la France et de l'\u00c9tranger","volume":"172","issue":"2","pages":"187-203"}},"sort":["La taille et la forme des atomes dans les syst\u00e8mes de D\u00e9mocrite et d'\u00c9picure (\u00abPr\u00e9jug\u00e9\u00bb et \u00abpr\u00e9suppos\u00e9\u00bb en histoire de la philosophie)"]}

La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle "Categorie" di Aristotele, 1983
By: Conti, Alessandro D.
Title La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle "Categorie" di Aristotele
Type Article
Language Italian
Date 1983
Journal Rivista critica di storia della filosofia
Volume 38
Issue 3
Pages 259-283
Categories no categories
Author(s) Conti, Alessandro D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Uno dei contributi particolari più rilevanti che i commentatori neoplatonici hanno recato allo sviluppo e alla sistemazione della dottrina categoriale aristotelica è senza dubbio quello relativo all'analisi della nozione di πρός τι.

Essi, infatti, nel tentativo di fornire un'interpretazione del settimo capitolo delle Categorie che fosse (i) internamente coerente e (ii) solidale con la lettura generale del trattato, sono giunti a elaborare in forma sufficientemente compiuta un concetto di relazione analogo al moderno concetto di relazione binaria, del tutto assente, invece, negli scritti di Aristotele, che pare conoscere solo un non ben definito concetto di relativo (πρός τι).

In altre parole: mentre lo Stagirita (i) operava con la sola nozione di relativo e (ii) concepiva i relativi — sotto l'influenza di evidenti suggestioni grammaticali — come le entità che corrispondono ai termini non assoluti del linguaggio (cioè non aventi significato se non in riferimento a un altro termine), i neoplatonici, al contrario, saranno in grado (i) di servirsi sia della nozione di relativo che di quella di relazione (σχέσις), e (ii) di concepire, in un certo qual modo, le relazioni come funzioni diadiche (o meglio, come una sorta di corrispettivo ontologico delle nostre funzioni diadiche) e i relativi come gli argomenti che tali funzioni soddisfano.

Le precise scelte interpretative su alcuni problemi cruciali del trattato, e cioè:

    la valenza della tavola categoriale,
    la distinzione delle categorie,
    il tipo d'esistenza degli accidenti

da una parte, e l'accettazione dell'idea, aristotelicamente corretta, che i πρός τι devono essere presi a coppie, dall'altra, sono gli elementi che hanno reso possibile ai neoplatonici la formulazione del concetto di relazione (binaria).

Essi infatti ritenevano:

    che la tavola categoriale avesse una precisa valenza ontologica, ripartendo non solo nomi e concetti, ma anche cose;
    che la distinzione tra le dieci categorie fosse reale e non concettuale;
    che gli accidenti fossero forme inerenti alle sostanze.

In conseguenza dei primi due punti, i neoplatonici erano indotti a difendere l'oggettività, la realtà e l'indipendenza della categoria dei πρός τι e dei suoi appartenenti, e a rifiutare, quindi, qualsiasi tentativo di interpretazione che volesse ridurla, direttamente o indirettamente, alle altre categorie.

D'altra parte, concepire gli accidenti come forme inerenti alle sostanze equivaleva a considerare il rapporto tra ciascun genere degli accidenti e la sostanza alla stregua di quello della qualità, e quindi secondo il modello qualità-cosa qualificata.

Così, nel caso dei πρός τι, i neoplatonici pensavano che l'entità "padre" fosse un'entità composta di una sostanza e di una certa forma accidentale, la paternità, ad essa inerente, non diversamente da come "bianco" è un'entità composta da una sostanza e dalla forma della bianchezza.

Per avere un concetto corretto di relazione bastava, a questo punto, assumere, coerentemente con l'idea che i πρός τι vanno presi a coppie, che la caratteristica peculiare di queste particolari forme accidentali fosse quella di riferirsi e collegare tra loro due entità distinte.

Scrive, ad esempio, Simplicio:

    «È proprio soltanto della relazione il sussistere una in molti enti, cosa che non capita a nessuna delle altre categorie» (Simplicio, In Cat., p. 161, 6-8).

E si legge in Olimpiodoro:

    «Infatti nei relativi una è la relazione, ma distinte le entità che l'accolgono» (Olimpiodoro, In Cat., p. 97, 30-1).

Su queste nuove basi concettuali, i commentatori neoplatonici potranno sviluppare una teoria dei πρός τι sufficientemente omogenea e coerente nelle sue linee più generali, che adopereranno come modello interpretativo della confusa dottrina aristotelica.

In questo modo, essi riusciranno a presentare quest'ultima come un sistema sostanzialmente compiuto e ordinato.

E anzi, i punti e gli elementi incongrui che ancora vi sopravviveranno saranno dovuti più a un evidente desiderio di giustificare e spiegare comunque — per lo meno parzialmente se non in toto — le affermazioni dello Stagirita, che a delle effettive carenze nella teoria da essi elaborata. [introduction p. 259-263]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1275","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1275,"authors_free":[{"id":1864,"entry_id":1275,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":52,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Conti, Alessandro D.","free_first_name":"Alessandro D.","free_last_name":"Conti","norm_person":{"id":52,"first_name":"Alessandro D.","last_name":"Conti","full_name":"Conti, Alessandro D.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1047115123","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle \"Categorie\" di Aristotele","main_title":{"title":"La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle \"Categorie\" di Aristotele"},"abstract":"Uno dei contributi particolari pi\u00f9 rilevanti che i commentatori neoplatonici hanno recato allo sviluppo e alla sistemazione della dottrina categoriale aristotelica \u00e8 senza dubbio quello relativo all'analisi della nozione di \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9.\r\n\r\nEssi, infatti, nel tentativo di fornire un'interpretazione del settimo capitolo delle Categorie che fosse (i) internamente coerente e (ii) solidale con la lettura generale del trattato, sono giunti a elaborare in forma sufficientemente compiuta un concetto di relazione analogo al moderno concetto di relazione binaria, del tutto assente, invece, negli scritti di Aristotele, che pare conoscere solo un non ben definito concetto di relativo (\u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9).\r\n\r\nIn altre parole: mentre lo Stagirita (i) operava con la sola nozione di relativo e (ii) concepiva i relativi \u2014 sotto l'influenza di evidenti suggestioni grammaticali \u2014 come le entit\u00e0 che corrispondono ai termini non assoluti del linguaggio (cio\u00e8 non aventi significato se non in riferimento a un altro termine), i neoplatonici, al contrario, saranno in grado (i) di servirsi sia della nozione di relativo che di quella di relazione (\u03c3\u03c7\u03ad\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2), e (ii) di concepire, in un certo qual modo, le relazioni come funzioni diadiche (o meglio, come una sorta di corrispettivo ontologico delle nostre funzioni diadiche) e i relativi come gli argomenti che tali funzioni soddisfano.\r\n\r\nLe precise scelte interpretative su alcuni problemi cruciali del trattato, e cio\u00e8:\r\n\r\n la valenza della tavola categoriale,\r\n la distinzione delle categorie,\r\n il tipo d'esistenza degli accidenti\r\n\r\nda una parte, e l'accettazione dell'idea, aristotelicamente corretta, che i \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9 devono essere presi a coppie, dall'altra, sono gli elementi che hanno reso possibile ai neoplatonici la formulazione del concetto di relazione (binaria).\r\n\r\nEssi infatti ritenevano:\r\n\r\n che la tavola categoriale avesse una precisa valenza ontologica, ripartendo non solo nomi e concetti, ma anche cose;\r\n che la distinzione tra le dieci categorie fosse reale e non concettuale;\r\n che gli accidenti fossero forme inerenti alle sostanze.\r\n\r\nIn conseguenza dei primi due punti, i neoplatonici erano indotti a difendere l'oggettivit\u00e0, la realt\u00e0 e l'indipendenza della categoria dei \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9 e dei suoi appartenenti, e a rifiutare, quindi, qualsiasi tentativo di interpretazione che volesse ridurla, direttamente o indirettamente, alle altre categorie.\r\n\r\nD'altra parte, concepire gli accidenti come forme inerenti alle sostanze equivaleva a considerare il rapporto tra ciascun genere degli accidenti e la sostanza alla stregua di quello della qualit\u00e0, e quindi secondo il modello qualit\u00e0-cosa qualificata.\r\n\r\nCos\u00ec, nel caso dei \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9, i neoplatonici pensavano che l'entit\u00e0 \"padre\" fosse un'entit\u00e0 composta di una sostanza e di una certa forma accidentale, la paternit\u00e0, ad essa inerente, non diversamente da come \"bianco\" \u00e8 un'entit\u00e0 composta da una sostanza e dalla forma della bianchezza.\r\n\r\nPer avere un concetto corretto di relazione bastava, a questo punto, assumere, coerentemente con l'idea che i \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9 vanno presi a coppie, che la caratteristica peculiare di queste particolari forme accidentali fosse quella di riferirsi e collegare tra loro due entit\u00e0 distinte.\r\n\r\nScrive, ad esempio, Simplicio:\r\n\r\n \u00ab\u00c8 proprio soltanto della relazione il sussistere una in molti enti, cosa che non capita a nessuna delle altre categorie\u00bb (Simplicio, In Cat., p. 161, 6-8).\r\n\r\nE si legge in Olimpiodoro:\r\n\r\n \u00abInfatti nei relativi una \u00e8 la relazione, ma distinte le entit\u00e0 che l'accolgono\u00bb (Olimpiodoro, In Cat., p. 97, 30-1).\r\n\r\nSu queste nuove basi concettuali, i commentatori neoplatonici potranno sviluppare una teoria dei \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b9 sufficientemente omogenea e coerente nelle sue linee pi\u00f9 generali, che adopereranno come modello interpretativo della confusa dottrina aristotelica.\r\n\r\nIn questo modo, essi riusciranno a presentare quest'ultima come un sistema sostanzialmente compiuto e ordinato.\r\n\r\nE anzi, i punti e gli elementi incongrui che ancora vi sopravviveranno saranno dovuti pi\u00f9 a un evidente desiderio di giustificare e spiegare comunque \u2014 per lo meno parzialmente se non in toto \u2014 le affermazioni dello Stagirita, che a delle effettive carenze nella teoria da essi elaborata. [introduction p. 259-263]","btype":3,"date":"1983","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/9gdQy8F1p83C8kj","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":52,"full_name":"Conti, Alessandro D.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1275,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rivista critica di storia della filosofia","volume":"38","issue":"3","pages":"259-283"}},"sort":["La teoria della relazione nei commentatori neoplatonici delle \"Categorie\" di Aristotele"]}

La teoria della relazione nei commenti neoplatonici alle Categorie di Aristotele, 1983
By: Conti, A. D.
Title La teoria della relazione nei commenti neoplatonici alle Categorie di Aristotele
Type Article
Language Italian
Date 1983
Journal Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofía
Volume 3
Pages 159-283
Categories no categories
Author(s) Conti, A. D.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)

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La tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d'Épictète. Addenda et Corrigenda, 1983
By: Hadot, Ilsetraut
Title La tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius sur le Manuel d'Épictète. Addenda et Corrigenda
Type Article
Language French
Date 1983
Journal Revue d'histoire des textes
Volume 11
Pages 387-395
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hadot, Ilsetraut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The present study, as the title indicates, brings some supplementary information and minor corrections to my article on La tradition manuscrite du commentaire de Simplicius sur le « Manuel » d'Épictète, which appeared in volume VIII (1978) if
the Revue d'Histoire des Textes (pp. 1-108). As part of these addenda, I have identified two new Greek texts, contained in the Neapolitans III. B. 12 : one fragment of Aristotle's Metaphysics, and another fragment of the commentary by Simplicius on Aristotle's De caelo ; each of these fragments is the length of a quaternion. [author's abstract]

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Le temps intégral selon Damascius, 1980
By: Galperine, Marie-Claire
Title Le temps intégral selon Damascius
Type Article
Language French
Date 1980
Journal Les Études philosophiques
Volume 3: Doctrines du temps
Pages 325-341
Categories no categories
Author(s) Galperine, Marie-Claire
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This text explores Aristotle's unresolved aporias on the nature of time in Physics IV (217b30 - 218a30), highlighting a metaphysical dilemma: whether time belongs to being or non-being. Aristotle leaves the question undecided, shifting focus to the nature of time, a problem he may have deliberately avoided. Ancient thinkers, however, did not shy away from addressing these aporias.

Damascius offers a resolution to Aristotle’s dilemmas in his commentary on Plato’s Parmenides and his lost treatise on number, place, and time, fragments of which are preserved by Simplicius. Damascius’ concept of "integral time" distinguishes between two meanings of "now": Aristotle’s punctual "now," a limit of time, and Damascius’ "present," a temporal continuum. Simplicius, though critical of Damascius’ ideas, acknowledges this distinction as key to resolving Aristotle’s aporias.

Simplicius' Corollarium de tempore expands on this, presenting time as simultaneously existent in its entirety ("integral time"), a concept rooted in Damascius’ philosophy. However, Simplicius’ partial understanding of Damascius’ thought highlights his struggle to reconcile Damascius’ notion of time with Aristotelian paradigms.

The analysis situates Damascius’ ideas within the framework of both Plato’s Parmenides and Aristotle’s Physics, showcasing how he integrates Platonic metaphysics with Aristotelian logic to address foundational questions about the nature and being of time. [introduction p. 325-327]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"544","_score":null,"_source":{"id":544,"authors_free":[{"id":768,"entry_id":544,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":123,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Galperine, Marie-Claire","free_first_name":"Marie-Claire","free_last_name":"Galperine","norm_person":{"id":123,"first_name":"Marie-Claire","last_name":"Galperine","full_name":"Galperine, Marie-Claire","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Le temps int\u00e9gral selon Damascius","main_title":{"title":"Le temps int\u00e9gral selon Damascius"},"abstract":"This text explores Aristotle's unresolved aporias on the nature of time in Physics IV (217b30 - 218a30), highlighting a metaphysical dilemma: whether time belongs to being or non-being. Aristotle leaves the question undecided, shifting focus to the nature of time, a problem he may have deliberately avoided. Ancient thinkers, however, did not shy away from addressing these aporias.\r\n\r\nDamascius offers a resolution to Aristotle\u2019s dilemmas in his commentary on Plato\u2019s Parmenides and his lost treatise on number, place, and time, fragments of which are preserved by Simplicius. Damascius\u2019 concept of \"integral time\" distinguishes between two meanings of \"now\": Aristotle\u2019s punctual \"now,\" a limit of time, and Damascius\u2019 \"present,\" a temporal continuum. Simplicius, though critical of Damascius\u2019 ideas, acknowledges this distinction as key to resolving Aristotle\u2019s aporias.\r\n\r\nSimplicius' Corollarium de tempore expands on this, presenting time as simultaneously existent in its entirety (\"integral time\"), a concept rooted in Damascius\u2019 philosophy. However, Simplicius\u2019 partial understanding of Damascius\u2019 thought highlights his struggle to reconcile Damascius\u2019 notion of time with Aristotelian paradigms.\r\n\r\nThe analysis situates Damascius\u2019 ideas within the framework of both Plato\u2019s Parmenides and Aristotle\u2019s Physics, showcasing how he integrates Platonic metaphysics with Aristotelian logic to address foundational questions about the nature and being of time. [introduction p. 325-327]","btype":3,"date":"1980","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/K2X5R1lQigoI37E","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":123,"full_name":"Galperine, Marie-Claire","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":544,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"3: Doctrines du temps","issue":"","pages":"325-341"}},"sort":["Le temps int\u00e9gral selon Damascius"]}

Le thème de la grande année d'Héraclite aux Stoiciens, 1989
By: Bels, Jacques
Title Le thème de la grande année d'Héraclite aux Stoiciens
Type Article
Language French
Date 1989
Journal Revue de Philosophie Ancienne
Volume 7
Issue 2
Pages 169-183
Categories no categories
Author(s) Bels, Jacques
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
D’Héraclite aux stoïciens, en passant par Platon qui adopte un point de vue analogue à celui de l’Éphésien, le discours sur la Grande Année est au cœur même de la conception philosophique, même s’il subit une modification dans son appréhension. En effet, à une lecture (re)générante, le stoïcisme substitue une perspective finaliste quand il privilégie le lien Grande Année-ekpyrosis. Cette accentuation d’une Grande Année conçue comme limite, au détriment de la régénération, se marque également dans la liaison ekpyrosis-fin de la survie limitée. En effet, selon les stoïciens, à la disparition des corps, la partie spirituelle subsiste un certain temps avant de disparaître à son tour.

Conséquence logique de la thèse selon laquelle ce qui est engendré doit disparaître, cette mort de l’âme correspond, chez Cléanthe et Chrysippe, à la conflagration universelle. Pour le premier, en effet, toutes les âmes survivent jusqu’à l’embrasement final, tandis que, pour le second, seules les âmes des sages connaissent ce privilège, celles des "insensés" disparaissant plus rapidement.

Dès lors, quand il établit une parenté entre les stoïciens et Héraclite, Simplicius a partiellement raison : ces penseurs ont posé l’existence d’une Grande Année. Il oublie simplement de préciser qu’ils lui ont assigné des priorités différentes. [conclusion p. 183]

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Les présocratiques et la question de l'infini, 1981
By: Frère, Jean
Title Les présocratiques et la question de l'infini
Type Article
Language French
Date 1981
Journal Les Études philosophiques
Volume 1
Pages 19-33
Categories no categories
Author(s) Frère, Jean
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Bien avant la philosophie de Platon et celle d'Aristote, la pensée grecque a rencontré la question du rapport entre l'infini (apeiros) et la perfection. Mais, pour aborder ce que les Grecs veulent nommer par le « non-limité », il convient de partir du débat que les linguistes ont engagé autour du terme. Plusieurs interprétations sémantiques sont envisagées dans le rapport entre apeiros et peirar/peras. Dans une première solution, le préfixe négatif a- se combine avec peras ; dans une seconde, le a- privatif porte sur la racine per (perô, peirô, perainô), qui signifie passage et traversée. En ce qui concerne peras, les linguistes sont de nouveau partagés entre « limite, bout, extrémité » ou « lien ».

Pour ce qui est de la langue grecque, non encore conceptualisée par la démarche philosophique, ce que « illimité » peut véhiculer de non clair pour la raison ou de non rassurant pour le sentiment ne comporte pourtant aucune dimension de cette angoisse et de ce vertige que retiendra Pascal. Lorsque Homère ou Hésiode parlent de la « terre sans limite », lorsque Pindare chante la « renommée infinie » du héros, l’adjectif apeirôn se relie généralement à l’éloge de qualités concernant choses ou hommes. Il y a aussi l’idée de profondeur sans fin (le sommeil, hypnos, Odyssée VII, 286) ou d’ampleur (une foule d’hommes, Iliade XXIV, 776). C’est moins son aspect infini que son pouvoir d’engloutir qui fait caractériser comme terrible la mer infinie. De même, l’adjectif apeirôn, infini, renvoie à l’immensité comme profusion et comme richesse, qu’il s’agisse du lieu, du temps ou du nombre.

Avec les présocratiques, apeiros/to apeiron s’installent dans la pensée philosophique. À travers des textes fragmentaires, il est difficile de savoir avec certitude la conception de l’infini (apeiron) que les présocratiques, de Thalès à Anaxagore et aux sophistes, avaient pu élaborer. Néanmoins, le problème de apeiron n’a pas été sans importance pour eux. Que l’un d’eux, Anaximandre, ait fait de l’apeiron l’archê de l’univers en est la marque. Et Mélissos caractérise le principe (archê) comme infini (apeiron). L’apeiron n’est donc point pour les présocratiques uniquement lié à l’imperfection que sera l’apeiron du Philebe.

Il y a dans la pensée grecque des premiers temps comme un pressentiment de la richesse de l’infini, aussi bien qu’il désigne une absence de limite où la raison se perd. L’apeiron renvoie surtout à la spatialité, se lie à la grandeur (megethos), comme l’éternité (to aidion) se lie au temps. Dans les philosophies où la nature (physis) est aux confins du divin et du matériel, le principe, le tout, les mondes sont caractérisés d’abord par l’infini de grandeur, l’illimité. Mais l’infini est aussi envisagé comme indéfini qualitatif.

Toutefois, face à l’infini qui est déterminé par sa richesse, certains présocratiques ont envisagé aussi l’infini qui est pure indétermination, degré incomplet de l’Être et forme du moindre Être. On trouve ici l’esquisse des conceptions philosophiques qui vont se préciser dans les théories plus élaborées de Platon et d’Aristote. [introduction p. 19-20]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"745","_score":null,"_source":{"id":745,"authors_free":[{"id":1108,"entry_id":745,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":101,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","free_first_name":"Jean","free_last_name":"Fr\u00e8re","norm_person":{"id":101,"first_name":"Jean","last_name":"Fr\u00e8re","full_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130051187","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les pr\u00e9socratiques et la question de l'infini","main_title":{"title":"Les pr\u00e9socratiques et la question de l'infini"},"abstract":"Bien avant la philosophie de Platon et celle d'Aristote, la pens\u00e9e grecque a rencontr\u00e9 la question du rapport entre l'infini (apeiros) et la perfection. Mais, pour aborder ce que les Grecs veulent nommer par le \u00ab non-limit\u00e9 \u00bb, il convient de partir du d\u00e9bat que les linguistes ont engag\u00e9 autour du terme. Plusieurs interpr\u00e9tations s\u00e9mantiques sont envisag\u00e9es dans le rapport entre apeiros et peirar\/peras. Dans une premi\u00e8re solution, le pr\u00e9fixe n\u00e9gatif a- se combine avec peras ; dans une seconde, le a- privatif porte sur la racine per (per\u00f4, peir\u00f4, perain\u00f4), qui signifie passage et travers\u00e9e. En ce qui concerne peras, les linguistes sont de nouveau partag\u00e9s entre \u00ab limite, bout, extr\u00e9mit\u00e9 \u00bb ou \u00ab lien \u00bb.\r\n\r\nPour ce qui est de la langue grecque, non encore conceptualis\u00e9e par la d\u00e9marche philosophique, ce que \u00ab illimit\u00e9 \u00bb peut v\u00e9hiculer de non clair pour la raison ou de non rassurant pour le sentiment ne comporte pourtant aucune dimension de cette angoisse et de ce vertige que retiendra Pascal. Lorsque Hom\u00e8re ou H\u00e9siode parlent de la \u00ab terre sans limite \u00bb, lorsque Pindare chante la \u00ab renomm\u00e9e infinie \u00bb du h\u00e9ros, l\u2019adjectif apeir\u00f4n se relie g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9loge de qualit\u00e9s concernant choses ou hommes. Il y a aussi l\u2019id\u00e9e de profondeur sans fin (le sommeil, hypnos, Odyss\u00e9e VII, 286) ou d\u2019ampleur (une foule d\u2019hommes, Iliade XXIV, 776). C\u2019est moins son aspect infini que son pouvoir d\u2019engloutir qui fait caract\u00e9riser comme terrible la mer infinie. De m\u00eame, l\u2019adjectif apeir\u00f4n, infini, renvoie \u00e0 l\u2019immensit\u00e9 comme profusion et comme richesse, qu\u2019il s\u2019agisse du lieu, du temps ou du nombre.\r\n\r\nAvec les pr\u00e9socratiques, apeiros\/to apeiron s\u2019installent dans la pens\u00e9e philosophique. \u00c0 travers des textes fragmentaires, il est difficile de savoir avec certitude la conception de l\u2019infini (apeiron) que les pr\u00e9socratiques, de Thal\u00e8s \u00e0 Anaxagore et aux sophistes, avaient pu \u00e9laborer. N\u00e9anmoins, le probl\u00e8me de apeiron n\u2019a pas \u00e9t\u00e9 sans importance pour eux. Que l\u2019un d\u2019eux, Anaximandre, ait fait de l\u2019apeiron l\u2019arch\u00ea de l\u2019univers en est la marque. Et M\u00e9lissos caract\u00e9rise le principe (arch\u00ea) comme infini (apeiron). L\u2019apeiron n\u2019est donc point pour les pr\u00e9socratiques uniquement li\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019imperfection que sera l\u2019apeiron du Philebe.\r\n\r\nIl y a dans la pens\u00e9e grecque des premiers temps comme un pressentiment de la richesse de l\u2019infini, aussi bien qu\u2019il d\u00e9signe une absence de limite o\u00f9 la raison se perd. L\u2019apeiron renvoie surtout \u00e0 la spatialit\u00e9, se lie \u00e0 la grandeur (megethos), comme l\u2019\u00e9ternit\u00e9 (to aidion) se lie au temps. Dans les philosophies o\u00f9 la nature (physis) est aux confins du divin et du mat\u00e9riel, le principe, le tout, les mondes sont caract\u00e9ris\u00e9s d\u2019abord par l\u2019infini de grandeur, l\u2019illimit\u00e9. Mais l\u2019infini est aussi envisag\u00e9 comme ind\u00e9fini qualitatif.\r\n\r\nToutefois, face \u00e0 l\u2019infini qui est d\u00e9termin\u00e9 par sa richesse, certains pr\u00e9socratiques ont envisag\u00e9 aussi l\u2019infini qui est pure ind\u00e9termination, degr\u00e9 incomplet de l\u2019\u00catre et forme du moindre \u00catre. On trouve ici l\u2019esquisse des conceptions philosophiques qui vont se pr\u00e9ciser dans les th\u00e9ories plus \u00e9labor\u00e9es de Platon et d\u2019Aristote. [introduction p. 19-20]","btype":3,"date":"1981","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/TpFRmhxNzvv4XUL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":101,"full_name":"Fr\u00e8re, Jean","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":745,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"1","issue":"","pages":"19-33"}},"sort":["Les pr\u00e9socratiques et la question de l'infini"]}

Les sources gréco-arabes de la théorie médiévale de l'analogie de l'être, 1989
By: de Libera, Alain
Title Les sources gréco-arabes de la théorie médiévale de l'analogie de l'être
Type Article
Language French
Date 1989
Journal Les Études philosophiques
Volume 3
Issue 4
Pages 319-345
Categories no categories
Author(s) de Libera, Alain
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
C'est ici le lieu de revenir sur le concept de denominatio. Dans les versions latines d'Aristote, le mot denominativa désigne, on l'a dit, les « paronymes », c'est-à-dire ces « réalités qui, tout en différant d'une autre (réalité) par la désinence de leur nom, ont une appellation conforme au nom (de cette autre réalité) ».

Chez Maître Eckhart, la notion de « prédication dénominative », empruntée à la Logica d'Avicenne (chap. 3, Venise, 1508, fol. 3 vb), rejoint la notion boécienne de praedicatio des accidentia secundum rem (De Trinitate, chap. 4), exprimant un aspect de la déficience ontologique constitutive de l’étant créé comme tel. Pour lui, dire que « les neuf catégories sont prédiquées dénominativement de la substance » (novem praedicamenta accidentium praedicantur denominative de substantia) signifie que tout étant créé est un dénominatif, c'est-à-dire un étant-ceci ou cela (ens hoc et hoc), et qu'aucun étant-ceci n'est en tant que ceci : tout « ceci » ajouté à la substance est l'expression de la défaillance (casus, πτῶσις) qui accidente le créé.

C'est dans cette tradition complexe, à la fois liée à la théorie averroïste de l'accident et aux théories avicennienne (ontologique) et boécienne (théologique) de la prédication—et non à la théorie de l’analogie selon Simplicius—que se situe le célèbre passage d’In Exodum, où le Thuringien expose sa théorie des catégories, qu'on peut résumer ainsi :

    Les dix catégories ne sont pas les dix premiers étants (decem prima entia), mais les dix genres premiers des étants (decem prima entium genera).
    Il n'y a qu'un étant, la substance ; les autres réalités ne sont pas « étant » (ens), mais « de ou à l’étant » (entis), c’est-à-dire « étant seulement par analogie au seul étant au sens absolu, la substance, comme en témoigne la Métaphysique, livre VII ».
    Les neuf prédicaments de l’accident ne sont donc pas des étants « au cas régime » (entia in recto), mais des étants au « cas oblique » (in obliquo).
    C'est en ce sens « oblique » que l’urine est dite « saine », non par la santé « formellement inhérente », « mais seulement par analogie et renvoi extrinsèque à la santé elle-même, qui au sens propre et formel se trouve seulement dans l’animal » (non sanitate formaliter inhaerente, sed sola analogia et respectu ad ipsam sanitatem extra, quae proprie formaliter est in ipso animali).
    C’est également en ce sens que le vin est dit « être dans l’enseigne », signifiant qu’il se trouve dans la taverne et la bouteille.

Telle est donc la théorie dont Nicolas prétend trouver les contours généraux, ou plus exactement l’instrumentation conceptuelle, chez Simplicius. Certes, il n'en laisse pas l’application métaphysique au commentateur lui-même—ce en quoi il a raison—mais il a tort lorsqu'il lui prête une formulation de l’analogia attributionis, qu'il ne pouvait lire que chez Dietrich de Freiberg et Eckhart.

On peut spéculer à loisir sur une telle absence d'acribie. Mais n'est-ce pas Albert le Grand lui-même qui en inaugure le principe lorsque, dans sa dernière œuvre, la Summa theologiae, il prête à Proclus une distinction entre quatre types de « prédication commune » : une selon l’univocité stricte, trois selon l’analogie—un véritable montage qui, à partir de certaines expressions de Proclus sur le caractère salvifique du bien (« le bien est ce qui sauve tous les êtres et devient ainsi le terme de leur tendance »), lui permet de retrouver en fait l’interprétation averroïste de la triade porphyrienne des homonymes κατὰ διάνοιαν.

Plutôt que d’incriminer les légèretés ou les insuffisances de la doxographie médiévale, nous préférons voir là le témoignage de la puissance d'assimilation et de la productivité de la grille de lecture originairement imposée par Porphyre aux textes d’Aristote.

L’histoire des sources gréco-arabes de la théorie médiévale de l’analogie est celle d’un invariant structurel grec et de ses remplissements arabes, qui, pour finir, retrouve d’autres Grecs traduits par Guillaume de Moerbeke. C’est l’histoire d’une dérive péripatéticienne de l’aristotélisme qui commence chez Porphyre et s’achève dans le néoplatonisme. La production médiévale de l’analogie n’est pas seulement une « replatonisation » d’Aristote, c’est aussi la marque de l’affinité structurelle qui lie entre elles toutes les formes de néoplatonisme. Plus décisif encore, elle procède moins d’un rapprochement des πρός ἕν λεγόμενα avec les synonymes que d’une substitution des πρός ἕν λεγόμενα aux paronymes.

Reconduite à ses sources gréco-arabes, l’analogie apparaît ainsi avant tout comme la théorie d’une transsumption catégorielle archi-fondatrice : celle qui articule toute pensée du rapport entre la substance et l’accident. [conclusion p. 343-345]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1296","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1296,"authors_free":[{"id":1889,"entry_id":1296,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":85,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"de Libera, Alain ","free_first_name":"Alain","free_last_name":"de Libera ","norm_person":{"id":85,"first_name":"Alain","last_name":"De Libera","full_name":"De Libera, Alain","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/130219002","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Les sources gr\u00e9co-arabes de la th\u00e9orie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l'analogie de l'\u00eatre","main_title":{"title":"Les sources gr\u00e9co-arabes de la th\u00e9orie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l'analogie de l'\u00eatre"},"abstract":"C'est ici le lieu de revenir sur le concept de denominatio. Dans les versions latines d'Aristote, le mot denominativa d\u00e9signe, on l'a dit, les \u00ab paronymes \u00bb, c'est-\u00e0-dire ces \u00ab r\u00e9alit\u00e9s qui, tout en diff\u00e9rant d'une autre (r\u00e9alit\u00e9) par la d\u00e9sinence de leur nom, ont une appellation conforme au nom (de cette autre r\u00e9alit\u00e9) \u00bb.\r\n\r\nChez Ma\u00eetre Eckhart, la notion de \u00ab pr\u00e9dication d\u00e9nominative \u00bb, emprunt\u00e9e \u00e0 la Logica d'Avicenne (chap. 3, Venise, 1508, fol. 3 vb), rejoint la notion bo\u00e9cienne de praedicatio des accidentia secundum rem (De Trinitate, chap. 4), exprimant un aspect de la d\u00e9ficience ontologique constitutive de l\u2019\u00e9tant cr\u00e9\u00e9 comme tel. Pour lui, dire que \u00ab les neuf cat\u00e9gories sont pr\u00e9diqu\u00e9es d\u00e9nominativement de la substance \u00bb (novem praedicamenta accidentium praedicantur denominative de substantia) signifie que tout \u00e9tant cr\u00e9\u00e9 est un d\u00e9nominatif, c'est-\u00e0-dire un \u00e9tant-ceci ou cela (ens hoc et hoc), et qu'aucun \u00e9tant-ceci n'est en tant que ceci : tout \u00ab ceci \u00bb ajout\u00e9 \u00e0 la substance est l'expression de la d\u00e9faillance (casus, \u03c0\u03c4\u1ff6\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) qui accidente le cr\u00e9\u00e9.\r\n\r\nC'est dans cette tradition complexe, \u00e0 la fois li\u00e9e \u00e0 la th\u00e9orie averro\u00efste de l'accident et aux th\u00e9ories avicennienne (ontologique) et bo\u00e9cienne (th\u00e9ologique) de la pr\u00e9dication\u2014et non \u00e0 la th\u00e9orie de l\u2019analogie selon Simplicius\u2014que se situe le c\u00e9l\u00e8bre passage d\u2019In Exodum, o\u00f9 le Thuringien expose sa th\u00e9orie des cat\u00e9gories, qu'on peut r\u00e9sumer ainsi :\r\n\r\n Les dix cat\u00e9gories ne sont pas les dix premiers \u00e9tants (decem prima entia), mais les dix genres premiers des \u00e9tants (decem prima entium genera).\r\n Il n'y a qu'un \u00e9tant, la substance ; les autres r\u00e9alit\u00e9s ne sont pas \u00ab \u00e9tant \u00bb (ens), mais \u00ab de ou \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9tant \u00bb (entis), c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire \u00ab \u00e9tant seulement par analogie au seul \u00e9tant au sens absolu, la substance, comme en t\u00e9moigne la M\u00e9taphysique, livre VII \u00bb.\r\n Les neuf pr\u00e9dicaments de l\u2019accident ne sont donc pas des \u00e9tants \u00ab au cas r\u00e9gime \u00bb (entia in recto), mais des \u00e9tants au \u00ab cas oblique \u00bb (in obliquo).\r\n C'est en ce sens \u00ab oblique \u00bb que l\u2019urine est dite \u00ab saine \u00bb, non par la sant\u00e9 \u00ab formellement inh\u00e9rente \u00bb, \u00ab mais seulement par analogie et renvoi extrins\u00e8que \u00e0 la sant\u00e9 elle-m\u00eame, qui au sens propre et formel se trouve seulement dans l\u2019animal \u00bb (non sanitate formaliter inhaerente, sed sola analogia et respectu ad ipsam sanitatem extra, quae proprie formaliter est in ipso animali).\r\n C\u2019est \u00e9galement en ce sens que le vin est dit \u00ab \u00eatre dans l\u2019enseigne \u00bb, signifiant qu\u2019il se trouve dans la taverne et la bouteille.\r\n\r\nTelle est donc la th\u00e9orie dont Nicolas pr\u00e9tend trouver les contours g\u00e9n\u00e9raux, ou plus exactement l\u2019instrumentation conceptuelle, chez Simplicius. Certes, il n'en laisse pas l\u2019application m\u00e9taphysique au commentateur lui-m\u00eame\u2014ce en quoi il a raison\u2014mais il a tort lorsqu'il lui pr\u00eate une formulation de l\u2019analogia attributionis, qu'il ne pouvait lire que chez Dietrich de Freiberg et Eckhart.\r\n\r\nOn peut sp\u00e9culer \u00e0 loisir sur une telle absence d'acribie. Mais n'est-ce pas Albert le Grand lui-m\u00eame qui en inaugure le principe lorsque, dans sa derni\u00e8re \u0153uvre, la Summa theologiae, il pr\u00eate \u00e0 Proclus une distinction entre quatre types de \u00ab pr\u00e9dication commune \u00bb : une selon l\u2019univocit\u00e9 stricte, trois selon l\u2019analogie\u2014un v\u00e9ritable montage qui, \u00e0 partir de certaines expressions de Proclus sur le caract\u00e8re salvifique du bien (\u00ab le bien est ce qui sauve tous les \u00eatres et devient ainsi le terme de leur tendance \u00bb), lui permet de retrouver en fait l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation averro\u00efste de la triade porphyrienne des homonymes \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1f70 \u03b4\u03b9\u03ac\u03bd\u03bf\u03b9\u03b1\u03bd.\r\n\r\nPlut\u00f4t que d\u2019incriminer les l\u00e9g\u00e8ret\u00e9s ou les insuffisances de la doxographie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, nous pr\u00e9f\u00e9rons voir l\u00e0 le t\u00e9moignage de la puissance d'assimilation et de la productivit\u00e9 de la grille de lecture originairement impos\u00e9e par Porphyre aux textes d\u2019Aristote.\r\n\r\nL\u2019histoire des sources gr\u00e9co-arabes de la th\u00e9orie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l\u2019analogie est celle d\u2019un invariant structurel grec et de ses remplissements arabes, qui, pour finir, retrouve d\u2019autres Grecs traduits par Guillaume de Moerbeke. C\u2019est l\u2019histoire d\u2019une d\u00e9rive p\u00e9ripat\u00e9ticienne de l\u2019aristot\u00e9lisme qui commence chez Porphyre et s\u2019ach\u00e8ve dans le n\u00e9oplatonisme. La production m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l\u2019analogie n\u2019est pas seulement une \u00ab replatonisation \u00bb d\u2019Aristote, c\u2019est aussi la marque de l\u2019affinit\u00e9 structurelle qui lie entre elles toutes les formes de n\u00e9oplatonisme. Plus d\u00e9cisif encore, elle proc\u00e8de moins d\u2019un rapprochement des \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u1f15\u03bd \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1 avec les synonymes que d\u2019une substitution des \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 \u1f15\u03bd \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1 aux paronymes.\r\n\r\nReconduite \u00e0 ses sources gr\u00e9co-arabes, l\u2019analogie appara\u00eet ainsi avant tout comme la th\u00e9orie d\u2019une transsumption cat\u00e9gorielle archi-fondatrice : celle qui articule toute pens\u00e9e du rapport entre la substance et l\u2019accident. [conclusion p. 343-345]","btype":3,"date":"1989","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/FAqS35nEd0udN0w","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":85,"full_name":"De Libera, Alain","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1296,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Les \u00c9tudes philosophiques","volume":"3","issue":"4","pages":"319-345"}},"sort":["Les sources gr\u00e9co-arabes de la th\u00e9orie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale de l'analogie de l'\u00eatre"]}

Les sources vénitiennes de l’édition aldine du Livre I du Commentaire de Simplicius sur la „Physique“ d’Aristote, 1985
By: Codero, Néstor-Luis
Title Les sources vénitiennes de l’édition aldine du Livre I du Commentaire de Simplicius sur la „Physique“ d’Aristote
Type Article
Language French
Date 1985
Journal Scriptorium
Volume 39
Issue 1
Pages 70–88
Categories no categories
Author(s) Codero, Néstor-Luis
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Nous pouvons revenir maintenant à notre point de départ : qui a été le responsable de l'édition de 1526 ? Aucun des éléments nouveaux ne s'oppose à notre hypothèse initiale : l'édition est due aux soins de Francesco d'Asola, responsable de la plupart des titres publiés « ex aedibus Aldi » depuis 1518.

Nous avons vu qu'il était le destinataire des manuscrits d'Aetius empruntés par Marcantonio Contarini à la Marciana, et nous avons supposé que le même procédé s'était appliqué aux deux textes de Simplicius édités en 1526.

Nous conservons une image très floue de ce personnage, dont le nom complet était Gian Francesco Torresani d'Asola. Il était le beau-frère d'Alde Manuce ; son père, Andrea d'Asola, fut le responsable de l'imprimerie depuis la mort d'Alde (1514) jusqu'à 1529.

Selon Degli Agostini, Francesco d'Asola était le protégé du cardinal Hercule de Gonzague — auquel est dédiée l'édition de la Physique — et il avait repris avec succès l'héritage d'Alde. Pour J. B. Egnazio, d'Asola était un « jeune homme cultivé ayant les meilleures habitudes » et, en 1542, Pellicier le remercie de l'envoi à la bibliothèque de Fontainebleau de quatre-vingts manuscrits grecs et de quelques autres manuscrits latins.

Malgré sa gentillesse et ses « meilleures habitudes », il est évident que d'Asola n'adopte pas la devise d'Alde : « Non enim recipio emendaturum libros », car il a beaucoup amendé.

Diels avait raison lorsqu'il signalait que « Aldini exempli editor haud pauca novavit, infeliciter plurima ». [conclusion p. 86]

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Light from Aristotle's "Physics" on the Text of Parmenides B 8 D-K, 1977
By: Solmsen, Friedrich
Title Light from Aristotle's "Physics" on the Text of Parmenides B 8 D-K
Type Article
Language English
Date 1977
Journal Phronesis
Volume 22
Issue 1
Pages 10-12
Categories no categories
Author(s) Solmsen, Friedrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Aristotle's reputation as a historian of philosophy is far from good. We do not plead for a revision of the current estimate. The last sentence copied above suggests a causal relation of doctrines that is hard to square with the facts. On the whole, however, he has in this instance done better than usual; for he has, with genuine historical understanding, realized how the early Presocratics, whose search was for physical explanations, were stopped in their tracks when Parmenides issued his peremptory veto of genesis and phthora (how they worked themselves out of this deadlock is irrelevant).
It would be futile to assign this refutation of genesis in both of its forms to any thinker other than Parmenides and no less futile to surmise that Aristotle here, for the sake of completeness or for reasons similar to those operative with Parmenides’ modern interpreters, credited him with an argument he did not use but would have been well advised to use. Throughout a large part of Physics I, Parmenides’ (and Melissus’) position presents the great obstacle to Aristotle's efforts at treating genesis as a reality. The monolithic, unchanging ὄν deprives physics of the principles (archai) without which it cannot build. Aristotle launches attack after attack against the fortress that had so long been considered impregnable. Having conquered it, he constructs his own theory of genesis. It is the "only solution" (monoeidês lysis, 191a23; see above), he declares triumphantly and proceeds to look once more at the objections raised by the Eleatics.
In the remainder of chapter 8, he sets forth, on the basis of his own theory, why genesis from Being and from not-Being are perfectly valid concepts. There are more ways than one to show that they are legitimate. [p. 11-12]

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Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note, 1977
By: Clay, Diskin
Title Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note
Type Article
Language English
Date 1977
Journal The Classical Journal
Volume 73
Issue 1
Pages 27-29
Categories no categories
Author(s) Clay, Diskin
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In what must be the shortest textual note ever published, Bailey and Maas recovered the text of Lucretius I. 744:

    aera solem imbrem terras animalia fruges
    Imbrem scripsimus; ignem codd.

This is their note. Why they wrote imbrem for ignem, they did not say, perhaps because any reader familiar with Lucretius' argument and Empedocles' poem On Nature knows why.

Our manuscripts present us with a world composed of air, the sun, fire, the earth, and the products of the earth (aera solem ignem terras animalia fruges); Empedocles presents us with a world that is rooted in the four elements of air, earth, fire, and water. These he describes variously, but Lucretius has already powerfully invoked them at the very beginning of his poem, well before he returns to them in his refutation of Empedocles' theory of matter.

Within the first nine lines of his proem, he evokes the stars (which are soon associated with fire, I. 231, 1034), the sea, the earth, the light of the sun, winds, the earth, the sea, and again light: in short, not the familiar Roman universe of three elements—the heaven, earth, and water—but the Greek world of air, earth, fire, and water.

This world he returns to as he presents the elemental theories of "those who multiply the elements which generate the world," and who join air to fire and earth to water:

    I 714 et qui quattuor ex rebus posse omnia rentur
    ex igni terra atque anima procrescere et imbri.

There are no textual problems here, although anima and imber are striking and unusual as descriptions of air and water. Nevertheless, they stand in the text. But the theory of four elements presents a problem when it is reduced by one in the manuscripts of Lucretius: aera, solem, ignem, terras.

Christ saw the problem, and in 1853 he emended the text to give a world of four elements: he took the offending term to be solem, which he emended to rorem—creating a world of air, dew, fire, and earth. This emendation has the virtue of changing only two letters of the manuscripts to create water from the sun, and rorem is a perfectly good Lucretian word for water (cf. I. 771).

Dew is a form of water, but Empedocles does not use it as a term to represent this elemental mass. ὕδωρ (hydor) is a word he used to represent water: Simplicius (commenting on Aristotle's Physics) noticed this—καλεῖ ὕδωρ ὄμβρον—and at least three passages from Empedocles survive to prove him right.

Simplicius knew of Empedocles' various ways of naming his elements, but neither Lucretius' ancient nor modern editors seem to. Imber seemed strange for water, so an early editor or reader of Lucretius emended the text of I. 784-785 to read:

"first these followers of Empedocles make fire transform itself into the gusts of air,"

    I 784 hinc ignem gigni terramque creari
    ex igni retroque in terram cuncta reverti.

Marullus understood what had gone wrong and emended ignem by imbrem and igni by imbri, making water out of fire and recovering how a Presocratic could imagine a ladder of elemental transformations moving down from air to precipitation to earth.

Lucretius' attack on Empedocles' elemental theory is only one of the many signs of his knowledge of the Περὶ φύσεως (Peri Physeōs). De Rerum Natura I. 744 and 784-785 are not the only passages that reveal this, and these passages are not the only ones where Empedocles' Greek allows Lucretius' modern reader to recover his original text:

    II. 1114 ignem ignes procudent aetheraque (aether)

This is restored by Empedocles (DK 31 B 37):

    (πυρὶ γὰρ αἰεὶ πῦρ ἐπὶ πυρὶ) αἰεὶ δὲ ξυνοίσει
    καὶ ἀὴρ ἀέρι

Lachmann, with the confidence inspired by knowing too much and too little, emended aeraque (aer). Simplicius could have pointed him in the right direction when he gave one of Empedocles' terms for aether as aer, as could Empedocles himself.

This has become a long note on one word in the manuscripts of Lucretius. Its justification is this: Bailey and Maas published their note in 1943. The emendation was incorporated into the text that accompanies Bailey's three-volume commentary on Lucretius (Oxford 1947), but unaccountably, it did not appear in the Oxford text reprinted in 1947 or in any later reprinting.

In the tenth edition of his Lucrèce (Paris 1959), Ernout prints the text of our manuscripts; so does Josef Martin in the five editions of his Lucretius published since 1953. Büchner (Wiesbaden 1966) accepts Christ's rorem as "less drastic" (levior) than imbrem, and so, evidently, does Müller (Fribourg 1975).

Only one of the major editions of Lucretius to appear since 1943, that of Martin Ferguson Smith (London and Cambridge, Mass. 1975), prints what Lucretius wrote: the rest prefer dew to rain.

So weak is the force of ratio et res ipsa. [the entire text p. 27-29]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1272","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1272,"authors_free":[{"id":1862,"entry_id":1272,"agent_type":"person","is_normalised":1,"person_id":50,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Clay, Diskin","free_first_name":"Diskin","free_last_name":"Clay","norm_person":{"id":50,"first_name":"Diskin","last_name":"Clay","full_name":"Clay, Diskin","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1069425435","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note","main_title":{"title":"Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note"},"abstract":"In what must be the shortest textual note ever published, Bailey and Maas recovered the text of Lucretius I. 744:\r\n\r\n aera solem imbrem terras animalia fruges\r\n Imbrem scripsimus; ignem codd.\r\n\r\nThis is their note. Why they wrote imbrem for ignem, they did not say, perhaps because any reader familiar with Lucretius' argument and Empedocles' poem On Nature knows why.\r\n\r\nOur manuscripts present us with a world composed of air, the sun, fire, the earth, and the products of the earth (aera solem ignem terras animalia fruges); Empedocles presents us with a world that is rooted in the four elements of air, earth, fire, and water. These he describes variously, but Lucretius has already powerfully invoked them at the very beginning of his poem, well before he returns to them in his refutation of Empedocles' theory of matter.\r\n\r\nWithin the first nine lines of his proem, he evokes the stars (which are soon associated with fire, I. 231, 1034), the sea, the earth, the light of the sun, winds, the earth, the sea, and again light: in short, not the familiar Roman universe of three elements\u2014the heaven, earth, and water\u2014but the Greek world of air, earth, fire, and water.\r\n\r\nThis world he returns to as he presents the elemental theories of \"those who multiply the elements which generate the world,\" and who join air to fire and earth to water:\r\n\r\n I 714 et qui quattuor ex rebus posse omnia rentur\r\n ex igni terra atque anima procrescere et imbri.\r\n\r\nThere are no textual problems here, although anima and imber are striking and unusual as descriptions of air and water. Nevertheless, they stand in the text. But the theory of four elements presents a problem when it is reduced by one in the manuscripts of Lucretius: aera, solem, ignem, terras.\r\n\r\nChrist saw the problem, and in 1853 he emended the text to give a world of four elements: he took the offending term to be solem, which he emended to rorem\u2014creating a world of air, dew, fire, and earth. This emendation has the virtue of changing only two letters of the manuscripts to create water from the sun, and rorem is a perfectly good Lucretian word for water (cf. I. 771).\r\n\r\nDew is a form of water, but Empedocles does not use it as a term to represent this elemental mass. \u1f55\u03b4\u03c9\u03c1 (hydor) is a word he used to represent water: Simplicius (commenting on Aristotle's Physics) noticed this\u2014\u03ba\u03b1\u03bb\u03b5\u1fd6 \u1f55\u03b4\u03c9\u03c1 \u1f44\u03bc\u03b2\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd\u2014and at least three passages from Empedocles survive to prove him right.\r\n\r\nSimplicius knew of Empedocles' various ways of naming his elements, but neither Lucretius' ancient nor modern editors seem to. Imber seemed strange for water, so an early editor or reader of Lucretius emended the text of I. 784-785 to read:\r\n\r\n\"first these followers of Empedocles make fire transform itself into the gusts of air,\"\r\n\r\n I 784 hinc ignem gigni terramque creari\r\n ex igni retroque in terram cuncta reverti.\r\n\r\nMarullus understood what had gone wrong and emended ignem by imbrem and igni by imbri, making water out of fire and recovering how a Presocratic could imagine a ladder of elemental transformations moving down from air to precipitation to earth.\r\n\r\nLucretius' attack on Empedocles' elemental theory is only one of the many signs of his knowledge of the \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 (Peri Physe\u014ds). De Rerum Natura I. 744 and 784-785 are not the only passages that reveal this, and these passages are not the only ones where Empedocles' Greek allows Lucretius' modern reader to recover his original text:\r\n\r\n II. 1114 ignem ignes procudent aetheraque (aether)\r\n\r\nThis is restored by Empedocles (DK 31 B 37):\r\n\r\n (\u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u1f76 \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03b1\u1f30\u03b5\u1f76 \u03c0\u1fe6\u03c1 \u1f10\u03c0\u1f76 \u03c0\u03c5\u03c1\u1f76) \u03b1\u1f30\u03b5\u1f76 \u03b4\u1f72 \u03be\u03c5\u03bd\u03bf\u03af\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\r\n \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f00\u1f74\u03c1 \u1f00\u03ad\u03c1\u03b9\r\n\r\nLachmann, with the confidence inspired by knowing too much and too little, emended aeraque (aer). Simplicius could have pointed him in the right direction when he gave one of Empedocles' terms for aether as aer, as could Empedocles himself.\r\n\r\nThis has become a long note on one word in the manuscripts of Lucretius. Its justification is this: Bailey and Maas published their note in 1943. The emendation was incorporated into the text that accompanies Bailey's three-volume commentary on Lucretius (Oxford 1947), but unaccountably, it did not appear in the Oxford text reprinted in 1947 or in any later reprinting.\r\n\r\nIn the tenth edition of his Lucr\u00e8ce (Paris 1959), Ernout prints the text of our manuscripts; so does Josef Martin in the five editions of his Lucretius published since 1953. B\u00fcchner (Wiesbaden 1966) accepts Christ's rorem as \"less drastic\" (levior) than imbrem, and so, evidently, does M\u00fcller (Fribourg 1975).\r\n\r\nOnly one of the major editions of Lucretius to appear since 1943, that of Martin Ferguson Smith (London and Cambridge, Mass. 1975), prints what Lucretius wrote: the rest prefer dew to rain.\r\n\r\nSo weak is the force of ratio et res ipsa. [the entire text p. 27-29]","btype":3,"date":"1977","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/a3Cc8mgHkQFW4AL","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":50,"full_name":"Clay, Diskin","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1272,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Journal","volume":"73","issue":"1","pages":"27-29"}},"sort":["Lucretius Contra Empedoclen: A Textual Note"]}

More on Zeno's "Forty logoi", 1990
By: Tarrant, Harold
Title More on Zeno's "Forty logoi"
Type Article
Language English
Date 1990
Journal Illinois Classical Studies
Volume 15
Issue 1
Pages 23-37
Categories no categories
Author(s) Tarrant, Harold
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In Illinois Classical Studies 11 (1986), 35-41, John Dillon presents material from Proclus' Commentary on the Parmenides in which he makes it clear that Proclus knew of a work purporting to be by Zeno, which contained forty logoi. This work was allegedly the one that "Zeno" had just read at the opening of the main narrative of Plato’s Parmenides (127c), and which Socrates subsequently challenges (127d-130a). Dillon presents the same material in his introduction to Proclus' In Parmenidem. Its relevance is no longer confined to the Neoplatonists, as Dillon believes that it is possible the Forty Logoi “at least contained genuine material, though perhaps worked over at a later date.” It threatens to have implications both for Eleatic studies and for the interpretation of the Parmenides itself.

I believe that the issue must be tackled again, not merely because of Dillon’s judiciously aporetic conclusion, but because I fear that there are important points which have not yet been addressed. Firstly, from a passage not included in Dillon's survey but which seems to me to be relevant, it appears that the allegedly Zenonian work was known to much earlier, pre-Plotinian interpreters, who considered it important for the interpretation of the hypotheses of the second part of the Parmenides, at least down to 155e and possibly beyond. This increases the potential importance of the work, as well as marginally increasing its claim to be genuine; at least it was not a Neoplatonic forgery.

Secondly, despite Proclus’ apparent familiarity with it, the work does not seem to clarify Plato's puzzling reference to the “first hypothesis of the first logos” at 127d7. One would have expected that consultation of the relevant text of Zeno would have done so, and this might be considered an obstacle to believing that the work is what it purports to be.

Thirdly, there is a significant question of Proclus’ independence. There are some troubling features about the historical material in this commentary which are absent from his Timaeus commentary, for instance. Most relevant here is the rather scrappy way in which Parmenides himself has been quoted. On p. 665, the three short quotations from B8 are out of order; on p. 708, two of the same snippets from B8 have B5 (whose genuineness is less than certain) inserted between them. On p. 1152, we encounter seven tiny quotations, with the five from B8 this time being in the correct order, but with an impossible version of B3 inserted between B8.30 and B8.35-36; B4.1 then follows.

The total number of lines quoted in whole or in part (excluding uncertain allusions) amounts to only 21 (9 of these from B8.25-36), but some lines appear three or more times (B8.4, 25, 29, 44). It is clear that Proclus remembered certain favorite phrases, and one doubts whether he was referring to any text, except possibly at p. 1134, where a passage of four lines is quoted. Even here, either Proclus or the scribes have failed us in the last line. Likewise, there is no need to suppose that he is referring at any point to the alleged work of Zeno. Certainly, he knows something about it, and he may well have had access to it and read it in the past. But I do not find anything in the text requiring that he consult the work as he writes.

Furthermore, if we bear in mind that earlier interpreters had made use of the Forty Logoi, much of Proclus' material on the work could plausibly be attributed to borrowings from earlier commentaries. One commentary he certainly used is that of Plutarch of Athens, whose work on earlier interpreters Proclus evidently admired (p. 1061.18-20). We should not allow any admiration for Proclus as a philosopher, or even for the doxographic material in other commentaries, to lead us to suppose that his reports will be either original or reliable in this commentary. [introduction p. 23-24]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"408","_score":null,"_source":{"id":408,"authors_free":[{"id":546,"entry_id":408,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":122,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Tarrant, Harold","free_first_name":"Harold","free_last_name":"Tarrant","norm_person":{"id":122,"first_name":"Harold ","last_name":"Tarrant","full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/132040077","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"More on Zeno's \"Forty logoi\"","main_title":{"title":"More on Zeno's \"Forty logoi\""},"abstract":"In Illinois Classical Studies 11 (1986), 35-41, John Dillon presents material from Proclus' Commentary on the Parmenides in which he makes it clear that Proclus knew of a work purporting to be by Zeno, which contained forty logoi. This work was allegedly the one that \"Zeno\" had just read at the opening of the main narrative of Plato\u2019s Parmenides (127c), and which Socrates subsequently challenges (127d-130a). Dillon presents the same material in his introduction to Proclus' In Parmenidem. Its relevance is no longer confined to the Neoplatonists, as Dillon believes that it is possible the Forty Logoi \u201cat least contained genuine material, though perhaps worked over at a later date.\u201d It threatens to have implications both for Eleatic studies and for the interpretation of the Parmenides itself.\r\n\r\nI believe that the issue must be tackled again, not merely because of Dillon\u2019s judiciously aporetic conclusion, but because I fear that there are important points which have not yet been addressed. Firstly, from a passage not included in Dillon's survey but which seems to me to be relevant, it appears that the allegedly Zenonian work was known to much earlier, pre-Plotinian interpreters, who considered it important for the interpretation of the hypotheses of the second part of the Parmenides, at least down to 155e and possibly beyond. This increases the potential importance of the work, as well as marginally increasing its claim to be genuine; at least it was not a Neoplatonic forgery.\r\n\r\nSecondly, despite Proclus\u2019 apparent familiarity with it, the work does not seem to clarify Plato's puzzling reference to the \u201cfirst hypothesis of the first logos\u201d at 127d7. One would have expected that consultation of the relevant text of Zeno would have done so, and this might be considered an obstacle to believing that the work is what it purports to be.\r\n\r\nThirdly, there is a significant question of Proclus\u2019 independence. There are some troubling features about the historical material in this commentary which are absent from his Timaeus commentary, for instance. Most relevant here is the rather scrappy way in which Parmenides himself has been quoted. On p. 665, the three short quotations from B8 are out of order; on p. 708, two of the same snippets from B8 have B5 (whose genuineness is less than certain) inserted between them. On p. 1152, we encounter seven tiny quotations, with the five from B8 this time being in the correct order, but with an impossible version of B3 inserted between B8.30 and B8.35-36; B4.1 then follows.\r\n\r\nThe total number of lines quoted in whole or in part (excluding uncertain allusions) amounts to only 21 (9 of these from B8.25-36), but some lines appear three or more times (B8.4, 25, 29, 44). It is clear that Proclus remembered certain favorite phrases, and one doubts whether he was referring to any text, except possibly at p. 1134, where a passage of four lines is quoted. Even here, either Proclus or the scribes have failed us in the last line. Likewise, there is no need to suppose that he is referring at any point to the alleged work of Zeno. Certainly, he knows something about it, and he may well have had access to it and read it in the past. But I do not find anything in the text requiring that he consult the work as he writes.\r\n\r\nFurthermore, if we bear in mind that earlier interpreters had made use of the Forty Logoi, much of Proclus' material on the work could plausibly be attributed to borrowings from earlier commentaries. One commentary he certainly used is that of Plutarch of Athens, whose work on earlier interpreters Proclus evidently admired (p. 1061.18-20). We should not allow any admiration for Proclus as a philosopher, or even for the doxographic material in other commentaries, to lead us to suppose that his reports will be either original or reliable in this commentary. [introduction p. 23-24]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/YLhtdTiVc9rnvdt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":122,"full_name":"Tarrant, Harold ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":408,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Illinois Classical Studies","volume":"15","issue":"1","pages":"23-37"}},"sort":["More on Zeno's \"Forty logoi\""]}

Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists, 1972
By: Edmunds, Lowell
Title Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists
Type Article
Language English
Date 1972
Journal Phoenix
Volume 26
Issue 4
Pages 342-357
Categories no categories
Author(s) Edmunds, Lowell
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
In sum, the position of Democritus is decidedly against tyche (chance), and tyche is regarded as a subjective phenomenon. "Men have fashioned an image of Chance as an excuse for their own stupidity. For Chance rarely conflicts with Intelligence, and most things in life can be set in order by an intelligent sharp-sightedness." There remains only one noteworthy fragment that mentions chance: "Daring is the beginning of action, but chance is responsible for the end." Since this fragment contradicts everything else Democritus says about chance, and since the form of Stobaeus' quotation obscures the reference of these words, we are entitled to ask whether we should think of this as Democritus' view of chance in general, or whether he was referring to persons who, contrary to the advice of his other sententiae on chance, relied on moderation and committed themselves to overreaching and tychistic projects.

The note of moral exhortation suggests that man has a free choice between alternative ways of life, and thus that he is not in the grip of the original necessity which created the cosmos and him and endowed him with the arts. From the ethical point of view, man seems to emerge as an island of freedom—a floating island, perhaps, in a sea of necessity. If so, then Democritus' system is either dualistic or self-contradictory.

However, the example of chance in the ethical thought of Democritus has shown how freedom, if it has any place at all in Democritus' system, should be understood. Man is free to trust to luck through willful disregard for or ignorance of the laws of nature, given by necessity. But he is powerless to change the facts of necessity, and from this point of view, his freedom is an illusion, like the appearance of color. His freedom is merely subjective and of infinite unconcern to the rest of the universe.

The atomic theory, which accounted so well for the various appearances of the same phenomena to various people—tragedies and comedies are composed of the same alphabet—also accounted for a specious freedom. [conclusion p. 356-357]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"753","_score":null,"_source":{"id":753,"authors_free":[{"id":1118,"entry_id":753,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":80,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Edmunds, Lowell","free_first_name":"Lowell","free_last_name":"Edmunds","norm_person":{"id":80,"first_name":"Lowell","last_name":"Edmunds","full_name":"Edmunds, Lowell","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/116147319X","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists","main_title":{"title":"Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists"},"abstract":"In sum, the position of Democritus is decidedly against tyche (chance), and tyche is regarded as a subjective phenomenon. \"Men have fashioned an image of Chance as an excuse for their own stupidity. For Chance rarely conflicts with Intelligence, and most things in life can be set in order by an intelligent sharp-sightedness.\" There remains only one noteworthy fragment that mentions chance: \"Daring is the beginning of action, but chance is responsible for the end.\" Since this fragment contradicts everything else Democritus says about chance, and since the form of Stobaeus' quotation obscures the reference of these words, we are entitled to ask whether we should think of this as Democritus' view of chance in general, or whether he was referring to persons who, contrary to the advice of his other sententiae on chance, relied on moderation and committed themselves to overreaching and tychistic projects.\r\n\r\nThe note of moral exhortation suggests that man has a free choice between alternative ways of life, and thus that he is not in the grip of the original necessity which created the cosmos and him and endowed him with the arts. From the ethical point of view, man seems to emerge as an island of freedom\u2014a floating island, perhaps, in a sea of necessity. If so, then Democritus' system is either dualistic or self-contradictory.\r\n\r\nHowever, the example of chance in the ethical thought of Democritus has shown how freedom, if it has any place at all in Democritus' system, should be understood. Man is free to trust to luck through willful disregard for or ignorance of the laws of nature, given by necessity. But he is powerless to change the facts of necessity, and from this point of view, his freedom is an illusion, like the appearance of color. His freedom is merely subjective and of infinite unconcern to the rest of the universe.\r\n\r\nThe atomic theory, which accounted so well for the various appearances of the same phenomena to various people\u2014tragedies and comedies are composed of the same alphabet\u2014also accounted for a specious freedom. [conclusion p. 356-357]","btype":3,"date":"1972","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/NNiKvwijO2dtwFP","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":80,"full_name":"Edmunds, Lowell","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":753,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phoenix","volume":"26","issue":"4","pages":"342-357"}},"sort":["Necessity, Chance, and Freedom in the Early Atomists"]}

Neoplatonic Elements in the "de Anima" Commentaries, 1976
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.
Title Neoplatonic Elements in the "de Anima" Commentaries
Type Article
Language English
Date 1976
Journal Phronesis
Volume 21
Issue 1
Pages 64-87
Categories no categories
Author(s) Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Most scholars who refer to the Greek commentators for help in the understanding of difficult Aristotelian texts seem to expect straightforward scholarly treatment of their problems. Not infrequently they are disappointed and complain about the irrelevance of the commentary they read, or inveigh against the incompetence of the commentators. Only Alexander is generally exempt from such censure, and that in itself is significant. For he is the only major commentator whose work survives in any considerable quantity who wrote before Neoplatonism.

Shortly after Alexander, the kind of thought that is conveniently described by this label came to dominate Greek philosophy, and nearly all pagan philosophy and philosophical scholarship was pursued under its influence, if not by its active adherents. It is the purpose of this paper to argue that these facts are not trivial items of background interest but are fundamental to a proper assessment of the later commentators' opinions on points of Aristotelian scholarship. It is necessary to take account of the ideas and purpose of these commentators if one is to make any serious critical use of their work, and this cannot be done if one merely dips into their voluminous works in the hope of occasional enlightenment.

That these men were swayed by their own opinions and preconceptions is perhaps obvious once stated. Even Simplicius, notwithstanding his reputation for careful scholarship, is no exception. Simplicius may have done us a great service by preserving fragments of the pre-Socratics, but he was nevertheless a man who entertained ideas which were not likely to lead to the correct interpretation of Aristotle, as Hicks for one saw—Ross, it seems, did not. In fact, one might go so far as to say that Simplicius was less well-fitted than some of the other commentators to give a good account of his subject.

Those whose immediate reaction to such a statement is that it is grossly unfair to so fine a scholar might be disturbed by some of the material in the preface to Simplicius' De Anima commentary—as they would by that in Philoponus' as well—material which often escapes notice for the simple reason that one normally refers to these works for help with specific passages and does not read them as a whole.

This is not to say that there are no obvious signs of what is going on in the body of the commentaries, for there certainly are. A case in point is Simplicius' claim in the De Caelo commentary (640.27–32) that Aristotle's criticisms of Plato are directed not against Plato himself but against those who failed to grasp Plato's real meaning.

In the preface to the commentary on the Categories, Simplicius goes further and says that in dealing with Aristotle's attacks on Plato, one should not consider only the philosophers' language and complain about their discord, but rather one should concentrate on their thought and seek out their accord on most matters (In Cat. 7.29–32). Here we have two expressions of the normal Neoplatonic view that Plato and Aristotle were usually trying to say the same thing.

This view can, of course, be traced back to the revival of positive teaching in the New Academy. This is not to say that no Neoplatonist was aware of the differences, and certain Aristotelian doctrines remained unacceptable. In the passage we have just mentioned, Simplicius talks about he en tois pleistois symphonia, and elsewhere he shows that he is alive to differences (e.g., In De Caelo 454.23 ff.), even if he does regard Aristotle as Plato's truest pupil (ib. 378.20 f.) or his best interpreter (In De An. 245.12).

Philoponus, moreover, actually protested against the view that Aristotle's attacks on Plato's ideas were not directed at Plato himself, a view that seems to have had some currency (cf. De Aet. M. II.2 29.2–8 R). None the less, ever since Plotinus, whose adoption of much Aristotelian thought would be clear enough without Porphyry's explicit statement on the point (Vita Plot. 14.4 ff.), the new Platonism had been more or less Aristotelianized: the controversies about whether or not Aristotelian views could be accepted by Platonists which had been current in the Middle Platonic period were no longer live.

By the time Simplicius and Philoponus composed their commentaries, Aristotle's philosophy had been used as the standard introduction to Plato for at least two centuries. The tendency among certain modern scholars to see Aristotle simply as a Platonist has a precedent in the activities of the Neoplatonists: in both cases, it depends on a somewhat special understanding of Plato. [introduction 64-66]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"612","_score":null,"_source":{"id":612,"authors_free":[{"id":867,"entry_id":612,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":108,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","free_first_name":"Henry J.","free_last_name":"Blumenthal","norm_person":{"id":108,"first_name":"Henry J.","last_name":"Blumenthal","full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1051543967","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Neoplatonic Elements in the \"de Anima\" Commentaries","main_title":{"title":"Neoplatonic Elements in the \"de Anima\" Commentaries"},"abstract":"Most scholars who refer to the Greek commentators for help in the understanding of difficult Aristotelian texts seem to expect straightforward scholarly treatment of their problems. Not infrequently they are disappointed and complain about the irrelevance of the commentary they read, or inveigh against the incompetence of the commentators. Only Alexander is generally exempt from such censure, and that in itself is significant. For he is the only major commentator whose work survives in any considerable quantity who wrote before Neoplatonism.\r\n\r\nShortly after Alexander, the kind of thought that is conveniently described by this label came to dominate Greek philosophy, and nearly all pagan philosophy and philosophical scholarship was pursued under its influence, if not by its active adherents. It is the purpose of this paper to argue that these facts are not trivial items of background interest but are fundamental to a proper assessment of the later commentators' opinions on points of Aristotelian scholarship. It is necessary to take account of the ideas and purpose of these commentators if one is to make any serious critical use of their work, and this cannot be done if one merely dips into their voluminous works in the hope of occasional enlightenment.\r\n\r\nThat these men were swayed by their own opinions and preconceptions is perhaps obvious once stated. Even Simplicius, notwithstanding his reputation for careful scholarship, is no exception. Simplicius may have done us a great service by preserving fragments of the pre-Socratics, but he was nevertheless a man who entertained ideas which were not likely to lead to the correct interpretation of Aristotle, as Hicks for one saw\u2014Ross, it seems, did not. In fact, one might go so far as to say that Simplicius was less well-fitted than some of the other commentators to give a good account of his subject.\r\n\r\nThose whose immediate reaction to such a statement is that it is grossly unfair to so fine a scholar might be disturbed by some of the material in the preface to Simplicius' De Anima commentary\u2014as they would by that in Philoponus' as well\u2014material which often escapes notice for the simple reason that one normally refers to these works for help with specific passages and does not read them as a whole.\r\n\r\nThis is not to say that there are no obvious signs of what is going on in the body of the commentaries, for there certainly are. A case in point is Simplicius' claim in the De Caelo commentary (640.27\u201332) that Aristotle's criticisms of Plato are directed not against Plato himself but against those who failed to grasp Plato's real meaning.\r\n\r\nIn the preface to the commentary on the Categories, Simplicius goes further and says that in dealing with Aristotle's attacks on Plato, one should not consider only the philosophers' language and complain about their discord, but rather one should concentrate on their thought and seek out their accord on most matters (In Cat. 7.29\u201332). Here we have two expressions of the normal Neoplatonic view that Plato and Aristotle were usually trying to say the same thing.\r\n\r\nThis view can, of course, be traced back to the revival of positive teaching in the New Academy. This is not to say that no Neoplatonist was aware of the differences, and certain Aristotelian doctrines remained unacceptable. In the passage we have just mentioned, Simplicius talks about he en tois pleistois symphonia, and elsewhere he shows that he is alive to differences (e.g., In De Caelo 454.23 ff.), even if he does regard Aristotle as Plato's truest pupil (ib. 378.20 f.) or his best interpreter (In De An. 245.12).\r\n\r\nPhiloponus, moreover, actually protested against the view that Aristotle's attacks on Plato's ideas were not directed at Plato himself, a view that seems to have had some currency (cf. De Aet. M. II.2 29.2\u20138 R). None the less, ever since Plotinus, whose adoption of much Aristotelian thought would be clear enough without Porphyry's explicit statement on the point (Vita Plot. 14.4 ff.), the new Platonism had been more or less Aristotelianized: the controversies about whether or not Aristotelian views could be accepted by Platonists which had been current in the Middle Platonic period were no longer live.\r\n\r\nBy the time Simplicius and Philoponus composed their commentaries, Aristotle's philosophy had been used as the standard introduction to Plato for at least two centuries. The tendency among certain modern scholars to see Aristotle simply as a Platonist has a precedent in the activities of the Neoplatonists: in both cases, it depends on a somewhat special understanding of Plato. [introduction 64-66]","btype":3,"date":"1976","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/3j2gfRYnCCVhtJC","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":612,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"21","issue":"1","pages":"64-87"}},"sort":["Neoplatonic Elements in the \"de Anima\" Commentaries"]}

Neoplatonic Interpretations of Aristotle on "Phantasia", 1977
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.
Title Neoplatonic Interpretations of Aristotle on "Phantasia"
Type Article
Language English
Date 1977
Journal The Review of Metaphysics
Volume 31
Issue 2
Pages 242-257
Categories no categories
Author(s) Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The  ancient commentaries on Aristotle have for the most part 
remained in that strange kind of no-man's land between Classical 
and Medieval studies that even now holds so  many of the productions 
of  later  antiquity. On  the whole it would be  true  to  say  that  students 
of  Neoplatonism?for the commentators were usually Neoplatonists 
?prefer to occupy themselves with openly Neoplatonic writings. 
Modern Aristotelian scholars, on the other hand, tend to take very 
little account of the opinions of their ancient predecessors. In this 
way they differ from the Medie  vals, both Christian and Moslem: as 
is well known, Aquinas instigated the translation of many of these 
commentaries by his fellow Dominican, William of Moerbeke, while a 
century before, Averroes, the greatest of the Arabic commentators, 
had made ample use of at least the earlier Greek expositions. [Introduction, p. 242]

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Nous, the Concept of Ultimate Reality and Meaning in Anaxagoras, 1989
By: Silvestre, Maria Luisa
Title Nous, the Concept of Ultimate Reality and Meaning in Anaxagoras
Type Article
Language English
Date 1989
Journal Ultimate Reality and Meaning
Volume 12
Issue 4
Pages 248-255
Categories no categories
Author(s) Silvestre, Maria Luisa
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
That the world of Anaxagoras is without any soul entails that Nous is for him the ultimate reality. It is not the end of our life, but the origin of the world and of ourselves. It is that which brings life and at the same time that which gives human beings the possibility of knowing anything whatsoever. This is all that we can deduce from Plato and Aristotle's presentation of Anaxagoras' doctrine on Nous. Simplicius cites a passage in which we can see that Nous is infinite, has power over everything, and knows the past, the present, and even future time:

    While other things have a share of everything, Nous is infinite, self-governing, and has been mixed with nothing ... For it is the lightest of all things and the purest, and maintains complete understanding over everything and wields the greatest power. And Nous controls all, large and small, that has life ... and whatever sort of things were to be—what were and are no longer, what are, and what will be—Nous put all in order. (B12; Sider, 1981, p. 94).

We are not sure if Anaxagoras' Nous really was all that Simplicius attributes to it, but there can be no doubt that Simplicius, like Plato and every other interpreter of Anaxagoras' Nous, agrees that Nous is the ultimate reality in Anaxagoras' philosophy.

In our view, Anaxagoras' Nous can be described as a force originating in the interior of the All, which suddenly frees itself and introduces a movement that upsets, separates, aggregates, and distinguishes. Yet at the same time, it is a rational force of understanding, since its characteristic function—understanding—for Anaxagoras means nothing else but putting persons and things in their proper places in relation to each other. [conclusion p. 254-255]

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On Some Epicurean and Lucretian Arguments for the Infinity of the Universe, 1983
By: Avotins, Ivars
Title On Some Epicurean and Lucretian Arguments for the Infinity of the Universe
Type Article
Language English
Date 1983
Journal The Classical Quarterly
Volume 33
Issue 2
Pages 421-427
Categories no categories
Author(s) Avotins, Ivars
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
As is well known,  Epicurus and his followers held that the universe was infinite and 
that its  two  primary components,  void  and atoms,  were each infinite. The void  was 
infinite in extension, the atoms were infinite in number and their total was infinite also 
in extension.' The chief Epicurean proofs of these infinities are found in Epicurus, Ad 
Herod. 41-2,  and in Lucretius 1. 951-1020.  As far as I can see, both the commentators 
to these works and writers on Epicurean physics in general have neglected to take into 
account  some  material pertinent to  these  proofs,  material found  in  Aristotle  and 
especially in his commentators Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius, Simplicius, and 
Philoponus.2 In  this  article I  wish  to  compare  this  neglected information  with  the 
proofs  of infinity found in Epicurus and Lucretius and to discuss their authorship. [p. 421]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1001","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1001,"authors_free":[{"id":1506,"entry_id":1001,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":38,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Avotins, Ivars","free_first_name":"Ivars","free_last_name":"Avotins","norm_person":{"id":38,"first_name":"Ivars","last_name":"Avotins","full_name":"Avotins, Ivars","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"On Some Epicurean and Lucretian Arguments for the Infinity of the Universe","main_title":{"title":"On Some Epicurean and Lucretian Arguments for the Infinity of the Universe"},"abstract":"As is well known, Epicurus and his followers held that the universe was infinite and \r\nthat its two primary components, void and atoms, were each infinite. The void was \r\ninfinite in extension, the atoms were infinite in number and their total was infinite also \r\nin extension.' The chief Epicurean proofs of these infinities are found in Epicurus, Ad \r\nHerod. 41-2, and in Lucretius 1. 951-1020. As far as I can see, both the commentators \r\nto these works and writers on Epicurean physics in general have neglected to take into \r\naccount some material pertinent to these proofs, material found in Aristotle and \r\nespecially in his commentators Alexander of Aphrodisias, Themistius, Simplicius, and \r\nPhiloponus.2 In this article I wish to compare this neglected information with the \r\nproofs of infinity found in Epicurus and Lucretius and to discuss their authorship. [p. 421]","btype":3,"date":"1983","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ZJK8o9VUGwRqW5s","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":38,"full_name":"Avotins, Ivars","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1001,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Quarterly","volume":"33","issue":"2","pages":"421-427"}},"sort":["On Some Epicurean and Lucretian Arguments for the Infinity of the Universe"]}

Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs à une définition du temps dans le néoplatonisme tardif, 1983
By: Hoffmann, Philippe
Title Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs à une définition du temps dans le néoplatonisme tardif
Type Article
Language French
Date 1983
Journal Revue des Études Grecques
Volume 96
Issue 455/459
Pages 1-26
Categories no categories
Author(s) Hoffmann, Philippe
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Ainsi, le concept de paralasis est profondément solidaire d’un thème qui est au cœur de la pensée de Damascius : la distinction entre ce qui est en train de se différencier et ce dont la différenciation est achevée. C’est aussi la distinction entre la procession et la conversion, entre la puissance et l’activité, entre la vie et l’intellect, entre le second diacosme (intelligible et intellectif) et le troisième (intellectif) : dans tous ces couples, le premier terme se distingue du second comme, dans Physique VI, « l’action de se mouvoir se distingue du mouvement accompli » (95).

Aristote est la source avouée de Damascius, qui lui consacrait des cours (on sait par exemple que le premier livre du Commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo a vraisemblablement été rédigé à partir de notes prises au cours de Damascius) (96) : il « pense le temps à la fois à partir du Parménide de Platon et à partir des livres IV et VI de la Physique d’Aristote. C’est à la lumière d’Aristote qu’il interprète Platon. C’est à Aristote lui-même qu’il emprunte les éléments de sa résolution des apories posées en Physique IV. Et la clé de sa doctrine du temps est à chercher en Physique VI » (97).

Il faut ajouter immédiatement que c’est à partir de la pensée stoïcienne du temps que Damascius lit Physique VI et élabore sa théorie du « temps intégral ». Le « temps intégral », qui demeure « tout entier à la fois dans la subsistance », est pensé selon l’être-ensemble de ses parties. Analogue au maintenant diastèmatique, qui est partie et non limite du temps, il a pour image le présent de la danse, en qui passé et futur sont contenus et résorbés : bien qu’elle se déroute dans une succession, la danse est présentement en train d’être dansée (98), et c’est sur le même mode que le combat est lui aussi présent.

La subsistance d’un tel présent se fonde sur l’unité d’une action en devenir, qui s’exprime par un verbe au présent extensif. L’influence du stoïcisme sur Damascius semble déterminante : on reconnaît sans peine dans ses analyses le présent étendu qui est le présent sensible de l’expérience pratique, celui en qui vient se loger une action comme « je marche » (action portée à élocution par un présent extensif) ; et son « temps intégral » n’est pas sans analogie avec le mode de présence de la période cosmique stoïcienne (99).

À cette influence philosophique du stoïcisme, il faut ajouter son influence grammaticale. Damascius fut pendant neuf ans professeur de rhétorique. C’est sans aucun doute à cette longue pratique des textes et des mots qu’il faut rapporter l’attention extrême qu’il prête au langage, ainsi que la thématisation des problèmes du langage au sein même de sa pensée philosophique (100). C’est à une grammaire d’inspiration stoïcienne qu’il faut rapporter sa méthode d’exégèse, ou plutôt le contenu de son exégèse de Physique IV (221 a 6-9) : l’infinitif être, compris comme activité d’être, est envisagé dans l’extension aspectuelle, et Damascius le considère comme l’équivalent de paratasis tou einai. Cette explication de texte scrupuleuse, qui est bien dans la manière de Damascius, permet à celui-ci de proposer sa définition du temps, tout en soulignant sa fidélité par rapport à la double autorité d’Archytas et d’Aristote. [conclusion p. 23-25]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"713","_score":null,"_source":{"id":713,"authors_free":[{"id":1063,"entry_id":713,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":138,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe","free_first_name":"Philippe","free_last_name":"Hoffmann","norm_person":{"id":138,"first_name":"Philippe ","last_name":"Hoffmann","full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/189361905","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs \u00e0 une d\u00e9finition du temps dans le n\u00e9oplatonisme tardif","main_title":{"title":"Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs \u00e0 une d\u00e9finition du temps dans le n\u00e9oplatonisme tardif"},"abstract":"Ainsi, le concept de paralasis est profond\u00e9ment solidaire d\u2019un th\u00e8me qui est au c\u0153ur de la pens\u00e9e de Damascius : la distinction entre ce qui est en train de se diff\u00e9rencier et ce dont la diff\u00e9renciation est achev\u00e9e. C\u2019est aussi la distinction entre la procession et la conversion, entre la puissance et l\u2019activit\u00e9, entre la vie et l\u2019intellect, entre le second diacosme (intelligible et intellectif) et le troisi\u00e8me (intellectif) : dans tous ces couples, le premier terme se distingue du second comme, dans Physique VI, \u00ab l\u2019action de se mouvoir se distingue du mouvement accompli \u00bb (95).\r\n\r\nAristote est la source avou\u00e9e de Damascius, qui lui consacrait des cours (on sait par exemple que le premier livre du Commentaire de Simplicius au De Caelo a vraisemblablement \u00e9t\u00e9 r\u00e9dig\u00e9 \u00e0 partir de notes prises au cours de Damascius) (96) : il \u00ab pense le temps \u00e0 la fois \u00e0 partir du Parm\u00e9nide de Platon et \u00e0 partir des livres IV et VI de la Physique d\u2019Aristote. C\u2019est \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re d\u2019Aristote qu\u2019il interpr\u00e8te Platon. C\u2019est \u00e0 Aristote lui-m\u00eame qu\u2019il emprunte les \u00e9l\u00e9ments de sa r\u00e9solution des apories pos\u00e9es en Physique IV. Et la cl\u00e9 de sa doctrine du temps est \u00e0 chercher en Physique VI \u00bb (97).\r\n\r\nIl faut ajouter imm\u00e9diatement que c\u2019est \u00e0 partir de la pens\u00e9e sto\u00efcienne du temps que Damascius lit Physique VI et \u00e9labore sa th\u00e9orie du \u00ab temps int\u00e9gral \u00bb. Le \u00ab temps int\u00e9gral \u00bb, qui demeure \u00ab tout entier \u00e0 la fois dans la subsistance \u00bb, est pens\u00e9 selon l\u2019\u00eatre-ensemble de ses parties. Analogue au maintenant diast\u00e8matique, qui est partie et non limite du temps, il a pour image le pr\u00e9sent de la danse, en qui pass\u00e9 et futur sont contenus et r\u00e9sorb\u00e9s : bien qu\u2019elle se d\u00e9route dans une succession, la danse est pr\u00e9sentement en train d\u2019\u00eatre dans\u00e9e (98), et c\u2019est sur le m\u00eame mode que le combat est lui aussi pr\u00e9sent.\r\n\r\nLa subsistance d\u2019un tel pr\u00e9sent se fonde sur l\u2019unit\u00e9 d\u2019une action en devenir, qui s\u2019exprime par un verbe au pr\u00e9sent extensif. L\u2019influence du sto\u00efcisme sur Damascius semble d\u00e9terminante : on reconna\u00eet sans peine dans ses analyses le pr\u00e9sent \u00e9tendu qui est le pr\u00e9sent sensible de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience pratique, celui en qui vient se loger une action comme \u00ab je marche \u00bb (action port\u00e9e \u00e0 \u00e9locution par un pr\u00e9sent extensif) ; et son \u00ab temps int\u00e9gral \u00bb n\u2019est pas sans analogie avec le mode de pr\u00e9sence de la p\u00e9riode cosmique sto\u00efcienne (99).\r\n\r\n\u00c0 cette influence philosophique du sto\u00efcisme, il faut ajouter son influence grammaticale. Damascius fut pendant neuf ans professeur de rh\u00e9torique. C\u2019est sans aucun doute \u00e0 cette longue pratique des textes et des mots qu\u2019il faut rapporter l\u2019attention extr\u00eame qu\u2019il pr\u00eate au langage, ainsi que la th\u00e9matisation des probl\u00e8mes du langage au sein m\u00eame de sa pens\u00e9e philosophique (100). C\u2019est \u00e0 une grammaire d\u2019inspiration sto\u00efcienne qu\u2019il faut rapporter sa m\u00e9thode d\u2019ex\u00e9g\u00e8se, ou plut\u00f4t le contenu de son ex\u00e9g\u00e8se de Physique IV (221 a 6-9) : l\u2019infinitif \u00eatre, compris comme activit\u00e9 d\u2019\u00eatre, est envisag\u00e9 dans l\u2019extension aspectuelle, et Damascius le consid\u00e8re comme l\u2019\u00e9quivalent de paratasis tou einai. Cette explication de texte scrupuleuse, qui est bien dans la mani\u00e8re de Damascius, permet \u00e0 celui-ci de proposer sa d\u00e9finition du temps, tout en soulignant sa fid\u00e9lit\u00e9 par rapport \u00e0 la double autorit\u00e9 d\u2019Archytas et d\u2019Aristote. [conclusion p. 23-25]","btype":3,"date":"1983","language":"French","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/LNb8H8UiMDNsVyS","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":138,"full_name":"Hoffmann, Philippe ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":713,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Revue des \u00c9tudes Grecques","volume":"96","issue":"455\/459","pages":"1-26"}},"sort":["Paratasis. De la description aspectuelle des verbes grecs \u00e0 une d\u00e9finition du temps dans le n\u00e9oplatonisme tardif"]}

Place and Space in Late Neoplatonism, 1977
By: Sambûrsqî, Šemûʾēl
Title Place and Space in Late Neoplatonism
Type Article
Language English
Date 1977
Journal Studies in History and Philosophy of Science
Volume 8
Issue 3
Pages 173–187
Categories no categories
Author(s) Sambûrsqî, Šemûʾēl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Three basic  notions characterize the  physical world, namely space, time  and 
matter, the first of which is  usually held by  scientists to be  simpler than the 
other two. The history of physics and philosophy has  shown, however, that 
even  the  concept of  space  abounds with  difficulties, to  which  the  doctrines of 
the  later Neoplatonic philosophers form an  impressive witness. It  is  proposed 
to  give  here  a  brief survey of  the  theories of  topos,  meaning variously “place” 
or “space”, from Iamblichus at the beginning of the fourth century to 
Simplicius in  the middle of the sixth. Although most of their treatises were 
clad  in  the  modest garb of  commentaries on  works by  Plato or  Aristotle, the 
ideas  of  these  thinkers undoubtedly represent one  of  the  peaks  of  sophistication 
and  metaphysical acumen in the  whole  history of  philosophy. The deliberations and inquiries of these philosophers on the concept of 
topos  took place against a  long historical background, spanning nearly a 
thousand years from the  Presocratics to  Plotinus. A  short synopsis, however 
condensed, of the earlier developments of the concept will  serve as  a  useful 
introduction, leading up  to  the  period in  which Iamblichus and  his  successors 
started to  elaborate their ideas  on  topos.  This  summary will  be  concerned with 
merely the conceptual aspects of the subject and thus will  not adhere to a 
strict  chronological order. [introduction p. 173]

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Poion and Poiotes in Stoic Philosophy, 1972
By: Reesor, Margaret E.
Title Poion and Poiotes in Stoic Philosophy
Type Article
Language English
Date 1972
Journal Phronesis
Volume 17
Issue 3
Pages 279-285
Categories no categories
Author(s) Reesor, Margaret E.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The second category, poia, is the most puzzling of the four Stoic categories. The general term poion (qualified) included the koinos poion (generically qualified) and the idios poion (individually qualified), but the relationship between these two concepts is by no means clear. It is even more difficult to see how they were connected with the idia poiotes (particular quality) and the koine poiotis (common quality).

In order to explain how the four terms were related, I shall undertake in this paper as thorough an investigation as possible of a diaeresis described by Boethius in his Commentary on Aristotle's De Interpretatione.

Boethius outlines a diaeresis of possible and necessary propositions in Stoic philosophy. He writes: "They (the Stoics) divide propositions in this way: of propositions, they say, some are possible, others impossible; of the possible, some are necessary, others non-necessary; again, of the non-necessary, some are possible and others impossible, foolishly and recklessly deciding that the possible is both a genus and a species of the non-necessary."

In the chart below, I have reconstructed this diaeresis, using the definitions of the terms and the examples given by Diogenes Laertius. [introduction p. 279]

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Priscianus Lydus en de "In De Anima" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius, 1972
By: Bossier, Fernand, Steel, Carlos
Title Priscianus Lydus en de "In De Anima" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius
Type Article
Language Dutch
Date 1972
Journal Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume 34
Issue 4
Pages 761-822
Categories no categories
Author(s) Bossier, Fernand , Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Dans cet article, nous avons essayé d'examiner la valeur de l'attribution traditionnelle du commentaire In De Anima à Simplicius. En comparant ce traité aux grands commentaires de Simplicius (sur les Catégories, la Physique et le De Caelo d'Aristote), nous avons en effet été frappés par les divergences de style et de langue, ainsi que par la différente manière de commenter.

Dans la première partie, nous démontrons que l'auteur de In D.A. a également écrit la Metaphrasis in Theophrastum, qui nous a été transmise sous le nom de Priscien le Lydien.
1° Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie à une de ses œuvres, qu'il appelle Epitomé de la Physique de Théophraste. En réalité, cette référence se rapporte à un passage de la Metaphrase de Priscien, où la même problématique est exposée dans des termes identiques.
2° Une comparaison détaillée portant sur l'ensemble des deux œuvres nous révèle une telle ressemblance de style et de pensée – il y a même des phrases à peu près identiques – qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer que par l'hypothèse de l'identité de l'auteur.

Dans la deuxième partie, nous essayons d'identifier l'auteur de ces deux œuvres qui, pourtant, nous ont été transmises sous deux noms différents. L'étude de la tradition directe et indirecte n'apporte guère de solution, puisque l'attribution des deux textes, l'un à Simplicius, l'autre à Priscien, y paraît très solide. Ce n'est donc que par une critique interne de In D.A., notamment par la confrontation avec les commentaires de Simplicius, dont l'attribution est certaine, que la question pourra être tranchée.
1° Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie trois fois à son commentaire sur la Physique. Pourtant, il est bien difficile de retrouver dans le grand commentaire de Simplicius trois passages dont le contenu et surtout le vocabulaire prouvent que l'auteur s'y réfère.
2° Dans In D.A., on ne retrouve pas les traits caractéristiques de la méthode de commentaire de Simplicius, ni l'approche du texte par la documentation historique, ni les longues discussions avec les exégètes antérieurs, ni l'exposé prolixe et bien structuré. D'autre part, aucun des commentaires de Simplicius ne témoigne de la phraséologie tortueuse de notre œuvre, ni de ses formules stéréotypées.
3° La différence doctrinale est encore plus importante. Nulle part chez Simplicius n'apparaît la théorie de l'âme comme epistêmê, qui est si fondamentale dans In D.A. (epistêmê y est un concept-clé). Les rares digressions de In D.A. à propos de questions physiques et logiques ne correspondent pas aux exposés de Simplicius sur les mêmes problèmes.

Ainsi, nous avons confronté la doctrine de la physis, de l'âme et de son automotion, et enfin le rapport entre le genre et les différences constitutives et diérétiques. De tout cela se dégage une telle divergence entre In D.A. et les autres commentaires qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer par une évolution chez Simplicius lui-même. In D.A. lui est donc faussement attribué ; et puisque nous avons établi que ce commentaire est du même auteur que la Metaphrase, nous pouvons conclure qu'il a été vraisemblablement écrit par Priscien le Lydien, un philosophe néoplatonicien dont nous savons seulement qu'il a accompagné Damascius et Simplicius en exil en exil en Perse. [author's abstract]

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En comparant ce trait\u00e9 aux grands commentaires de Simplicius (sur les Cat\u00e9gories, la Physique et le De Caelo d'Aristote), nous avons en effet \u00e9t\u00e9 frapp\u00e9s par les divergences de style et de langue, ainsi que par la diff\u00e9rente mani\u00e8re de commenter.\r\n\r\nDans la premi\u00e8re partie, nous d\u00e9montrons que l'auteur de In D.A. a \u00e9galement \u00e9crit la Metaphrasis in Theophrastum, qui nous a \u00e9t\u00e9 transmise sous le nom de Priscien le Lydien.\r\n1\u00b0 Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie \u00e0 une de ses \u0153uvres, qu'il appelle Epitom\u00e9 de la Physique de Th\u00e9ophraste. En r\u00e9alit\u00e9, cette r\u00e9f\u00e9rence se rapporte \u00e0 un passage de la Metaphrase de Priscien, o\u00f9 la m\u00eame probl\u00e9matique est expos\u00e9e dans des termes identiques.\r\n2\u00b0 Une comparaison d\u00e9taill\u00e9e portant sur l'ensemble des deux \u0153uvres nous r\u00e9v\u00e8le une telle ressemblance de style et de pens\u00e9e \u2013 il y a m\u00eame des phrases \u00e0 peu pr\u00e8s identiques \u2013 qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer que par l'hypoth\u00e8se de l'identit\u00e9 de l'auteur.\r\n\r\nDans la deuxi\u00e8me partie, nous essayons d'identifier l'auteur de ces deux \u0153uvres qui, pourtant, nous ont \u00e9t\u00e9 transmises sous deux noms diff\u00e9rents. L'\u00e9tude de la tradition directe et indirecte n'apporte gu\u00e8re de solution, puisque l'attribution des deux textes, l'un \u00e0 Simplicius, l'autre \u00e0 Priscien, y para\u00eet tr\u00e8s solide. Ce n'est donc que par une critique interne de In D.A., notamment par la confrontation avec les commentaires de Simplicius, dont l'attribution est certaine, que la question pourra \u00eatre tranch\u00e9e.\r\n1\u00b0 Dans In D.A., l'auteur renvoie trois fois \u00e0 son commentaire sur la Physique. Pourtant, il est bien difficile de retrouver dans le grand commentaire de Simplicius trois passages dont le contenu et surtout le vocabulaire prouvent que l'auteur s'y r\u00e9f\u00e8re.\r\n2\u00b0 Dans In D.A., on ne retrouve pas les traits caract\u00e9ristiques de la m\u00e9thode de commentaire de Simplicius, ni l'approche du texte par la documentation historique, ni les longues discussions avec les ex\u00e9g\u00e8tes ant\u00e9rieurs, ni l'expos\u00e9 prolixe et bien structur\u00e9. D'autre part, aucun des commentaires de Simplicius ne t\u00e9moigne de la phras\u00e9ologie tortueuse de notre \u0153uvre, ni de ses formules st\u00e9r\u00e9otyp\u00e9es.\r\n3\u00b0 La diff\u00e9rence doctrinale est encore plus importante. Nulle part chez Simplicius n'appara\u00eet la th\u00e9orie de l'\u00e2me comme epist\u00eam\u00ea, qui est si fondamentale dans In D.A. (epist\u00eam\u00ea y est un concept-cl\u00e9). Les rares digressions de In D.A. \u00e0 propos de questions physiques et logiques ne correspondent pas aux expos\u00e9s de Simplicius sur les m\u00eames probl\u00e8mes.\r\n\r\nAinsi, nous avons confront\u00e9 la doctrine de la physis, de l'\u00e2me et de son automotion, et enfin le rapport entre le genre et les diff\u00e9rences constitutives et di\u00e9r\u00e9tiques. De tout cela se d\u00e9gage une telle divergence entre In D.A. et les autres commentaires qu'elle ne peut s'expliquer par une \u00e9volution chez Simplicius lui-m\u00eame. In D.A. lui est donc faussement attribu\u00e9 ; et puisque nous avons \u00e9tabli que ce commentaire est du m\u00eame auteur que la Metaphrase, nous pouvons conclure qu'il a \u00e9t\u00e9 vraisemblablement \u00e9crit par Priscien le Lydien, un philosophe n\u00e9oplatonicien dont nous savons seulement qu'il a accompagn\u00e9 Damascius et Simplicius en exil en exil en Perse. [author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1972","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/r917awdAL4tkrdc","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":12,"full_name":"Bossier, Fernand ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}},{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1077,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Tijdschrift voor Filosofie","volume":"34","issue":"4","pages":"761-822"}},"sort":["Priscianus Lydus en de \"In De Anima\" van Pseudo(?)-Simplicius"]}

Review of Erwin Sonderegger: Simplikios: Über die Zeit, 1983
By: Blumenthal, Henry J.
Title Review of Erwin Sonderegger: Simplikios: Über die Zeit
Type Article
Language English
Date 1983
Journal The Classical Review, New Series
Volume 33
Issue 2
Pages 337-338
Categories no categories
Author(s) Blumenthal, Henry J.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Like a well-trained Neoplatonist commentator, Sonderegger outlines the skopos of his book on the first page. It is to consider Simplicius' thought about time and make it available to a wider audience (an audience that would, however, need to know Greek). His basis is the 28-page excursus at the end of Simplicius' commentary on Physics 4, known as the Corollarium de Tempore (hereafter, with S., CdT), to which, in the main body of the book, he attends with the minimum of excursions. This is partly dictated by his announced interest in Simplicius himself rather than his relation to other thinkers: as he rightly says, that cannot be treated until it is clear what Simplicius himself thought. In the present state of work on late Neoplatonism, this is not a trivial point.

Sonderegger's aims have produced a very different book from the little-noticed work of H. Meyer, Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles über die Zeit (Meisenheim am Glan, 1969). Meyer's book is more philosophical and also differs in that his purpose was primarily to understand Aristotle, with no notion of being exoteric. Of this book, Sonderegger takes virtually no account, on the grounds that its presuppositions are very different from his own. What Sonderegger has given us is a very detailed and careful descriptive analysis of CdT, with special attention to the organization of the discussions (pp. 38–139), preceded by an introduction on Simplicius' Physics commentary, his excursuses, and Neoplatonism in general, and followed by some 30 pages of translation and 20 of appendices. These include a table of the uses and contexts of key terms in CdT, examinations of the extent and authenticity of quotations from Ps.-Archytas, Iamblichus, and Damascius, and a translation of Simplicius In Categorias 356.8–25, which contains in nuce much of the thought of CdT.

Sonderegger is clearly aware that Simplicius wrote commentaries to expound his own philosophy, yet he tends to exaggerate the difference in thought rather than merely presentation, which might be expected in CdT and the analogous digressions on chance and place, as opposed to those parts of the commentary that start from specific lemmata. Even if CdT is more connected, it still proceeds largely by discussing quoted texts, and, as Sonderegger reminds us, Simplicius' aim is always to arrive at his own view of time. That, he claims, will help us to understand Aristotle (773.12–14): one recalls uneasily the project of expounding the De anima while following Iamblichus (In De an. 1.18–20). Sonderegger perhaps underestimates the extent to which Simplicius saw himself as engaged in the same enterprise as Aristotle—and Plato.

Though he can cite texts for Simplicius' awareness of the difference between what he and Aristotle say, it does not always follow that Simplicius saw the difference between what he and Aristotle think. The texts Sonderegger quotes at p. 25 n.50 rather point out that Aristotle's intentions are the same, even if his language is not. Thus, 356.31 ff. clearly shows that Simplicius thinks the views on time (chronos) of Aristotle and hoi Neoteroi (the Neoplatonists) are not different. Conversely, in his sketch of the Neoplatonist background, which, as he says, constantly appears in Simplicius' commentary, Sonderegger is inclined to underplay divergences. It is only in the broadest sense true that the outlines of Simplicius' Neoplatonism were determined by Plotinus. The qualification that he liked to attach himself to Iamblichus and used terminology that can be traced back to Proclus is more important.

The extent of Proclus' influence is thoroughly documented by I. Hadot, Le Problème du Néoplatonisme Alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius (Paris, 1978), cited on p. 26 n. 51. I cannot understand the arguments here (29–35) that, for Simplicius, the hypostases are somehow unreal. This is conducted in terms drawn from Husserl and Heidegger, which, to an English-speaking reader, are not immediately illuminating. Incidentally, diakrisis is not an entity. To treat it as if it were is a kind of hyper-Neoplatonic realism: the meaning of "differentiation" is normally adequate.

On time itself, there is a major difference between Plotinus and his post-Iamblichean successors on a point which concerns Sonderegger throughout: the invention of a further type of time that almost becomes a separate hypostasis. This is the psychic time that Simplicius calls protos chronos, as opposed to ordinary physical time on the one hand and aion on the other. The exposition and defense of this first time is the main aim of CdT. It is even more clearly a product of late Neoplatonic triadic thinking than Sonderegger's discussion (69–74) shows.

If there is a triad of things permanent and ungenerated, permanent and generated, impermanent and generated, a mediating time is required for the second member of the triad. That this is Simplicius' thinking is shown by the way he has opposed aion as adiakritos and physical time as ho en ti thesei theôrmenos (784.34 ff.), a relation justifying, if not requiring, a higher time. The most notable recasting of Aristotle in Neoplatonist terms is the transformation of his definition into metron tou kata to einai rhontos (not quite "Mass des Seins des Physischen"), which, for all his concern to show that Simplicius distinguishes between Aristotle's views and his own, Sonderegger seems inclined to accept (cf. esp. 43 f. and 138).

The translation aims at utility rather than elegance. Its value is greater at a time when interest in the thought of late antiquity is spreading among the wholly or nearly Greekless. Translations are increasingly called for. But who would translate the 1,366 pages of Simplicius' Physics commentary, or, indeed, publish the translation? [the entire review]

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His basis is the 28-page excursus at the end of Simplicius' commentary on Physics 4, known as the Corollarium de Tempore (hereafter, with S., CdT), to which, in the main body of the book, he attends with the minimum of excursions. This is partly dictated by his announced interest in Simplicius himself rather than his relation to other thinkers: as he rightly says, that cannot be treated until it is clear what Simplicius himself thought. In the present state of work on late Neoplatonism, this is not a trivial point.\r\n\r\nSonderegger's aims have produced a very different book from the little-noticed work of H. Meyer, Das Corollarium de Tempore des Simplikios und die Aporien des Aristoteles \u00fcber die Zeit (Meisenheim am Glan, 1969). Meyer's book is more philosophical and also differs in that his purpose was primarily to understand Aristotle, with no notion of being exoteric. Of this book, Sonderegger takes virtually no account, on the grounds that its presuppositions are very different from his own. What Sonderegger has given us is a very detailed and careful descriptive analysis of CdT, with special attention to the organization of the discussions (pp. 38\u2013139), preceded by an introduction on Simplicius' Physics commentary, his excursuses, and Neoplatonism in general, and followed by some 30 pages of translation and 20 of appendices. These include a table of the uses and contexts of key terms in CdT, examinations of the extent and authenticity of quotations from Ps.-Archytas, Iamblichus, and Damascius, and a translation of Simplicius In Categorias 356.8\u201325, which contains in nuce much of the thought of CdT.\r\n\r\nSonderegger is clearly aware that Simplicius wrote commentaries to expound his own philosophy, yet he tends to exaggerate the difference in thought rather than merely presentation, which might be expected in CdT and the analogous digressions on chance and place, as opposed to those parts of the commentary that start from specific lemmata. Even if CdT is more connected, it still proceeds largely by discussing quoted texts, and, as Sonderegger reminds us, Simplicius' aim is always to arrive at his own view of time. That, he claims, will help us to understand Aristotle (773.12\u201314): one recalls uneasily the project of expounding the De anima while following Iamblichus (In De an. 1.18\u201320). Sonderegger perhaps underestimates the extent to which Simplicius saw himself as engaged in the same enterprise as Aristotle\u2014and Plato.\r\n\r\nThough he can cite texts for Simplicius' awareness of the difference between what he and Aristotle say, it does not always follow that Simplicius saw the difference between what he and Aristotle think. The texts Sonderegger quotes at p. 25 n.50 rather point out that Aristotle's intentions are the same, even if his language is not. Thus, 356.31 ff. clearly shows that Simplicius thinks the views on time (chronos) of Aristotle and hoi Neoteroi (the Neoplatonists) are not different. Conversely, in his sketch of the Neoplatonist background, which, as he says, constantly appears in Simplicius' commentary, Sonderegger is inclined to underplay divergences. It is only in the broadest sense true that the outlines of Simplicius' Neoplatonism were determined by Plotinus. The qualification that he liked to attach himself to Iamblichus and used terminology that can be traced back to Proclus is more important.\r\n\r\nThe extent of Proclus' influence is thoroughly documented by I. Hadot, Le Probl\u00e8me du N\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin: Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius (Paris, 1978), cited on p. 26 n. 51. I cannot understand the arguments here (29\u201335) that, for Simplicius, the hypostases are somehow unreal. This is conducted in terms drawn from Husserl and Heidegger, which, to an English-speaking reader, are not immediately illuminating. Incidentally, diakrisis is not an entity. To treat it as if it were is a kind of hyper-Neoplatonic realism: the meaning of \"differentiation\" is normally adequate.\r\n\r\nOn time itself, there is a major difference between Plotinus and his post-Iamblichean successors on a point which concerns Sonderegger throughout: the invention of a further type of time that almost becomes a separate hypostasis. This is the psychic time that Simplicius calls protos chronos, as opposed to ordinary physical time on the one hand and aion on the other. The exposition and defense of this first time is the main aim of CdT. It is even more clearly a product of late Neoplatonic triadic thinking than Sonderegger's discussion (69\u201374) shows.\r\n\r\nIf there is a triad of things permanent and ungenerated, permanent and generated, impermanent and generated, a mediating time is required for the second member of the triad. That this is Simplicius' thinking is shown by the way he has opposed aion as adiakritos and physical time as ho en ti thesei the\u00f4rmenos (784.34 ff.), a relation justifying, if not requiring, a higher time. The most notable recasting of Aristotle in Neoplatonist terms is the transformation of his definition into metron tou kata to einai rhontos (not quite \"Mass des Seins des Physischen\"), which, for all his concern to show that Simplicius distinguishes between Aristotle's views and his own, Sonderegger seems inclined to accept (cf. esp. 43 f. and 138).\r\n\r\nThe translation aims at utility rather than elegance. Its value is greater at a time when interest in the thought of late antiquity is spreading among the wholly or nearly Greekless. Translations are increasingly called for. But who would translate the 1,366 pages of Simplicius' Physics commentary, or, indeed, publish the translation? [the entire review]","btype":3,"date":"1983","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/ZCYOjLO9LGrxQNt","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":108,"full_name":"Blumenthal, Henry J.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":770,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Classical Review, New Series","volume":"33","issue":"2","pages":"337-338"}},"sort":["Review of Erwin Sonderegger: Simplikios: \u00dcber die Zeit"]}

Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie, 1990
By: Dillon, John
Title Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son œuvre, sa survie
Type Article
Language English
Date 1990
Journal Journal of Hellenic Studies
Volume 110
Pages 244–245
Categories no categories
Author(s) Dillon, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Simplicius is a man who might seem destined forever to be used simply as a source for other thinkers, without being given much credit for thinking himself. After all, his surviving works are overtly commentaries on one work or another (overwhelmingly of Aristotle)—though, in fact, small bits of more original work are embedded in these, such as the Corollaries on Space and Time in the Physics commentary. He is also a man of exemplary modesty about his own contributions, always making clear his debts to previous authorities, quoting his sources to an extent unusual in Neoplatonist circles (or indeed in the ancient world in general).

It was therefore a happy idea of Mme. Hadot to call together a conference of distinguished Neoplatonists to honor Simplicius and to produce this impressive volume as a result. The work is divided into four (unequal) parts:

    A biographical introduction
    A series of essays on doctrinal and methodological questions
    A shorter section on textual problems
    A pair of essays on Simplicius' Nachleben

All are of interest and importance.

First, we have an essay by Ilsetraut Hadot herself (depending in one important respect on the essay of Michel Tardieu, which follows it) on the chronology of Simplicius' life and works. Tardieu, by a fine piece of detective work (Simplicius et les calendriers de Harran), argues with at least great probability that when Simplicius returned with the other philosophers from Persia in 532, it was not to Athens or any other major center but rather to the town of Harran (Carrhae) in Osrhoene. There, a tradition of non-conformist Christianity was tolerant of philosophy, and it is likely where he composed most, if not all, of his commentaries. Certain remarks Simplicius makes in In Phys. 874.23 ff., about the four different calendars "we" use, seem to require his presence at the only known place where four calendars were simultaneously in use, as we know from later Arab sources.

The central part of the collection comprises six essays on aspects of doctrine:

    Two by Philippe Hoffmann (Categories et langage selon Simplicius: on the purpose (skopos) of Aristotle's Categories and an analysis of Simplicius’ invective against John Philoponus)
    One by Henry Blumenthal on the doctrine of the De Anima commentary of Simplicius (if it is indeed by Simplicius)
    One by Concetta Luna on Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary
    One by Richard Sorabji on Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension
    One by Nestor-Luis Cordero on Simplicius et l'école éléate

Hoffmann's studies frame this central portion of the work. His first examines Simplicius' account of the skopos of Aristotle's Categories, showing how Simplicius, following Porphyry, views the Categories as addressing "utterances" (phonai), "things" (pragmata, onta), "concepts" (noemata), or all of these. Simplicius interprets the study of language, particularly its primary constituents, as a preparation for the soul’s ascent to the noetic world—a higher interpretation inherited from Iamblichus. In his second study, Hoffmann examines Simplicius' strategies of polemic and invective against Philoponus, particularly in the De Caelo, and Simplicius' view of the higher purpose of studying celestial matters. For Simplicius, even prosaic texts like the Categories could become an elevating and prayerful experience.

Sorabji, in an elegant contribution, shows how Simplicius solves a problem bequeathed by Aristotle by identifying prime matter with extension, which Aristotle did not do. Cordero challenges the idea of an Eleatic "school" while listing Simplicius’ quotations of Parmenides, Zeno, and Melissus. Blumenthal discusses Simplicius’ doctrine of the soul, though his uncertainty about the authorship of the De Anima commentary (potentially by Priscian) limits the analysis. Luna traces Iamblichean roots in Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary.

The final sections include discussions of the manuscript tradition of Simplicius, with contributions by Ilsetraut Hadot, Leonardo Taran, and Dieter Harlfinger. Taran critiques Diels’ edition of Simplicius' Physics commentary, showing its deficiencies due to reliance on unreliable collations and limited understanding of Neoplatonic doctrine. Harlfinger analyzes contamination in the manuscript tradition of the commentary on Books I-IV.

The collection concludes with two papers on Simplicius’ influence in the medieval West, one by Fernand Boissier on Latin translations and the influence of the In De Caelo commentary and another by Pierre Hadot on the survival of the Manuel d'Épictète commentary in the 15th to 17th centuries.

Overall, this collection has given Simplicius much of his due as a major commentator and preserver of earlier Greek philosophy. While only three papers—those by Blumenthal, Luna, and Sorabji—discuss any distinctive doctrines of Simplicius, this is perhaps reasonable given that he does not claim originality. Most of what seems distinctive likely goes back to Iamblichus or Syrianus/Proclus. Yet, it might one day be possible to produce a focused volume on his doctrinal innovations. [the entire text]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"708","_score":null,"_source":{"id":708,"authors_free":[{"id":1056,"entry_id":708,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":97,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Dillon, John","free_first_name":"John","free_last_name":"Dillon","norm_person":{"id":97,"first_name":"John","last_name":"Dillon","full_name":"Dillon, John","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/123498058","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa \tsurvie","main_title":{"title":"Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa \tsurvie"},"abstract":"Simplicius is a man who might seem destined forever to be used simply as a source for other thinkers, without being given much credit for thinking himself. After all, his surviving works are overtly commentaries on one work or another (overwhelmingly of Aristotle)\u2014though, in fact, small bits of more original work are embedded in these, such as the Corollaries on Space and Time in the Physics commentary. He is also a man of exemplary modesty about his own contributions, always making clear his debts to previous authorities, quoting his sources to an extent unusual in Neoplatonist circles (or indeed in the ancient world in general).\r\n\r\nIt was therefore a happy idea of Mme. Hadot to call together a conference of distinguished Neoplatonists to honor Simplicius and to produce this impressive volume as a result. The work is divided into four (unequal) parts:\r\n\r\n A biographical introduction\r\n A series of essays on doctrinal and methodological questions\r\n A shorter section on textual problems\r\n A pair of essays on Simplicius' Nachleben\r\n\r\nAll are of interest and importance.\r\n\r\nFirst, we have an essay by Ilsetraut Hadot herself (depending in one important respect on the essay of Michel Tardieu, which follows it) on the chronology of Simplicius' life and works. Tardieu, by a fine piece of detective work (Simplicius et les calendriers de Harran), argues with at least great probability that when Simplicius returned with the other philosophers from Persia in 532, it was not to Athens or any other major center but rather to the town of Harran (Carrhae) in Osrhoene. There, a tradition of non-conformist Christianity was tolerant of philosophy, and it is likely where he composed most, if not all, of his commentaries. Certain remarks Simplicius makes in In Phys. 874.23 ff., about the four different calendars \"we\" use, seem to require his presence at the only known place where four calendars were simultaneously in use, as we know from later Arab sources.\r\n\r\nThe central part of the collection comprises six essays on aspects of doctrine:\r\n\r\n Two by Philippe Hoffmann (Categories et langage selon Simplicius: on the purpose (skopos) of Aristotle's Categories and an analysis of Simplicius\u2019 invective against John Philoponus)\r\n One by Henry Blumenthal on the doctrine of the De Anima commentary of Simplicius (if it is indeed by Simplicius)\r\n One by Concetta Luna on Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary\r\n One by Richard Sorabji on Simplicius: Prime Matter as Extension\r\n One by Nestor-Luis Cordero on Simplicius et l'\u00e9cole \u00e9l\u00e9ate\r\n\r\nHoffmann's studies frame this central portion of the work. His first examines Simplicius' account of the skopos of Aristotle's Categories, showing how Simplicius, following Porphyry, views the Categories as addressing \"utterances\" (phonai), \"things\" (pragmata, onta), \"concepts\" (noemata), or all of these. Simplicius interprets the study of language, particularly its primary constituents, as a preparation for the soul\u2019s ascent to the noetic world\u2014a higher interpretation inherited from Iamblichus. In his second study, Hoffmann examines Simplicius' strategies of polemic and invective against Philoponus, particularly in the De Caelo, and Simplicius' view of the higher purpose of studying celestial matters. For Simplicius, even prosaic texts like the Categories could become an elevating and prayerful experience.\r\n\r\nSorabji, in an elegant contribution, shows how Simplicius solves a problem bequeathed by Aristotle by identifying prime matter with extension, which Aristotle did not do. Cordero challenges the idea of an Eleatic \"school\" while listing Simplicius\u2019 quotations of Parmenides, Zeno, and Melissus. Blumenthal discusses Simplicius\u2019 doctrine of the soul, though his uncertainty about the authorship of the De Anima commentary (potentially by Priscian) limits the analysis. Luna traces Iamblichean roots in Simplicius' doctrine of relation in the Categories commentary.\r\n\r\nThe final sections include discussions of the manuscript tradition of Simplicius, with contributions by Ilsetraut Hadot, Leonardo Taran, and Dieter Harlfinger. Taran critiques Diels\u2019 edition of Simplicius' Physics commentary, showing its deficiencies due to reliance on unreliable collations and limited understanding of Neoplatonic doctrine. Harlfinger analyzes contamination in the manuscript tradition of the commentary on Books I-IV.\r\n\r\nThe collection concludes with two papers on Simplicius\u2019 influence in the medieval West, one by Fernand Boissier on Latin translations and the influence of the In De Caelo commentary and another by Pierre Hadot on the survival of the Manuel d'\u00c9pict\u00e8te commentary in the 15th to 17th centuries.\r\n\r\nOverall, this collection has given Simplicius much of his due as a major commentator and preserver of earlier Greek philosophy. While only three papers\u2014those by Blumenthal, Luna, and Sorabji\u2014discuss any distinctive doctrines of Simplicius, this is perhaps reasonable given that he does not claim originality. Most of what seems distinctive likely goes back to Iamblichus or Syrianus\/Proclus. Yet, it might one day be possible to produce a focused volume on his doctrinal innovations. [the entire text]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/hje0CYeAY915LhU","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":97,"full_name":"Dillon, John","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":708,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Journal of Hellenic Studies","volume":"110","issue":"","pages":"244\u2013245"}},"sort":["Review of Hadot 1987: Simplicius: Sa vie, son \u0153uvre, sa \tsurvie"]}

Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le problème du néoplatonisme Alexandrin, Hiéroclès et Simplicius, 1980
By: Steel, Carlos
Title Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le problème du néoplatonisme Alexandrin, Hiéroclès et Simplicius
Type Article
Language Dutch
Date 1980
Journal Tijdschrift voor Filosofie
Volume 42
Issue 3
Pages 606-608
Categories no categories
Author(s) Steel, Carlos
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The whole review: In een historisch overzicht van de antieke wijsbegeerte wordt doorgaans, wanneer over het Neoplatonisme gehandeld wordt, een onderscheid gemaakt tussen de 'school' van Athene en die van Alexandrië. Dit onderscheid gaat terug op de bekende studies van K. Praechter (1910-12). Volgens deze geleerde zou er een opvallend doctrineel verschil bestaan tussen beide richtingen in het latere Neoplatonisme. In Alexandrië zou de invloed van de christelijke omgeving zo groot geweest zijn dat de heidense filosofen zich verplicht zagen bepaalde wijzigingen in de doctrine aan te brengen.

Het Neoplatonisme vertoont hier niet de complexe structuur die kenmerkend is voor het Atheense speculatieve denken (cf. de hiërarchie van de goddelijke principes zoals die door Proclus ontwikkeld is); het geeft een eenvoudiger verklaring van de leer waarbij dikwijls teruggegrepen wordt naar het Midden-Platonisme (vóór Plotinus); op sommige gebieden (zoals de scheppingsleer) benadert het christelijke standpunten. Deze originaliteit van het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme komt het duidelijkst tot uiting in het œuvre van Hierocles (eerste helft 5de eeuw) en in de commentaar van Simplicius (eerste helft 6de eeuw) op Epictetus.

Deze visie van Praechter werd kritiekloos overgenomen in talrijke studies over deze periode. Zo verscheen in 1976 nog een boek over Hierocles (Th. Kobusch, Studien zur Philosophie des Hierokles von Alexandrien, München) waarin de thesis verdedigd wordt dat Hierocles' filosofie „vermittelt“ tussen het Christendom en het „excessieve“ Neoplatonisme zoals het vooral door Proclus uitgewerkt is. „Die Interpretation ergab dass die Hierokleische Philosophie im wesentlichen auf vorneuplatonischer Basis beruht“ (Besluit, p. 193).

Het boek van Mme Hadot, die sinds jaren een uitgave voorbereidt van Simplicius' commentaar op Epictetus, komt tot een conclusie die precies het tegenovergestelde beweert. Op grond van een nieuwe lectuur van Hierocles en Simplicius toont zij aan dat de hypothese van Praechter over het latere Neoplatonisme totaal ongegrond is; er bestaat geen enkel doctrineel verschil tussen het Atheense en het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme: „l'évolution du néoplatonisme s'est poursuivie d'une manière homogène“.

Het is verkeerd Hierocles of Simplicius vanuit het Midden-Platonisme te willen interpreteren: hun uiteenzetting veronderstelt de ontwikkeling van het latere Neoplatonisme, wat kan geïllustreerd worden door talrijke parallelle passages met Iamblichus en Proclus, en zelfs – voor Simplicius – met Damascius.

In het eerste deel van dit boek worden de historische gegevens over beide filosofen onderzocht. Het tweede deel onderzoekt in welke mate zij kunnen beschouwd worden als vertegenwoordigers van een originele Alexandrijnse traditie. Achtereenvolgens worden bestudeerd: de theologie van Simplicius in het Epictetus-commentaar, de opvattingen van Hierocles over de ontwikkeling van het Platonisme, over de materie, over de demiurg en de schepping, over de voorzienigheid en het noodlot. In het derde deel volgen enige capita selecta betreffende de commentaar van Simplicius (o.a. zijn leer over de ziel).

Uit al deze analyses komt de auteur tot het besluit dat er geen enkele doctrinaire divergentie aan te wijzen is ten opzichte van de Atheense school. Wel geven beide werken – de commentaar van Hierocles op Pythagoras en die van Simplicius op Epictetus – een eenvoudiger en minder complexe versie van het Neoplatonisme. Dit kan echter verklaard worden door het feit dat beide commentaren bedoeld waren als inleidingen en gericht tot beginnelingen in de school.

In een appendix gaat de auteur uitvoerig in op een artikel dat ik zelf samen met F. Bossier in dit tijdschrift gepubliceerd heb (1972, 761-822) over de authenticiteit van de De Anima-commentaar die aan Simplicius wordt toegeschreven. Alhoewel zij onze conclusie aanvaardt – het werk is waarschijnlijk door Priscianus Lydus geschreven – toch meent zij dat er geen enkel doctrineel verschil met de authentieke Simplicius kan aangewezen worden.

Haar argumenten lijken ons soms erg zwak: het is echter niet mogelijk om hierover in deze recensie polemiek te voeren. Slechts één ding: indien men aanvaardt dat de In de Anima door iemand anders geschreven is dan Simplicius, waarom is het dan zo nodig te beklemtonen dat zijn opvattingen over de ziel in niets van die van Simplicius verschillen?

Dit bezwaar geldt ook voor het gehele werk. Terecht wijst de auteur op de continuïteit die er bestond tussen de school van Athene en die van Alexandrië (zoals dit o.m. tot uiting komt in de veelvuldige persoonlijke relaties van docenten en studenten). Het lijkt ons echter overdreven elk doctrineel verschil tussen beide scholen te ontkennen.

De ontwikkeling binnen het latere Neoplatonisme was zeker niet zo homogeen als mevrouw Hadot beweert. Reeds ten tijde van Plotinus bestonden er belangrijke controversen over de doctrine, en die discussies werden verder gezet in de latere school. Indien men de originaliteit van de Alexandrijnse school in vraag stelt, dan volstaat het niet Hierocles en één werk van Simplicius te onderzoeken. Men zou er ook de andere filosofen uit de school moeten bij betrekken, voornamelijk Ammonius.

Men kan moeilijk betwisten dat het Neoplatonisme dat door Ammonius uiteengezet werd nogal verschillend is van het systeem van Damascius. En is het ook niet opvallend dat Simplicius, die zowel bij Ammonius als Damascius studeerde, dikwijls afstand neemt van de al te speculatieve beschouwingen van Iamblichus en Damascius?

Het boek van mevrouw Hadot is, zoals de auteur zelf toegeeft, vooral polemisch van aard: zij weerlegt hypothesen en interpretaties die niet op de teksten gegrond zijn. Door een nauwkeurige analyse van de teksten ontmaskert zij het stereotiepe beeld dat men over het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme geeft. Haar studie is zo een waardevolle bijdrage tot beter inzicht in deze laatste ontwikkeling van het antieke denken. [p. 606-608]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"484","_score":null,"_source":{"id":484,"authors_free":[{"id":659,"entry_id":484,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":14,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Steel, Carlos","free_first_name":"Carlos","free_last_name":"Steel","norm_person":{"id":14,"first_name":"Carlos ","last_name":"Steel","full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/122963083","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le probl\u00e8me du n\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin, Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le probl\u00e8me du n\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin, Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius"},"abstract":"The whole review: In een historisch overzicht van de antieke wijsbegeerte wordt doorgaans, wanneer over het Neoplatonisme gehandeld wordt, een onderscheid gemaakt tussen de 'school' van Athene en die van Alexandri\u00eb. Dit onderscheid gaat terug op de bekende studies van K. Praechter (1910-12). Volgens deze geleerde zou er een opvallend doctrineel verschil bestaan tussen beide richtingen in het latere Neoplatonisme. In Alexandri\u00eb zou de invloed van de christelijke omgeving zo groot geweest zijn dat de heidense filosofen zich verplicht zagen bepaalde wijzigingen in de doctrine aan te brengen.\r\n\r\nHet Neoplatonisme vertoont hier niet de complexe structuur die kenmerkend is voor het Atheense speculatieve denken (cf. de hi\u00ebrarchie van de goddelijke principes zoals die door Proclus ontwikkeld is); het geeft een eenvoudiger verklaring van de leer waarbij dikwijls teruggegrepen wordt naar het Midden-Platonisme (v\u00f3\u00f3r Plotinus); op sommige gebieden (zoals de scheppingsleer) benadert het christelijke standpunten. Deze originaliteit van het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme komt het duidelijkst tot uiting in het \u0153uvre van Hierocles (eerste helft 5de eeuw) en in de commentaar van Simplicius (eerste helft 6de eeuw) op Epictetus.\r\n\r\nDeze visie van Praechter werd kritiekloos overgenomen in talrijke studies over deze periode. Zo verscheen in 1976 nog een boek over Hierocles (Th. Kobusch, Studien zur Philosophie des Hierokles von Alexandrien, M\u00fcnchen) waarin de thesis verdedigd wordt dat Hierocles' filosofie \u201evermittelt\u201c tussen het Christendom en het \u201eexcessieve\u201c Neoplatonisme zoals het vooral door Proclus uitgewerkt is. \u201eDie Interpretation ergab dass die Hierokleische Philosophie im wesentlichen auf vorneuplatonischer Basis beruht\u201c (Besluit, p. 193).\r\n\r\nHet boek van Mme Hadot, die sinds jaren een uitgave voorbereidt van Simplicius' commentaar op Epictetus, komt tot een conclusie die precies het tegenovergestelde beweert. Op grond van een nieuwe lectuur van Hierocles en Simplicius toont zij aan dat de hypothese van Praechter over het latere Neoplatonisme totaal ongegrond is; er bestaat geen enkel doctrineel verschil tussen het Atheense en het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme: \u201el'\u00e9volution du n\u00e9oplatonisme s'est poursuivie d'une mani\u00e8re homog\u00e8ne\u201c.\r\n\r\nHet is verkeerd Hierocles of Simplicius vanuit het Midden-Platonisme te willen interpreteren: hun uiteenzetting veronderstelt de ontwikkeling van het latere Neoplatonisme, wat kan ge\u00efllustreerd worden door talrijke parallelle passages met Iamblichus en Proclus, en zelfs \u2013 voor Simplicius \u2013 met Damascius.\r\n\r\nIn het eerste deel van dit boek worden de historische gegevens over beide filosofen onderzocht. Het tweede deel onderzoekt in welke mate zij kunnen beschouwd worden als vertegenwoordigers van een originele Alexandrijnse traditie. Achtereenvolgens worden bestudeerd: de theologie van Simplicius in het Epictetus-commentaar, de opvattingen van Hierocles over de ontwikkeling van het Platonisme, over de materie, over de demiurg en de schepping, over de voorzienigheid en het noodlot. In het derde deel volgen enige capita selecta betreffende de commentaar van Simplicius (o.a. zijn leer over de ziel).\r\n\r\nUit al deze analyses komt de auteur tot het besluit dat er geen enkele doctrinaire divergentie aan te wijzen is ten opzichte van de Atheense school. Wel geven beide werken \u2013 de commentaar van Hierocles op Pythagoras en die van Simplicius op Epictetus \u2013 een eenvoudiger en minder complexe versie van het Neoplatonisme. Dit kan echter verklaard worden door het feit dat beide commentaren bedoeld waren als inleidingen en gericht tot beginnelingen in de school.\r\n\r\nIn een appendix gaat de auteur uitvoerig in op een artikel dat ik zelf samen met F. Bossier in dit tijdschrift gepubliceerd heb (1972, 761-822) over de authenticiteit van de De Anima-commentaar die aan Simplicius wordt toegeschreven. Alhoewel zij onze conclusie aanvaardt \u2013 het werk is waarschijnlijk door Priscianus Lydus geschreven \u2013 toch meent zij dat er geen enkel doctrineel verschil met de authentieke Simplicius kan aangewezen worden.\r\n\r\nHaar argumenten lijken ons soms erg zwak: het is echter niet mogelijk om hierover in deze recensie polemiek te voeren. Slechts \u00e9\u00e9n ding: indien men aanvaardt dat de In de Anima door iemand anders geschreven is dan Simplicius, waarom is het dan zo nodig te beklemtonen dat zijn opvattingen over de ziel in niets van die van Simplicius verschillen?\r\n\r\nDit bezwaar geldt ook voor het gehele werk. Terecht wijst de auteur op de continu\u00efteit die er bestond tussen de school van Athene en die van Alexandri\u00eb (zoals dit o.m. tot uiting komt in de veelvuldige persoonlijke relaties van docenten en studenten). Het lijkt ons echter overdreven elk doctrineel verschil tussen beide scholen te ontkennen.\r\n\r\nDe ontwikkeling binnen het latere Neoplatonisme was zeker niet zo homogeen als mevrouw Hadot beweert. Reeds ten tijde van Plotinus bestonden er belangrijke controversen over de doctrine, en die discussies werden verder gezet in de latere school. Indien men de originaliteit van de Alexandrijnse school in vraag stelt, dan volstaat het niet Hierocles en \u00e9\u00e9n werk van Simplicius te onderzoeken. Men zou er ook de andere filosofen uit de school moeten bij betrekken, voornamelijk Ammonius.\r\n\r\nMen kan moeilijk betwisten dat het Neoplatonisme dat door Ammonius uiteengezet werd nogal verschillend is van het systeem van Damascius. En is het ook niet opvallend dat Simplicius, die zowel bij Ammonius als Damascius studeerde, dikwijls afstand neemt van de al te speculatieve beschouwingen van Iamblichus en Damascius?\r\n\r\nHet boek van mevrouw Hadot is, zoals de auteur zelf toegeeft, vooral polemisch van aard: zij weerlegt hypothesen en interpretaties die niet op de teksten gegrond zijn. Door een nauwkeurige analyse van de teksten ontmaskert zij het stereotiepe beeld dat men over het Alexandrijnse Neoplatonisme geeft. Haar studie is zo een waardevolle bijdrage tot beter inzicht in deze laatste ontwikkeling van het antieke denken. [p. 606-608]","btype":3,"date":"1980","language":"Dutch","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/lIWBQQ2Q5dbWMLm","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":14,"full_name":"Steel, Carlos ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":484,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Tijdschrift voor Filosofie","volume":"42","issue":"3","pages":"606-608"}},"sort":["Review of: Ilsetraut Hadot, Le probl\u00e8me du n\u00e9oplatonisme Alexandrin, Hi\u00e9rocl\u00e8s et Simplicius"]}

Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie, 1986
By: Isnardi Parente, Margherita
Title Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie
Type Article
Language Italian
Date 1986
Journal Rivista di storia della filosofia
Volume 41
Issue 1
Pages 3-18
Categories no categories
Author(s) Isnardi Parente, Margherita
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Simplicius, In Arist. Categ.,165, 32 sqq. Kalbfleisch, give us an example of the Stoic theory of the categories which seems to be inconsistent with the better known chrysippean theory of the ‘quadri¬partite division’. In Simplicius’ statement we find a first diaeresis (kath’hautá/prós ti) and a second division or hypodiaeresis (‘differentiated relations’ and ‘simple dispositions’ or correlations). Such a division follows a rather platonic-academic schematisms, and — as in Xenocratean or Hermodorean classification of being — the concept of relation occupies in it a privilegiate place. Instead of speaking simply of a continuity between Academy and Stoa, we can more probably hypothize a change in the development of the Stoic theory. The concept of ‘relation’ has an increas¬ing importance after Chrysippus, with the elaboration, by Antipater of Tarsus, of the concept of héxis and hektón; whereas the concept of quality — which is regarded, from Zeno to Chrysippus, as a corporeal entity, substratum, pneuma — is profoundly altered by the introduction of the new concept of ‘incorporeal qualities’. Perhaps later Stoics approached Academic thought in their attempt of a new kind of division, in order to find a better ontological status for ‘relation’ and ‘incorporeity’. [Author's abstract]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1090","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1090,"authors_free":[{"id":1648,"entry_id":1090,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":282,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Isnardi Parente, Margherita","free_first_name":"Margherita","free_last_name":"Isnardi Parente","norm_person":{"id":282,"first_name":"Margherita","last_name":"Isnardi Parente","full_name":"Isnardi Parente, Margherita","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/1023256045","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie","main_title":{"title":"Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie"},"abstract":"Simplicius, In Arist. Categ.,165, 32 sqq. Kalbfleisch, give us an example of the Stoic theory of the categories which seems to be inconsistent with the better known chrysippean theory of the \u2018quadri\u00acpartite division\u2019. In Simplicius\u2019 statement we find a first diaeresis (kath\u2019haut\u00e1\/pr\u00f3s ti) and a second division or hypodiaeresis (\u2018differentiated relations\u2019 and \u2018simple dispositions\u2019 or correlations). Such a division follows a rather platonic-academic schematisms, and \u2014 as in Xenocratean or Hermodorean classification of being \u2014 the concept of relation occupies in it a privilegiate place. Instead of speaking simply of a continuity between Academy and Stoa, we can more probably hypothize a change in the development of the Stoic theory. The concept of \u2018relation\u2019 has an increas\u00acing importance after Chrysippus, with the elaboration, by Antipater of Tarsus, of the concept of h\u00e9xis and hekt\u00f3n; whereas the concept of quality \u2014 which is regarded, from Zeno to Chrysippus, as a corporeal entity, substratum, pneuma \u2014 is profoundly altered by the introduction of the new concept of \u2018incorporeal qualities\u2019. Perhaps later Stoics approached Academic thought in their attempt of a new kind of division, in order to find a better ontological status for \u2018relation\u2019 and \u2018incorporeity\u2019. [Author's abstract]","btype":3,"date":"1986","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/zjhuwrqRYr6pD6m","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":282,"full_name":"Isnardi Parente, Margherita","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1090,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Rivista di storia della filosofia","volume":"41","issue":"1","pages":"3-18"}},"sort":["Simplicio, gli stoici e le categorie"]}

Simplikios in der arabischen Überlieferung, 1982
By: Gätje, Helmut
Title Simplikios in der arabischen Überlieferung
Type Article
Language German
Date 1982
Journal Der Islam; Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients
Volume 59
Pages 6-31
Categories no categories
Author(s) Gätje, Helmut
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Wenn Simplikios in der philosophischen Tradition des Islams nicht zu einer so festen  Größe  geworden  ist  wie  Alexander  von  Aphrodisias  oder  Themistios, so hängt das mit der historischen Stellung dieser Exegeten inner­halb der peripatetischen Schule zusammen. Ihnen gegenüber ist Simplikios nachgeboren.  Auf der anderen  Seite  hat aber offenbar sein  Zeitgenosse Johannes Philoponos, dem freilich im islamischen Bereich zu Unrecht eine Reihe medizinischer Werke zugeschrieben wurden, einen größeren Wider­hall gefunden, was wiederum mit Ausgangspunkt und Wegen der Überlie­ferung  zusammenhängt.  Wenn  man  dem  Urteil  Praechters  folgt  und  in Simplikios einen der bedeutendsten Kommentatoren des Altertums sieht, so  stehen diese Bewertung  des  Simplikios  und  seine Wirkung  im Islam nicht im  rechten Verhältnis  zueinander. [Author's abstract]

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Some Concepts in Physical Theory in John Philoponus' Aristotelian Commentaries, 1980
By: Todd, Robert B.
Title Some Concepts in Physical Theory in John Philoponus' Aristotelian Commentaries
Type Article
Language English
Date 1980
Journal Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte
Volume 24
Issue 2
Pages 151-170
Categories no categories
Author(s) Todd, Robert B.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
I have tried, then, to establish the significance of some ideas in Philoponus' commentaries that, in different ways, reveal this commentator's individuality. Individuality is not, of course, the same as originality, and indeed both my examples have shown how dependent Philoponus was on the many philosophical sources that converge in his commentaries. But this very complexity, at times reaching an eclectic inconsistency, is what makes the Aristotelian exegetical tradition in antiquity worth continued study.

At their best, these commentaries involve the interaction between, on the one hand, an inventive commentator with prejudices of his own and, on the other hand, a mass of inherited material. The result may not always illuminate Aristotle, but it will invariably shed light on the continuity of the Greek philosophical tradition in late antiquity. [conclusion p. 170]

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Speusippus and Aristotle on Homonymy and Synonymy, 1978
By: Tarán, Leonardo
Title Speusippus and Aristotle on Homonymy and Synonymy
Type Article
Language English
Date 1978
Journal Hermes
Volume 106
Issue 1
Pages 73-99
Categories no categories
Author(s) Tarán, Leonardo
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Modern scholarship since the middle of the last century has generally accepted it as an established fact that Speusippus made an exhaustive classification of words or names (onomata) in relation to the concepts they express and that he gave definitions of homonyma and synonyma only in reference to words and their meanings. That is to say, for him, homonyma and synonyma are properties of linguistic terms and not of things, whereas for Aristotle, especially in the first chapter of the Categories, they are properties of things.

In 1904, E. Hambruch attempted to show that sometimes Aristotle himself uses synonyma in the Speusippean sense just outlined and that in so doing, he was influenced by Speusippus. This thesis of Hambruch has been accepted by several scholars, including Lang, Stenzel, and Cherniss. Although some doubts about its soundness were expressed from different perspectives, it was only in 1971 that Mr. Jonathan Barnes made a systematic assault on it. Barnes contends, first, that Speusippus’s conception of homonyma and synonyma is essentially the same as that of Aristotle, with the slight differences between their respective definitions being trivial, and second, that even though Aristotle occasionally uses homonyma and synonyma as properties of linguistic terms, this is because Aristotle's use of these words is not as rigid as the Categories might suggest. Barnes argues that Aristotle could not have been influenced by Speusippus, because Speusippus conceived homonymy and synonymy as properties of things, and, in any case, if influence were assumed, it could as well have been Aristotle influencing Speusippus.

Though I believe Barnes’ two main contentions are mistaken, I am here mainly concerned with the first part of his thesis. If he were right in believing that, for Speusippus, homonyma and synonyma are properties of things and not of names or linguistic terms, then Hambruch’s notion that Speusippus influenced Aristotle when the latter uses synonymon as a property of names would be wrong, even if Barnes were mistaken in his analysis of the Aristotelian passages he reviews in the second part of his paper.

On the other hand, if Speusippus's classification is truly of onomata, then, since Barnes himself admits that Aristotle sometimes uses homonyma and synonyma as properties of names, the influence of Speusippus on Aristotle is at least possible. It becomes plausible and probable—regardless of the relative chronology of their respective works—when it is seen, as I shall try to show, that in some cases, Aristotle is in fact attacking doctrines that presuppose a use of homonyma and synonyma such as can be ascribed to Speusippus or is using synonymon in the Speusippean sense, different from Aristotle's own notion of synonymous words. [introduction p. 73-75]

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Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio, 1988
By: Linguiti, Alessandro
Title Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio
Type Article
Language Italian
Date 1988
Journal Studi Classici e Orientali
Volume 38
Pages 331–346
Categories no categories
Author(s) Linguiti, Alessandro
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
I commentatori neoplatonici di Aristotele sono stati probabilmente gli ultimi a beneficiare del generale risveglio d’interesse per il neoplatonismo che, manifestatosi a partire dal secondo dopoguerra, sta divenendo sempre più evidente negli ultimi anni. Per lungo tempo, come è stato osservato, essi hanno occupato una sorta di terra di nessuno tra la filosofia antica e quella medievale. Inoltre, gli studiosi di neoplatonismo hanno preferito concentrare la loro attenzione sulle opere teoriche originali piuttosto che sui commentari, mentre i moderni interpreti di Aristotele, a differenza di quelli medievali, arabi o cristiani, hanno generalmente trascurato il commento greco, interpellandolo perlopiù su questioni particolari e circoscritte, e quasi mai esaminandolo nel suo impianto generale.

Anche Simplicio ha condiviso questa sorte, e se il suo nome suona più familiare di quello di altri autori neoplatonici, ciò è dovuto essenzialmente all’importanza della sua testimonianza sulla scuola eleatica e all’interesse suscitato dalle dottrine contenute nel Corollario sul tempo: due elementi tutto sommato marginali ai fini di una valutazione complessiva del suo pensiero.

Negli ultimi tempi, tuttavia, il panorama si sta modificando. Basti pensare, ad esempio, al libro di Ilsetraut Hadot sul neoplatonismo alessandrino apparso dieci anni fa, o a un convegno tenutosi a Parigi nell’autunno del 1985, con il patrocinio del Centre de recherche sur les œuvres et la pensée de Simplicius. Questo evento ha confermato la serietà dell’intento di leggere oggi i commentari neoplatonici come opere filosofiche a sé stanti, dotate di una propria coerenza interna e di un’autonoma responsabilità teorica.

Gli atti del convegno, curati da Ilsetraut Hadot, sono stati pubblicati nel 1987: le relazioni presentate sono state distribuite in quattro sezioni, riguardanti rispettivamente le vicende biografiche di Simplicio, gli aspetti dottrinali dell’opera, le questioni attinenti alla trasmissione dei testi e la fortuna dell’autore nell’arco di tempo compreso tra il XIII e il XVII secolo.
[introduction p. 331-332]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"871","_score":null,"_source":{"id":871,"authors_free":[{"id":1280,"entry_id":871,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":250,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Linguiti, Alessandro","free_first_name":"Alessandro","free_last_name":"Linguiti","norm_person":{"id":250,"first_name":"Alessandro","last_name":"Linguiti","full_name":"Linguiti, Alessandro","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/137059574","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio","main_title":{"title":"Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio"},"abstract":"I commentatori neoplatonici di Aristotele sono stati probabilmente gli ultimi a beneficiare del generale risveglio d\u2019interesse per il neoplatonismo che, manifestatosi a partire dal secondo dopoguerra, sta divenendo sempre pi\u00f9 evidente negli ultimi anni. Per lungo tempo, come \u00e8 stato osservato, essi hanno occupato una sorta di terra di nessuno tra la filosofia antica e quella medievale. Inoltre, gli studiosi di neoplatonismo hanno preferito concentrare la loro attenzione sulle opere teoriche originali piuttosto che sui commentari, mentre i moderni interpreti di Aristotele, a differenza di quelli medievali, arabi o cristiani, hanno generalmente trascurato il commento greco, interpellandolo perlopi\u00f9 su questioni particolari e circoscritte, e quasi mai esaminandolo nel suo impianto generale.\r\n\r\nAnche Simplicio ha condiviso questa sorte, e se il suo nome suona pi\u00f9 familiare di quello di altri autori neoplatonici, ci\u00f2 \u00e8 dovuto essenzialmente all\u2019importanza della sua testimonianza sulla scuola eleatica e all\u2019interesse suscitato dalle dottrine contenute nel Corollario sul tempo: due elementi tutto sommato marginali ai fini di una valutazione complessiva del suo pensiero.\r\n\r\nNegli ultimi tempi, tuttavia, il panorama si sta modificando. Basti pensare, ad esempio, al libro di Ilsetraut Hadot sul neoplatonismo alessandrino apparso dieci anni fa, o a un convegno tenutosi a Parigi nell\u2019autunno del 1985, con il patrocinio del Centre de recherche sur les \u0153uvres et la pens\u00e9e de Simplicius. Questo evento ha confermato la seriet\u00e0 dell\u2019intento di leggere oggi i commentari neoplatonici come opere filosofiche a s\u00e9 stanti, dotate di una propria coerenza interna e di un\u2019autonoma responsabilit\u00e0 teorica.\r\n\r\nGli atti del convegno, curati da Ilsetraut Hadot, sono stati pubblicati nel 1987: le relazioni presentate sono state distribuite in quattro sezioni, riguardanti rispettivamente le vicende biografiche di Simplicio, gli aspetti dottrinali dell\u2019opera, le questioni attinenti alla trasmissione dei testi e la fortuna dell\u2019autore nell\u2019arco di tempo compreso tra il XIII e il XVII secolo.\r\n[introduction p. 331-332]","btype":3,"date":"1988","language":"Italian","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6LG7LMnxCvxF7RE","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":250,"full_name":"Linguiti, Alessandro","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":871,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Studi Classici e Orientali","volume":"38","issue":"","pages":"331\u2013346"}},"sort":["Studi recenti sulla vita e l'opera di Simplicio"]}

Studies in Xenophanes, 1990
By: Finkelberg, Aryeh
Title Studies in Xenophanes
Type Article
Language English
Date 1990
Journal Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
Volume 93
Pages 103-167
Categories no categories
Author(s) Finkelberg, Aryeh
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Here, our reconstruction of Theophrastus' account can be regarded as complete: we have determined his general approach to Xenophanes' twofold teaching and dwelt on the main points of his report on Xenophanes' monistic doctrine. The examination of Xenophanes' cosmological conception, however interesting and desirable, is a separate task which should be left for another opportunity. After such a lengthy discussion, one should perhaps briefly recapitulate the results arrived at, and the best way to do this seems to be to present the Theophrastean account in the form of the ordered series of statements reconstructed above. In this list, the sources from which a given statement is excerpted or on the basis of which it is formulated are referred to by the name of the author and the page and line(s) of the Diels-Kranz edition. Statements and parts of statements that are purely conjectural are italicized.

    [Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18] Xenophanes of Colophon, who pursued a certain way of his own different from [that of] all those spoken of beforehand [i.e., the Milesians], allows neither coming-to-be nor destruction but says that the whole is eternally selfsame.
    [Simpl.; 121.28] He says that this One and Whole is God, saying thus (fr. 23).
    [Simpl.; 121.27-28] The mention of this Xenophanean opinion rather belongs to a study other than that concerned with natural philosophy [that is, in that concerned with first philosophy].
    He says that God is ungenerated and eternal, which he proves as follows: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.18-20] had it [the Whole or God] come to be, it is necessary for it not to be before this; but not being, it can never come to be: neither nought can produce anything nor can anything come to be by the agency of nought.
    That God is one, he proves so: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.23-24] among gods, there can be no supremacy, for it does not suit the divine holiness that God should be under lordship; but were there many gods, there would be lords and subjects among them (perhaps also: or all of them would be lords of each other).
    [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.24-25; 122.3-6] He does not say whether God is finite or infinite.
    Nor does he say [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.25; 122.3-6] whether he is moved or unmoved.
    But [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.6-9] actually, he conceives of God as unmoved, for he calls him eternally selfsame and says (fr. 26).
    He says that God is thoroughly seeing, hearing, and thinking (fr. 24). He demonstrates this in the following way: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.25-26] God is altogether free from any want; but had he seen, heard, and thought only in one part of him, he would be in want of these in another part; hence he sees, hears, and thinks wholly and not in one or another part of himself.
    [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.13-14] And he says that God governs all things by his mind, saying (fr. 25).
    [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.20-21; Aristocles; 126.6-8] Thus he throws out sense-perceptions while trusting logos alone.
    [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18; Theophr. ap. Alex.; 219.31-33] The other way, that of accounting for the coming-to-be of existing things, he dismisses, declaring such accounts to be no more than opinion deprived of any certainty, saying this in such words (fr. 34).
    Nevertheless, he proposes some such opinion which he himself seems to adjudge plausible, as his own words show (fr. 35).
    [Theophr. ap. Alex; 219.31-33] But Parmenides, who came after him, took both ways [i.e., that of Xenophanes and that of the Milesians, cf. (1)]. For indeed, he both says that the whole is eternal and tries to account for the coming-to-be of existing things, not however thinking about both [ways] alike, but according to truth assuming the whole to be one, ungenerated, and spherical, while according to the opinion of the many, accounting for the coming-to-be of perceptible things by positing two principles: fire and earth, etc.

This reconstructed account represents that of the first book of the Physical Opinions. Indeed, (1) is the counterpart of (14), which is explicitly related by Alexander to the first book. (2)–(10) also belong there, for they either come from Simplicius' report or correct and complement it where it is wrong or incomplete, while this report itself comes from the first book of the Physical Opinions.

If Theophrastus' account was as I suggest, it seems to have been of great accuracy. True, it misrepresents Xenophanes' position in that his epistemic approach is interpreted in terms of the contrast logos:aistheseis, but this is the only major misinterpretation I can find in the account. On the whole, this is a precise report that moreover does not show any tendency to assimilate Xenophanes' teaching to that of Parmenides.

Yet it would be hard to point out even one important Parmenidean doctrine which is not, in one way or another, rooted in Xenophanes' teaching. Such is, first and foremost, the Parmenidean idea of the intelligible unity of the sensible manifold, which in Xenophanes himself was, as we have suggested, the development of one of the facets of Anaximander's Apeiron. This is the view of unity as one of two aspects—true, the most essential, significant, and sublime—but nevertheless one aspect only of reality, complementary to its other aspect, that of the manifold.
[conclusion p. 163-167]

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The examination of Xenophanes' cosmological conception, however interesting and desirable, is a separate task which should be left for another opportunity. After such a lengthy discussion, one should perhaps briefly recapitulate the results arrived at, and the best way to do this seems to be to present the Theophrastean account in the form of the ordered series of statements reconstructed above. In this list, the sources from which a given statement is excerpted or on the basis of which it is formulated are referred to by the name of the author and the page and line(s) of the Diels-Kranz edition. Statements and parts of statements that are purely conjectural are italicized.\r\n\r\n [Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18] Xenophanes of Colophon, who pursued a certain way of his own different from [that of] all those spoken of beforehand [i.e., the Milesians], allows neither coming-to-be nor destruction but says that the whole is eternally selfsame.\r\n [Simpl.; 121.28] He says that this One and Whole is God, saying thus (fr. 23).\r\n [Simpl.; 121.27-28] The mention of this Xenophanean opinion rather belongs to a study other than that concerned with natural philosophy [that is, in that concerned with first philosophy].\r\n He says that God is ungenerated and eternal, which he proves as follows: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.18-20] had it [the Whole or God] come to be, it is necessary for it not to be before this; but not being, it can never come to be: neither nought can produce anything nor can anything come to be by the agency of nought.\r\n That God is one, he proves so: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.23-24] among gods, there can be no supremacy, for it does not suit the divine holiness that God should be under lordship; but were there many gods, there would be lords and subjects among them (perhaps also: or all of them would be lords of each other).\r\n [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.24-25; 122.3-6] He does not say whether God is finite or infinite.\r\n Nor does he say [on the basis of Simpl.; 121.25; 122.3-6] whether he is moved or unmoved.\r\n But [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.6-9] actually, he conceives of God as unmoved, for he calls him eternally selfsame and says (fr. 26).\r\n He says that God is thoroughly seeing, hearing, and thinking (fr. 24). He demonstrates this in the following way: [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.25-26] God is altogether free from any want; but had he seen, heard, and thought only in one part of him, he would be in want of these in another part; hence he sees, hears, and thinks wholly and not in one or another part of himself.\r\n [on the basis of Simpl.; 122.13-14] And he says that God governs all things by his mind, saying (fr. 25).\r\n [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.20-21; Aristocles; 126.6-8] Thus he throws out sense-perceptions while trusting logos alone.\r\n [on the basis of Ps.-Plut.; 122.15-18; Theophr. ap. Alex.; 219.31-33] The other way, that of accounting for the coming-to-be of existing things, he dismisses, declaring such accounts to be no more than opinion deprived of any certainty, saying this in such words (fr. 34).\r\n Nevertheless, he proposes some such opinion which he himself seems to adjudge plausible, as his own words show (fr. 35).\r\n [Theophr. ap. Alex; 219.31-33] But Parmenides, who came after him, took both ways [i.e., that of Xenophanes and that of the Milesians, cf. (1)]. For indeed, he both says that the whole is eternal and tries to account for the coming-to-be of existing things, not however thinking about both [ways] alike, but according to truth assuming the whole to be one, ungenerated, and spherical, while according to the opinion of the many, accounting for the coming-to-be of perceptible things by positing two principles: fire and earth, etc.\r\n\r\nThis reconstructed account represents that of the first book of the Physical Opinions. Indeed, (1) is the counterpart of (14), which is explicitly related by Alexander to the first book. (2)\u2013(10) also belong there, for they either come from Simplicius' report or correct and complement it where it is wrong or incomplete, while this report itself comes from the first book of the Physical Opinions.\r\n\r\nIf Theophrastus' account was as I suggest, it seems to have been of great accuracy. True, it misrepresents Xenophanes' position in that his epistemic approach is interpreted in terms of the contrast logos:aistheseis, but this is the only major misinterpretation I can find in the account. On the whole, this is a precise report that moreover does not show any tendency to assimilate Xenophanes' teaching to that of Parmenides.\r\n\r\nYet it would be hard to point out even one important Parmenidean doctrine which is not, in one way or another, rooted in Xenophanes' teaching. Such is, first and foremost, the Parmenidean idea of the intelligible unity of the sensible manifold, which in Xenophanes himself was, as we have suggested, the development of one of the facets of Anaximander's Apeiron. This is the view of unity as one of two aspects\u2014true, the most essential, significant, and sublime\u2014but nevertheless one aspect only of reality, complementary to its other aspect, that of the manifold.\r\n[conclusion p. 163-167]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/H8YttvfJXlsVkrJ","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":113,"full_name":"Finkelberg, Aryeh","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":748,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Harvard Studies in Classical Philology","volume":"93","issue":"","pages":"103-167"}},"sort":["Studies in Xenophanes"]}

The Cosmology of Parmenides, 1986
By: Finkelberg, Aryeh
Title The Cosmology of Parmenides
Type Article
Language English
Date 1986
Journal The American Journal of Philology
Volume 107
Issue 3
Pages 303-317
Categories no categories
Author(s) Finkelberg, Aryeh
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Our  main source  of information  about  the  cosmological  compo­nent  of  Parmenides’  doctrine  of Opinion —apart  from  the  first  three and a half abstruse lines of fr.  12 — is Aetius’ account.  This,  however,  is generally regarded as confused,  garbled and incompatible with fr.  12. The reconstruction of Parmenides’ cosmology is thus considered a hope­less task,  for  “it must inevitably be based on many conjectures.” I,  however, cannot accept this conclusion, for,  as I argue below,  it is possible to provide a reasonably intelligible account of Aetius’ report (except  for the corrupt sentence  about  the goddess) which is  also com­patible with fr.  12, provided, of course, that we are not bent upon prov­ing our sources incompatible,  but rather seek to reconcile them. [Author's abstract]

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The End of Aristotle's on Prayer, 1985
By: Rist, John M.
Title The End of Aristotle's on Prayer
Type Article
Language English
Date 1985
Journal The American Journal of Philology
Volume 106
Issue 1
Pages 110-113
Categories no categories
Author(s) Rist, John M.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Jean Pépin recently devoted a lengthy study to Aristotle's On Prayer. There is good reason to think that the work never existed. On Prayer is listed in Diogenes Laertius' catalogue of Aristotle's writings (5.22) and in the Vita Hesychii. The only other evidence for its existence is a passage of Simplicius that tells us that at the end of On Prayer, Aristotle says clearly that God is either mind or somehow beyond mind (ἢ ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ).

The claim that God is beyond mind is unique in an unemended Aristotelian text, but the notion would be acceptable to Simplicius both because, as a Neoplatonist, he would believe it to be true, and because as a Neoplatonic commentator on Aristotle, he would be happy to find evidence of the basic philosophical harmony of Aristotle and Plato. Our problem, therefore, is to see why Simplicius thought that Aristotle held this view. The immediate answer is that he thought he had found it in a text of Aristotle's called On Prayer (or perhaps more likely in an anthology of Aristotelian material claiming that this was Aristotle's view in such a work).

But if there was no such work On Prayer, how could Simplicius (or his source) think there was, and what is the actual source of the apparent fragment that claims that for Aristotle, God might be "beyond mind"? It is possible to understand how Simplicius was misled.

There is a Latin work in two chapters called De Bona Fortuna. It is composed of Magna Moralia 2.8 and Eudemian Ethics 8.2. Of the 56 surviving manuscripts of De Bona Fortuna, the earliest datable version is Vat. Lat. 2083, of the year 1284. The producer of this text is unknown. De Bona Fortuna is not an excerpt from existing Latin translations of Magna Moralia and Eudemian Ethics, because although Bartholomew of Messina translated the Magna Moralia between 1258 and 1266, and although a Greek manuscript of the Eudemian Ethics may have been known in Messina before 1250, there are no medieval Latin translations of the Eudemian Ethics as a whole; indeed, the only other section of the text translated is E.E. 8.3.

The original sources of De Bona Fortuna were known to at least some of those who copied it in Latin, but the work itself is a direct translation from Greek. So, unless the translator also both excerpted and combined the two parts of the De Bona Fortuna himself, and showed no concern for the fact that the rest of the Eudemian Ethics was still untranslated, and perhaps even still unknown (which is highly unlikely), he must have used a Greek original of De Bona Fortuna in the form of a separate treatise composed of M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2.

The title of the treatise, presumably, was the Greek equivalent of De Bona Fortuna, that is, Περὶ Εὐτυχίας. We have no means of telling when it was assembled, but there is no reason why it should not be ancient and indeed have been available to Simplicius or (if Simplicius is quoting an anthology of some sort) to his source.

E.E. 8.2 (1248A28) unemended, reads as follows: Τί οὖν ἂν κρεῖττον καὶ ἐπισημότερον εἴποι τις ἢ θεὸς. Spengel added the words καὶ νοῦ after εἴποι, following the reading et intellectu found in De Bona Fortuna. Thus, the Greek original of De Bona Fortuna read: Τί οὖν ἂν κρεῖττον καὶ ἐπισημότερον εἴποι καὶ νοῦ πάλιν θεὸς. Thus, in Περὶ Εὐτυχίας, God is greater than mind.

Admittedly, Περὶ Εὐτυχίας did not say that God is "beyond mind" (ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ), only that he is greater than mind. But in Platonic or Neopythagorean writings of late antiquity, these phrases are virtually interchangeable. The most striking evidence is from Plotinus, who uses ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ dozens of times and also gives the best examples of the One being "greater (κρείττων)" than mind (5.3.14.16-18, 5.3.16.38, 5.3.17.1-3).

Simplicius thought he knew about an Aristotelian text On Prayer (Περὶ Εὐχῆς). Let us suppose that he had direct or indirect access to a work originally called On Good Fortune (Περὶ Εὐτυχίας). The corruption of Εὐτυχίας to Εὐχῆς is easy. In this text, Simplicius found the remark that God is "greater than mind." There is no reason to assume that Simplicius is quoting On Good Fortune verbatim. For Simplicius, as a Neoplatonist, to say that God is "greater than mind" is the same as to say that he is "beyond (ἐπέκεινα) mind."

The use of ἐπέκεινα in this way derives, of course, from Neoplatonic, Middle Platonic, and Neopythagorean interpretations of Plato's Republic 509B.

Let us therefore posit the following sequence of events. A Greek text, including (but not necessarily restricted to) M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2, is compiled and originally entitled Περὶ Εὐτυχίας. It comes to contain, at some point, an un-Aristotelian phrase (absent from the original text of the E.E. and based on a misinterpretation of that text) saying that God is "greater than mind." The title of the work is at some stage corrupted: Περὶ Εὐτυχίας becomes Περὶ Εὐχῆς.

Simplicius either reads it under this title or, more likely, finds it so cited by an excerpter or commentator of Platonizing tendencies. Either Simplicius or the excerpter paraphrases κρείττον τοῦ νοῦ as ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ. Hence, our alleged fragment of Aristotle's work On Prayer, found in Simplicius, is really a corrupted fragment of Περὶ Εὐτυχίας, a work whose origin is lost but which reaches Simplicius, or becomes known to him, through the medium of a Platonizing tradition.

The date of the original compilation Περὶ Εὐτυχίας remains unknown, but it must have been early enough for its title, in a mistaken form, to have found its way onto the lists of Aristotle's writings. The corruption of the title was probably achieved by a librarian's error long before the crucial phrase καὶ νοῦ (absent, as we have seen, from the Eudemian Ethics) was imported into the text itself. This can hardly have occurred before the revival of Neopythagoreanism, that is, before the second century B.C. It is not impossible that it was post-Plotinian. [the entire text]

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The only other evidence for its existence is a passage of Simplicius that tells us that at the end of On Prayer, Aristotle says clearly that God is either mind or somehow beyond mind (\u1f22 \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6).\r\n\r\nThe claim that God is beyond mind is unique in an unemended Aristotelian text, but the notion would be acceptable to Simplicius both because, as a Neoplatonist, he would believe it to be true, and because as a Neoplatonic commentator on Aristotle, he would be happy to find evidence of the basic philosophical harmony of Aristotle and Plato. Our problem, therefore, is to see why Simplicius thought that Aristotle held this view. The immediate answer is that he thought he had found it in a text of Aristotle's called On Prayer (or perhaps more likely in an anthology of Aristotelian material claiming that this was Aristotle's view in such a work).\r\n\r\nBut if there was no such work On Prayer, how could Simplicius (or his source) think there was, and what is the actual source of the apparent fragment that claims that for Aristotle, God might be \"beyond mind\"? It is possible to understand how Simplicius was misled.\r\n\r\nThere is a Latin work in two chapters called De Bona Fortuna. It is composed of Magna Moralia 2.8 and Eudemian Ethics 8.2. Of the 56 surviving manuscripts of De Bona Fortuna, the earliest datable version is Vat. Lat. 2083, of the year 1284. The producer of this text is unknown. De Bona Fortuna is not an excerpt from existing Latin translations of Magna Moralia and Eudemian Ethics, because although Bartholomew of Messina translated the Magna Moralia between 1258 and 1266, and although a Greek manuscript of the Eudemian Ethics may have been known in Messina before 1250, there are no medieval Latin translations of the Eudemian Ethics as a whole; indeed, the only other section of the text translated is E.E. 8.3.\r\n\r\nThe original sources of De Bona Fortuna were known to at least some of those who copied it in Latin, but the work itself is a direct translation from Greek. So, unless the translator also both excerpted and combined the two parts of the De Bona Fortuna himself, and showed no concern for the fact that the rest of the Eudemian Ethics was still untranslated, and perhaps even still unknown (which is highly unlikely), he must have used a Greek original of De Bona Fortuna in the form of a separate treatise composed of M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2.\r\n\r\nThe title of the treatise, presumably, was the Greek equivalent of De Bona Fortuna, that is, \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2. We have no means of telling when it was assembled, but there is no reason why it should not be ancient and indeed have been available to Simplicius or (if Simplicius is quoting an anthology of some sort) to his source.\r\n\r\nE.E. 8.2 (1248A28) unemended, reads as follows: \u03a4\u03af \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u1f02\u03bd \u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03b7\u03bc\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f34\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9 \u03c4\u03b9\u03c2 \u1f22 \u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2. Spengel added the words \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 after \u03b5\u1f34\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9, following the reading et intellectu found in De Bona Fortuna. Thus, the Greek original of De Bona Fortuna read: \u03a4\u03af \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u1f02\u03bd \u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f10\u03c0\u03b9\u03c3\u03b7\u03bc\u03cc\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f34\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bb\u03b9\u03bd \u03b8\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2. Thus, in \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2, God is greater than mind.\r\n\r\nAdmittedly, \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 did not say that God is \"beyond mind\" (\u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6), only that he is greater than mind. But in Platonic or Neopythagorean writings of late antiquity, these phrases are virtually interchangeable. The most striking evidence is from Plotinus, who uses \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 dozens of times and also gives the best examples of the One being \"greater (\u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03c4\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd)\" than mind (5.3.14.16-18, 5.3.16.38, 5.3.17.1-3).\r\n\r\nSimplicius thought he knew about an Aristotelian text On Prayer (\u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c7\u1fc6\u03c2). Let us suppose that he had direct or indirect access to a work originally called On Good Fortune (\u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2). The corruption of \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 to \u0395\u1f50\u03c7\u1fc6\u03c2 is easy. In this text, Simplicius found the remark that God is \"greater than mind.\" There is no reason to assume that Simplicius is quoting On Good Fortune verbatim. For Simplicius, as a Neoplatonist, to say that God is \"greater than mind\" is the same as to say that he is \"beyond (\u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1) mind.\"\r\n\r\nThe use of \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 in this way derives, of course, from Neoplatonic, Middle Platonic, and Neopythagorean interpretations of Plato's Republic 509B.\r\n\r\nLet us therefore posit the following sequence of events. A Greek text, including (but not necessarily restricted to) M.M. 2.8 and E.E. 8.2, is compiled and originally entitled \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2. It comes to contain, at some point, an un-Aristotelian phrase (absent from the original text of the E.E. and based on a misinterpretation of that text) saying that God is \"greater than mind.\" The title of the work is at some stage corrupted: \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 becomes \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c7\u1fc6\u03c2.\r\n\r\nSimplicius either reads it under this title or, more likely, finds it so cited by an excerpter or commentator of Platonizing tendencies. Either Simplicius or the excerpter paraphrases \u03ba\u03c1\u03b5\u03af\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 as \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6. Hence, our alleged fragment of Aristotle's work On Prayer, found in Simplicius, is really a corrupted fragment of \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2, a work whose origin is lost but which reaches Simplicius, or becomes known to him, through the medium of a Platonizing tradition.\r\n\r\nThe date of the original compilation \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c4\u03c5\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 remains unknown, but it must have been early enough for its title, in a mistaken form, to have found its way onto the lists of Aristotle's writings. The corruption of the title was probably achieved by a librarian's error long before the crucial phrase \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6 (absent, as we have seen, from the Eudemian Ethics) was imported into the text itself. This can hardly have occurred before the revival of Neopythagoreanism, that is, before the second century B.C. It is not impossible that it was post-Plotinian. [the entire text]","btype":3,"date":"1985","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/7iwkew2wm2p3qeo","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":303,"full_name":"Rist, John M.","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":858,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The American Journal of Philology","volume":"106","issue":"1","pages":"110-113"}},"sort":["The End of Aristotle's on Prayer"]}

The Interpretation of Parmenides by the Neoplatonist Simplicius, 1979
By: Bormann, Karl
Title The Interpretation of Parmenides by the Neoplatonist Simplicius
Type Article
Language English
Date 1979
Journal The Monist
Volume 62
Issue 1
Pages 30–42
Categories no categories
Author(s) Bormann, Karl
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
The doctrines of Parmenides of the one being and of the world of seeming were—as is well known—interpreted in different ways in the course of the history of philosophy, and even in twentieth-century historic-philosophical research, there is no agreement on the meaning of the two parts of the poem.Regarding the one being, there are four attempts of explanation to be distinguished: (1) The being is material; (2) the being is immaterial; (3) it is the esse copulae or must be seen as a modal category; (4) it is the entity of being ("Sein des Seienden"). This latter interpretation, if we can call it an interpretation, is chiefly influenced by Heidegger. The Doxa-part, however, is seen as (1) a more or less critical demography; (2) a second-best, hypothetic explanation of phenomena which is not truth but verisimilitude; (3) a systematic unit together with the First part, the aletheia. We do not have to discuss the differences between the outlined explanations separately; in the following, we shall show that some modern interpretations were already expressed in a similar way in antiquity. With this, we shall concentrate especially on the Neoplatonist Simplicius who in his commentary on Aristotle's Physics expounds the first part of the Parmenidean poem completely and, in addition, the most important doctrines of the second part. [Introduction, p. 30]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1078","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1078,"authors_free":[{"id":1634,"entry_id":1078,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":11,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Bormann, Karl ","free_first_name":"Karl","free_last_name":"Bormann","norm_person":{"id":11,"first_name":"Karl ","last_name":"Bormann","full_name":"Bormann, Karl ","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/119138816","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Interpretation of Parmenides by the Neoplatonist Simplicius","main_title":{"title":"The Interpretation of Parmenides by the Neoplatonist Simplicius"},"abstract":"The doctrines of Parmenides of the one being and of the world of seeming were\u2014as is well known\u2014interpreted in different ways in the course of the history of philosophy, and even in twentieth-century historic-philosophical research, there is no agreement on the meaning of the two parts of the poem.Regarding the one being, there are four attempts of explanation to be distinguished: (1) The being is material; (2) the being is immaterial; (3) it is the esse copulae or must be seen as a modal category; (4) it is the entity of being (\"Sein des Seienden\"). This latter interpretation, if we can call it an interpretation, is chiefly influenced by Heidegger. The Doxa-part, however, is seen as (1) a more or less critical demography; (2) a second-best, hypothetic explanation of phenomena which is not truth but verisimilitude; (3) a systematic unit together with the First part, the aletheia. We do not have to discuss the differences between the outlined explanations separately; in the following, we shall show that some modern interpretations were already expressed in a similar way in antiquity. With this, we shall concentrate especially on the Neoplatonist Simplicius who in his commentary on Aristotle's Physics expounds the first part of the Parmenidean poem completely and, in addition, the most important doctrines of the second part. [Introduction, p. 30]","btype":3,"date":"1979","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/KVjmlyMlPhuG3iK","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":11,"full_name":"Bormann, Karl ","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1078,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"The Monist","volume":"62","issue":"1","pages":"30\u201342"}},"sort":["The Interpretation of Parmenides by the Neoplatonist Simplicius"]}

The Nature of Zeno's Argument against Plurality in DK 29 B 1, 1972
By: Abraham, William E.
Title The Nature of Zeno's Argument against Plurality in DK 29 B 1
Type Article
Language English
Date 1972
Journal Phronesis
Volume 17
Issue 1
Pages 40-52
Categories no categories
Author(s) Abraham, William E.
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Simplicius has  preserved (Phys.  140, 34)  a  Zenonian argument purporting to show that if an object of positive magnitude has parts from 
which  it  derives its  size,  then  any  such  object  must  be  at  once  of 
infinite  magnitude and  zero magnitude. This surprising consequence 
is  based upon a construction which Zeno makes, but  his argument is 
widely thought to  be grossly fallacious. Most often he is  supposed to 
have misunderstood the arithmetic of his own construction. Evidently, 
any  such  charge must  be  premised on  some  view  of  the  particular 
nature of the sequence to which Zeno's construction gives rise. I  seek 
to  develop a  view  that  Zeno's argument is  in  fact  free from fallacy, 
and offer reason to fear that his real argument has usually been missed. [p. 40]

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The Presidential Address: Analyses of Matter, Ancient and Modern, 1985
By: Sorabji, Richard
Title The Presidential Address: Analyses of Matter, Ancient and Modern
Type Article
Language English
Date 1985
Journal Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, New Series
Volume 86
Pages 1-22
Categories no categories
Author(s) Sorabji, Richard
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
I want to draw attention to two recurrent themes in the analysis of matter or body. The first theme is the idea that body is extension endowed with properties. To explain this, I shall go back as far as a famous text in Aristotle's Metaphysics, Book 7, Chapter 3.

Aristotle is here discussing matter in a rather special sense. He does not mean by 'matter' what we might mean, namely, body. He means rather the subject of the properties in a body. The table in front of me may be made of wood. From one point of view, the wood might be thought of as a subject which carries the properties of the table—its rectilinearity, its hardness, its brownness.

But according to one persuasive interpretation, Aristotle is looking for the most fundamental subject of properties in a body. He calls it the first subject (hupokeimenon proton, 1029a1-2). The wood of the table is made up of the four elements—earth, air, fire, and water—and these might be thought of as a more fundamental subject carrying the properties of the wood.

But the most fundamental subject would be one which carried the properties of the four elements: hot, cold, fluid, and dry. This first subject is referred to by commentators as first or prime matter. [introduction p. 1]

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The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined, 1971
By: Solmsen, Friedrich
Title The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined
Type Article
Language English
Date 1971
Journal Phronesis
Volume 16
Issue 2
Pages 116-141
Categories no categories
Author(s) Solmsen, Friedrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
This paper makes no attempt to compete with the brilliant studies through which, in the last thirty years, several scholars have advanced our understanding of the evidence for Zeno of Elea, and in particular of the verbatim preserved fragments. In fact, my intention is not to replace theories with other theories but to create doubt about matters that, for some time, have been taken for granted, and to change confident assumptions into hypotheses that would tolerate others alongside them.
Accounts of Zeno's philosophy generally take as their starting point some well-known statements at the beginning of Plato's Parmenides. Given the paucity of reports bearing on his work as a whole, the information here vouchsafed about its content and purpose must seem priceless. It also seems authoritative, the idea of examining it critically almost sacrilegious. Zeno, we read here, wrote against those who ridiculed the thesis of his master Parmenides that "all is one." The opponents tried to discredit this thesis by pointing out contradictions and "ridiculous" consequences resulting from the Parmenidean "One." In return, Zeno took the adversaries' position that "there are many" as the basis for his reasoning, deducing from it, in each of his arguments, contradictions and other results even more "ridiculous" than what the opponents had found in Parmenides' theory.
It is easy to see why this testimony is so irresistible. Plato himself distinguishes between what is certain and what allows doubt and more than one explanation. Doubt is possible about certain accidental aspects (tôn symbebêkotôn ti, Zeno says, 128c5 ff.), i.e., whether the ultimate convergence of the two treatises was meant to be obvious or to be concealed from the reader, and also whether Zeno was anxious to build up a philosophical stature for himself or merely to help Parmenides against the detractors. Yet, precisely because doubt is allowed on such items of secondary importance, the far more important statements concerning the subject matter, the method, and the objectives of Zeno's treatise seem immune to attack.
Scholars writing on Zeno have usually accepted Plato's testimony as a matter of course or with the most perfunctory justification. A few have given reasons why the testimony deserves confidence, and no reason could be more attractive than the sensitive comments of Hermann Fränkel about Plato as being, by his own individuality and temperament, exceptionally qualified to appreciate the peculiar, rather wanton humor that Fränkel has found lurking in Zeno's sallies. I should be loath to disagree with this argument, even if it did not form part of what Gregory Vlastos has justly called "easily the most important philological monograph published on the subject in several decades." Still, I am not the first to question the element of wantonness and trickery in Zeno's proofs, and even if it were granted, one might wonder whether Plato's own humor is not normally more gentle and urbane (asteion)—the exuberance of the "youthful" Protagoras being an exception—and whether even a congenial sense of humor would guarantee the correct understanding of a philosophical endeavor.
But it is perhaps more profitable to develop Fränkel's doubts "as to how much Plato, or his readers for that matter, would be interested in problems of mere historicity." For these doubts apply even farther than Fränkel may be inclined to think. Would Plato really wish to make sure that his readers had a correct knowledge of what Zeno's treatise intended and achieved? Had he carefully and with something approaching philological accuracy worked his way through all the ὑποθέσεις in the treatise and found out to his satisfaction what purpose they served? Does he now, to communicate this discovery to the readers, use the dramatic device of making Socrates ask whether his interpretation is correct and Zeno confirm that in substance it is? Why, anyhow, must this be more, or much more, than a dramatic device—especially if the device has a bearing on the later developments in the dialogue? [introduction p. 116-118]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"1016","_score":null,"_source":{"id":1016,"authors_free":[{"id":1532,"entry_id":1016,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":316,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","free_first_name":"Friedrich","free_last_name":"Solmsen","norm_person":{"id":316,"first_name":"Friedrich","last_name":"Solmsen","full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/117754641","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined","main_title":{"title":"The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined"},"abstract":"This paper makes no attempt to compete with the brilliant studies through which, in the last thirty years, several scholars have advanced our understanding of the evidence for Zeno of Elea, and in particular of the verbatim preserved fragments. In fact, my intention is not to replace theories with other theories but to create doubt about matters that, for some time, have been taken for granted, and to change confident assumptions into hypotheses that would tolerate others alongside them.\r\nAccounts of Zeno's philosophy generally take as their starting point some well-known statements at the beginning of Plato's Parmenides. Given the paucity of reports bearing on his work as a whole, the information here vouchsafed about its content and purpose must seem priceless. It also seems authoritative, the idea of examining it critically almost sacrilegious. Zeno, we read here, wrote against those who ridiculed the thesis of his master Parmenides that \"all is one.\" The opponents tried to discredit this thesis by pointing out contradictions and \"ridiculous\" consequences resulting from the Parmenidean \"One.\" In return, Zeno took the adversaries' position that \"there are many\" as the basis for his reasoning, deducing from it, in each of his arguments, contradictions and other results even more \"ridiculous\" than what the opponents had found in Parmenides' theory.\r\nIt is easy to see why this testimony is so irresistible. Plato himself distinguishes between what is certain and what allows doubt and more than one explanation. Doubt is possible about certain accidental aspects (t\u00f4n symbeb\u00eakot\u00f4n ti, Zeno says, 128c5 ff.), i.e., whether the ultimate convergence of the two treatises was meant to be obvious or to be concealed from the reader, and also whether Zeno was anxious to build up a philosophical stature for himself or merely to help Parmenides against the detractors. Yet, precisely because doubt is allowed on such items of secondary importance, the far more important statements concerning the subject matter, the method, and the objectives of Zeno's treatise seem immune to attack.\r\nScholars writing on Zeno have usually accepted Plato's testimony as a matter of course or with the most perfunctory justification. A few have given reasons why the testimony deserves confidence, and no reason could be more attractive than the sensitive comments of Hermann Fr\u00e4nkel about Plato as being, by his own individuality and temperament, exceptionally qualified to appreciate the peculiar, rather wanton humor that Fr\u00e4nkel has found lurking in Zeno's sallies. I should be loath to disagree with this argument, even if it did not form part of what Gregory Vlastos has justly called \"easily the most important philological monograph published on the subject in several decades.\" Still, I am not the first to question the element of wantonness and trickery in Zeno's proofs, and even if it were granted, one might wonder whether Plato's own humor is not normally more gentle and urbane (asteion)\u2014the exuberance of the \"youthful\" Protagoras being an exception\u2014and whether even a congenial sense of humor would guarantee the correct understanding of a philosophical endeavor.\r\nBut it is perhaps more profitable to develop Fr\u00e4nkel's doubts \"as to how much Plato, or his readers for that matter, would be interested in problems of mere historicity.\" For these doubts apply even farther than Fr\u00e4nkel may be inclined to think. Would Plato really wish to make sure that his readers had a correct knowledge of what Zeno's treatise intended and achieved? Had he carefully and with something approaching philological accuracy worked his way through all the \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03b8\u03ad\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 in the treatise and found out to his satisfaction what purpose they served? Does he now, to communicate this discovery to the readers, use the dramatic device of making Socrates ask whether his interpretation is correct and Zeno confirm that in substance it is? Why, anyhow, must this be more, or much more, than a dramatic device\u2014especially if the device has a bearing on the later developments in the dialogue? [introduction p. 116-118]","btype":3,"date":"1971","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/6pPpfWHeO2IY3ri","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":316,"full_name":"Solmsen, Friedrich","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":1016,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"16","issue":"2","pages":"116-141"}},"sort":["The Tradition about Zeno of Elea Re-Examined"]}

The Trouble with Fragrance, 1990
By: Ellis, John
Title The Trouble with Fragrance
Type Article
Language English
Date 1990
Journal Phronesis
Volume 35
Issue 3
Pages 290-302
Categories no categories
Author(s) Ellis, John
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
By 'in a subject' I mean what (a) is in something, not as a part, and (b) cannot exist separately from what it is in. (Aristotle, Categories 1a24-5)

These lines have been extensively discussed in recent years. The crux of the debate is whether the existence clause (b) is to be construed in a way that commits Aristotle to particular, non-sharable properties. On the "traditional" interpretation, a property is in an individual thing as in a subject, say, Socrates, only if it cannot exist apart from Socrates. This implies that the properties of an individual thing are peculiar to it or non-sharable, in the sense that they cannot be in any other thing. The particular white in Socrates, for example, ceases to exist when he gets a tan. It does not move on to inhere in Callias or any other subject, nor is the white in Callias numerically the same white as the white in Socrates. Although both are white, perhaps even the same shade of white, nonetheless, they are numerically distinct particulars inhering in different individual things.

Many recent commentators have tried to "rescue" Aristotle from the alleged commitment to such Stoutian particulars. Their strategy has been to weaken (b) so that the particular inherent property is not existentially dependent on the very particular substance it inheres in. G.E.L. Owen opened the debate by arguing that (b) can mean "cannot exist without something to contain it," and thus Aristotle is only committed to the view that particular properties need some substance or other in order to exist. A particular white, for example, would be a particular shade of white, which could, of course, be exemplified by more than one particular substance.

The task I’ve set for myself in this paper is not to argue for either the weak or the strong interpretation of inherence in Aristotle. That is already a well-trodden path. Instead, I shall look at what the ancient commentators on Aristotle had to say on the subject. Which interpretation, the strong or the weak, do they support? My strategy is to focus on one of the many problems they consider, that of fragrance, and to see if their treatment of it yields an answer.

The fragrance problem attacks the basis of Aristotle's ontology—the distinction between substance and accident. Didn’t Aristotle say that accidents cannot exist apart from that in which they inhere? But fragrances seem to travel to us from their subjects, and aren’t they accidents? In the attempts, from Porphyry (232–309 AD) to Elias (fl. 541), to save Aristotle’s ontology from this objection, we shall find, I hope to show, an interesting development in the complexity of the discussions. Not surprisingly, given the nature of the problem, the discussions move into psychological theory, and we find that, in order for his ontology to be saved, Aristotle’s psychological theory must be deepened.
Concluding Remarks

There seems to be a clear development in the way the commentators construed "in a subject." Starting with Porphyry’s tense solution, it is possible to see a gradual movement away from that solution and the weak construal it implies, toward the stronger reading implied by the other solutions. Ammonius introduces an alternative, the effluence solution, albeit without indicating his preference. His students, Philoponus and Simplicius, add further developments or modifications to his view: Simplicius, by rejecting the tense solution and offering new alternatives; and Philoponus, by turning the discussion more toward psychology and revealing both the conflict between the effluence and diosmic theories and his preference for the latter.

This shift in the discussion toward psychology is evidenced by Olympiodorus, who responds to the fragrance problem only with alternative psychological theories, making no mention of the tense solution. Finally, Elias, although mentioning the tense solution, devotes most of his energy to evaluating the alternative psychological answers to the fragrance problem. [introduction p. 290-291; conclusion p. 302]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"751","_score":null,"_source":{"id":751,"authors_free":[{"id":1116,"entry_id":751,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":81,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Ellis, John","free_first_name":"John","free_last_name":"Ellis","norm_person":{"id":81,"first_name":"John","last_name":"Ellis","full_name":"Ellis, John","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"The Trouble with Fragrance","main_title":{"title":"The Trouble with Fragrance"},"abstract":"By 'in a subject' I mean what (a) is in something, not as a part, and (b) cannot exist separately from what it is in. (Aristotle, Categories 1a24-5)\r\n\r\nThese lines have been extensively discussed in recent years. The crux of the debate is whether the existence clause (b) is to be construed in a way that commits Aristotle to particular, non-sharable properties. On the \"traditional\" interpretation, a property is in an individual thing as in a subject, say, Socrates, only if it cannot exist apart from Socrates. This implies that the properties of an individual thing are peculiar to it or non-sharable, in the sense that they cannot be in any other thing. The particular white in Socrates, for example, ceases to exist when he gets a tan. It does not move on to inhere in Callias or any other subject, nor is the white in Callias numerically the same white as the white in Socrates. Although both are white, perhaps even the same shade of white, nonetheless, they are numerically distinct particulars inhering in different individual things.\r\n\r\nMany recent commentators have tried to \"rescue\" Aristotle from the alleged commitment to such Stoutian particulars. Their strategy has been to weaken (b) so that the particular inherent property is not existentially dependent on the very particular substance it inheres in. G.E.L. Owen opened the debate by arguing that (b) can mean \"cannot exist without something to contain it,\" and thus Aristotle is only committed to the view that particular properties need some substance or other in order to exist. A particular white, for example, would be a particular shade of white, which could, of course, be exemplified by more than one particular substance.\r\n\r\nThe task I\u2019ve set for myself in this paper is not to argue for either the weak or the strong interpretation of inherence in Aristotle. That is already a well-trodden path. Instead, I shall look at what the ancient commentators on Aristotle had to say on the subject. Which interpretation, the strong or the weak, do they support? My strategy is to focus on one of the many problems they consider, that of fragrance, and to see if their treatment of it yields an answer.\r\n\r\nThe fragrance problem attacks the basis of Aristotle's ontology\u2014the distinction between substance and accident. Didn\u2019t Aristotle say that accidents cannot exist apart from that in which they inhere? But fragrances seem to travel to us from their subjects, and aren\u2019t they accidents? In the attempts, from Porphyry (232\u2013309 AD) to Elias (fl. 541), to save Aristotle\u2019s ontology from this objection, we shall find, I hope to show, an interesting development in the complexity of the discussions. Not surprisingly, given the nature of the problem, the discussions move into psychological theory, and we find that, in order for his ontology to be saved, Aristotle\u2019s psychological theory must be deepened.\r\nConcluding Remarks\r\n\r\nThere seems to be a clear development in the way the commentators construed \"in a subject.\" Starting with Porphyry\u2019s tense solution, it is possible to see a gradual movement away from that solution and the weak construal it implies, toward the stronger reading implied by the other solutions. Ammonius introduces an alternative, the effluence solution, albeit without indicating his preference. His students, Philoponus and Simplicius, add further developments or modifications to his view: Simplicius, by rejecting the tense solution and offering new alternatives; and Philoponus, by turning the discussion more toward psychology and revealing both the conflict between the effluence and diosmic theories and his preference for the latter.\r\n\r\nThis shift in the discussion toward psychology is evidenced by Olympiodorus, who responds to the fragrance problem only with alternative psychological theories, making no mention of the tense solution. Finally, Elias, although mentioning the tense solution, devotes most of his energy to evaluating the alternative psychological answers to the fragrance problem. [introduction p. 290-291; conclusion p. 302]","btype":3,"date":"1990","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/HQWPG36viwyMCbr","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":81,"full_name":"Ellis, John","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":751,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"35","issue":"3","pages":"290-302"}},"sort":["The Trouble with Fragrance"]}

Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar, 1989
By: Wiesner, Jürgen
Title Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar
Type Article
Language German
Date 1989
Journal Hermes
Volume 117
Issue 3
Pages 288-303
Categories no categories
Author(s) Wiesner, Jürgen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Für die Tradierung der umstrittenen Xenophanes-Prädikate ergibt sich also folgendes Bild:

    Theophrasts Urteil, dass Xenophanes sein Prinzip weder eindeutig als begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder eindeutig als bewegt noch unbewegt benannt habe, schließt referierende Einzelangaben über diese uneinheitlichen Lehrmeinungen des Kolophoniers nicht aus.

    Das negative „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Urteil Theophrasts ist in der Vorlage von MXG und Simplikios (In Phys. 22,30–23,9) später missverstanden worden: Für den dort vorliegenden positiven „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Ausschluss (das Prinzip sei weder begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder bewegt noch unbewegt) wurde eine auf späteren Konzepten beruhende Begründung hinzugefügt.

    Simplikios hat sich von der Quelle, die ihm und MXG vorlag, irreführen lassen und die äußerlich gleichlautende Auskunft Theophrasts, die er In Phys. 22,26 zitiert, in ihrem wahren Gehalt verkannt. Daher hat er die Argumentation, die aus der mit MXG gemeinsamen Quelle stammt und die gar nicht zu Theophrasts negativem Urteil passt, ab 22,31 folgen lassen.

    Die Lehrmeinung vom begrenzten, kugeligen Gott gelangte von Theophrast in die Doxographie und zu Alexander. Auch Simplikios kennt eine solche Konzeption aus dem Eresier (In Phys. 28,4 ff.). Er unternimmt eine Harmonisierung des „begrenzt“ mit der „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Bestimmung (29,7 ff.). Da er bei Theophrast sowohl die (von ihm fälschlich als positiver Ausschluss verstandene) „οὔτε-οὔτε“-Bestimmung als auch das einfache Prädikat „begrenzt“ las, könnte er sogar durch den Eresier zu seiner Harmonisierung angeregt worden sein. [conclusion p. 302-303]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"835","_score":null,"_source":{"id":835,"authors_free":[{"id":1239,"entry_id":835,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":75,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","free_first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","free_last_name":"Wiesner","norm_person":{"id":75,"first_name":"J\u00fcrgen","last_name":"Wiesner","full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/140610847","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar","main_title":{"title":"Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar"},"abstract":"F\u00fcr die Tradierung der umstrittenen Xenophanes-Pr\u00e4dikate ergibt sich also folgendes Bild:\r\n\r\n Theophrasts Urteil, dass Xenophanes sein Prinzip weder eindeutig als begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder eindeutig als bewegt noch unbewegt benannt habe, schlie\u00dft referierende Einzelangaben \u00fcber diese uneinheitlichen Lehrmeinungen des Kolophoniers nicht aus.\r\n\r\n Das negative \u201e\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5-\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\u201c-Urteil Theophrasts ist in der Vorlage von MXG und Simplikios (In Phys. 22,30\u201323,9) sp\u00e4ter missverstanden worden: F\u00fcr den dort vorliegenden positiven \u201e\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5-\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\u201c-Ausschluss (das Prinzip sei weder begrenzt noch unbegrenzt, weder bewegt noch unbewegt) wurde eine auf sp\u00e4teren Konzepten beruhende Begr\u00fcndung hinzugef\u00fcgt.\r\n\r\n Simplikios hat sich von der Quelle, die ihm und MXG vorlag, irref\u00fchren lassen und die \u00e4u\u00dferlich gleichlautende Auskunft Theophrasts, die er In Phys. 22,26 zitiert, in ihrem wahren Gehalt verkannt. Daher hat er die Argumentation, die aus der mit MXG gemeinsamen Quelle stammt und die gar nicht zu Theophrasts negativem Urteil passt, ab 22,31 folgen lassen.\r\n\r\n Die Lehrmeinung vom begrenzten, kugeligen Gott gelangte von Theophrast in die Doxographie und zu Alexander. Auch Simplikios kennt eine solche Konzeption aus dem Eresier (In Phys. 28,4 ff.). Er unternimmt eine Harmonisierung des \u201ebegrenzt\u201c mit der \u201e\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5-\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\u201c-Bestimmung (29,7 ff.). Da er bei Theophrast sowohl die (von ihm f\u00e4lschlich als positiver Ausschluss verstandene) \u201e\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5-\u03bf\u1f54\u03c4\u03b5\u201c-Bestimmung als auch das einfache Pr\u00e4dikat \u201ebegrenzt\u201c las, k\u00f6nnte er sogar durch den Eresier zu seiner Harmonisierung angeregt worden sein. [conclusion p. 302-303]","btype":3,"date":"1989","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/GgDE7e58wFISvqX","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":75,"full_name":"Wiesner, J\u00fcrgen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":835,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"117","issue":"3","pages":"288-303"}},"sort":["Theophrast und der Beginn des Archereferats von Simplikios Physikkommentar"]}

Zeno on Plurality, 1982
By: Makin, Stephen
Title Zeno on Plurality
Type Article
Language English
Date 1982
Journal Phronesis
Volume 27
Issue 3
Pages 223-238
Categories no categories
Author(s) Makin, Stephen
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
 We want to 
discuss some Eleatic arguments against plurality, which are of  interest 
both in themselves and as precursors of Atomist thought. The arguments to 
be considered are from Zeno. 
We will have two guides in interpreting the arguments. First, they should 
be such that Atomist theory provides a plausible response to them; second, 
they should pose no threat to the Eleatic theory. [introduction p. 223]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"730","_score":null,"_source":{"id":730,"authors_free":[{"id":1093,"entry_id":730,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":460,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"Makin, Stephen","free_first_name":"Stephen","free_last_name":"Makin","norm_person":{"id":460,"first_name":"Stephen","last_name":"Makin","full_name":"Makin, Stephen","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"Zeno on Plurality","main_title":{"title":"Zeno on Plurality"},"abstract":" We want to \r\ndiscuss some Eleatic arguments against plurality, which are of interest \r\nboth in themselves and as precursors of Atomist thought. The arguments to \r\nbe considered are from Zeno. \r\nWe will have two guides in interpreting the arguments. First, they should \r\nbe such that Atomist theory provides a plausible response to them; second, \r\nthey should pose no threat to the Eleatic theory. [introduction p. 223]","btype":3,"date":"1982","language":"English","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/wOq1opqPtXhX1E6","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":460,"full_name":"Makin, Stephen","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":730,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Phronesis","volume":"27","issue":"3","pages":"223-238"}},"sort":["Zeno on Plurality"]}

Zur Methodik antiker Exegese, 1974
By: Dörrie, Heinrich
Title Zur Methodik antiker Exegese
Type Article
Language German
Date 1974
Journal Zeitschrift für die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der Älteren Kirche
Volume 65
Pages 121-138
Categories no categories
Author(s) Dörrie, Heinrich
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Der Artikel behandelt die Exegese antiker Texte und beginnt mit einem Fokus auf die Auslegung Homers. Die homerischen Epen wurden für mehr als 1000 Jahre als Quelle für Bildung und Literatur betrachtet und waren daher von großer Bedeutung für die antike Exegese. Obwohl sich die Sprache, die Werte und die mythologischen Überzeugungen von antiken Texten von der modernen Welt unterscheiden, blieben sie von Bedeutung. Die allegorische Auslegung Homers war ein Schlüsselthema, das später auch auf die christliche Exegese angewendet wurde. Die antike Exegese befasste sich nicht nur mit literarischen Werken, sondern auch mit Orakeln, Sprichwörtern und Riten. Die Methode der antiken Exegese wurde in Alexandrien von den Philologen auf wenige, einfache Fakten reduziert, aber im Allgemeinen blieb sie kontinuierlich und bestätigte das Bildungserbe, auf das sie zurückgriff. Die christliche Exegese wurde stark von der vorausgehenden antiken Exegese beeinflusst, insbesondere von der stoischen Exegese, die Werkzeuge zur Interpretation von Texten bereitstellte. Die Artikel erörtert die Kontinuität der Exegese im Laufe der Jahrhunderte und betont, dass antike Exegese ein Bildungserbe darstellt, das über Jahrhunderte hinweg bewahrt wurde. [introduction/conclusion]

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ΟΜΟΥ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΑ ΠΑΝΤΑ ΗΝ, 1971
By: Rösler, Wolfgang
Title ΟΜΟΥ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΑ ΠΑΝΤΑ ΗΝ
Type Article
Language German
Date 1971
Journal Hermes
Volume 99
Issue 2
Pages 246-248
Categories no categories
Author(s) Rösler, Wolfgang
Editor(s)
Translator(s)
Wie alle umfangreicheren Fragmente der Abhandlung Περί φύσεως des Anaxagoras ist auch Fragment 1 (VS 59 B 1) durch den Kommentar des Simplikios zur aristotelischen Physik überliefert. Simplikios hatte die Möglichkeit, ein Exemplar der Schrift des ionischen Philosophen zu benutzen. In seiner ganzen Länge erscheint das Fragment, dessen Stellung am Anfang des Buches ausdrücklich bezeugt ist, nur einmal (155, 26); daneben gibt es weitere Passagen, in denen lediglich der einleitende Satz bzw. dessen Beginn zitiert wird.

Ein Überblick zeigt, dass zwischen den einzelnen Zitaten Unterschiede in der Wortstellung bestehen. Deshalb soll im Folgenden der Versuch unternommen werden, die ursprüngliche Anordnung in der Textvorlage des Simplikios zu rekonstruieren.

Bekanntlich wird der Anfang der Schrift des Anaxagoras seit Platon in der griechischen Literatur häufig zitiert. Untersucht man jedoch die entsprechenden Stellen – mit Ausnahme derer bei Simplikios – auf ihren Wert als Zeugen für den genauen Wortlaut des Anaxagoras-Textes, so zeigt sich ihre Bedeutungslosigkeit rasch. Platon und Aristoteles zitieren nicht direkt aus dem Buch des Anaxagoras, was auch ihrer sonst geübten Praxis bei der Wiedergabe fremder Meinungen widerspräche, sondern paraphrasieren frei nach dem Gedächtnis.

Die beiden Zitate bei Platon bieten zwar eine einheitliche Wortstellung (ὁμοῦ πάντα χρήματα), doch fehlt jeweils ἦν. In einem Fall (Gorg. 465d) sind die Worte des Anaxagoras sogar völlig in die betreffende Satzkonstruktion eingegangen. Letzteres trifft auch auf viele der Zitate bei Aristoteles zu, die im Übrigen Unterschiede in der Wortfolge zeigen und häufig unvollständig sind. Wie bei Platon umfassen auch die Zitate bei Aristoteles lediglich den unmittelbaren Beginn des Einleitungssatzes. Nur einmal (Met. 1056b 29) erscheint auch der folgende Satzabschnitt (bis πλῆθος καὶ σμικρότης, wobei diese beiden Substantive bei Aristoteles allerdings im Dativ stehen). Auch dieses Zitat besteht jedoch nur aus insgesamt neun Wörtern und konnte daher leicht aus dem Gedächtnis niedergeschrieben werden.

Noch geringeren Quellenwert haben die Zitate bei späteren Autoren, da diese ihre Kenntnis Platon, Aristoteles oder einer ihrerseits aus zweiter Hand schöpfenden doxographischen Vorlage verdankten oder die Einleitungsworte des Anaxagoras, die im Laufe der Zeit regelrecht zur παροιμία wurden, überhaupt nur vom Hörensagen kannten. In der Wortstellung treten fast alle denkbaren Variationen auf, kein Zitat reicht über den unmittelbaren Anfang der Schrift Περί φύσεως hinaus.

Als Grundlage der Rekonstruktion bleiben somit nur die Passagen bei Simplikios. Wie eingangs bemerkt, wird Fragment 1 im Physik-Kommentar nur an einer Stelle (155, 26) in seiner Gesamtheit zitiert, während die übrigen Zitate nur den Anfang wiedergeben; im günstigsten Fall reichen sie (wie schon bei Aristoteles) bis σμικρότης. Nun bietet 155, 26 eine Wortstellung, die nur bei Simplikios und im Physik-Kommentar nur hier begegnet, nämlich ὁμοῦ χρήματα πάντα ἦν.

Angesichts der Isoliertheit dieser Version trugen H. Diels und W. Kranz, die Herausgeber der Vorsokratiker-Fragmente, keine Bedenken, sich an dieser Stelle über die Überlieferung hinwegzusetzen und für χρήματα πάντα die seit Platon häufig vorkommende Wortfolge πάντα χρήματα in den Text aufzunehmen, die im Übrigen auch in den Kurzzitaten bei Simplikios die Regel ist. Dennoch ist nicht daran zu zweifeln, dass der Anfang der Schrift des Anaxagoras gerade in 155, 26 richtig wiedergegeben ist.

Denn nur hier im Physik-Kommentar zitiert Simplikios nachweislich unmittelbar aus seinem Anaxagoras-Text, den er für die übrigen Zitate ihrer Kürze wegen nicht eigens einsah. Dass er in diesen Fällen die geläufige, freilich unkorrekte Wortfolge übernahm, kann nicht verwundern, zumal sie auch in der von ihm kommentierten Schrift des Aristoteles erschien.

Diese Auswertung der Zitate von Fragment 1 im Physik-Kommentar des Simplikios wird dadurch gesichert, dass in einer anderen Abhandlung desselben Autors, im Kommentar zu Aristoteles' De caelo (608, 21), ein zweites Mal der Anfang der Schrift Περί φύσεως in der Version ὁμοῦ χρήματα πάντα ἦν zitiert wird. Entscheidend ist, dass es sich auch in diesem Fall um ein so langes Zitat handelt (bis σμικρότης), dass Simplikios dafür eigens im Anaxagoras-Text nachschlagen musste. [the entire text]

{"_index":"sire","_id":"774","_score":null,"_source":{"id":774,"authors_free":[{"id":1138,"entry_id":774,"agent_type":null,"is_normalised":null,"person_id":383,"institution_id":null,"role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"},"free_name":"R\u00f6sler, Wolfgang","free_first_name":"Wolfgang","free_last_name":"R\u00f6sler","norm_person":{"id":383,"first_name":"Wolfgang","last_name":"R\u00f6sler","full_name":"R\u00f6sler, Wolfgang","short_ident":"","is_classical_name":null,"dnb_url":"http:\/\/d-nb.info\/gnd\/133199266","viaf_url":"","db_url":"","from_claudius":null}}],"entry_title":"\u039f\u039c\u039f\u03a5 \u03a7\u03a1\u0397\u039c\u0391\u03a4\u0391 \u03a0\u0391\u039d\u03a4\u0391 \u0397\u039d","main_title":{"title":"\u039f\u039c\u039f\u03a5 \u03a7\u03a1\u0397\u039c\u0391\u03a4\u0391 \u03a0\u0391\u039d\u03a4\u0391 \u0397\u039d"},"abstract":"Wie alle umfangreicheren Fragmente der Abhandlung \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 des Anaxagoras ist auch Fragment 1 (VS 59 B 1) durch den Kommentar des Simplikios zur aristotelischen Physik \u00fcberliefert. Simplikios hatte die M\u00f6glichkeit, ein Exemplar der Schrift des ionischen Philosophen zu benutzen. In seiner ganzen L\u00e4nge erscheint das Fragment, dessen Stellung am Anfang des Buches ausdr\u00fccklich bezeugt ist, nur einmal (155, 26); daneben gibt es weitere Passagen, in denen lediglich der einleitende Satz bzw. dessen Beginn zitiert wird.\r\n\r\nEin \u00dcberblick zeigt, dass zwischen den einzelnen Zitaten Unterschiede in der Wortstellung bestehen. Deshalb soll im Folgenden der Versuch unternommen werden, die urspr\u00fcngliche Anordnung in der Textvorlage des Simplikios zu rekonstruieren.\r\n\r\nBekanntlich wird der Anfang der Schrift des Anaxagoras seit Platon in der griechischen Literatur h\u00e4ufig zitiert. Untersucht man jedoch die entsprechenden Stellen \u2013 mit Ausnahme derer bei Simplikios \u2013 auf ihren Wert als Zeugen f\u00fcr den genauen Wortlaut des Anaxagoras-Textes, so zeigt sich ihre Bedeutungslosigkeit rasch. Platon und Aristoteles zitieren nicht direkt aus dem Buch des Anaxagoras, was auch ihrer sonst ge\u00fcbten Praxis bei der Wiedergabe fremder Meinungen widerspr\u00e4che, sondern paraphrasieren frei nach dem Ged\u00e4chtnis.\r\n\r\nDie beiden Zitate bei Platon bieten zwar eine einheitliche Wortstellung (\u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1), doch fehlt jeweils \u1f26\u03bd. In einem Fall (Gorg. 465d) sind die Worte des Anaxagoras sogar v\u00f6llig in die betreffende Satzkonstruktion eingegangen. Letzteres trifft auch auf viele der Zitate bei Aristoteles zu, die im \u00dcbrigen Unterschiede in der Wortfolge zeigen und h\u00e4ufig unvollst\u00e4ndig sind. Wie bei Platon umfassen auch die Zitate bei Aristoteles lediglich den unmittelbaren Beginn des Einleitungssatzes. Nur einmal (Met. 1056b 29) erscheint auch der folgende Satzabschnitt (bis \u03c0\u03bb\u1fc6\u03b8\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c3\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2, wobei diese beiden Substantive bei Aristoteles allerdings im Dativ stehen). Auch dieses Zitat besteht jedoch nur aus insgesamt neun W\u00f6rtern und konnte daher leicht aus dem Ged\u00e4chtnis niedergeschrieben werden.\r\n\r\nNoch geringeren Quellenwert haben die Zitate bei sp\u00e4teren Autoren, da diese ihre Kenntnis Platon, Aristoteles oder einer ihrerseits aus zweiter Hand sch\u00f6pfenden doxographischen Vorlage verdankten oder die Einleitungsworte des Anaxagoras, die im Laufe der Zeit regelrecht zur \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u03b9\u03bc\u03af\u03b1 wurden, \u00fcberhaupt nur vom H\u00f6rensagen kannten. In der Wortstellung treten fast alle denkbaren Variationen auf, kein Zitat reicht \u00fcber den unmittelbaren Anfang der Schrift \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 hinaus.\r\n\r\nAls Grundlage der Rekonstruktion bleiben somit nur die Passagen bei Simplikios. Wie eingangs bemerkt, wird Fragment 1 im Physik-Kommentar nur an einer Stelle (155, 26) in seiner Gesamtheit zitiert, w\u00e4hrend die \u00fcbrigen Zitate nur den Anfang wiedergeben; im g\u00fcnstigsten Fall reichen sie (wie schon bei Aristoteles) bis \u03c3\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2. Nun bietet 155, 26 eine Wortstellung, die nur bei Simplikios und im Physik-Kommentar nur hier begegnet, n\u00e4mlich \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f26\u03bd.\r\n\r\nAngesichts der Isoliertheit dieser Version trugen H. Diels und W. Kranz, die Herausgeber der Vorsokratiker-Fragmente, keine Bedenken, sich an dieser Stelle \u00fcber die \u00dcberlieferung hinwegzusetzen und f\u00fcr \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 die seit Platon h\u00e4ufig vorkommende Wortfolge \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 in den Text aufzunehmen, die im \u00dcbrigen auch in den Kurzzitaten bei Simplikios die Regel ist. Dennoch ist nicht daran zu zweifeln, dass der Anfang der Schrift des Anaxagoras gerade in 155, 26 richtig wiedergegeben ist.\r\n\r\nDenn nur hier im Physik-Kommentar zitiert Simplikios nachweislich unmittelbar aus seinem Anaxagoras-Text, den er f\u00fcr die \u00fcbrigen Zitate ihrer K\u00fcrze wegen nicht eigens einsah. Dass er in diesen F\u00e4llen die gel\u00e4ufige, freilich unkorrekte Wortfolge \u00fcbernahm, kann nicht verwundern, zumal sie auch in der von ihm kommentierten Schrift des Aristoteles erschien.\r\n\r\nDiese Auswertung der Zitate von Fragment 1 im Physik-Kommentar des Simplikios wird dadurch gesichert, dass in einer anderen Abhandlung desselben Autors, im Kommentar zu Aristoteles' De caelo (608, 21), ein zweites Mal der Anfang der Schrift \u03a0\u03b5\u03c1\u03af \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 in der Version \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c7\u03c1\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03bd\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f26\u03bd zitiert wird. Entscheidend ist, dass es sich auch in diesem Fall um ein so langes Zitat handelt (bis \u03c3\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2), dass Simplikios daf\u00fcr eigens im Anaxagoras-Text nachschlagen musste. [the entire text]","btype":3,"date":"1971","language":"German","online_url":"","online_resources":"https:\/\/uni-koeln.sciebo.de\/s\/JNAa63ZtXiLxTdb","doi_url":null,"categories":[],"authors":[{"id":383,"full_name":"R\u00f6sler, Wolfgang","role":{"id":1,"role_name":"author"}}],"book":null,"booksection":null,"article":{"id":774,"journal_id":null,"journal_name":"Hermes","volume":"99","issue":"2","pages":"246-248"}},"sort":["\u039f\u039c\u039f\u03a5 \u03a7\u03a1\u0397\u039c\u0391\u03a4\u0391 \u03a0\u0391\u039d\u03a4\u0391 \u0397\u039d"]}

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